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U.S. FOREIGN LENDING AND DOLLAR DIPLOMACY

As a result of the developments of recent weeks, it seems very likely
that the NAC-Eximbank emergency reconstruction credit phase of the U.S* foreign
lending program has been brought to an abrupt termination. It remains to be
seen, however, whether the lending program will acquire the overt "dollar
diplomacy" character apparently desired by the State Department.
The NAC approach. The policy approach towards foreign lending taken by
the NAC has had two great advantages from the point of view of the Export-Import
Bank:
1.

It has appeared to the U.S. public end the v/orld generally as an
essentially non-political approach; as outlined in the NAC policy
statement it is clearly an integral part of the overall U.S.
international economic policy and in harmony with the Bretton
Woods approach.

2»

The system of rigorous balance-of-payments appraisal followed by
the NAC in consideration of individual loan applications to the
Eximbank is essential to the fulfillment of the Bank1 s statutory
responsibility for "reasonable assurance of repayment" before making
the loans.

The NAC approach, however, haS had one basic deficiency; it has increasingly
tended in actual operation to minimize the repayment problem which is of crucial
importance to the Export-Import Bank. Like the Bretton Yfoods concept from which
it stems, the U.S. international economic policy (including the foreign lending




- 2 program) depends for a full realisation of its aims upon three developments:
(a) the achievement and maintenance of full employment and elimination of major
cyclical fluctuations in the U.S., (b) the effective reduction of trade barriers
in the immediate post-war period and (c) the achievement of a stable v/orld
political atmosphere. It has been increasingly apparent since V-J day that the
prospects of all three of these developments taking place are nowheres so good as
had been anticipated during the period of formulation of the Bretton Woods
approach. Nonetheless, throughout the lending program, the final technical
estimates of the NAC Staff Committee as to the ability of the borrowing countries
to repay have been based implicitly on the most optimistic assumptions regarding
the revival of multilateral trade, etc. Yftiereas this assumption may not have
affected seriously the validity of the calculations with reference to the countries
of Western Europe and Latin America, it is clearly of dubious applicability to the
poorer risk countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
The issue of whether or not the Export-Import Bank could continue to go
along with the unmodified NAC approach has been coming to a head since the French
loan. Even if the State Department had not precipitated the issue indirectly by
raising the dollar diplomacy angle, it seems to me questionable whether the
Export-Import Bank could have afforded to accept unchallenged technical estimates
of the NAC Staff Committee as to the ability of Austria and Italy to repay based
on the repayment premises incorporated in the NAC policy statement•
The dollar diplomacy approach.

By suddenly intruding the dollar diplomacy

concept, however, the State Department has, in my opinion, fatally undermined the
prestige of the NAC approach by shifting the rationale of the foreign lending
program, in the public mind, to the narrowly political one of "friendship and needf!«




-3 Quite apart from the question of the basic soundness of the dollar
diplomacy concept, the timing of the State Department stand has had two major
immediate policy consequences for the U.S* foreign lending progranw
1.

It has effectively terminated the emergency reconstruction credit

program of the Bank under the NAC formula.
2.

It has jeopardized the prospects for repayments of certain of the

Eximbank credits.
End of the Eximbank emergency credit program under the old formula. Now
that the Secretary of State has openly declared that the U.S. would hereafter
apply the test of "friendship and need1' to its foreign lending, any subsequent
government-to-government reconstruction loans by the Export-Import Bank will almost
inevitably be tagged throughout the world with the "dollar diplomacy" label. This
will certainly be true in the case of any credits to such poor risk countries as
Austria and Italy. Moreover if the Export-Import Lank, with NAC approval, grants
such credits, it seems very likely that these final actions of Zne Bank **ouid give
a political tinge to the whole emergency reconstruction program and create the
general impression that it had been a political lending program controlled by the
State Department with the Bank and NAC passive agents and puppets throughout.
Jeopardizing repayment of past Eximbank loans. The outwardly non-political
slant given to the foreign lending program by the NAC approach has been of major
importance to the Export-Import Bank from the repayment angle, especially in
connection with the poorer risk loans. So long as the officially declared basis
of the loan program remained economic with the emphasis laid on the ability of the
borrowing countries to repay the loans the program was clearly formulated with the




- 4~
specific statutory responsibilities of the Bank in mincu

The moment, however,

there was an official implication that loans are political and have been made on
a "friendship and need1* basis the door ras left wide open for eventual repudiation
on one of several grounds •
1.

the borrowing country may allege that it was doing the U.S. a
favor in the first instance in accepting the loan.

2.

the U.S* did not seriously expect repayment since it admitted it
had applied criteria of political friencsliip and not ability to
repay.

The State Department step positively invites this auction.
The decision of the State Department to come out openly See* favor of
political lending was particularly unfortunate in view of the fact that long prior
to the Byrnes statement the Government had actually shifted over to a selective
lending policy - distinguishing bet?^een friendly and less friendly countries without subjecting itself to any of the moral obloquy that can be attached so
easily to open dollar diplomacy.
The new State Department line «M$lects a victory for elements in the
Department which have never understood the reasons for the NAC approach or
appreciated its political advantages, and have been completely indifferent to the
statutory responsibilities of the Eximbank in the foreign lending field. They
don't expect the credits to poorer risk countries like Austria or Italy to be
repaid end donft really care. In this they have not been alone. There has beeia
substantial amount of sympathy within the NAC Staff Committee and working groups
for the view that the Government should wink at the repayment angle in connection -with
then* poorer risk areas on the ground that it is more important for this Government




-5 to help the countries back on their feet than to be repaid. As a result they have
been prepared to go along with the old NAG formula although privately recognizing
its inadequacies. This fact Y/ould., in my opinion, have brought the repayment
issue to a head in the NAC in connection with the Austrian and Italian applications,
But by suddenly injecting the dollar diplomacy issue the State Department has
effectively cut tie ground from under the further use the NAC formula by destroying
its basic plausibility as a public defense of loans to Austria and Italy. Accordingly the ¥/hole issue of foreign financial assistance has to be reexamined and a
new approach formulated in light of the recent developments.
A nevf approach*

The remaining foreign financial assistance problem of the

U*S» falls, it seems to me, into two distinct categories:
!•

the pure relief problem

2.

the emergency financial rehabilitation problem.

Perhaps the most serious psychological deficiency of an outright dollar
diplomacy approach is the confusion it creates in the public mind between these
two distinct problems. Dollar diplomacy is really applicable only to the
emergency financial rehabilitation problem. The pure relief problem clearly has to
be tackled on a grant-in-aid basis, free as far as possible from any connotations
of dollar diplomacy.

The State Department committed a major blunder in uninten-

tionally laying this country open to the accusation of playing politics with hunger
and I have no doubt that full advantage will be taken of the blunder during the
coming years•
Insofar as the emergency financial rehabilitation problem is concerned, the
United States had about exhausted the Eximbank funds available for the purpose at




- 6 the time the State Department introduced the "friendship and need" formula*

The

problems of Italy, Austria and Greece would have required comprehensive action by
the State Department to obtain an overall grant-in-aid from Congress in any event*
The emergency financial rehabilitation needs of these countries could be
dealt with under an overall aid program in one of several ways:
!•

Their irreducible minimum needs coulcl be blanketed into the overall

"relief" grant-in-aid on the theory (a) that it coulcl save the U*S* money in the
long run to get these (politically vital) countries back on their feet promptly
and thus stop the relief drain and (b) that the prospects of repayment of any
loans are unreasonably small*
2*

Their minimum emergency financial rehabilitation needs could be split

into two sub-categories: (a) agricultural machinery, etc. tied directly into the
domestic food production and (b) raw materials and machine tools, etc, required to
get industry operating at minimum safe level and the export trade revived*

Sub-

category (a) items would be carried (as in the case of UNRRA) under the grsnt-inaid program, whereas financing of sub-category (b) would have to be met on some
loan basis*
Because of the inadequate resources of the Eximbank and the repayment uncertainties, this Government would have had to use one of the above alternatives
to deal with the Italian, Austrian and Greek situations adequately even if the
NAC formula had remained unimpaired.

About all that the "friendship and need11

formula has done is to make it highly impolitic for the Export-Import Bank to deal
with sub-category (b) financing on a government-to-government basis*
In the case of both Austria and Italy, I believe that economically acceptable




«• *7 «•

schemes for extending limited financial assistance by the Export-Import Bank on a
non-government-to-government basis can be devised.
In the case of Austria, a program of raw material and working capital advances
to specific Austrian industries analogous to the FFC-USCC program for Germany would
appear entirely feasible. The Export-Import Bank (acting through the USCC) could
finance the purchase and shipments of raw materials and equipment needed by specific
Austrian companies and requested by the US Zone Commander Austria on behalf of the
Austrian Government. The Eximbank credits would be repaid out of the proceeds of
exports to the United States by the Austrian companies in question.
In the case of Italy, I believe a care fully-tied project loan/exporter credit
program analogous to the Chinese and Turkish programs would be appropriate. The
Italian economic position is basically much sounder than the Austrian position and
would warrant a less stringent type of loan program*
I believe that Export-Import Bank credits of the above type, carefully devised, would probably fall within the "reasonable assurance of repayment" standards
hitherto applied by the Bank and NAC, and also be sufficiently differentiated from
the previous long-term government-to-government credits as greatly to lessen the
likelihood of the dollar diplomacy label being placed ex post facto on the entire
emergency reconstruction credit program*