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'NAITE MEMORIAL BOOK COLLECTION
DEPT. OF AGRIC. AND APPLIED ECONOMICS

•
FRB CHICAGO

AGRICULTURAL LETTER
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
May 24, 1985

Farm debt declined again in 1984
Recent revisions confirm earlier expectations that outstanding farm debt declined marginally for the second consecutive
year in 1984. As compiled by staff at the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System, the revised estimates show
that outstanding farm debt at the end of 1984 totaled just
under $213 billion. The new level marks declines of 1.5 and
2.0 percent from the revised levels of one and two years earlier, respectively. The past two years also mark the first instances in which outstanding farm debt has recorded annual
declines since the four-year slide that ended with 1945.

•

The latest' estimates to the USDA's series on outstanding farm
debt include end-of-year final tabulations for most reporting
lenders as well as historical revisions, dating back to 1974, in
the figures for farm debt owed to Federal Land Banks and to
Production Credit Associations. The revised figures for FLBs
and PCAs now include nonaccrual farm loans that were previously excluded from the reports on farm debt owed to
those institutions. Including such loans provides consistency
in the basis of reporting among all major types of farm lenders. It also raised figures on the combined farm debt owed
to FLBs and PCAs since 1973 by a range of 0.5 percent to 2.1
percent, with the upper end of the range applicable to the
ending 1983 figures.
The recent downturn in farm debt contrasts sharply with the
accelerated growth that occurred in the 1970s. Outstanding
farm debt roughly doubled in the decade of the 1950s and
again in the 1960s, growing at a compound annual rate of 7.5
percent during that 20-year period. But in the 1970s, the
growth rate for farm debt surged to a compound annual rate
of 12.1 percent. Growth was particularly strong in the latter
half of that decade, reaching a compound annual rate of 15.2
percent.

In retrospect, many of the financial problems in agriculture
today have roots in the accelerated growth in farm debt in
the 1970s. During that relatively prosperous decade for
farmers, bidding on farmland was particularly aggressive as
farmers sought to expand their operations and. to take advantage of the then rapidly growing export markets for grains
and soybeans. Considerable land changed hands at greatly
inflated prices and with the aid of substantially higher
amounts of debt financing. In addition, large capital expenditures, heavily financed with debt, for irrigation, tiling,
and land clearing brought more land into production and
heavier debt burdens. There were also large debt-financed
expenditures in the 1970s that speeded the shift toward
capital-intensive confinement facilities for livestock production. These factors, along with rapidly growing operating
•
debt burdens and high rates of interest, culminated in annual
debt commitments for the 1980s that a growing contingent

Number 1656

of farmers have found to be difficult to meet as declining exports, a waning consumer demand for red meats, and periodic droughts have eroded farm earnings.
The two-year slide in outstanding farm-debt is the result of a
number of factors. Farm loan demand undoubtedly has
softened as financially stressed farmers have curtailed unnecessary operating and capital expenditures. Lenders have
adopted more cautious lending policies in response to the
declines in farm sector earnings and asset values in recent
years. Moreover, an increase in charge-offs of farm loans has
also contributed to the decline in outstanding farm debt.
Reflecting this, the combined charge-offs of farm loans
among banks, FLBs, and PCAs last year approximated $1.3
billion. Other farm lenders no doubt also experienced substantial charge-offs last year.
Among the various farm lenders, the biggest decline over the
past two years has been in farm loans owed to the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC). Farm debt owed to the
CCC, although rising sharply since last summer, totaled $8.9
billion at the end of 1984, down more than 40 percent, or $6.5
billion, from two years earlier. Because the CCC is the federal
agency that operates the government's price support loan
program, its outstandings tend to fluctuate according to the
relationship between market prices and support prices. Because of the high crop prices that followed the P1K- and
drought-reduced harvest of 1983, farmers had little incentive
to put their crops under loan with the CCC. Hence new
lending by the CCC dropped sharply. In addition, the high
prices encouraged farmers to repay their existing CCC
indebtedness so that the crops securing that indebtedness
could be sold at the high prices. Also, the mechanics of the
PIK program resulted in the cancellation of a substantial CCC
indebtedness in 1983 and early 1984.
Among other lenders serving farmers, there also has been a
substantial decline in the amount of farm debt owed to a
broad, catch-all category of lenders referred to as "individuals
and others". Preliminary USDA estimates—which may be
subsequently revised—show such debt has declined nearly 7
percent over the past two years. With respect to the farm
real estate debt owed to this class of lenders, the decline apparently reflects the sharply curtailed volume of sellerfinancing of farm real estate transfers. With respect to
nonreal estate loans owed to individuals and others, the cutback may stem from curtailed use of inputs by farmers that
are often financed with merchant and dealer or by farm
equipment manufacturer credit.
Farm debt owed to institutions within the Cooperative Farm
Credit System (CFCS) has declined 2 percent over the past
two years. All of the decline has been in nonreal estate loans
owed to PCAs, which were down 13 percent from two years

Outstanding farm debt, 12/31/84

Outstandings
in S billions
Farm real estate debt owed to
Banks
$10.2
FLBs
49.1
Life Ins. Cos.
12.4
FmHA
10.1
Others
29.9
Total
111.6

% change in outstandings from
Year
2 years
5 years
earlier
earlier
earlier

Percent
of total

9.2%
.5
-2.1
7.3
-7.5

9.1%
44.0
11.1
9.0
26.8

-0.8

10.2
-6.6

18.0%
64.5
2.3
40.8
7.2

1.4

30.4

100.0

9.9

6.0
-42.4
-6.8

28.1
0.1
74.2
75.4
9.6

39.2
18.6
15.5
8.8
18.0

-5.5

25.9

100.0

-2.1
7.0
-17.7
-6.2

12.0
-1.7
-2.8
7.6
-42.4
-6.7

25.9
39.6
2.3
59.5
75.4
8.1

23.4
31.9
5.8
12.1
4.2
22.6

-1.5

-2.0

28,2

100.0

Nonreal estate farm debt owed to
Banks
39.7
1.8
PCAs/FICBs
18.8
-6.6
FmHA
15.6
6.9
CCC
8.9
-17.7
Others
18.2
-3.9
Total
101.3
-2.2
All farm debt owned to
Banks
49.9
CFCS
67.9
Life Ins. Cos
12.4
FmHA
25.7
CCC
8.9
Others
48.1
Total
212.9

20.6%
2.8

-2.8

3.2

-1.6

-11.9

ago and down 16 percent from the peak of three years ago.
Farm real estate loans owed to FLBs rose nearly 3 percent
over the past two years, with most of that growth in 1983.
In contrast to the declines for all other lenders, farm debt
owed to banks and to the Farmers Home Administration
(FmHA) has trended higher the past two years. Farm loan
outstandings at banks rose 12 percent in the two years ending in 1984. Loans secured by farm real estate registered the
largest increase in that period-more than 20 percentperhaps reflecting banks' efforts in securing additional
collateral for some of their former nonreal estate farm loans
that were not performing well.
Farm debt owed to the FmHA recorded only modest growth
in 1983 but then rose 7 percent last year. The 1984 rise was
about evenly divided between farm real estate and nonreal
estate farm loans owed to the FmHA. The rise reflected a
stepped up pace in new lending as well as a slowdown in repayments. Reflecting the latter, more than a fifth of the
FmHA's portfolio of farm loans was delinquent in mid-1984,
considerably more than for other lenders which report delin
quency data. Repayment rates have no doubt continued
slow, reflecting the substantial amount of loan restructuring
and deferrals by the FmHA since September of last year.
The downtrend in outstanding farm debt appears to have
continued into the early months of this year. But patterns
among lenders are quite mixed and in some cases depart
significantly from trends of the past year or two. Preliminary
tabulations for all reporting lenders-which does not include
farm debt owed to "individuals and others"-suggest a slight
decline in outstandings in the first quarter. The initial indications are that the farm loan portfolios held by the CFCS
and life insurance companies at the end of the first quarter
were down from the ending 1984 level and-continuing the
trend of the past few years-down from the year-earlier level.
In addition, farm loan portfolios held by banks also declined
in the first quarter, and may have dropped slightly below the
year-ago level. In contrast, outstandings at the FmHA and
CCC rose considerably. Preliminary indications suggest that
the portfolio of farm loans held by the FmHA at the end of

March was up 2 percent from the ending 1984 level and up
7 percent from a year earlier. The upturn in CCC outstandings actually began in the last quarter of 1984 as low
crop prices once again attracted a substantial movement of
grain under the CCC's price support loan programs. The
heavy movement continued in the early part of this year and
no doubt boosted CCC outstandings to farmers well above
the year-earlier level as of the end of March.

•

Gary L. Benjamin

Agricultural policy and trade
Exports of U.S. agricultural products, although still a major
contributor to the overall trade balance, have fallen significantly in recent years. Since the peak in the early 1980s, U.S.
agricultural exports have dropped more than 16 percent in
volume and 23 percent in value. Agriculture and trade policies in this country, as well as abroad, have contributed significantly to this trend. In a recent report entitled Impacts of
Policy on U.S. Agricultural Trade, analysts at the USDA evaluated the effects of different polices and provided a basis for
understanding the complexities surrounding the 1985 Farm
Bill debate as they affect agricultural trade issues.
Agricultural price support policies, although intended to stabilize domestic farm prices and income, can have a large effect on trade. Price support policies in the United States
typically combine a system of loans and deficiency payments
to achieve their objectives. The cornerstone of this system
is the nonrecourse price-support loan from the Commodity
Credit Corporation (CCC). Eligible producers can pledge their
stored commodities as collateral for a specified amount of
loan per bushel. This amount is referred to as the loan rate.
Farmers can repay their price-support loans in cash or by
forfeiting their ownership in the supporting collateral to the
CCC. The latter option would likely be used if the loan rate
exceeded the market price. Thus, the loan rate typically puts
a floor under the market price of the supported commodity.

•

Deficiency payments are an additional component of the
price and income support mechanism. Deficiency payments
are based on a target price which is set above the loan rate.
Deficiency payments are made if the average market price is
less than the target price. The deficiency payment rate per
bushel is the difference between the target price and the average market price and it is applicable to a producer's normal
production. To be eligible for nonrecourse loans and for deficiency payments, producers are frequently required to reduce their planted acreage.
These price support policies can have important implications
for U.S. agriculture, which is very dependent on exports.
When the loan rate is above the world market-clearing price,
as has been the case in recent years with the high value of
the dollar, it places an umbrella over world prices. Because
of higher prices, U.S. commodities become less attractive in
world markets while commodities of other exporting countries become more price-competitive. This causes world
prices to move up under the umbrella of high U.S. price supports, attracting additional production abroad and discouraging consumption. By boosting foreign output and lowering

•

•

consumption, loan rates above the market clearing price reduce the U.S. share of the shrinking world exports and simultaneously lead to surplus production here at home.
When loan rates in the United States exceed world prices,
part of the cost is born by U.S. and foreign consumers in the
form of higher prices. However, the bulk of this subsidy to
both domestic and foreign producers is paid by U.S. taxpayers as the government accumulates and stores commodities
to hold prices at the loan rate and makes deficiency payments to U.S. farmers.

•

While lowering loan rates and maintaining high target prices
would overcome the penalties imposed on exports and continue to support farm income, such a policy could still have
a major effect on trade. A policy of high target prices would
support farm income in the United States and expand the
U.S. share of world production. World prices, no longer
shielded by the umbrella of high U.S. loan rates, would decline, tending to encourage consumption and trade. While
consumers worldwide would benefit from the lower prices,
U.S. taxpayers and foreign producers would in effect be subsidizing U.S. farmers. Deficiency payments to domestic producers would be funded by government revenues. In the
absence of a costly U.S. acreage reduction program, foreign
production would be curtailed and, be replaced by greater
U.S. output stimulated by the high target prices. As a result,
this policy would in effect subsidize U.S. agricultural exports
and could foster retaliation by competing countries.
While domestic policies have a major effect on U.S. agricultural exports, the policies of importing countries as well as
competing exporters affect the level of trade. Many importing countries attempt to support their producers' incomes
by restricting agricultural imports. Countries can inhibit imports by taxing imports or by limiting the quantity imported.
A frequently used form of import protection is a variable levy.
After establishing the desired price support level, the importing country levies a tax on foreign agricultural products equal
to the difference between the higher domestic support price
and the world market price. The producers in the importing
country benefit from higher prices at the expense of their
consumers and of producers in exporting countries with restricted access to the market.
Another method of restricting imports is through the use of
quotas. The United States and other countries use quotas to
limit imports of particular commodities to some maximum
level. When quotas are restrictive—below the level that
would have been imported at the world price—prices in the
importing country are boosted and producers there benefit
at the expense of consumers and foreign producers. However, if the importing country does not sell the rights to its
restricted market, the exporters that do obtain access to the
high price market capture some of the benefit.
In attempting to protect domestic producers by restricting
imports and supporting prices, importing countries stimulate
their domestic production of agricultural products. In some
instances the production incentive can be so great that it results in a surplus, transforming the country from an importer
to an exporter of a commodity. A recent example of this is
the European Economic Community. After several years of

increasing production, the EC, traditionally an importer, has
become a net exporter of feed grains this year.
A country faced with surplus production while maintaining
artificially high price supports can subsidize exports to dispose of the surplus. The difference between the domestic
support price and the lower world price is the amount of the
subsidy and represents a transfer from taxpayers to producers. However, foreign producers may bear some of the cost
if the lower world prices pressure prices in their countries.
The loss of markets to subsidized exports has elicited calls for
retaliatory measures from affected exporters. One measure
frequently cited in the current discussion of U.S. farm export
policy is targeted subsidies. While the U.S. has used targeted
subsidies for many years in the form of low interest and
guaranteed loans for selected purchasers of U.S. agricultural
commodities, the recent attention has been focused on particular markets affected by the subsidy policies of competing
exporters. The latest proposals call for payments in kind to
exporters to effectively lower the price of commodities. Targeted subsidies can be beneficial to producers of the exporting country and consumers of the importing country if they
increase the quantity demanded by the targeted importing
countries. However, if the subsidy program merely encourages a substitution of concessional sales for commercial sales
of the exporting country, the benefit of the subsidy is enjoyed
by the importing nation at the expense of taxpayers in the
exporting country. Moreover, if subsidized sales replace exports of other countries with no net gain in trade volume,
displaced exports could result in greater competition and a
loss of market share in trade with other importing countries.
In formulating its agricultural policies, the United States must
recognize the effects they might have on world trade. The
benefits of domestic price support programs must be
weighed against their effects on U.S. competitiveness in
world markets. In addition, to promote free markets domestic policies must be perceived as neither inhibiting nor subsidizing trade. Moreover, the potentially disruptive effects of
policies intended to offset the trade practices of other countries must be fully understood. Balancing these competing
considerations, particularly in light of the current financial
stress in U.S. agriculture, will be difficult at best.
Peter J. Heffernan

AGRICULTURAL LETTER (ISSN 0002-1512) is published bi-weekly by the
Research Department of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. It is
prepared by Gary L. Benjamin, economic adviser and vice-president,
Peter J. Heffernan, economist, and members of the Bank's Research
Department, and is distributed free of charge by the Bank's Public Information Center. The information used in the preparation of this
publication is obtained from sources considered reliable, but its use
does not constitute an endorsement of its accuracy or intent by the
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago.
To subscribe, please write or telephone:
Public Information Center
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
P.O. Box 834
Chicago,IL 60690
Tel.no. (312) 322-5111

Selected Agricultural Economic Indicators
Percent change from
Latest
period

Value

Prior
period

Year
ago

Two years
ago

Receipts from farm marketings ($ millions)
Crops'
Livestock
Government payments

September
September
September
September

11,634
5,846
5,685
103

4.2
11.1
-0.8
-40.8

-10
-7
-1
-88

-5
-6
-5
-10

Real estate farm debt outstanding (S
Commercial banks
Federal Land Banks
Life insurance companies
Farmers Home Administration

December 31
December 31
February 28
December 31

10.2
49.2
12.2
10.3

9
1
-3
5

21
3
-3
10

Nonreal estate farm debt outstanding ($ billions)
Commercial banks
Production Credit Associations
Farmers Home Administration
Commodity Credit Corporation

December
December
December
December

39.7
17.9
16.4
8.89

t
-"
-2 6t
' t
37.3

2
-7
6
-17

10
-13
6
-42

Farm loans made ($ millions)
Production Credit Associations
Federal Land Banks
Life insurance companies

December
December
February

2,535
201
41

34.7
1.7
68.4

-13
-24
-49

-22
-37
-42

Interest rates on farm loans (percent)
7th District agricultural banks
Operating loans
Real estate loans
Commodity Credit Corporation

April 1
April 1
May

13.47
13.22
9.38

-1 2
* t
-1.0
-3.8

-3
-2
-14

-2
-2
3

Agricultural exports ($ millions)
Corn (mil. bu.)
Soybeans (mil. bu.)
Wheat (mil. bu.)

March
March
March
March

2,801
172
68
65

-6.3
2.7
-15.8
-30.4

-27
-3
-14
-49

-12
1
-20
-53

Farm machinery sales° (units)
Tractors, over 40 HP
40 to 139 HP
140 HP or more
Combines

April
April
April
April

7,013
5,326
1,687
295

27.0
24.5
35.7
26.6

-11
-6
-26
-35

-1
1
-5
-45

31
31
31
31

ot
t
-0.7
a7t
1.1

-4.5 t

t Includes net CCC loans.
P

Prior period is three months earlier.
Preliminary

,.,

AGRICULTURAL LETTER
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO

Public Information Center
P.O. Box 834
Chicago, Illinois 60690

JUN10'05
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