View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.

THE NEED FOR

INTERNATIONAL
UNITED




STATES TREASURY

DEPARTMENT

THE NEED FOR

INTERNATIONAL
RESERVES
GEORGE H. WILLIS
FRED L. SPRINGBORN

UNITED




STATES

TREASURY
September 1967

DEPARTMENT




Table of Contents
Page

I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
Annex:

Introduction
Summary and Conclusions
The Supply of Reserves
The Demand for Reserves
Criteria for Activation of Reserve Creation
Extracts on Qualitative Criteria From Group of Ten and I M F
Reports

Charts
Chart No.
I. World Trade and Monetary Reserves, Less United States
II. World Trade and Monetary Reserves
III. Composition of World Reserves, 1948-66
Tables
Table No.
1. Reserves and Reserve Growth, All Countries, and All Countries
excluding the United States, 1950-66
2. Growth in World Reserves and World Imports, All Countries and
All Countries Excluding the United States, 1951-66
3. Reserves as Percent of Annual Value of Imports 1951-66
4. Changes in World Reserves, Principal Regions, 1951-66
5. Changes in Total Reserves, Major Countries and Groups, 1959-66.
6. Annual Compounded Rates of Increase in U.S. Dollar Values of
Reserves and Domestic Credit, 1950-60
7. Sources of World Reserve Growth, 1961-66
8. Sources of Reserve Growth Outside United States, 1961-66
9. Aggregate of Gross Reserve Gains, Compared with World Imports
and Net Additions to Monetary Gold, 1926-28,1937 and 1954-66.
10. Aggregate of Gross Reserve Gains, 1954-66, Major Countries and
Regions
11. Aggregate of Gross Reserve Losses, 1954-66, Major Countries and
Regions
12. Aggregate of Gross Reserve Gains and Losses Compared with
World Imports, 1954-66




1
3
7
11
17
19

21
22
23

24
25
26
26
27
27
28
29
30
31
32
33

iii




Acknowledgments
The authors want to express their appreciation for the encouragement and
the valuable comments given to them by members of the Advisory Committee
on International Monetary Arrangements headed by former Secretary of the
Treasury Douglas Dillon, by a number of officials of the Treasury Department,
and by colleagues in other agencies. Among this group, Mr. Eobert V. Eoosa,
partner in Brown Bros. Harriman & Co., and former Under Secretary of the
Treasury for Monetary Affairs, gave the first impetus to the idea of making
this study available through publication to those interested in this subject.
Frederick L. Deming, Under Secretary of the Treasury for Monetary Affairs,
and Winthrop Knowlton, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for International
Affairs, gave their support and endorsement to this idea, as well as providing
valuable suggestions and comments. A t one stage Prof. Fritz Machlup of
Princeton University was kind enough to read the manuscript and to provide
some extremely useful critical comments.
Within the Treasury Department, the authors received assistance, particularly in preparing some of the statistical material, from Mr. F . Lisle Widman
and Mr. Eobert G. Pelikan and the staff of the Office of Industrial Nations.
They also relied heavily on the services of the hard-pressed statistical staff of
the Office of Balance of Payments Programs, Operations and Statistics headed
by Philip P . Schaffner. As always, their thanks are due to their excellent
secretarial staff, Mrs. Jane E . Atkinson and Miss Dorothy A. Hodge, who so
conscientiously worked through numerous drafts and revisions, and to the
efficient and hard-working Secretariat of the Office of the Assistant Secretary
for International Affairs headed by Mrs. E a y K. Furst.
Valuable comments and advice were given by a number of colleagues within
and outside the Treasury Department, including especially Mr. William B.
Dale, U.S. Executive Director, International Monetary Fund, and Mr. Eobert
Solomon, Adviser to the Board and Director, Division of International Finance,
Board of Governors of the Federal Eeserve System.
The responsibility for any views expressed in the text of this paper rests
solely with the authors. They are very conscious that it has been prepared in
intervals of time that could be snatched during a busy year, and that it is
essentially a preliminary statistical survey.




V




I

Introduction

This paper presents a statistical analysis of
the past trends in the supply of and the demand
for international reserves, together with some
comments on the probable effects of a slowdown
in the rate of new reserve creation. I t does not
attempt to present an argument as to what the
theoretical optimum secular rate of reserve
creation should be for the world as a whole.
It does suggest that changes in the rate of
growth in reserves, either for the world as a
whole, for the world excluding the United
States, or for the United States alone, are likely
to have important effects on the policies of major countries with respect to selective policies
of restraint affecting international trade and
international investment.
That is, the approach is empirical, pragmatic,
and statistical, rather than an attempt at building up a logical structure based upon certain
given objectives. It is hoped, however, that the
data presented and the commentary given on
the data will throw some additional light on
the fundamental question: At what rate should
the world's reserves grow?
For the analysis, it was found useful to bring
out the substantial difference in the trend of
reserves for the world as a whole and for the
world excluding the United States, because the
United States has lost reserves while the rest
of the world has gained them at a substantial
rate. One result of this division is that there has
been a considerably closer correspondence between the slopes of the trend lines for growth




in imports and growth in reserves for the world
excluding the United States than for the world
including the United States (see charts I and
II). Another point that emerges is the probability that the downtrend in U.S. reserves will
be halted or reversed, and the past divergent
trends of declining U.S. reserves and rising imports brought closer together.
An attempt has also been made to ascertain
what portion of the aggregate growth of reserves in countries gaining reserves has been
covered by losses of reserves, and what portion
has been covered by newly created reserves. For
this purpose, also, it is necessary to look at what
has happened to the rest of the world, excluding the United States. There is, of course, an
interaction between the amount of reserves
created and the total aggregate reserve gains.
Nevertheless, it is quite interesting that, in the
period 1961-66, at least half of the gross reserve
gains of those countries gaming reserves was
accounted for by new reserve creation. The
point is that the secular trend of reserve growth
has been as important or more important quantitatively than reserves gained at the expense
of non-gold-producing deficit countries. A question suggested by the data is whether, as a practical matter, the world can operate a reasonably
unrestricted system of trade and payments with
a smaller ratio of new reserve creation to aggregate surpluses. That is, can we really expect
the adjustment process to function smoothly to
reduce this ratio, or would the consequences be
1

a shrinkage in trade and investment under policies of restraint, in a vain attempt to reduce the
ratio? Deeper historical analysis might throw
further light on this question.
A third point as to method may also be
worthy of mention. In the tables covering the
16-year span from the end of 1950 through
1966, there has been no attempt to pay particular attention to the components of reserve increases, although the trends in the growth of
the major reserve forms may be noted in chart
III. This is a matter of design. Over the broad
sweep of 16 years, the paper has concerned itself
with the relationship of the trend of aggregate
reserves to trade and to domestic liquidity,
rather than with an examination of the composition of reserve growth.
It may be argued that the demand for reserves
is not the same as the need for reserves, and
that the paper should draw a clearer distinction
between these concepts. Presumably this would
imply that need must be tested against more
clearly defined subjective value judgments. The
authors basically maintain the approach that,
in the absence of some clear reason for concluding otherwise, there will be a secular demand

2




for new reserves that will range within somewhat the same relationship to the rate of growth
of world trade as in the past, and that reserves
will probably be created to meet this demand.
They have not tried to refine this concept by a
definition of need that goes beyond this.
It may be observed that in attempting to
analyze various data on past financial trends,
especially in a first approach such as this, causal
relationships are difficult to establish. One cannot expect, with a satisfactory degree of confidence, that relationships apparent in past
periods will accurately and meaningfully hold
for future periods.
This paper has three sections, following the
summary and conclusions. One deals with the
supply of reserves since 1950. Next there is an
attempt to probe further the demand for reserves, in the quantitative sense, exploring past
relationships with trade and with the aggregate
surpluses. In a very rough way, some illustrative
projections are ventured of the demand for reserves in 1970 and 1975. Finally, some tentative
suggestions with respect to qualitative criteria
are offered.

II

Summary and Conclusions

During the past 16 years, the fact that world
imports have grown three times as fast as
global reserves has been made possible to a large
extent by the willingness of the United States
to experience a decline in its reserves while its
imports grew, as did those of other countries.
For the rest of the world, import trade has
grown at the rate of 7.8 percent per annum and
reserves at the rate of 5.4 percent per annum.
While there have been wide short-term variations in the relationship between these two
growth curves, there is no period of several years
in the time interval examined when the world,
excluding the United States, has seen its reserves grow at less than half the rate of growth
in its imports.
The substantial decline in U.S. reserves also
explains the fact that global reserves grew at an
annual rate of 2.4 percent, while outside the
United States the corresponding figure was
much higher, at 5.4 percent. Even at this rate,
the more rapid growth in imports has meant
that outside the United States reserves are equal
to only about 35 percent of annual imports, and
thus cover only about 4 months' imports.
Moreover, for the world as a whole, reserve
growth slowed in 1965-66, and the fact that
there was any growth at all was due entirely to
special nontraditional factors, as gold and foreign exchange reserves actually declined; drawings on the IMF and the monetization of securities by the United Kingdom provided temporary, one-shot, additions to global reserves.
278-756—67




2

Considering only the rest of the world, since
the U.S. deficit cannot create reserves for the
United States but only for the rest of the world,
the U.S. international accounts provided 73 percent of reserve growth in 1961-64, and only 34
percent in 1965-66.
This calls attention to the dwindling role of
new monetary gold supplies in providing for
world reserve growth, and to the extent to which,
prior to 1965, the world had become dependent
upon an expansion of official dollar liabilities
and U.S. sales of gold to provide the largest
share of reserve growth outside the United
States. With a general realization that continuation of the process of attenuating the U.S. reserve position to feed reserves to the rest of the
world is no longer wise, and that the reserves
of the United States should also now begin to
grow, there is a clear need for a supplementary
form of reserve asset.
The charge is sometimes made that reserves
have grown too fast in some areas and have led
to domestic credit expansion. It can be shown,
however, that in 1961-65, even within the European Economic Community, domestic credit
grew at a rate almost double that of the rising
level of reserves.
In exploring the demand for reserves, particular attention is given to the relationship of the
aggregate imbalances in world payments to the
rate of growth in reserves. This analysis is related to the basic idea that surplus imbalances
have always tended to exceed deficit imbalances,
3

for the world as a whole or for a part of the
world, with imbalances measured by reserve
changes. The difference between the two represents the growth of reserves for the world as a
whole, or for the area concerned. The classic example of such a, difference is new monetary gold
supplies.
Aggregate reserve surpluses averaged 3.2 percent of world imports in 1954-66, and fell to 1.5
percent in 1966. I n 1927 and 1928, the corresponding ratios are estimated at 2.2 percent and
7.4 percent. Looking ahead, potential reserve
surpluses might be $5 billion in 1970 at 2 percent
of world trade (assumed to reach $250 billion
in 1970) or $7.5 billion at 3 percent of world
trade. Corresponding figures are $7.5 billion to
$10.5 billion in 1975.
The next step was to make some rough assumption as to what portion of these reserve
surpluses might appropriately be covered by
new reserves, rather than by reducing someone
else's reserves. Aggregate reserve losses ranged
between 1.7 and 3.7 percent of world imports
in 1954-60, and between 45 and 108 percent of
aggregate reserve gains. The unweighted average annual rate was 71 percent of gross gains.
For the 7-year period as a whole, the corresponding figure was 69 percent; put another
way, new reserve creation provided 31 percent
of the aggregate reserve gains in 1954-60.
Since 1960 reserve losses have fallen both
absolutely and particularly in relation to world
imports and to aggregate reserve gains. New
reserves were created up to 47 percent of the
reserve gains in 1961-66. The pattern of 1961-66
may be useful as an indication as to the future
relationship of reserve gains and reserve losses.
I t is true that this ratio has been accompanied
by some restraint on capital transactions, but
probably a continuation of a higher rate of
reserve losses would have intensified the pressures for such restraints.
If it is reasonable to assume that at least half
of the reserve gains should be covered by reserve
losses, a very rough guide emerges to the total
new reserves of all types that might be desirable:
$2.5-$3.75 billion in 1970 and $3.75-$5.25 billion
in 1975.
At the close of this section, it is suggested
that the 1965-66 situation is not a stable or
4




continuing one, and that new reserves in some
form may be needed at the rate of at least 1
percent of world imports, even with considerable selective restraints on capital movements.
I t seems doubtful that the adjustment process
could compress aggregate reserve surpluses
below $4 billion, or 2 percent of world imports
(now $200 billion per annum). Without an offset to this of at least half the amount through
new reserve creation, rather than fully through
drains in the reserves of other countries, it may
be hard to avoid a rather serious cumulative
spiral of restrictive measures affecting international transactions.
There would therefore seem to be risks in
delaying a plan for collective reserve creation—
risks that the pressure of events will fill the
vacuum in a less collective way, but perhaps not
in sufficient amounts or with the optimum
timing.
Section V offers a few suggestions as to qualitative criteria that might be considered. I n
relating qualitative criteria to the concept that
reserves should be created for 5-year periods,
the secular concept, there should be less concern
with cyclical or short-period factors, than with
criteria that relate to longer term trends. Moreover, the bearing of the question of timing is
not entirely clear when applied to a continuing
long-term problem.
However, some criteria are suggested that
might apply to the first activation. One of these
is a tapering off in the rate of growth in international trade. Moves to tighten restraints on
capital and current international transactions
are other indications that new reserves might
provide a useful antidote to these pressures.
Maintenance of excessively high interest rates
in important sectors of the world's economy,
after allowance for price trends and cost-ofliving increases, might also suggest the existence
of reserve shortages and of competitive efforts
to attract and hold reserves.
As to more sensitive early indicators, one must
probably look to deficit countries, since this is
where the first indications of reserve shortage
appear. Unfortunately, it is difficult to disentangle the impact of a general world shortage
of reserves from individual balance-of-pay-

ments problems of particular countries. Perhaps
some guidance could, however, be found by
observing whether restraints on foreign assistance programs and private capital movements
are emerging in such countries, or whether there
are indications of competitive interest rate rises.
The growing use of credit facilities instead of
reserves might also provide a signal. All of
these early indicators seem difficult to evaluate
with precision. Fortunately, a secular approach
does not call for excessively fine tuning, in the
sense that the credit facilities provide some




short-term flexibility to the system in both directions, by enlarging reserves temporarily when
granted and shrinking them when repayments
are made. Perhaps the main task of reserve
creation is to find the most satisfactory rate of
secular advance rather than to overemphasize
timing judgments. At the same time, a mounting
list of qualitative criteria pointing to global
reserve shortage would accentuate the need to
be prepared with an adequate collective plan
for reserve creation and to activate it in good
time.

5




Ill

The Supply of Reserves

International reserves consist of the aggregate stocks of assets held by the Nations'
monetary authorities which are available unconditionally to settle imbalances arising from
foreign trade and other international transactions. International reserves comprise three
forms of assets, as generally agreed, and as compiled by the International Monetary Fund and
published monthly in "International Financial
Statistics." At the end of 1966, the world total
of reserve assets reported was as follows, in millions of dollars equivalent:
Monetary gold
Official foreign exchange holdings
Reserve positions of the International
Monetary Fund
Total

40,905
24,275
6,331
* 71, 510

a

Partly estimated by IMF; figure revised since compilation
of tables attached to this study.

Foreign exchange reserves consist largely of
dollars and sterling, held by countries other
than the reserve centers. Reserve positions in
the Fund are the amounts that a member of the
Fund, when experiencing a balance-of-payments deficit, may draw essentially automatically under the Fund's gold tranche policy.
What are the salient facts regarding the postwar supply of reserves? How has the rate of increase in reserves compared with the advance of
other pertinent economic and monetary factors ?
What can be said about the future supply of
traditional reserve assets ? These are some of the
questions to be touched upon in this section. The




major sources of reserve creation in the period
1961-66 will also be analyzed.
Reserve Trends
Indicators

and

Other

Economic

In the 16 years 1951-66, world reserves have
grown at an average annual rate of 2.4 percent
(table 1). The growth rate has not been steady
from year to year. There ivas a small contraction
of reserves in 1959, largely due to a redefinition
of the foreign exchange component for some
countries in connection with the liquidation of
the European Payments Union. And in 1960
and 1963 the annual increase was unusually
high. In 1965 and 1966, global reserve growth
was substantially below the average, at 2 percent and 1.7 percent respectively. Of the total
growth in world reserves amounting to $22.3
billion, the foreign exchange component increased by $10.5 billion, gold by $7.1 billion,
and reserve positions in the IMF by $4.7 billion.
World trade has expanded at a much more
rapid rate than that shown by reserves. Reserves
as a percent of annual value of imports was
about 62 percent in 1951; after increasing
slightly in 1954 the ratio declined steadily
through 1966 when it reached a point at which
reserves covered only little more than the value
of 4 months' imports.
These relationships were affected, of course,
by the fact that the United States experienced
a decline in its reserves almost continuously
throughout this period. Thus, excluding data
7

for the United States the average rate of
growth in reserves was considerably higher, at
5.4 percent, and the year-to-year variations
somewhat wider. Nevertheless, the 1965 and
1966 increases were also below average. The
relationship of reserve growth to imports, excluding the United States, has been much
closer at about two to three, but it may be seen
that for the developed countries as well as less
developed countries generally the ratio of
reserves to imports has declined in similar
fashion (tables 2 and 3).
Regionally, reserve gains since 1950 have been
concentrated heavily in the developed countries,
excluding the two reserve centers (table 4).
Other areas have generally experienced only
moderate changes for most periods, although
during the past 4 years less developed countries
outside Africa have shown substantial gains.
In 1950, the United States held about one-half
the total of reported world reserves. During
the following 8 years, total reserves increased
by more than $10 billion, or at an annual compounded rate of about 2.1 percent. U.S. reserves
declined by nearly $2 billion, and at the end of
1958 the U.S. share of world reserves had declined to 40 percent. Nearly all of the increases
accrued to European industrial countries, which
added $6 billion to gold and $5 billion to their
foreign exchange reserves.
Since 1958, the U.S. share of world reserves
has dropped further to 21 percent, as U.S. reserves declined by over $7 billion while the
reserves of other countries increased by $21
billion. Globally, total reserves increased at a
compounded annual rate of 2.7 percent during
this period. In contrast to the earlier period,
less developed countries as a group added to
their reserves. But, again, the industrial countries other than the reserve centers registered
the major gains. The gold component in world
reserves increased by less than $3 billion while
foreign exchange holdings expanded by over
$6 billion. Reserve positions in the Fund accounted for $4 billion of the increase (table 5).
A statistical tabulation made for this paper
compares the evolution of reserves with that of
domestic credit and liquidity. Several indications emerge (table 6), showing the annual
compounded rates of increase in the U.S. dollar
8




value of reserves and domestic credit, in the
period from 1950 to I960, and from 1960 to 1965.
For the reserve centers, the United States and
the United Kingdom, domestic credit has expanded substantially less than in other developed countries, while reserves were growing
only slowly or declining. In the rest of the
world, domestic credit has been growing at a
substantially more rapid rate than reserves—
almost twice as fast in 1960-65, and at a rate
two-thirds higher in 1950-60. Only in the EEC
countries in 1950-60 was the pace of growth of
domestic credit held below the very steep rise
in reserves which occurred during that period.
However, domestic credit continued to expand
in the EEC at 13 percent a year in the period
1960-65, or at almost exactly the same rate as
the earlier period, although reserves were growing at less than half the annual rate of increase
of the previous 10-year period. This indicates
that, generally speaking, in those cases where
a rapid rate of increase in domestic liquidity
has been associated with inflationary conditions,
the main monetary factor has been a sharp increase in domestic credit. On the other hand,
the data in the table do not permit any judgment as to whether the supply of domestic
credit in nonreserve countries would be adequate
if reserve growth should cease or be reversed.
Major Sources
Reserves

of

Growth

in

World

Milton Gilbert* termed 1960 the "watershed"
year, following which the international monetary system became different. He enumerated a
number of ways in which reserves were deliberately created since then by monetary authorities, indicating that the need for reserves was
not being met by new accumulations of gold or
dollars. He concludes that either no shortage of
reserves occurred because these actions were
taken, or because there was a shortage, it was
necessary to take various actions.
In order to measure the effects of some of
these actions, an analysis has been made of the
major sources of reserve creation during 196166. This study shows clearly the marked shift
1
"International Liquidity: The Present Situation," statement at Bologna Center Conference, January 1967.

from reliance on the traditional sources, in
1961-64, to nontraditional and transitory
sources in 1965-66 when the traditional sources
became negative (table 7).
New gold entering into monetary stocks and
foreign exchange reserves arising from settlement of payments imbalances may be termed the
"traditional" ways in which world reserves are
created. There are other ways, but these tend
to be transitory and to lead to subsequent destruction of reserves. The most important of
these is the net utilization of I M F credit
tranches, which is a measure of the reserves generated by I M F operations in the form of super
gold tranche positions including claims under
the General Arrangements to Borrow. The
other major ways in which reserves have been
created recently have added to reserve currency
balances. Since 1961 the United States has acquired and held foreign currency reserves, primarily through swap operation. Under some of
these swap operations dollars have been generated which have added to the official holdings of
other countries. Sufficient data are not available
to measure the probable extent to which reserves
might have been generated through comparable
operations to which the United States was not a
party. Finally, in 1966 the Bank of England
transferred into its reserves the proceeds of certain sales of securities, thereby creating additional reserve assets.
Whereas during 1961-64 traditional sources
of reserves accounted for 80 percent of the total
growth in world reserves, during 1965-66 these
sources substantially contracted world reserves.
During the earlier period, world reserves grew
by $8 billion. Additions to foreign exchange not
traceable to special operations accounted for $4
billion and new gold supplies for $2.5 billion.
Of the remainder, most was accounted for by
I M F operations, in particular by the large
drawings in 1961. The combined net effect of
U.S. short-term bilateral operations during this
period added about $0.6 billion to world
reserves.
I n the past 2 years world reserves expanded
by about $2.6 billion, well below the previous
rate. However, the identifiable nontraditional
sources generated new reserves amounting to
over $3.6 billion. I n 1965 (as in 1961) there




was a substantial net expansion in the use of
I M F credit tranches. This reflected a large
United Kingdom drawing, the proceeds of
which were used in large part to repay shortterm credit facilities, which in turn had initially caused a growth in reserves. Additional
operations to which the United States was a
party further expanded both U.S. foreign
exchange reserves and dollars held by other
authorities, in 1965 and again in 1966. I n 1966
the placement of the proceeds of security sales
into reserves by the United Kingdom represented the largest single identifiable source of
reserve growth. Monetary gold stocks declined
and foreign exchange reserves grew by an
amount smaller than that generated by special
transactions. The traditional sources of reserve
growth, then, caused a $1 billion contraction of
world reserves during 1965-66.
The U.S. balance of payments had no significant net effect on the reserve growth of other
countries in the aggregate in 1966 (table 8).
U.S. gold sales and the transfer to other countries of reserve positions in the I M F resulting
from U.S. drawings were roughly offset by a
decline in dollar reserves as reflected in U.S.
liability data. During 1961-64 these factors
accounted for nearly three-quarters of reserve
growth outside the United States.
F o r the immediate future the outlook is for a
reversal of nontraditional factors, as the United
Kingdom continues to retire short-term obligations and repays F u n d drawings. I n 1967 alone,
the impact of these operations could be substantial. Thus, during the interim period before
the activation of reserve creation under a new
plan, reserves could decline, except to the extent
that any remaining flexibility in the traditional
sources permits some growth to take place.
Prospects are that future monetary gold supplies will continue to be far from adequate to
meet reserve needs. Gold reserves declined in
1966. The demand for gold for industrial and
other nonmonetary purposes has expanded
rapidly and it is by no means certain that new
supplies will increase substantially above
present levels. The enactment of timely and
sound arrangements for deliberate reserve creation will have a favorable effect on the amount
of gold that will be available for monetary
9

purposes. This effect will not occur, however,
until the machinery for creating new reserves
has been put in place and has been proven to
be fully viable. As for the other traditional
source of reserve growth, there may be some

10




limited flexibility in traditional sources of
reserves in foreign exchange, but this cannot
go far without compromising the desired
improvement in the gross reserve position of
the United States.

IV

The Demand for Reserves

Reasons for Rising Reserves in Surplus Countries
When reserves change hands, they move to
countries in surplus. The accumulation of reserves in surplus countries may be in response to
a continuing conscious desire to build up reserves, as was the case in Europe in the 1950's.
Or it may result from the application of policy
measures to check declines in reserves in bad
times, while permitting reserves to rise in good
times. A third possibility is that measures to
restrain domestic inflationary pressures lead to
the accumulation of reserves as a consequence
or even almost as a byproduct, either by enlarging a current account surplus or by attracting
capital. Another possibility is that the area in
surplus does not have a sufficiently wide spectrum of institutional arrangements to supply
capital, or has so many restraints on competition
in meeting local capital needs, that entrepreneurs and others seeking to raise capital find
it cheaper to do so abroad, lending to an influx
of capital even though reserves are rising. Still
other explanations for rising reserves can be
found, such as movements of speculative or
refugee capital, as in the case of the U.S. receipts
of reserves in 1936-41. Or one may cite oilproducing countries, or other developing countries that experience gains from rising prices of
their products, where there is a lag between the
rising international income and the spending of
these reserves. Finally, a marked tendency for
rising reserves to be associated with defense outlays in foreign areas was noted. I n this category,
India during World W a r I I , Germany, and,
more recently, some countries in Southeast Asia
may be cited.
Very few countries have permitted their re278-756—67




3

serves to fall substantially without taking policy
measures to arrest the decline. That is, there are
firm indications that countries readily become
accustomed to a higher absolute level of reserves,
and take action to avoid a drop to earlier levels.
This is entirely reasonable, since they are conscious that their imports and other international
transactions, as well as their economies and
domestic money supplies, are growing steadily.
While few countries appear to have established
clear-cut quantitative growth targets for their
reserves, they generally welcome a rise in reserves and try to avoid declines.
There have been two major exceptions to
this latter statement. The first is the United
States which until recently permitted very large
reductions in both its gross reserves and in its
net reserve position. The other instance was the
spending by some countries of reserves that were
accumlated during World W a r I I .
Looking ahead from the year 1966, the position is well summarized in paragraph 17 of the
report of Working P a r t y Three on the Balance
of Payments Adjustment Process: 2
I n the course of preparing this report
countries were invited to submit memoranda describing the configuration of
their balance of payments which they considered appropriate over a run of years. A
major element in countries' balance-of-payments aims is the change in their official
reserves which they regard as desirable or
tolerable. It is recognized that over the short
3
"The Balance of Payments Adjustment Process," a report
by Working Party No. 3 of the Economic Policy Committee of
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
August 1966.

11

run reasonable variations in reserves and
payments positions are inevitable, and need
not be regarded as inconsistent with equilibrium. Over the longer run, however, while
some countries are not at present seeking an
increase in their reserves, it is clear that
most countries wish to see a secular rise
in their reserves. No country is prepared to
have its reserves decrease over the longer
run.3
The annual percentage rate of increase in
world reserves, both for the world as a whole
and for the world outside the United States,
has been noted. During the 16 years 1951-66, the
annual average, as well as the compounded rate
of growth, was 2.4 percent for the world as a
whole. F o r the world excluding the United
States, the corresponding rate was 5.4 percent.
Reference has also been made to a comparison
of the trends of world reserves and wrorld trade.
Even outside the United States, reserves have
been slowly falling in recent years, in terms of
the coverage of annual imports. A t present, outside the United States, published reserves cover
about 4 months' imports. The most striking feature is, of course, the very steep decline in U.S.
reserves.

Aggregate Reserve Gains, 1954-66
The various factors mentioned above have
been associated with the existence of substantial
annual totals of aggregate surpluses, frequently
referred to as "world imbalances." Table 9
shows that during 1954-66, the aggregate surpluses of all the surplus countries in the world,
as measured by the aggregate positive increases
in gross reserves, reported in "International Financial Statistics," averaged about $4 billion
a year. This amounts to about 3 percent of the
average value of world imports (c.i.f.). These
figures are broken down geographically in table
10.
During 1954-59, when global surpluses were
about $3.5 billion a year and new monetary gold
supplies were about $650 million, about 19 percent of the aggregate could be covered without
corresponding deficits in other countries, by this
new gold. Since 1959, the proportion of new
3

Italic supplied.

12




monetary gold supplies to gross surpluses has
ranged between 5 and 20 percent, averaging 11
percent in 1960-65, and last year became slightly
negative.
The United States has been endeavoring for
some years to reduce the drain on its reserves,
and lowered its contribution to the reserves of
other countries from an average of $2 billion in
1961-64 to $1.5 billion in 1965 and to zero in
1966. (See table 8.) Financing the United Kingdom's deficit provided a large part of the reserve
increases for others in 1965-66.

Aggregate Reserve Gains and Aggregate
Reserve Losses
Aggregate reserve gains can take place in
four forms: (1) gains that are offset by gross
reserve losses in other nonreserve countries; (2)
gains that are offset by a change in the net
reserve position of reserve centers; (3) gains
that result from new monetary gold supplies for
the world as a whole; and (4) gains that result
from a multilateral institutional method of reserve creation. Depending upon the circumstances of the time, these four methods may
differ more or less in their economic and financial impacts.
Reserve losses under some conditions can affect general domestic policies and growth rates.
More frequently, reserve losses are likely to be
associated with selective restraints on international trade and investment transactions. Reserve gains work in the opposite direction,
though the effects may be slower and less uniform. Surplus countries may not wish to expand
their growth rates because of inflationary fears,
and may find resistance to liberalizing restraints
on imports or capital transactions, no longer
needed to protect reserves. On the whole, it
should be expected that reserve losses imply a
tendency to a deliberalization of international
payments through selective restraints, that are
not fully offset by liberalization resulting from
reserve gains.
Table 11 presents some historical data on
gross reserve losses. F o r the world as a whole
aggregate reserve losses were highest in relation to world imports in 1958-60. Since then
they have been brought down, partly through

selective restraints applied by the United States
and the United Kingdom. I t is reasonable to
assume that continuing reserve losses by reserve
centers could result in pressure for tightening
of selective restraints.
Reserve creation in the form of monetary
gold from newT production reduces reserve
losses mainly for South Africa, the Soviet
Union, and Canada as the principal gold producers. Dishoarded gold would ease the reserve
position of the monetary authorities that received more gold than they paid out in other
reserves.
Reserve creation by international action can
add to the reserves of all countries, whether in
deficit or surplus, by moderate amounts. I t can
therefore exert a check on the growing pressure for selective deliberalization of world trade
and payments. The moderate amounts involved
are less likely to affect domestic growth policies
in major countries. I n surplus countries, the
new reserves accrue in the first instance to the
monetary authorities and exert no impact as a
domestic expansionary pressure unless the
monetary authorities decide to follow a policy
of monetary ease. Hence, reserve creation in this
form is subject to less danger of inflation than
a corresponding amount of reserve growth in
any of the other forms, including gold. The
other types of reserve growth add to the income
stream and, unless offset by the authorities, to
the money supply of the surplus country, whereas with deliberate reserve creation, this is true
only of the reserves gained from other countries.
Insofar as a desire to protect reserves, in both
deficit and surplus countries, leads to higher interest rates, there is a clear possibility of general worldwide escalation of interest rates as
countries compete to hold or enlarge reserves. A
secular growth in reserves can help to moderate
such competitive actions, but by itself may not
suffice to avoid the susceptibility of the system
to such pressures. They may become especially
pronounced if major markets are partially shut
off as capital exporters or become capital
importers.
There has been some change in the ratio of
gross reserve gains to gross reserve losses in
1961-66, as compared with 1954-60. I n the
earlier period, roughly 70 percent of global




reserve gains were offset by reserve losses. I n
this period the United States permitted some
redistribution of its large reserves without reacting strongly to reserve losses. I n 1961-66
about one-half the gains were balanced by losses.
Presumably this changing ratio reflects the various measures of monetary cooperation which
have had the effect of reducing the relative size
of reserve losses. The average annual additions
to reserves have risen in absolute terms, while
the absolute amount of reserve losses has remained relatively constant, or, more recently,
declined.
I t seems doubtful that the world can return
to the situation of the late 1950's, when reserve
losses were unusually high, relative both to
world imports and to reserve gains. This was
made possible by the willingness of the United
States to lose reserves without taking strong
action to reduce its losses.
However, reserve losses, even at 1 percent to
1% percent of world imports, can lead to further deliberalization of world payments if they
are persistent and if they apply to major countries. An infusion of new reserves could reduce
this percentage of losses still further, while at
the same time enlarging the level of aggregate
reserve gains. A widening of this margin between reserve losses and gains through reserve
creation measures, in a sense, the liberalizing
effect on world trade and payments, in both deficit and surplus countries. During the years
1954-60, this margin was 1.2 percent of world
imports; in 1961-66, the percentage remained
the same. 4 However, it has been lower than this
in 1965 and 1966.

Relationship of Global Reserve Needs to
Deficit Country Needs
Several problems are encountered in quantifying an appropriate rate for reserve growth.
The need for reserves will necessarily appear
in its most pronounced form among countries
that are losing reserves. The consequences for
world trade and investment of insufficient
global reserve growth will first become manifest
* Reserve losses and reserve gains include countries for
which individual reserve data are published, and the margin
between them does not fully reflect changes in the published
figures on total world reserves.

13

through the actions of deficit countries. As a
result, there is a tendency to confusion between
the impact of a deficient growth of world reserves on deficit countries and special factors
of imbalance affecting these individual countries. The world as a whole has an interest in
the degree of restrictiveness that should be
applied by deficit countries, in the sense of providing sufficient potential for recovery of
reserves to avoid the excessive restrictions that
might appear necessary to them if there were
an insufficient hope for acquiring additional
reserves over time. On the other hand, the surplus countries wish to avoid a situation in which
the supply of new reserves seriously reduces the
financial incentive for deficit countries to adjust
their balance-of-payments policies.
In its concluding remarks and referring both
to reserves and to conditional liquidity, the
report on the Balance of Payments Adjustment
Process calls attention to the need for striking
an appropriate balance between "the adequate
provision of means of financing temporary imbalances, and the need to insure that imbalances
are kept within due limits and eliminated in due
time."
The difficulties of quantification thus arise in
part from the technical problems of measuring
the effects of a given rate of reserve loss or
reserve growth on the degree of restriction or
ease in national balance-of-payments policies,
and in part from the fact that countries differ
widely at times with respect to their economic
growth rates and the pressures these are generating on economic resources, prices and employment. National objectives as to desired rates
of world reserve growth may differ. There is,
however, a solid foundation for reserve creation
in the fact that there is a universal desire of all
nations to see their reserves rise over time.
Projection of Trends into the Future

Aggregate "reserve surpluses," as measured
by the sum of those national changes in gross
reserves that were positive, according to IFS,
have been compared with the total of world
imports (table 9). This comparison shows that
reserve surpluses averaged 3.7 percent of world
imports in 1954-59 and 3.3 percent in 1960-65.
In 1964-65, there was a slight fall in this ratio
14




to 2.5 percent, but 1966 recorded a sharp drop
to 1.5 percent. This presumably reflects, among
other things, a number of measures taken in the
United States, under its balance-of-payments
program, which reduced its official settlements
deficit. The declining ratio has probably also
been affected by European measures to divert
some reserve holdings into the assets of the
commercial banking system. In a sense, this
moderate compression of the aggregate reserve
surpluses may be regarded as having bent downward the upward trend which would, other
things being equal, have risen along with the
growth of trade.
Taking this factor into account, a rough estimate has been made of the possible level of
aggregate reserve surpluses in 1970 and 1975,
on two alternative assumptions. The first assumes a trend at 3 percent of world imports and
implies relatively little resort to restraints on
the free flow of capital of the type that have
been applied in 1965-66. The second adopts a
trend at 2 percent of global imports, making
allowance for the use of such restraints by
countries in deficit. Both assume continuation
or some further development of the practice of
channeling reserves into commercial bank
holdings.
The first figure of about 3 percent of world
imports, estimated at $250 billion,5 would mean
approximately $7.5 billion of aggregate reserve
surpluses in 1970. The second alternative, at 2
percent of the same estimate for world trade,
would be $5 billion. The upper limit, related to
unrestricted capital flows, would thus call for
aggregate reserve increases by the countries in
surplus as a group of about $7.5 billion in 1970.
The lower limit, corresponding to a regime of
selective restraints by countries in deficit, would
imply about $5 billion a year in 1970.
This is of course an extremely rough projection to give some general idea of the possible
range of magnitudes on the assumptions set
forth. It implies no particular geographical distribution of reserve surpluses among the major
countries. Also it makes no attempt to distinguish between reserve surpluses that result
5
World imports reached an annual rate of nearly $200
billion in the fourth quarter of 1966. A projection of the
recent growth trend of about 7 percent a year would raise
the level to about $250 billion in 1970.

from allocations of newly created reserves to
surplus countries and their earned or borrowed
reserve surplus positions, which are likely to
involve gross or net reserve losses elsewhere. In
effect, the assumption is implicit that allocations of created reserves will satisfy reserve
needs as effectively as will earned surpluses. This
is a conservative assumption and the level of
reserve surpluses could be higher in actuality,
if reserve losses and earned surpluses do not
correspond with this assumption.
The figures cited do not measure the need for
reserve creation, as a substantial part of the
reserve surpluses could be offset by reserve deficits of the countries losing reserves. If one were
to make a further assumption that half of the
reserve surpluses should be covered by new reserve creation, and half by reserve losses, a
target ranging from $2.5 billion to $3.75 billion
for new reserve supplies in 1970 would result,
between the two limiting assumptions.
By 1975 we assume that world imports will
equal $350 billion. This would result from an
annual compounded rate of increase from the
Increase in world
monetary gold

Amount (in
millions of
dollars)

Percent of
total

Total

U.S. reserve creation
(including net gold sold)

Amount (in Percent of
millions of
total
dollars)

Other offsets

Amount (in
millions of
dollars)

Percent of
total

Amount (in
millions of
dollars)

Percent of
total

Aggregate
reserve
surpluses
outside
United States
Amount (in
millions of
dollars)

600
335
840
750
240
-100

12.4
11. 1
16.9
17.8
5.8
-3.4

1,576
2,632
2,087
1,678
1,502
-29

32.6
87.4
41.9
39.7
36.2
-1.0

2,176
2,967
2,927
2,428
1,742
-129

45.0
98.5
58.8
57.5
42.0
-4.4

2,659
46
2,049
1,796
2,412
3,035

55.0
1.5
41.2
42.5
58.0
104.4

4,835
3,013
4,976
4,224
4,154
2,906

2,665

11. 1

9,446

39.1

12, 111

50.2

11, 997

49.8

24, 108

In 1961-66, about half of the aggregate surpluses shown above were covered by gold and
by reserve creation for other countries arising
from the U.S. balance of payments. Only the
remainder of the surpluses corresponded to
deficits in the rest of the world.6 The pressure
exerted on other deficit countries by the surplus
6
In varying amounts, other factors also affected the financing of surpluses; e.g., substantial drawings in IMF credit
tranches in 1961 and 1965 and the monetization of securities
by the United Kingdom in 1966.




Total reserve creation
(1) and (2)

(2)

(1)
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966

end of 1966 of 7 percent. Aggregate surpluses at
3 percent of this figure would call for a rise
to $10.5 billion of reserve surpluses in 1975. The
lower figure, at 2 percent of imports, would be
$7.5 billion a year. At first glance these very
rough illustrative figures may seem large. But it
should be realized that absolute magnitudes rise
rapidly when the world's economy and trade are
growing as fast as they are now.
Table 11 presents a tabulation of aggregate
reserve losses, and a comparison with aggregate
reserve gains is shown in table 12. In the most
recent period, 1961-66, nearly half of the reserve
gains resulted from new reserve creation, and
about half were offset by reserve losses
elsewhere.
An analysis of aggregate reserve surpluses of
nonreserve countries for recent years throws
some light on the assumption that half of the
aggregate reserve surpluses might reasonably
be covered by new supplies of reserves. If we
look only at the aggregate surpluses of countries
other than the United States, we find the offsets
to these surpluses are as follows:

countries would undoubtedly have been more
severe in the absence of the gold supplies and
U.S. reserve creation.
The projections given above for 1970 and
1975 are illustrative. They are intended to suggest some concepts and procedures that might
be developed further and to throw some light
on past performance. While the need for
reserves in the future may not necessarily follow the guidelines suggested by past experience,
15

the past relationships cannot be ignored and
should at least be a starting point for estimates
of future needs.
If the needs for newly created reserves to
cover aggregate reserve surpluses are something
like the illustrative magnitudes of $2.5 billion
to $3.75 billion indicated for 1970, the previous
analysis implies t h a t the need for reserve creation may not be as far in the future as has been
assumed. A situation such as 1966, where all of
the susbtantial reserve surpuses were covered by
corresponding deficits that did not involve

16




reserve creation in the form of gold and dollars,
is probably an unstable and short-lived pattern
of w^orld payments. Nor does it seem likely that
the reserve surpluses can be rapidly reduced to
zero without harsher policies than should be
expected to materialize. There will therefore be
a vacuum which will probably call for reserve
creation in some form. Since presumably the
preferred method of reserve creation is a collective one, the perceptible need for introduction
of such collective procedures may well be closer
than has been realized to date.

V

Criteria for Activation
of Reserve Creation

The decision to activate a 5-year tranche of
reserve creation will call not only for some
judgment as to the approximate trend of
selected basic statistical indicators, but also for
seeking a balance among objectives that are not
the same for all countries. On the positive side,
in favor of activation, we may set a greater
measure of calm in the gold markets and
reduced threats to exchange stability. We may
also cite a tendency to relax and postpone
restrictive external measures, particularly in the
sphere of freedom of capital movements. A decision to activate a reserve creation plan should
also mean less upward pressure on world interest rates in the long run. Finally, we could
expect some impetus to economic growth and
expansion. I t is here that some part of the world
may be concerned because the strongest surplus
countries may under some conditions be fearful
that more expansion could add to their inflationary pressures.
I n such cases, it will be natural to take account
of the economic weight of the countries that
would in their judgment consider it desirable
to activate the plan, as compared with the economic importance of those desiring to delay
activation. An ultimate decision may have to
be taken against the background of a weighted
voting procedure. But it would be highly
desirable to have as wide a consensus as possible, to make the reserves created serve their




purpose most effectively. To this end it may
be helpful to indicate some of the criteria that
might be used for determining the timing of a
decision to activate a cycle of reserve creation.
The reports of the Deputies of the Ministers
and Governors of the Group of Ten and of the
Study Group on Reserve Creation have indicated in a general way some of the qualitative
factors to be taken into account. Extracts from
these reports are shown in the annex to this
paper.
I t may be desirable to suggest some specific
and clearcut evidence that reserve creation is
called for.
One indication would be a definite tapering
off in the rate of advance in the value of international trade. I n a world of rapidly expanding
population, it would be an extreme view to insist upon an actual shrinkage of wTorld trade in
absolute terms, before activating a reserve creation plan. I t is suggested that a deceleration in
the rate of expansion of world trade, particularly if it persists for several quarterly periods,
should be a quite strong indicator that reserves
are becoming inadequate and that this inadequacy is pinching off trade.
Second, growing pressure for moves to tighten restraints on current and capital transactions
in deficit countries would provide an important
signal, unless these pressures were entirely un17

related to and unsupported by considerations
as to reserve losses.
Third, persistence of historically high interest rates in domestic money and capital markets,
despite receding inflationary pressures, could result from competitive actions to maintain reserves, and thus indicate that more reserves are
needed. W i t h the development of the Eurodollar market, a sensitive guide to the global
level of short-term international liquidity may
be available, which reflects international competition for funds.
Any one of the above developments would
make it advisable to consider an activation of
a 5-year tranche of reserve creation or an expansion of the rate of creation during the next
5 years. A combination of several of these criteria would present a strong case.
Since reserve creation is essentially a longterm trend matter, fine tuning in the cyclical
sense is normally not required. Once the plan
has been activated, the problem of timing would
relate rather to changes in the rate of reserve
creation than to a stop-and-go cyclical pattern.
Nevertheless, in line with the spirit of modern
economic policies, there may be times when it
is impotrant to apply reserve creation earlier,
as a preventive, to strengthen the resistence of
the world economy to recession, cumulative restrictions, and underemployment of resources.
I t is in countries in deficit that the first impact of deficient reserve growth will be felt.
Early signs, for example, may be strenuous efforts by governments to reduce the impact of
governmental outlays on the balance of payments. A typically sensitive indicator may be
found in moves to tighten restraints on the out-

18




flow of capital, and, to a lesser degree, in measures to stimulate an influx of foreign capital.
Under this general heading some types of interest rate actions are included, such as those associated with competitive efforts to attract or
retain reserves, rather than with more fundamental considerations. The wide variety of actions with many degrees of severity that can be
applied in this area makes it difficult to say just
when the signal light becomes intense enough to
trigger action. But at least one can say that the
light is always lit whenever selective restrictions
are being tightened or interest rates, adjusted
for price changes, are historically high in several
major countries.
Another sensitive indicator, though one which
may not be easy to assess, is a noticeable tendency for countries representing an important
fraction of the world's economy to seek to finance
deficits without drawing down their reserves
further, through borrowings of various types or
cashing in of nonreserve assets. I t might, for example, be possible to develop some estimate of
the amount of financing carried out that would
otherwise have been reflected in reserve losses
by deficit countries. I n the qualitative sense, a
mere listing of examples of this type of procedure might prove helpful.
Essentially, however, a trend approach implies less emphasis on qualitative criteria, related to timing, than on the development of
guidelines that help to determine the slope of a
trend curve and variations in that slope at periodic intervals. I t is in this sense, rather than as
applied to sporadic interventions, that qualitative criteria may be of some value.

ANNEX
Extracts on Qualitative Criteria From
Group of Ten and IMF Reports
The Deputies Eeport of 1964,7 in paragraph
24, states:
. . . On the one hand, the fact that some individual
countries find themselves short of external liquidity
is not prima facie evidence of a general shortage of
international liquidity. On the other hand, the existence of a general shortage, in its extreme form, might
be accompanied by widespread deflationary developments or restrictions on trade and payments resulting
from the efforts of governments to defend or restore
their reserves. The aggregate needs for liquidity are
presumably in some way related to such factors as the
growth of world trade and capital movements, and the
amplitude and duration of imbalances in international
payments, taking into account the efficacy of adjustment policies in correcting such imbalances; they are
also affected by psychological attitudes toward minimum or desired levels of national reserves, toward
reserve movements, and toward the use of available
credit facilities. While there appears to be no convincing evidence that imbalances will be longer-lasting or
more intractable than hitherto in the postwar period, a
rising turnover of current and capital payments is
likely to entail some increase in the size of fluctuations.
Moreover, we have noted that a concern for domestic
objectives such as growth, employment, and price stability, or for international political, monetary, and
economic responsibilities, may sometimes lead to wider
swings in the balance of payments.

The 1965 Eeport of the Study Group on
Eeserve Creation,8 in paragraph 10, also deals
with this question in general terms:
We have considered what circumstances might indicate a general inadequacy of reserves. An indication
that reserves are inadequate might be found in a
reluctance to extend intergovernmental credit, or in
an increasing propensity to seek credit, in preference
to parting with reserve assets. Clearer evidence of a
general scarcity might be found in a marked tendency
to make maintenance, increase or restoration of
reserves an overriding objective of economic policy,
taking priority over other fundamental objectives, such
as economic growth, a high level of employment and
freedom of international trade. Indeed, a general
scarcity might well have been permitted to develop
* Annex to the Ministerial Statement of the Group of Ten,
August 1964.
8
Report to the Deputies of the Group of Ten, May 1965.




too far when such tendencies became evident. In that
situation, the anxiety to retain or increase reserves
would probably lead countries to adopt excessively
restrictive policies to prevent the emergence of a payments deficit or to achieve a surplus. In such conditions,
therefore, the absence of large imbalances would not
necessarily be evidence that reserves were adequate.
Significant symptoms of strain would be a generalization of trade and payments restrictions, instability of
exchange rates, rising unemployment, and falling international prices. No doubt, so far as lenders were willing
to extend credit in the assumed prevailing scarcity of
reserves, the greatly developed credit element in international liquidity would continue to be u'sed to avoid
these consequences as far as possible; and this would
have the incidental effect of increasing reserve assets
of certain kinds. But the additional assets would not
necessarily be adequate in amounts, satisfactory in
their distribution, or available in the desired forms.

In the 1966 Eeport of the Deputies,9 paragraph 35 deals with the qualitative aspects of
the decision to create reserves:
Nor will it be easy to evolve qualitative criteria for
a collective judgment on the need for additional reserves in the future. Nevertheless, despite the difficulties involved, some of us think it important to pursue
the investigations into this subject with the aim of
arriving at a generally agreed set of principles. The
problem of evaluating the reserve needs for a certain
period ahead is, in many respects, similar to that of
evaluating the need for conditional liquidity at 5-year
intervals on the occasion of the quinquennial review
of members' quotas in the IMF, as provided for in the
Articles of Agreement of the Fund. Some other members
questioned whether it will be possible to arrive at a
common judgment regarding such criteria, as member
countries may differ considerably in the relative weight
that they would attach to various factors. They consider that an analysis of the decisions taken will in
the course of time provide precedents, derived from
the test of actual experience, from which criteria can
be developed.

Finally, the Annual Report of the IMF for
1965 has a brief paragraph on this topic:
Appraisal of general reserve needs is not something
that can be carried out on the basis of precise criteria.
Resort to qualitative judgment is inescapable. In para
Report to the Group of Ten ". . . on improvements
needed in the international monetary system, including arrangements for the future creation of reserve assets, as and
when needed . . .," July 1966.

19

ticular, no close relationship exists between these needs
and such simple indices as the value of international
transactions. In the exercise of such judgment, attention has to be focused primarily on the nature of the
reactions, particularly in the sphere of national policies,
which it appears appropriate to encourage or disencourage in the interest of sound development of the world
economy with a minimum of monetary disturbance.
Some of the consequences, or symptoms, of excess or
deficiency in international liquidity were discussed at
page 14 above. In the light of this analysis, the following appear to be the main criteria on the basis of
which consideration should be given to an increase—
or, on rare occasions, a decrease—in international
liquidity: whether, in circumstances in which countries' financial policies are likely to be influenced by the

20




level of world reserves, it appears desirable on balance
to enlarge the scope for an expansion of monetary demand or to influence countries in the direction of counter-inflationary action; whether, on balance, exchange
rates are under undue pressure, or needed adjustments
in exchange rates are being unduly delayed; and
whether there are widespread restrictions in international transactions, or widespread tendencies to
speculative capital movements that an expansion in
world reserves could to some extent relieve. Some of
these conditions might, of course, call primarily for a
change in the supply of conditional rather than unconditional liquidity, or for other changes in the techniques of international cooperation, but they are all
relevant in some degree to the question of reserve
needs (p. 16).

Chart I

WORLD TRADE AND MONETARY RESERVES, LESS U.S.
$Bil.

Source: International Financial Statistics, 1966 - 67 Supplement and July 1967
K>







Chart H

WORLD TRADE AND MONETARY RESERVES
$Bil.

Source-. International Financial Statistics, 1966-67 Supplement and July 1967.

Chart m

COMPOSITION OF WORLD RESERVES, 1948-'66
DOLLARS"
Billions

CO




DOLLARS
Billions

TABLE

1.—Reserves and reserve growth—all countries, and all countries excluding the United States
(1950-66)
Total reserves., all countries
In millions
of dollars

Percent annual
increase

Total reserves, all countries,
excluding United States
In millions
of dollars

24,
25,
25,
28,
30,

Percent annual
increase

450
061
206
322
492

2.5
.6
12.4
7.7

31, 508
32, 484
31, 813
35, 030
35, 821

3.3
3.1
-2.1
10.1
2.3

1950.
1951
1952
1953
1954

48,715
49,360
49,920
51,780
53,470

1.3
1. 1
3.7
3.3

1955
1956
1957
1958
1959

54,305
56,150
56,645
57,570
57,325

1.6
3.4
.9
1. 6
-.4

1960
1961
1962
1963
1964

60,250
62,285
62,590
65,990
68,440

5. 1
3.4
.5
5.4
3.7

40,
43,
45,
49,
51,

891
532
370
147
768

14.2
6.5
4.2
8.3
5.3

1965
1966

69,800
71,010

2.0
1.7

54, 350
56, 129

5.0
3.3

22,295

45.8

31, 679

129.6

1,393

2 2.4

1,980

2 5.4

Total increases, 16 years
Average annual rate of growth. __
1
2

.

Gold, foreign exchange and reserve positions in the IMF.
Same percentage for annual compounded rate of increase.

Source: IFS 1966-67 Supplement for 1950-57 data and March 1967 issue for later data.

24




TABLE

2.—Growth in world reserves and world imports l—all countries and all countries excluding the
United States (1951-66)
[Amounts in millions of dollars]
All countries

1951
1952
1953
1954

All countries excluding the United States

Increase in reserves

Increase in imports

Increase in reserves

Increase in imports

Amount

Amount

Amount

Amount

Percent

Percent

+ 645
+ 560
+ 1,860
+ 1,690

1.3
1. 1
3.7
3.3

+ 21, 800
-1,300
-3,500
+ 3,400

27.2
-1.6
-4.4
4.3

+ 1,189

2.4

+ 5,100

+ 835
+ 1,845
+ 495
+ 925
-245

1.6
3.4
.9
1.6
-.3

+ 771

Percent

Percent

611
145
116
170

2.5
.6
12.4
7.7

+ 19,509
-1,085
-3,639
+ 4, 106

40. 1
-1.6
-5.4
6.5

6.4

+ 1,511

5.8

+ 4 , 723

9.9

+ 9, 600
+ 9,200
+ 9, 600
-6,700
+ 5,800

10.9
9.4
9.0
-6.3
5.5

+ 1,016
+ 976
-671
+ 3,217
+ 791

3.3
3.1
-2. 1
10. 1
2.3

+ 8, 251
+ 7, 702
+ 8,967
-6,699
+ 3,411

12.2
10.2
10.7
-7.2
4.0

1.4

+ 5,500

5.7

+ 1,066

3.3

+ 4, 326

6.0

+ 2, 925
+ 2, 035
+ 305
+ 3,400
+ 2,450

5. 1
3.4
.5
5.4
3.7

+ 12,600
+ 5,000
+ 7, 800
+ 11,500
+ 16,900

10.6
4.0
5.9
8.0
10.6

+ 5,070
+ 2,641
+ 1,838
+ 3,777
+ 2, 621

14.2
6.5
4.2
8.3
5.3

+ 13,233
+ 5,433
+ 5,959
+ 13,667
+ 12,228

14.8
5.3
5.5
9.4
12.2

+ 2,223

3.6

+ 10,760

7.8

+ 3,189

7.7

+ 10, 104

9.4

+ 1,360
+ 1,210

2.0
1.7

+ 14,200
+ 15,800

8.2
9. 1

+ 2,582
+ 1,779

5.0
3.3

+ 11,299
+ 11,259

8. 1
7.5

Average 1965-66...

+ 1,285

1.9

+ 15,000

8.7

+ 2, 181

4.2

+ 11,279

7.8

Total 16 Years
Average 16 Years. _
Comp ounded rate of increaise __

+ 22, 295
+ 1,393

45.8
2.4

+ 131,700
+ 8 , 231

225.9
6.9

+ 31,679
+ 1,980

129.6
5.4

+ 113,602
+ 7, 100

233.4
8.3

Average 1951-54...
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
Average 1955-59
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
Average 1960-64.._
1965
1966

1

2.4

7.6

+
+
+ 3,
+ 2,

5.4

7.8

Reserves end of year and imports during year.

Source: IFS data.




25

TABLE

3.—Reserves as percent of annual value of imports (1951-66)

All countries

All countries
excluding
United States

Developed
countries

Developed
countries
excluding
United States

G-10,
excluding
United
States

United
States

Less
developed
areas

Less developed
areas: excluding
high initial
reserve holders *

1951

62

37

68

33

27

204

45

31

1954

68

45

75

43

40

206

49

36

1958
1959
1960
1961
1962

57
54
51
50
47

41
40
40
40
40

65
60
57
57
53

44
42
43
45
44

42
40
43
45
43

154
126
117
117
97

35
35
32
29
27

32
32
30
28
27

1963.
1964
1965
1966

46
43
40
37

39
37
36
35

51
47
43
39

43
40
38
36

40
38
37
35

91
82
67
54

29
27
29
30

30
29
31
31

1

Excludes Ceylon, Ghana, India, Pakistan, Sudan, and UAR.
NOTE: Compiled from separate IFS tables on reserves and trade and some groupings and totals are not completely comparable.
TABLE

4.—Changes in world reserves, principal regions (1951-66)
[In millions of dollars]
1951-54

United States- _
__
United Kingdom
Industrial Europe, Canada and Japan
Other developed areas. __
_
Latin America.
__
Middle East. ___
_ _ _ _
Other Asia _ _ _ _ _
Other Africa..
_
Total all Countries *
1

_ __
_____
__
___

- 1 , 287
-409
6, 199
70
—5
-145
-250
1, 130
4,755

Totals not completely reflected in data components by region.

26




1955-58

1959-62

1963-66

Total, 1951-66

-438
71
5,841
-105
15
25
-980
-145

-5,320
203
9,359
1,665
-1,020
420
-60
-310

- 2 , 339
-209
7,308
785
910
1,060
1,005
-105

- 9 , 384
-344
28, 707
2,415
-100
1,360
-285
570

4,240

4,880

8,420

22, 295

TABLE 5.—Changes in total reserves—major countries and groups—end

of 1958-66

[Billions of U.S. dollars]
Gold

Group of Ten and Switzerland:
United States
United Kingdom
Belgium
France
Germany
Italy
Netherlands
Sweden
Switzerland
Canada
Japan
Total G-10 and Switzerland
(G-10 and Switzerland excluding United States and
United Kingdom)
Other Industrial and Developed
Less Developed
Total all Countries

Foreign
exchange

IMF reserve
position

Total
change

Percent of
gross increase

-7.3
—.9
+.3
+4.5
+1.7
+1.3
+.7
0
+.9
0
+.3

+1.3
+.9
+.2
+.2
-.6
+.2
—.1
+.4
+.3
+.3
+.5

—1.6
0
+.3
+1.0
+1.1
+.8
+.4
+.1
+.4
+.3

-7.6
0
+.7
+5.7
+2.1
+2.4
+.9
+.5
+1.3
+.6
+1.1

+1.5

+3.6

+2.8

+7.7

(+9.7)
+1.8
-.4

( + 1.4)
+1.1
+2.0

(+4.4)
+.6
+.4

( + 15.3)
+3.7
+2.0

(114.2)
27.6
14.9

+2.9

+6.7

+3.8

+13.4

100.0

5.2
42.5
15.6
17.9
6.7
3.7
9.7
4.4
8.2
1

57. 5

1

Calculation includes U.S. net loss of $7.6 billion.
NOTE : Totals may not add because of rounding.

TABLE 6.—Annual compounded rates of increase in U.S. dollar values of reserves and domestic credit^
1950-60 and 1960-65
Percent per year
1950-60
Reserves

1. Group of Ten and Switzerland:
United States
United Kingdom
EEC
Other
2.
3.
4.
5.

Total
Other developed
Less developed
All countries
All countries, excluding United States and United
Kingdom

1960-65

Domestic credit

Reserves

Domestic credit

-2.0
1.9
18.2
4.1

4.2
2.5
13.5
10.0

-4.3
-3.5
7.6
6.7

8.9
6.0
13.2
15.0

2.8
2.5
-.4
2.1

6.5
5.4
5.9
6.3

2.2
10.2
3.1
3.0

10.1
11.4
9.2
10.8

5.6

9.4

6.7

13.0

Source: Based on IFS data for 90 countries (including Switzerland) converted into U.S. dollars as a common
denominator. " Reserves" refer to official international reserves of monetary authorities, including ReservePosition
in the Fund. "Domestic credit" refers to domestic credit extended by monetary authorities and deposit money banks




27

K>
00

TABLE

7.—Sources of world reserve growth 1961-66
[Dollars in millions]
1961-66

1961

Nontraditional sources:
1. IMF credit tranche use
2. U.S. foreign exchange holdings
3. Dollars generated by U.S. swaps activated by others _
4. UK securities taken into reserves
Total nontraditional sources
Traditional sources:
5. Additions to world monetary gold
(Soviet sales)
6. Additions to foreign exchange not accounted for above 2
7. Other factors
__
Total traditional sources
Total change in world reserves
1
2




$1, Oil
116

1, 127
600
(300)

1962

-$434
-17

-451
335
(215)

1964

1963

1966

1965

Amount

Percent
total

Percent
total,
1961-64

Percent
total
1965-66

$84
113

$339
220

$1, 528
349

-$14
540

$2, 514
1,321

23.4
12.3

12.2
5.3

58.9
34.6

50

150

275

75
885

550
885

5. 1
8.2

2.4

13.6
3y4. 4

247

709

2, 152

1,486

5,270

49.0

19.9

141.6

840
(550)

750
(450)

i-lOO
(0)

2,665
(2, 065)

24.8

30.8

5.4

240
(550)

509
-201

307
114

2, 132
181

1,210
-219

-1,489
457

*-210
34

2,459
366

22.8
3.4

50.8
-1.5

-66. 1
19. 1

908

756

3, 153

1,741

-792

-276

5,490

51.0

80. 1

-41. 6

2,035

305

3,400

2,450

1,360

1, 210

10, 760

100.0

100.0

100.0

Estimated.
Change in foreign exchange reserves as shown in IFS, excluding lines 2, 3, and 4.

1

TABLE

8.—Sources of reserve growth outside United States, 1961-66
[Dollars in millions]
1961

U.S. B/P factors:
Gold sales to foreign countries (includes
BIS)
Net use of I M F reserve position, excluding
U.S. gold subscription payment
Net increase in liabilities to official foreigners excluding monetary liabilities to
IMF
Total U.S. B/P factors

1962

1964

1963

1965

1966

1961-1966
Amount

Percent
total

Percent
total,
1961-64

Percent
total,
1965-66

$970

$833

$392

$36

$1, 288

$431

$3, 950

25.9

20.5

39.4

-135

626

29

266

165

537

1,488

9.8

7.2

16. 1

741

1, 173

1,666

1,376

49

-997

4,008

26.3

45.6

-21.7

1,576

2,632

2,087

1,678

1,502

-29

9,446

62.0

73.3

33.8

17. 5

23.2

3.2

16.5
5.8
-1.8

9.2
-5.7

34.7
20.3
8. 0

-546

-690

766

-146

-688

(252) ( - 8 , 6 9 7 )
-100
2,660
(2, 065)
(0)
2,514
-14
885
885
1,037
-267

Total factors, other than U.S. B/P

1,065

-794

1,690

943

1,080

1,808

5,792

38.0

26.7

66.2

Change in reserves, countries other than
United States

2,641

1,838

3,777

2,621

2,582

1,779

15, 238

100.0

100.0

100. 0

(U.S. official settlements)
Additions to world monetary gold
(U.S.S.R. sales)
I M F credit tranche use
UK securities taken into reserves
Other factors




( - 1 , 3 4 7 ) (--2,706) (; - 2 , 0 4 4 ) (--1,547) ( - 1 , 3 0 5 )
600
330
840
750
240
(300)
(450)
(550)
(550)
(215)
1,011
-434
84
339
1,528

TABLE

9.—Aggregate of gross reserve gains, compared with world imports and net additions to monetary
gold, 1926-28, 1937, and 1954-66
[Dollars in millions]
World imports
Aggregate of
gross reserve
gains

Amount

(1)

(2)

Addition to world monetary gold

Column (1) as
percent of
column (2)

Amount

Column (3) as
percent of
column (1)

(3)

1926_
1927_
1928

$314
744
2,538

$31, 163
33, 764
34, 475

1.0
2.2
7.4

$309
128
705

98.4
17.2
27.8

1937

2,116

27, 500

7.7

1,350

63.8

1954_.
1955_.
1956_.
1957_.
1958_.
1959

2,922
2,502
3,703
3,568
4,835
3,654

78, 700
88, 300
97, 500
107, 100
100, 400
106, 200

3.7
2.8
3.8
3.3
4.8
3.4

670
665
490
690
680
750

22.9
26.6
13.2
19.3
14.1
20.5

3,531

96, 367

3.7

658

18.6

6,613
4,835
3,013
4,976
4,224
4,154

118, 800
123, 800
131, 800
143, 100
160, 100
174, 200

5.6
3.9
2.3
3.5
2.6
2.4

345
600
335
840
750
240

5.2
12.4
11.1
16.9
17.8
5.8

Average 1960-65___

4,636

141, 967

3.3

518

11.2

Average 1954—66-

2,906
3,993

190, 000
124, 615

1.5
3.2

-100
535

13.4

Average 1954—59_
I960..
1961_
1962.
1963_
1964_
1965

1966_

30




T A B L E 10.—Aggregate oj gross reserve gains, 1954-66—major

countries and regions

[In millions of dollars]
1954

EEC:
Belgium.
France. __
Germany
Italy
Netherlands. _
Total EEC
Other G-10 and Switzerland:
United States
United Kingdom.
Sweden _
Canada
Japan
Switzerland _

1955

435
806
159
46

105
711
439
240
14

1,446

1,509

1956

1957

16
1, 184
69
1,269
869

364

995
68
1,063
1, 166
98

1958

405
405
682
830
530
2,852

16

731
15
112
234
165

127
38
69

146
10

13
50
194
35

Other G-10 and Switzerland.

598

156

1, 161

1,280

1,257

(G-10 excluding United States and
United Kingdom)

1,680

1,665

1,561

1,079

435
73
125
110
135

138
333
119
201
46

277
632
117
156
91

2,922

2,502

3,703

Other developed. _
Latin America. _
Middle East.
Other Asia _
Other Africa
Total, all countries

w




1959

686
872
1,558

I960

1961

1962

1963

1966

112
619

156

591
67

16
390
599
151
32

1,896

1,965

1,389

1, 188

96
55

45

688
8
146
133
124

307
1,093
131
548
95

3,594

2, 174

703

208
287

56
36
206

918
50

1965

252
816
232
418
247

200
536
2,242
195
421

684

1964

187
859
694

19

502
261

435

65
271
356
113

385

1,731

930

805

298

529

1,099

231

3,378

1,943

4,407

3, 104

1,508

2, 194

2,494

1,800

1,323

570
555
27
58
15

446
66
90
98
26

727
365
55
389
175

459
270
112
280
167

1, 114
191
184
220
22

921
48
281
191
64

1,278
573
484
383
64

1,022
279
150
189
90

184
553
372
373
184

564
95
223
493
112

3,568

4,835

3,654

6,613

3,013

4,976

4,224

4, 154

2,906

385

4,835

206
278

80

CO

TABLE

11.—Aggregate oj gross reserve losses, 1951^-66—major countries and regions
[In millions of dollars]
1954

EEC:
Belgium __ __
France
Germany
Italy
Netherlands

1955

1956

46
664

1957

1959

1958

71
666

I960

1961

1962

247

60

1,089

207

1963

1964

1965

1966

453
449

Total EEC

46

Other G-10 and Switzerland:
United States
United Kingdom
SwedenCanada. _ __ __
Japan
_
Switzerland

480
_

15

181
642
21
44

185

98

97

12

849

835

1,433

279

449

1,533
10

377
161
43

2,292
116
34
109
442

1,036
304
38
9

2, 145

606
401

453
171
831

1,222

40
283

569
334
33

39

Other G-10 and Switzerland _

495

888

116

585

2,292

1,387

2, 185

1,290

1,543

581

1,041

1,222

936

(G-10 excluding United States and
United Kingdom)
__

61

65

849

1,420

0

1,480

40

283

279

492

39

453

367

294
242
186
37

496
306
86
96
57

159
112
90
418
55

193
363
173
750
249

286
688
56
324
59

190
449
160
32
289

666
220
113
203
74

171
278
101
156
341

68
507
25
218
85

40
91
7
47
315

132
124
91
197
141

901
56
47
57
42

316
213
59
51
78

1,300

1,929

1,799

3, 148

3,705

3,940

3,461

2,337

2,725

1,530

1,726

2,778

1,653




Other developed
Latin America
Middle East
Other Asia
Other Africa
Total all countries

__

__ _

_

TABLE

12.—Aggregate of gross reserve gains and losses compared with world imports,11954-66
Gross reserve gains

Amount

1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960

Percent
world
imports

Gross reserve losses

Amount

Percent
world
imports

Difference between gross
gains and losses
Amount

Percent
world
imports

$2,922
2,502
3,703
3,568
4,835
3,654
6,613

3.7
2.8
3.8
3.3
4.8
3.4
5.6

$1,300
1,929
1,799
3,148
3,705
3,940
3,461

1.7
2.2
1.8
2.9
3.7
3.7
2.9

$1,622
573
1,904
420
1,130
-286
3,152

2.7

3,971

4.0

2,755

2.8

1,216

1.2

4,835
3,013
4,976
4,224
4,154
2,906

3.9
2.3
3.5
2.6
2.4
1.5

2,337
2,725
1,530
1,726
2,778
1,653

1.9
2.1
1.1
1.1
1.6
.9

2,498
288
3,446
2,498
1,376
1,253

2.0
.2
2.4
1.6
.8
.7

Average 1961-1966

4,018

2.6

2,125

1.4

1,893

1.2

Average total Period 1954-66

3,993

3.2

2,464

2.0

1,529

1.2

Average 1954-1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966

2.1
.6
2.0
.4
1.1

1
The data are not fully comparable, because individual reserve statistics are not published for all countries
included in total world trade figures. Similarly, the difference shown between gross reserve gains and losses do not
fully reflect net changes in total world reserves; the totals of aggregate gains and losses are derived from individual
country data and add up to different totals than the published total for global reserves, which includes countries
not shown individually.




33
U . S . GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1 9 6 7