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H E A R I N G S

(43)

(1959, Folder 2, Page 1)

House Ways and Means Committee,
(Wilbur Mills, Chairman) . . . . President's request for increase
in ceiling of the public debt and
increase in interest rate ceiling
on savings bonds and new Treasury bond issues.


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Public hearing . . . . 6/11/59
Executive sessions--June 15, June 16, June 17,
June 22, June 23, June 24, June
29, June 30, and July 8, and August 12.

(See next folder for Appearance No. 44)

oo

Schedule of Mr. Martin's appearances before House Ways and Means Committee (in open
hearings and executive session) considering President's request for increase in the
ceiling of the public debt and increases in the interest rate ceiling on savings bonds
and new T r e a s u r y bond issues. (Note: The Committee reported out the increase in
the debt ceiling but reserved for separate consideration the President's recommendations with respect to interest rate ceilings which were the subject of executive meetings
listed below:)
lc

Thursday,June 11

Open hearing. Mr. Martin's prepared statement, and testimony.
10 a.m. to 12:30; and 1:30 to 2:30 p.m.

2.

Monday, June 15 .

Executive Session (with Secretary Anderson and Under Secretary
Baird). Mr. Martin accompanied by Young, Noyes, and Shay.
10 a. m. to 1 p. m.

3.

Tuesday, June 16 . . . Executive Session. (Same participants as above) 10 a.m. to 12:30.

4.

Wednesday, June 17 .. .Executive Session (Same participants as above, and Mr. Thomas.)
10 a.m. to 12:15 p.m.
(June 18

Scheduled meeting in executive session called off by the committee because of "meeting of House at 11."

5.

Monday, June 22 .... Executive Session (above group, including Thomas), 10 a.m.
to 12:15.

6.

Tuesday, June 23 ...

7.

Wednesday, June 24 . .Executive Session (above group, including Thomas), 10 a . m . to

8.

Monday, June 29 . ..Executive Session (above group, including Thomas), 10 to l l : 3 0 a , m

9.

Tuesday, June 30 . , . Executive Session (Young, Noyes , Shay, Thomas, Hackley and
Farrell), 10 a.m. to 12 noon.
(July 1 . • . « . . . . . . Scheduled session, executive, called off by Committee.)
Wednesday, July 8
Executive Session (Shay, Thomas and Young). 2 p.m. to 5:45 p.m.
(Note: Committee approved bill giving President Eisenhower right
to disregard interest-rate ceiling on Government bonds when he
finds higher rates necessary "in the national interest, " and added
draft amendment expressing the "sense of the Congress" that the
FRS should, in effect, buy Government bonds from time to time
to help keep interest rate down and to assist the Treasury.

0.

Executive Session (above group, including Thomas), 10 a.m.
to 12 noon.

Wednesday, July 12 . .Executive Session (Riefler and Shay accompanied Mr. Martin).
10 to 12 noon.
(Note: Committee approved bill to give President authority to issue
new Government bonds above the present interest rate ceiling for
three y e a r s . )


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House Committee on Ways and Means

Wilbur D. Mills, of Ark. (Chairman)
Aime J. Forand, of R.I.
Cecil R. King, of Calif.
Thomas J. O'Brien, of III.
Hale Boggs, of La.
Eugene J. Keogh, o f N . Y .
Burr P. Harrison, of Va.
Frank M. Karsten, of Mo.
A. Sydney Herlong, Jr., of Fla.
Frank Ikard, of Tex.
Thaddeus M. Machrowicz, of Mich.
James B. Frazier. Jr. of Tenn.
William J. Green, Jr. of Penn.
John C. Watts, of Ky.
Lee Metcalf, of Montana


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Richard M. Simpson, of Penn.
Noah M. Mason ,of III.
John W . Byrnes, of Wis,
Howard H. Baker, of Tenn.
Thomas B. Curtis, of Mo.
Victor A. Knox, of Mich.
James B. Utt, of Calif.
Jackson £. Betts, of Ohio.
Bruce Alger, of Tex.
Albert H. Bosch, o f N . Y .


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For release on delivery


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Statement of
William McChesney Martin, Jr.,
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Ways and Means Committee
House of Representatives

June 10, 1959

Mr. Chairman:
At the outset, I should like to state that the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System agrees that the debt management proposals transmitted to you by the President are necessary and
desirable and we urge their favorable consideration.
There are only a few points that I would like to make, but
before turning to them, I think it is important that you should
understand that I come before you in connection with these proposals
not as spokesman for the Administration, but as Chairman of the Board
of Governors.
We are living today in a country of unprecedented wealth.
It is wealthy, in part; because of abundant natural resources; and,
in part, because of the energy and initiative of our people. An even
more important distinction between the United States and most other
countries is the size and quality of the accumulated stock of capital
goods in the hands of producers and consumers. Due to past saving,
we enjoy the benefits which flow from a reservoir of housing and
durable goods in the hands of consumers, of public facilities, such
as highways, school buildings, and waterways, and of industrial
plant and equipment. The society in which we live has been popularly
characterized as affluent, and despite our proper concern for certain
depressed areas—both economic and geographic, I am sure that we can
all agree with this characterization.


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One consequence of affluence is exposure to instability in the
pace of general activity and also in interest rates which rise in periods
of boom and decline in periods of recession. In a very poor economy,
where everyone must work as hard as he can to eke out a bare living, additions to stock of capital are largely made by diverting effort directly
to production of capital goods. Such borrowing and lending as does take
place, is effected at interest rates which we would regard as fantastically high. In this type of economy, there is little threat of instability
except from natural causes. A drought or an unusually good season may
produce relative poverty or plenty.

But everyone is always fully employed

and the range of economic fluctuation will tend to be fairly small9
The greater the accumulation of wealth the greater are the possibilities for economic fluctuation.

These may stem from shifts in the

peoples' preferences among the wide range of expenditure opportunities
open to them, from changing attitudes toward saving and investment, from
over-speculation which undermines the solvency of financial institutions,
or, perhaps on some occasions, simply from the arrival at a point where
even a high rate of technical innovation fails to indtisB investment desisioias adequate t6 sustain capital expanSioav
It is not surprising that, in a free and wealthy economy, we
are unable to counterbalance perfectly, through changes in public policy,
the wide shifts that can take place. We always have had, and, I think,
always will have, changes in the pace of our economic progress. We can
and should work to reduce these fluctuations and strive for the goal of
stable growth. At the same time, however, we must recognize that it is
highly unlikely that we shall ever achieve perfection.


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Fluctuations in our economy express themselves in various
ways, and we attempt to gauge them by various statistical measures.
If we look at the movements in any of the broad measures of economic
activity and compare them with fluctuations in interest rates, the
conclusion is inescapable that interest rates tend generally to move
upward in periods of prosperity and downward in times of recession
or arrested growth. Hence, concerned as we may be about the impact
of rising interest rates on the burden of the public debt or on
necessitous borrowers, we must recognize that rising interest rates
are, in fact, a symptom of broad prosperity and rapid economic growth.
Since the stabilization of monetary systems in key countries
after World War II, interest rates have shown a rising trend throughout
the industrial nations of the free world. This has been a period of
great economic growth, very active demands for credit, further monetary
expansion, and continuing, though perhaps abating, inflationary pressures
Throughout the period, interest rate levels in other industrial countries
have been higher than in the United States. This past year's rise in
interest rate levels here, accompanying economic recovery, has been in
contrast to some decline in interest rate levels in Western European
countries, where a modest recession came somewhat later than in the
United States and Canada.
In the United States, the rise in interest rates has affected
all types and maturities of debt instruments. Yields on long-term
securities have generally risen by about 2 percentage points since the
low point reached shortly after the end of the war. Yields now range


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from 4 to 4-1/2 per cent on U. S. Government securities of long- and
medium-term, over 4-1/2 per cent on many outstanding Aaa corporate
bonds, and average over 5 per cent on outstanding Baa corporate bonds*
New issues necessarily have to "be offered to investors at higher rates.
Despite their recent upward movement, interest rates in the
United States are still at levels comparable with those prevailing
during much of our history. Long-term rate movements since last summer
have been within the range of the period from the early part of this
century through 1930.

The level is still substantially lower than

during most of the nineteenth century.

From an historical viewpoint,

the present level of rates can hardly be regarded as "out of line" for
a period of wide prosperity and growth.
In comparing present rate levels with those of past periods,
one of the important things sometimes overlooked is the effect of our
necessarily high tax structure on the effective rate of interest. For
example, if both the borrower and lender are subject to the 52 per cent
tax on corporate profits the borrowers' net cost and the lenders' net
return is a little less than half of the expressed rate. Thus, a
market rate of say, h per cent, implies for both parties a net rate
of a little less than 2 per cent. On its own taxable bonds, the Federal
Government, through the income tax, recaptures a substantial share of
the interest it pays. When we look at interest rates in long-term
perspective, we must bear in mind that net yields after taxes are
lower today than a comparison of market rates would suggest, because
of the fact that taxes are higher.


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-5-

Aggressive demands for financing, which, as I have said, are
characteristic of prosperous times, represent efforts to attract
resources away from current consumption in return for the payment of
interest.

In a free economy, no matter how affluent, it follows that,

when borrowers attempt to attract a larger share of the total product
for their purposes, they will have to pay for doing it.
The presence of strong demands on the credit markets from
borrowers of all kinds does create a difficult financial problem.
Recently credit demends have been pressing on the banking system, and
the banks have been accommodating a growing volume of loans. As
borrowers have sought accommodation, banks have raised their prime rate
from 4 to lj-1/2 per cent. This is the interest rate that banks charge
top-quality customers on short-term loans.
More recently, the discount rate of the Federal Reserve Banks
has been raised from 3 to 3-1/2 per cent. The discount rate is the
interest rate that is charged by a Federal Reserve Bank when a member
bank borrows money from it. This money is often called high-powered
money. It is high-powered because it is credited directly to the
reserve account of a member bank, and, unless used to finance a payment of currency into public circulation or an outflow of gold or some
other development which drains the member bank reserve base, it forms
the basis for a multiple expansion of bank credit and money.
For some months, we have been having rapid expansion of
bank credit and money, based largely on borrowed reserve funds. The
seasonally adjusted money supply--demand deposits at banks plus


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-6currency in circulation—has increased by more than &2 billion in the
last four months, an annual rate of growth of about 5 per cent. In the
face of developing high-level prosperity and the potential threat of
inflationary boom, the Federal Reserve should not be in the position of
encouraging an undue expansion of bank credit and money. Hence-, the
appropriate discount rate under present circumstances is one that does
not encourage member bank borrowing and is generally above current rates
on short-term market obligations, such as bills.
It is sometimes asserted that the Federal Reserve System should
step in and halt the upward trend of interest rates resulting from active
demands for loans by supplying sufficient Federal Reserve credit in one
form or another to keep interest rates from rising.

This cannot be

done without promoting inflation—indeed without converting the Federal
Reserve System into an engine of inflation.
When such a program was adopted during and following the war,
it did succeed for a time in actually pegging interest rates on
Government obligations.

But, at the same time it promoted and facilitated

the dangerous bank credit and monetary expansion that developed under the
harness of direct price, wage, and material controls.

The suppressed

inflation that resulted, we are now well aware, burst forth eventually
in a very rapid depreciation of the dollar and even threatened to destroy
our free economy.
This experience is very recent and the effects are widely and
well remembered. It is now very doubtful whether the Federal Reserve
System could, in fact, peg interest rates on Government obligations
under today's conditions even if we accepted the inflationary costs, which

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-7would be high and would eventually lead to severe collapse.

It is

certain that the Federal Reserve could not extend interest rate stability
to all markets.
The trouble is that the world has learned from wartime inflationary experience.

It now knows that inflation follows any effort to

keep interest rates low through money creation as the night follows the
day. Any attempt on the part of the Federal Reserve to peg rates today
would be shortly followed by an acceleration of the outflow of gold in
response to demands from abroad, by further diversion of savings from
investment in bonds and other fixed interest obligations into stocks
and other equities, and by a mounting of demands for borrowed funds in
order to speculate in equities and to beat the higher prices and costs
anticipated in the future.
Those familiar with the investment markets will confirm to you
that such developments would inevitably follow a Federal Reserve attempt
to peg interest rates. A simply tremendous volume of bank reserves
would have to be thrown into the market through Federal Reserve open
market purchases in the attempt to stem the upward pressure on interest
rates. As these reserves enhanced inflationary pressures even further,
the rush from money and fixed obligations into gold and physical property
as well as the mounting demands for credit to reap speculative profits
and to hedge against future inflation would overwhelm even the most
heroic efforts to hold interest rates down. Ultimately, if the gold
reserve requirements to which the Federal Reserve is now subject were


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-8eliminated, the System might acquire a large proportion of publiclyheld Government debt of over $200 "billion in this way.

True, the

interest rate on Government obligations might be said in some distorted
sense to have been stabilized by such an operation.

Interest rates

generally, however, would spiral upward as they always have in every
major inflation.
People who save will be unwilling to lend their money at
low interest rates even when they expect the depreciation in the value
of their dollars to be limited.

This is understandable. Take, for

example, a corporate financial institution subject to a 52 per cent
tax. The after tax income from a bond yielding h-I/k per cent interest
would amount to just a little over 2 per cent with the dollar stable in
value.

If this potential investor had reason to fear that the value of

the dollar would depreciate even 1 per cent a year, his real return
would be very low.

If the investor had reason to expect a price rise

of just over 2 per cent a year, his real return would become negative.
Investors are alert today to this way of figuring interest returns.
It might be added that to suggest that holding interest rates
down by supplying the banking system with reserves through Federal
Reserve open market purchases of Government securities, on the one
hand, and taking them away with higher reserve requirement increases,
on the other, represents a fundamental misunderstanding of how the
credit system functions.

Obviously, if the net effects on the credit

base are, in fact, offsetting, they make no net addition to the total
supply of bank credit, nor do they reduce the demands of borrowers.


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If they are not fully offsetting, the net result would be inflationary.
We are all acutely aware of the gigantic size of the publicly-held debt
that is outstanding and available to provide a basis for such monetary
inflation. There is no magic formula by which we can eat our cake and
have it too.
If the Federal Government should substitute artificially
created money for savings in an effort to prevent interest rates from
rising, it would have a reverse effect. It would worsen the very
situation that the action was intended to relieve.

If you really want

to encourage rising interest rates, you have only to follow the prescription of those who argue that interest rates on Government or any
other obligations can be pegged by inflating the money supply.
In connection with this discussion, it should be re-emphasized
that the Federal Reserve System does not "like" high rates of interest.
We are anxious, always, that interest levels be as low as is consistent
with sustained high levels of economic activity, with a steady rise in
our national well being, and with reasonable stability for value for the
dollar. We cannot, moreover, put interest rates where we would whatever
our "likes."

Federal Reserve policies can, of course, influence interest

rates to seme extent through their influence on the rate at which the
banking system can add to the credit and money supply. The effectiveness of Federal Reserve policies is always subject to the reaction of
borrowers and savers as expressed through the market.


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-109

In an economy in which people are alert and sensitive to price
changes, the only way to bring about a lower level of interest rates is
to increase the flow of real savings or to decrease the amount of borrowing.
One important way to do this is to reduce substantially the deficit at
which the Government is operating.

This will not only relieve immediately

some of the demand pressures that are pushing interest rates up in credit
markets, it will also reassure savers as to the future value of the money
they put in bonds and savings institutions and thus increase the flow of
savings into interest-bearing obligations.
The proposals before you do not relate to the levels of rates
which will prevail in the market, but rather to whether or not the
Government shall be able to use savings bonds and marketable bonds effectively as parts of its program of debt management. The forthright
management of the public debt is an essential part of any program to
encourage savings and lower interest rates. We should not force the
Treasury to resort to undesirable expedients in order to comply with
arbitrary ceilings on either the size of the debt or the rate of interest
it pays.
International levels of interest rates among industrial countries
are now more closely aligned than in earlier postwar years.

This re-

alignment, together with removal of most restrictions on the movement of
capital, reflects progress towards a closer relationship among international money markets, which is the financial counterpart of progress
toward sustained growth in output and trade in the free world generally.
It also signifies a state of affairs in which capital demands are becoming


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-11international in scope and in ijhich they will converge rapidly on the
market that is cheapest and most readily prepared to accommodate them.
Under these circumstances, interest rates in this country must increasingly reflect world-wide as well as domestic conditions.
We need to remember that today the dollar is the anchor of
international financial stability. That anchor must be solid. Realistic
financial policies of Government are essential to that end as well as to
the end of a wealthy and strong domestic economy. At this juncture of
world development, the least evidence of an irresponsible attitude on
the part of the United States toward its financial obligations or of its
unwillingness to face squarely the issues which confront it in meeting
greater demand pressures on resources and prices, would have very serious
repercussions throughout the free world*


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Note:
On Friday, June 5, John Martin of House Ways and Means phoned
and talked to mnm re Mr. Martin's "availability" on Wednesday,
June 10 for hearings on the debt ceiling.

The Committee wants

to schedule Secy Anderson, Budget Director Stans and Mr. Martin,
if possible.

John Martin said he wouiicall and let us know definitely

when hearing was scheduled—might possibly be Thursday, June 11.
He was told that Chairman Martin would be available either day.

On Monday,

June 8, Miss Donovan of the Committee phoned and

said that public hearings had been scheduled for 10 a . m . , Wednesday,
June 10, with Secretary Anderson as the f i r s t witness and Mr. Martin
as the second — it is possible Mr. Martin's appearance will not be
until the afternoon.


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mnm

PRESS RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
MONDAY, JUNE 8, 1959

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
1102 NEW HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING

CHAIRMAN WILBUR D. MILLS (D.-ARK.), COMMITTEE ON WAYS
AND MEANS, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, ANNOUNCES PUBLIC
HEARINGS ON REQUEST OF THE PRESIDENT FOR AN INCREASE
IN THE CEILING OF THE PUBLIC DEBT AND FOR AN INCREASE
IN THE INTEREST RATE CEILING ON SAVINGS BONDS AND NEW
TREASURY BOND ISSUES

Chairman Wilbur D. Mills (D.-Ark.), Committee on Ways
and Means, House of Representatives, today announced that the
Committee on Ways and Means would conduct public hearings
beginning Wednesday, June 10, 1959, on the request of the
President for legislation to provide for an increase in the
public debt ceiling and for legislation to remove the statutory
ceiling on the interest rate payable on new Treasury bond
issues and on savings bonds. Chairman Mills stated that the
Honorable Robert B. Anderson, Secretary of the Treasury,
would be the first witness to testify before the Committee,
to be followed by the Honorable William McChesney Martin, Jr.,
Chairman of the Federal Reserve System, Board of Governors;
and the Honorable Maurice H. Stans, Director of the Bureau
of the Budget.
At the present time, the permanent statutory ceiling on
the public debt is $283 billion. In addition, there is an
additional temporary increase of $5 billion which expires
June 30, 1959. The ceiling on the interest rate which can
be paid on Treasury bonds presently is 4% percent and the present interest rate ceiling on savings bonds is 3.26 percent.
The President has requested the Congress to raise the permanent
public debt ceiling from $283 billion to $288 billion, with
an additional temporary increase to $295 billion through June 30,
1960. The President requested that the interest rate ceilings
on savings bonds and Treasury bonds be removed.


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-0-

Mr. Irwin of House Ways and Means
requested that Chairman Mills be supplied
with something in writing on the point made
by Mr. Patman--re the $15 billion reduction
by 10 a . m . in the morning.


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Jane 16, 1959.
The Honorable Wilbur D. Mills,
Chairman,
Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Chairman:
In his testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee on June 11 Mr. Patman stated that the Federal Reserve Board
had reported to Congress that its present holdings of $25 billion of
bonds and other interest-bear ing obligations of the United States axe
a great deal more than the needs for all purposes and all possible
contingencies. " This alleged statement is a misreading of an analysis
presented in a Board staff study dealing with member bank reserve
requirements and their sources. I quote the relevant passages of this
study:
.•'


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'It may be concluded from this discussion of the appropriate level of reserves that, to permit effectuation of
appropriate monetary policies, reserve requirements of
member banks do not need to be as high as they have been in
recent years. A lower level of requirements would improve
the earning position of banks and aid them in building up their
capital positions to levels commensurate with the more rapid
expansion that has occurred in their liabilities during the past
30 years. Some reduction in reserve requirements would not
necessarily impair the liquidity and safety of banks1 assets if
banks are prudent in the use of additional funds obtained. Any
substantial reduction in requirements, however, might raise
questions about the adequacy of safety or liquidity in the
asset structure of banks, unless offset by other additions to
liquidity.
"To the extent necessary to avoid undue credit expansion,
reserves released by any reduction in requirements could be

The Honorable V/ilbur D. Mills

-2-

absorbed by Federal Reserve sales of securities in the
market. This would IB effect shift earning assets from
Federal Reserve banks to member banks. The present
System portfolio is adequate to permit a substantial
reduction and still leave enough to provide sufficient
earnings to cover necessary expenses, as well as for
current purposes of policy.


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Any decrease in requirements, however, should
leave the Federal Reserve with a portfolio adequate to cover
possible future contingencies, such as a large inflow of gold
or economies in the use of currency that might add reserves
in excess of appropriate needs. In view, moreover, of the
growing international liabilities of this country* the reserve
base of member banks, as well as that of Federal Reserve
banks, should be maintained at a level that would permit
further reduction of requirements if needed to cover a
future drain on our gold reserves.
While normal growth of the economy may require
some increase in the supply of money and in needs for
additional reserves, there may be large potentialities for
economies in the use of money, which make any projections of future needs unreliable. Reserves should be
released only as needs actually arise and not in anticipation of possible needs.
"Any substantial release of reserves within a short
period of time can have disturbing effects on credit markets
and on the economic system generally. Although the amount
of any such release can be offset by absorption of the same
amount through Federal Reserve sales of securities, the
initial uses that might be made of the actual reserves
released cannot be controlled. Increased leverage for credit
expansion permitted by lower reserve requirements may also
present problems of adjustment.
"For these various reasons, any reductions in reserve
requirements have to be made in relatively small amounts
over extended periods of time. They should be made only at
times when money market and credit conditions are such
that undue credit expansion in some lines would not occur

The Honorable Wilbur D. Mills

-3-

before it could be brought under control. The Federal
Reserve should have no mandate or commitment to reduce
requirements to some specific level within a definite period
of time. Legislative authority should be sufficiently flexible
that changes can be made in a manner, in amounts, and at
times that do not conflict with the needs of monetary policy.'
The above conclusions and observations relate to reserve
requirement levels that might be established in the future. Given the
present reserve requirement levels, the existing Federal Reserve
portfolio of Government securities is essential to the System's operations. For instance, if $15 billion of these obligations were cancelled
immediately as Congressman Patman suggests, there would have to
be $15 billion extracted from the liability side of the Federal Reserve
financial statement. This would have to be balanced by $15 billion
taken out of the reserve balances of member banks or $15 billion taken
out of Federal Reserve notes in circulation.
I may say that the statement above quoted from the staff
study was preceded by a detailed analysis of the factors that may
influence in the future the availability of and the needs for bank
reserves. Its principal conclusions were that reserve requirements
should not be substantially reduced in the near future and that the
System should maintain an adequate portfolio of securities which
might be sold to offset the effects of any substantial gold inflow or
return flow of currency from circulation.

records.
Sincerely yours,

.1NED) WM, McC. MARTIN, ,/r.

Wm. McC. Martin, Jr.
cc:

WMM:mnm


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Mr. Thomas
Mr. Shay
Mr. Martin

25, 1959.

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson,
Vice Chairman,
Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Simpson:
In his testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee on June 11 Mr. Patman stated that the Federal Reserve Board
had reported to Congress that "its present holdings of $25 billion of
bonds and other interest-bearing obligations of the United States are
a great deal more than the needs for all purposes and all possible
contingencies. " This alleged statement is a misreading of an analysis
presented in a Board staff study dealing with member bank reserve
requirements and their sources. I quote the relevant passages of this
study:


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It may be concluded from this discussion of the
appropriate level of reserves that, to permit effectuation of appropriate monetary policies, reserve requirements of member banks do not need to be as high as they
have been in recent years. A lower level of requirements
would improve the earning position of banks and aid them
in building up their capital positions to levels commensurate with the more rapid expansion that has occurred in
their liabilities during the past 30 years. Some reduction in reserve requirements would not necessarily
impair the liquidity and safety of banks1 assets if banks
are prudent in the use of additional funds obtained. Any
substantial reduction in requirements, however, might
raise questions about the adequacy of safety or liquidity
in the asset structure of banks, unless offset by other
additions to liquidity.
To the extent necessary to avoid undue credit
expansion, reserves released by any reduction in

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson


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-2-

requirernents could be absorbed by Federal Reserve
sales of securities in the market. This would in
effect shift earning assets from Federal Reserve
banks to member banks. The present System portfolio is adequate to permit a substantial reduction
and still leave enough to provide sufficient earnings
to cover necessary expenses, as well as for current
purposes of policy.
"Any decrease in requirements, however,
should leave the Federal Reserve with a portfolio
adequate to cover possible future contingencies,
such as a large inflow of gold or economies in the
use of currency that might add reserves in excess
of appropriate needs. In view, moreover, of the
growing international liabilities of this country, the
reserve base of member banks, as well as that of
Federal Reserve banks, should be maintained at a
level that would permit further reduction of requirements if needed to cover a future drain on our gold
reserves.
"While normal growth of the economy may require
some increase in the supply of money and in needs for
additional reserves, there may be large potentialities
for economies in the use of money, which make any
projections of future needs unreliable. Reserves
should be released only as needs actually arise and
not in anticipation of possible needs.
"Any substantial release of reserves within a
short period of time can have disturbing effects on
credit markets and on the economic system generally.
Although the amount of any such release can be offset
by absorption of the same amount through Federal
Reserve sales of securities, the initial uses that might
be made of the actual reserves released cannot be
controlled. Increased leverage for credit expansion
permitted by lower reserve requirements may also
present problems of adjustment.
-For these various reasons, any reductions in
reserve requirements have to be made in relatively
small amounts over extended periods of time. They

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson

-3-

should be made only at times when money market and
credit conditions are such that undue credit expansion
in some lines would not occur before it could be brought
under control. The Federal Reserve should have no
mandate or commitment to reduce requirements to
some specific level within a definite period of time.
Legislative authority should be sufficiently flexible
that changes can be made in a manner, in amounts,
and at times that do not conflict with the needs of
monetary policy. "

The above conclusions and observations relate to reserve
requirement levels that might be established in the future. Given the
present reserve requirement levels, the existing Federal Reserve
portfolio of Government securities is essential to the System's operations. For instance, if $15 billion of these obligations were cancelled
immediately as Congressman Patman suggests, there would have to
be $15 billion extracted from the liability side of the Federal Reserve
financial statement. This would have to be balanced by $15 billion
taken out of the reserve balances of member banks or $15 billion taken
out of Federal Reserve notes in circulation.
I may say that the statement above quoted from the staff
study was preceded by a detailed analysis of the factors that may
influence in the future the availability of and the needs for bank
reserves. Its principal conclusions were that reserve requirements
should not be substantially reduced in the near future and that the
System should maintain an adequate portfolio of securities which
might be sold to offset the effects of any substantial gold inflow or
return flow of currency from circulation.
1 trust this adequately covers the subject for your
records.
Sincerely yours,
(SIGNED) WM. > ' • • "

A

*"rriM, .K

Wm. McC. Martin, Jr.
cc:

Mr. Thomas
Mr. Shay
Mr. Martin

WMM:mnm

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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

June 24, 1959.

fhe Honorable Wilbur 0* Mills,
Gfc&in&&n»
CoHBittee on Ways and Means,
Hotise of Representatives*
m 25, D. C.

fliia is in response to your request that I snpp3y
you and Mr. Simpson a statement on the affects of the proposal
by Representative Pmtaaa to cancsel H$ billion of United
States Gov0rnm«iit obligations presently held by th« Federal
Res«rv» Banks.
% to the present time, the details of Representative
Pataan's proposal are not available to us* As you vill recall,
in the statement that he aade to your Consaittee, he merely
indicated that he nouM introduce an aataactiRent to S* 1120,
which wowld provide for th© cancellation of $15 billion of
the Government obligations owned by the Federal
Reserve Banks have been purchased over the course of tirae in
the process of supplying banks with sufficient currency to
aeet the public's demands and of maintaining the reserve
balances that the banks are required to bold against their
deposit liabilities* Broadly speaking, ignoring
items of
lesser importance, the Federal Heserve Banks1 assets consist
of $26 billion of Goverment securities and about S20 billion
of gold certificate reserves* Their liabilities comprise $2?
billion of Federal Heserve notes and 120 Milion of deposits,
oriber bank reserve balances* The lav provides that the
Banks amst set aside as collateral against Federal
notes an equivalent aggregate aisount of gold, eligible
paper, and U. S* Government securities, and must laaintain gold
certificate reserves of at least 25 per cent against note and
deposit liabilities*


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

•The Honorable mibor B* Mills
Cancellation of H5 billion of the 3ystemfs holdings
of Government securities would require a balancing reduction
in its liabilities. As pointed out above, it was not dear
in his statement to your Consaittea how Mr* Patsmn proposed to
accomplish this second step, If no parallel provision were
aade simultaneously in the law* the not result would, of course,
be to place the Federal Beserve Astern in bankruptcy*
Hfeere is no practical way by which $15 billion of Fed*
ersl Reserve notes could be taken out of circulation «iaimediatelyw|
the eaount in circulation is determined bj the public's demands*
One possible adjustment would be to simultaneously reduce the
reserve balances of the laeaber banks by $15 blUion through some
fora of assessment or tax* this in turn would create steilar
problems for member banks* As I pointed out, it would tie highly
deflationary, since it would
require a drastic curtailment of
credit to pull the banks9 deposit structure down to the level
persdtted by their reduced reserve balances, even if reserve
requirements were reduced to the present statutory aiidiman*
Subsequent to his appearance before your Cowadttee,
Mr* Patasan has provided sane further information as to the nature
of his proposal* In his statement on the floor of the House, on
the Pt&iie Debt Aet of 1959 (H*R* ??!$), Hr. Bataaa stated*


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

W

I have proposed legislation which would cancel
H5 billion of these bonds* And the amendment I have
proposed could also take care of the bookkeeping in ft
nice, tidy, orthodox way* It would transfer the $15
billion of assets to the treasury for cancellation,
and at the same tias it would transfer to the Treasury
H5 billion of liabilities for the outstanding federal
Reserve notes, this will keep the bodies in balance.
And certainly the Treasury can have no objection to
assuming the fJ5 billion of liabilities for these
Federal Beserve notes, because the fact is, as 1 have
pointed out, these notes are already liabilities of
the Treasury, all |2? billion of them* And they are
a convenient sort of liability to have because, as I
have said, no one will ever try to redeem then, and
if a holder of these notea should try to redeem them,
the only thing he could demand in exchange would be
another Federal Reserve note Just like the one he
Hants to redeem* So this method of transfer would
take car© of the natter very nicely*

ffe* Honorable <»aibur D. Mills

-3-

*Unfortunately, the Members of the House are
aeetinr here under a gag rule* The Rules Committee
lias not seen fit to give Members of the House an
opportunity to propose amendments to this debt-increase
bill, othendse I would offer an amendment which would
substitute a figure permitting the |12 billion increase
la the debt limit for a figure which would bring about
a net reduction of $3 billion in the debt limit. And
it would, furthermore, require the Federal Reserve
Board to transfer to the Treasury for imaediate cancellation US billion of its unneeded debt obligations.
"I hope, however, to be able to offer this as an
amendment to the bond give-away bill $, 1120 when we
take that up. So that the Members nay be informed, I
will insert at the conclusions of ray reraarks a copy of
the amendment I propose to sak« at that time, assuming
that the Bouse should make the unfortunate decision to
approve this debt-increase bill."
So far as we are aware, the amendment has not been
published in the Record, nor has any specific legislation
introduced. However, the substance of Mr. Patnanvs proposal now
appears to involve the monetissatlon of $15 billion of the Ooveroment'e outstanding debt. In essence, it would mean financing the
Government through the issuance of fiat money* this raises the
basic question of whether the United States Goveraaent should
finance either past or current deficits by the issuance of currency; or whether it should, as it now does, finance its debt by
borrowing on interest-bearing obligations, in order to minimize
the inflationary impact of deficits by financing them with real
savings.
Many years ago the Congress made the basic decision that
It was not desirable for1 th© Government to finance itself by the
issuance of "greenbacks' , or some other fora of unsecured paper
currency. Even in the direst periods of national emergency, «*
have not resorted to this expedient, v&ile this option is always
open to the Congress, and it would have the effect of reducing
the nominal amount of the Government debt, the repearcussions with
respect to the soundness of the Government's credit would be farreaching and possibly devastating.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Us* Honorable Wilbur D. Mills

-Jj-

It appears that Mr. Patraan would not propose, for the
moment, to increase or decrease the total amount of money in
circulation in the United States, but, rather, to substitute $15
billion of currency, which would be an unsecured obligation of
the treasury, for 115 billion of Federal Reserve notes, which
are backed by interest-bearing obligations and a fold reserve
of at least 25 per cent* In accordance nith the Federal Reserve
Act, Federal Reserve notes
are only supplied in an aaouat sufficient to meet the publicfs needs for currency and in exchange
for assets of equal value. Ihey may not be issued to finane*
the expenditures of the Government*
Over the long span of history, the issuance of currency
to finance government has invariably been associated with depreciation and devaluation of the currency, and there can be no doubt
that such an action by the United States at this time would be so
interpreted, both by our own citizens and by the world at large*
yours,

KcG. Martin, Jr.

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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

June

the Honorable Richard H» Stapson,
House of Representatives,
Haatdngton 25, D. C.
Biis is in response to Chai»aan Hills1 request that
I supply to you and to hia a statement on the effects of the
proposal by Kepreaentativ© ?atnan to cancel $15 billion of
United States Goverawent obligations presently held by the
Federal Reserve Banks.
% to the present tine* the details of Representative
Patman's proposal are not available to us. As you idlll recall,
in the statement that he made to your Gomaittee, he merely
indicated that he would introduce an amendiient to S* 1120,
which would provide for the cancellation of $15 billion of
such securities*
the OoyeruBeat obligations owned by the Federal
Its servo Banks have been purchased over the course of tdtae in
the process of supplying basics idth sufficient currency to
meet the public's d«aaads aad of maintaining the reserve
balances that the banks are required to hold against their
deposit liabilities* Broadly speaking, ignoring items of
lesser importance, the Federal leserve Banks* assets consist
of $26 billion of Government securities aad about 120 billion
of gold certificate reserves* Ifeeir liabilities cosaprise 12?
billion of Federal Reserve notes and $20 billion of deposits,
mostly aeak@r bank reserve balances* Ihe Ian provides that the
Reserve Banks aast set aside as collateral against Federal
Reserve notes an equivalent aggregate amount of gold, eligible
paper, and D* S* GoveraRsat securities, and must maintain gold
certificate reserves of at least 25 per cent against note aad


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Ihe Honorable Richard !!* Simeon

-2-

Cancellation of H5 billion of the §rstem»s holdings
of Government securities would require a balancing reduction
in its liabilities* As pointed out above, it was not clear
in his statement to your C®saitte@ how Mr. Patinas proposed to
accomplish this second step* If no parallel provision Here
nade simultaneously in the law, tha net result would, of course,
be to place the Federal Reserve System in bankruptcy*
ffeere is no practical way by which $t£ billion of Federal Reserve notes could be taken out of circulation "immediately")
the amount in circulation is determined by the public*s demands*
One possible ad justaent would be to simultaneously reduce the
reserve balances of the member banks by $15 billion through some
form of assessment or tax* This in turn would create similar
problems for ia©BJb©r banks* As I pointed out, it would be highly
deflationary, since it would
require a drastic curtailment of
credit to pull the banks1 deposit structure down to the level
permitted by their reduced reserve balances, even if reserve
requirements were reduced to the present statutory minima.
Subsequent to bis appearance before your Committee,
Hr. Pataan has provided some further information as to the nature
of his proposal* Xn his statement on the floor of the House, on
the Public Debt Act of 1?59 (H.E* 7?l9), Mr* Patmai? statedi


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

"I have proposed legislation which would cancel
$15 billion of these bonds* And the amendment I have
proposed could also take care of the bookkeeping in a
nice, tidy, orthodox way* It would transfer the H5>
billion of assets to the Treasury for cancellation,
and at the sane time it would transfer to the Treasury
$15 billion of liabilities for the outstanding federal
Reserve motes* this will keep the books in balance*
And certainly the treasury can have no objection to
assiaaing the |15 billion of liabilities for these
Federal Reserve notes, because the fact is, as I have
pointed out, these notes ar@ already liabilities of
the Treasury, all S2? billion of then. And they are
a convenient sort of liability to have because, as I
have said, no one will ever try to redeem them, sad
if a holder of these notes should try to redeem them,
the only thing he could demand in exchange would be
another Federal Reserve note .just like the one ha
nants to redeem* Be this method of transfer would
take mye of the matter very nicely*

The Honorable Hichard M. Simpson

-3-

"Unfortunately, the Members of the House are
meeting here under a gag rule. The Rules Committee
has not seen fit to r^ive Members of the House an
opportunity to propose amendments to this debt-increase
bill, otherwise I would offer an amendment which would
substitute a figure permitting the 112 billion increase
in the d ebt limit for a figure which would bring about
a net reduction of $3 billion in the debt limit. And
it would, furthermore, require the Federal Reserve
Board to transfer to the Treasury for immediate cancellation $15 billion of its unneeded debt obligations.
B

I hope, however, to be able to offer this as an
aaendment to the bond give-away bill S. 1120 when we
take that up. So that the Members may be informed, I
will Insert at the conclusions of nrjr remarks a copy of
the amendment I propose to make at that time, assuming
that the House should make the unfortunate decision to
approve this debts-increase bill."
So far as we are aware, the amendment has not be«n
published in the Record, nor has any specific legislation been
introduced. However, the substance of Mr. Patman's proposal now
appears to involve the monetization of $15 billion of the Governisent's outstanding debt. In essence, it would mean financing the
Government through the issuance of fiat raoney. This raises the
basic question of whether the United States Government should
finance either past or current deficits by the issuance of currency; or whether it should, as it now does, finance its debt by
borrowing on interest-bearing obligations, in order to minimize
the inflationary impact of deficits by financing the® with real
savings.
Many years ago the Congress made the basic decision that
it was not desirable for the Government to finance itself by the
issuance of "greenbacks11, or some other form of unsecured paper
currency. Even in the direst periods of national emergency, we
have not resorted to this expedient. While this option is always
open to the Congress, and it would have the effect of reducing
the nominal amount of the Government debt, the repercussions with
respect to the soundness of the Government's credit would be farreaching and possibly devastating.


http://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

The Honorable Eichard K. Simpson
It appears that Mr» P&taan would not propose, for the
moment, to increase or decrease the total amount of isoney in
circulation in the United States, but, rather, to substitute $15
billion of currency, which would be an unsecured obligation of
the Treasury, for |15 billion of Federal Reserve notes, which
are backed by interest-bearing obligations and a gold reserve
of at least 25 per cent. In accordance with the Federal Reserve
Act, Federal Reserve notes are only supplied in an amount aufficient to meet the public's needs for currency and in exchange
for assets of equal value. Thej ®ay not be issued to finance
the expenditures of the Government.
Over the long span of history, the issuance of currency
to finance government has invariably bean associated with depreciation and devaluation of the currency, and ther© can be no doubt
that such an action by the United States at this time would be so
interpreted, both by our own citizens and by the world at large.

WTtmcc


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

- 6and placed it under the direction of another Member of the
Board of Governors.

Furthermore, from the time the pro-

ceedings in this case were instituted, and in view of the
allegations aforementioned, I have taken great pains to
avoid discussions of any phase of this case with other
Members of the Board or with the Board's staff, in order
to make certain there never would be a valid basis for a
charge that I had attempted to influence their judgment even though it is quite certain that any attempt by me in
that direction would have been futile.
I trust that my action in withdrawing will contribute to some extent to the Board's resolution of the
issues framed by this extended hearing.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

- 2 prejudice and animosity against Respondent and its prin•
cipal officer, Mr. Cosgriff.
In my judgment, each letter individually and all
letters taken as a whole represented an impersonal analysis of the bank's condition, and a statement of reasonable
requirement for change in certain banking practices looking toward an ultimate change in the unsound condition then
found to exist.

Thus, they constituted an effort on my

part to fulfill the obligation imposed upon me as a representative of a bank supervisory authority to request and,
if necessary, compel correction of what was deemed to be
unsound banking practices.

I am personally satisfied, and

the correspondence in question bears me out, that the action
taken in respect to the condition and practices of Respondent bank was in no measure impelled by prejudice or partiality, but rather by a sense of responsibility in reference to the banking institution itself and to that bank's
depositors.
As to the testimony of record, referred to and incorporated by reference in the affidavit attached to the
motion to disqualify, I submit that a reading thereof


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

In the Matter of
THE CONTINENTAL BANK
AND TRUST COMPANY
Salt Lake City, Utah
Statement by Governor J. L. Robertson
I am advised that, having fully considered the
facts and circumstances alleged to have given rise to the
filing on June 3, 1959, by Respondent in the above entitled matter of its motion to disqualify me as a Member
of the Board of Governors to review the Report and Recommended Decision of the Trial Examiner, or from otherwise
participating in the decision of this case, my associates
on the Board have denied that motion.
I have undertaken to review the record pertaining
to this matter in as impartial a frame of mind as I believe
a judicial officer would do were a challenge to his qualification raised in a court of law.

I have carefully re-

viewed the correspondence on the subject of the Respondent
bankfs condition directed to the Respondent and its Board
of Directors and signed by me at a time when I was serving
as Acting Comptroller of the Currency and Deputy Comptroller
of the Currency.

That correspondence is alleged, in part,

to form the basis for the belief that I have a personal

•


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

-2-

The aforementioned affidavit., correspondence, portions
of testimony, and finding of the Hearing Examiner having been
carefully considered by the Board (Governor Robertson not participating), the Board finds that the respondent has failed to
establish a personal bias, prejudice, or animosity against respondent
or affiant on the part of Governor Robertson.
The Board finds nothing in the evidence to support
affiant^s assertion that Governor Hobertson would be prevented
from considering the evidence and issues in this proceeding in a
fair and impartial manner„
ORDER
In accordance with the foregoing statement, IT IS ORDERED,
That respondent^ motion to disqualify be, and the same
hereby is, denied.
This 30th day of June 1959.
By order of the Board of Governors.

(Signed) Merritt Sherman
Merritt Sherman,
Secretary,,
(SEAL)

Washington, D 0 C<
June 30, 1959.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

- 5 that of any judicial body that may hereafter review any
portion of the Board1s determination in this case.
I have also been mindful of the precedent of my
withdrawal and the possibility that in another case similar charges might be made against several or even all
Members of the Board.

However, I am satisfied that each

case must be decided in its own setting and in this case
my withdrawal will deprive the Board of only one-seventh

.
of its membership.

Had the problem of precedent loomed

sufficiently large before me, my decision might be differ-

ent.
In withdrawing, in order to clearly eliminate the
contention of "bad blood'" from this case, I wish to state
for the record that shortly after I became a Member of the
Board of Governors and was asked to assume primary responsibility for the Board's bank supervisory functions, I requested the Board to exclude from this assignment the Continental Bank and Trust Company of Salt Lake City, Utah,
because of the allegations of prejudice and dislike that
had been made by Mr. Cosgriff from time to time over the
years.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

The Board did exclude this case from my assignment

EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS
WILBUR O. MILLS, ARK., CHAIRMAN
AIME J. FOR AND,

R.I.

RICHARD M. SIMPSON, PA.
NOAH M. MASON, ILL.

CECIL R. KING, CALIF.
THOMAS J. O'BRIEN,
HALE BOGGS, LA.

ILL.

EUGENE J. KEOGH, N.Y.
BURR P. HARRISON, VA.
FRANK M. KARSTEN, MO.
A. S. HERLONQ, JR., FLA.
FRANK IKARD, TEX.
THADDEUS M. MACHROWICZ, MICH.
JAMES B. FRAZIER, JR., TENN.
WILLIAM J. GREEN, JR., PA.
JOHN C. WATTS, KY.

JOHN W. BYRNES, WIS.
HOWARD H. BAKER, TENN.
THOMAS B. CURTIS, MO.
VICTOR A. KNOX, MICH.

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS

JAMES B. UTT, CALIF.
JACKSON E. BETTS, OHIO
BRUCE ALGER, TEX.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

ALBERT H. BOSCH, N.Y.

WASHINGTON, D.C.

THOMAS A. MARTIN,
MINORITY COUNSEL

LEE METCALF, MONT.
LEO H. IRWIN, CHIEF COUNSEL

July 13, 1959,

JOHN M. MARTIN, JR.,
ASSISTANT CHIEF COUNSEL
GERARD M. BRANNON,
PROFESSIONAL STAFF

The Honorable
Robert B. Anderson
Secretary of the Treasury
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I am writing this letter as the ranking
Republican Member of the Committee on Ways and Means
at the direction of my Republican Committee Colleagues
in regard to the Coiamittee action taken with respect
to the Administration's legislative proposal affecting
the interest rate ceilings on securities of the Federal Government.
It is requested that you make available to me
at your earliest possible convenience a letter expressing your evaluation of the Conamittee approved amendments and the impact the Committee action will have in
the carrying out of your responsibility to manage the
Federal financing in the most economic and efficient
manner possible. I would appreciate your comments being
in the context of evaluating these Committee amendments
as contrasted with the original legislative recommendations
submitted to the Congress by the Administration.
It is possible that the decision will be made by
the Republican Members of the Committee to include
your response to this request in whatever supplemental
or minority views may be filed in connection with the
Committee report on the legislation. To this end it is
desired that your communication be stated in terms that
will not necessitate an informed knowledge of either
public finance or economic theory in order to comprehend
its meaning.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Mr, Secretary

-2*

July 13, 1959.

I am deeply concerned that If the legislation
passes the House In the form In which It has ten**
tatlvely been approved by the Committee, further
restricting and harmful amendments will be approved
during Its consideration in the Senate with the
result that a conference compromise would be less
helpful than the House version. It Is my own con*
viction that we might be better off to make the
strongest possible endeavor In the House to achieve
legislation without undesirable encumbrances*
I know that I express the view of the entire
membership of the Committee on Ways and Means when
I commend the forthrightness and knowledge that you
have brought to the difficult executive sessions that
the Committee on Ways and Means has held on this
subject*


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Chairman, Board of Governors
Federal Reserve System

EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS
WILBUR O. MILLS, ARK., CHAIRMAN
RICHARD M. SIMPSON, PA.
AIMS J. FORAND, R.I.
NOAH M. MASON, ILL.
CECIL R. KINO. CALIF.
JOHN W. BYRNES. WI8.
THOMAS J. O'BRIEN, ILL.
HOWARD H. BAKER. TENN.
HALE BOQaS, LA.
THOMAS B. CURTIS. MO.
EUGENE J. KEOGH, N.Y.
VICTOR A. KNOX, MICH.
BURR P. HARRISON, VA.
JAMES B. UTT, CALIF.
FRANK M. KARSTEN, MO.
JACKSON E. BETTS, OHIO
A. 8. HER LONG, JR., FLA.
BRUCE ALGER, TEX.
FRANK IKARO, TEX.
THADDEUS M. MACHROWICZ, MICH.
ALBERT H. BOSCH, N.Y.
JAMES B. FRAZIER, JR., TENN.
WILLIAM J. GREEN, JR., PA.
THOMAS A. MARTIN,
JOHN C. WATTS, KY.
MINORITY COUNSEL
LEE METCALF. MONT.

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

LEO H. IRWIN, CHIEF COUNSEL

WASHINGTON, D.C.

July 13, 1959.

JOHN M. MARTIN, JR.,
ASSISTANT CHIEF COUNSEL
GERARD M. BRANNON,
PROFESSIONAL STAFF

The Honorable
William. ilcChesney Martin, Jr,
Chairman, Board of Governors
Federal Reserve System
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Chairman:
1 am writing with respect to the legislation which
has been prepared by the Committee on Ways and Means and
which the Chairman of the Committee has been instructed
to introduce in the House of Representatives pertaining
to interest rate ceilings on securities of the Federal
Government.
Several Members of the Committee on Ways and Means
have expressed grave concern about the Committee approved
amendments to the legislative proposal originally offered
by the Administration. As you know from your able participation in the Committee deliberations on. this subject
these amendments in general terms would (1) retain the
statutory ceilings but permit them to be disregarded if
the President found that the national interest so required,
(2) express the sense of Congress with respect to Federal
Reserve policy in monetary affairs, and (3) provide a 2year effective period for the legislation. The second of
these enumerated amendments is of the most serious concern
and is of direct interest to the Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System. Accordingly, 1 would appreciate
receiving from you at your earliest possible convenience a
letter setting forth your evaluation of this expression of
the Congress affecting the Federal Reserve monetary operations. I would like to know your evaluation in terms of
what the consequences would be if the amendment is mandatory
on the Federal Reserve and if it is merely permissive.


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Mr. Martin

-2-

I am making this request to you as the
ranking Republican Member of the Committee on Ways
and Means at the direction of my fellow Republican
Colleagues. It may be desirable that your reply be
included as a part of any supplemental or minority
views that we may decide to file in connection with
the Committee report on this subject. I would appreciate it if your expression of views could be
couched in such a way as to be readily understood by
a person who is not possessed of informed knowledge
about economic and monetary theory.
The other two amendments that I have enumerated
in this letter are of more immediate concern to the
Treasury Department than to the Federal Reserve, but
you may be assured that any comment you may care to
make on these amendments would be of the utmost benefit
to the Congress and to the Nation.
In closing I would like to commend you and your
associates for the outstanding and patriotic contribution yovi made to our Committee deliberations on this
subject. Your activities on this occasion have been
totally consistent with the distinguished public service
that is such a commendable part of your illustrious
career.
S i nc c±r e 1 y your s,

Richard ri, Simpson, M. C.
CC:


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Honorable Robert V . Anderson
Secretary of the Treasury

H» Honorable Wiltour &* fella*.
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Wm. McC. Martin;

BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE
'

Date

SYSTEM

«fofr 15, 1959

To _ Chairman Martin

_

From

_

Mr, Sherman

MESSAGE:
Attached for your information is
a copy of a letter delivered to
Congressman Simpson yesterday.


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BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE

F E D E R A L R E S E R V E SYSTEM
WASHINGTON

OFFICE OF THE CHAIRMAN

July 14, 1959

.
The Honorable Richard H. Simpson,
House of Representatives,
Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Mr. Simpson:
This response to the request contained in your letter of
July 13 puts in writing the gist of the comments I made in the
Executive session meetings of the Ways and Means Committee on the
amendments to the legislative proposals originally offered by the
Administration


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It is my considered judgment we are facing a
serious financial situation. The limitation on
interest rates is unrealistic in the light of present
market quotations and denies the U. S. Treasury the tools
essential to effective balanced handling of its borrowing needs. By statute the Treasury is now limited, because of the ceilings, to the issue of short-term
securities which under present conditions of rising
prosperity is dangerous. These short-term obligations
can readily be converted into money at the. option of
the holder. In effect, they are a substitute for money,
and thus could swell the flow of money far beyond that
needed to purchase available goods and services at current price levels. The threat of a money flow out of
hand has a major impact on the cost of living and places
a burden on all of us.
It serves no useful purpose at the moment to argue
whose fault it is that we are in our present predicament.
The fact of the matter is we are in it. The Committee
is not being asked to vote whether interest rates should
or would go up or down, but merely to grant the Treasury
authority to exercise its best judgment in meeting an
existing problem. We are discussing a crucial matter—
the credit of the United States. Failure to deal with
this could (and I was careful not to threaten or assert
that it necessarily would) have the most serious implications* It was my duty to warn of this, much as I disliked the task. These are the basic facts with which

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson

-2~

wevere dealing and any amendments must be considered
in this light.
The amendment to retain the statutory ceilings
but permit them to be disregarded if. the President
found the national interest so required did not seem
to me to present unworkable problems. Accordingly,
I did not raise objections, although I prefer the
original.
The "sense of the Committee" amendment is quite a
different matter. I object to this on principle. The
Open Market Committee and the Federal Reserve Board
are given the responsibility under the Federal Reserve
Act for regulating the money supply. If the Congress
wishes to spell out the means of doing this, it should
amend the Federal Reserve Act and not tack this on to
a debt management bill.
Furthermore, under present conditions, I am convinced that this amendment, when stripped of all technicalities, and regardless of whether the language is permissive or mandatory, will cause many thoughtful people
both at home and abroad to question the will of our
Government to manage its financial affairs without recourse to the printing press. To me this is a grave
matter. We are here dealing with trust and confidence
which is the keystone of sound currency. Therefore, I
must oppose this proposal as vigorously as possible, as
I did during the hearings.
The amendment limiting the President's authority to
two years is, in my judgment, unsound. It could be a
source of embarrassment to both the next President and
the then Secretary of the Treasury.
I have tried as faithfully as possible to summarize what I
actually said during the hearings, and not to introduce new ideas.
May I, in conclusion, thank you and all the members of the Committee
for the courtesy and consideration shown me and my associates throughout the meetings. I am taking the liberty of sending a copy of this
letter to Chairman Mills.
•
Sincerely yours,


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(Signed) Wra. McC. Martin, Jr,

From the office of
The Hdri. Richard M. Simpson, M. C.
U. S. House of Representatives
The Honorable Richard M. Simpson (R-Pa.) ranking
Republican Member of the Committee on Ways and Means, today
charged that the failure of the House Democrat leadership
to clear for House consideration President Eisenhower's
legislative recommendations concerning Government interest
rates is a political act that threatens our national
credit and impairs the ability of our Federal Government
to fulfill its obligations to our citizens.
Congressman Simpson characterized the Democrat
failure to act as "another example of the Democrat leadership's
inability to provide responsible legislative guidance1'.
He said, "The Democrat Party is seeking bigger and better
ways of spending more and more of the taxpayer's dollars
while turning its back on measures that would bar inflation
and preserve the purchasing power of our citizens' income
and savings1'. Mir. Simpson asserted that the Democrat
delay has already added to the cost of Debt management as
evidenced by the rising yields on weekly issues of
Treasury bills during the prolonged period that the Committee on Ways and Means has been working on this legislation on an "on-again off-again basis".
Mr. Simpson called on the Democrat leadership to
stop straddling the political fence and deal forthrightly
with this important problem without further delay. He
asserted that the cleavage in the ranks of the Democrat
majority had prompted the majority leadership to sit on
the legislation while casting about for an escape hatch
from reality.
Mr. Simpson pointed out that financial writers
and experts are virtually unanimous in recognizing the
need for the legislation as recommended by the President.
Long-term financing of our huge public debt would tend to
ease money problems of small business and other short term
private borrowers and would be less inflationary than
the methods of debt management that would follow from
Democrat inaction.
Congressman Simpson said, "The Administration has
shown the way to fiscal responsibility. All that remains
is for the Democrat leadership to make the difficult
political decision to be fiscally responsible and support
the passage of this urgent legislation."


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From the office of
The Honorable Richard M. Simpson, M. C.
United States House of Representatives

For Release P. M. papers
July 23, 1959.

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson (R.-Pa.), ranking Republican Member
of the House Committee on Ways and Means, today announced that the 10 Republican Members of the House Committee on Ways and Means have acted unanimously to urge the House Democratic leadership to permit consideration of
the Administration's request for legislation to facilitate the most economical and efficient management of the Public Debt.
It will be recalled that on June 8, 1959, the President transmitted
to the Congress a request for legislation removing the statutory ceilings
on rates of interest on Government securities. The Republican Members of
the Committee in their concern over the gravity of the fiscal problems confronting the United States joined in addressing a letter to the Speaker of
the House urging that he bring the prestige and persuasion of his office
to ending the existing stalemate that has caused this legislation to be
bottled up in committee for more than 6 weeks,
The Administration proposal has received the overwhelming support
of financial writers and monetary experts« These writers and experts have
pointed out the danger inherent in not acting promptly to deal forthrightly
with the present situation. They have also referred to the serious trouble
that could result from preventing the Federal Government from marketing
bonds with maturities in excess of 5 years. Under existing law the statutory interest rate ceiling does not apply to bills, notes, or certificates
having a maturity of 5 years or less. To limit the Federal Government to
the short-term money market would force the Government to compete for credit
and savings in the same market that small business and consumers resort to
for financing business expansion and consumer articles such as automobiles
and household appliances. Failure to act favorably on this legislation
would add substantially to the credit problems of the small businessman and
the American public,
The text of the letter to the Speaker follows:
July 22, 1959.
The Honorable
Sam Rayburn
The Speaker
House of Representatives
Dear Mr. Speaker:
The President of the United States sent a coirimunication
to the Congress on June 8, 1959, outlining a legislative program
to assist in the successful management of the Debt of the Federal Government. Included in the program set forth by the
President were proposals for removing the present 3.26 percent
interest rate ceiling on savings bonds and for the removal of
the present li-l/U percent interest rate ceiling on new issues
of Treasury bonds.

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From the office of
The Hon. Richard M. Simpson, M. C.
U. S. House of Representatives

Page 2
Release BM Papers
July 23, 1959

In his communication the President stated:
"The Public Debt must be managed so as to safeguard the
public credit. It must be nanaged in a way that is consistent with economic growth and stability. It must slso
be managed as economically as possible in terms of interest
costs. * * * The enactment of this program is essential to
sound conduct of the Government's financial affairs."
Since the transmission of this communication on June 8
the Committee on Ways and Means has held 3 days of public hearings
and has met in executive session many times. Through the able and
constructive participation by the Secretary of the Treasury and
the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System in the work of the Committee we have obtained answers to
the policy questions raised in regard to this proposal. The
Committee on Ways and Means has focused its attention to the
exhaustive consideration of all aspects of this legislative request.
T

e are confident you are mindful that the United States is
now confronted with a serious fiscal situation. This situation
has the gravest import in its domestic and international implications with respect to confidence in the soundness of the dollar.
The delay that has occurred to date in bringing this legislation
before the House has created market uncertainties which have contributed to increasing the cost of the Public Debt.
TT

e are addressing this letter to you with a copy to Chairman Mills in view of Press statements attributed to you to the
effect that the legislation will not receive House consideration
in the absence of Administration concurrence in the amendments
tentatively approved by the Majority Members of the Committee.
T
e are confident that the Committee on Ways and Means would complete its action on this legislation if you would indicate your
willingness to have the matter presented to the House. It is
essential that the House be allowed to work its will by the action of the entire House membership.
The 10 Republican Members of the Committee on Ways and
Means pledge their wholehearted support to the Administration
proposed legislation on this subject. We firmly believe that
at least lUO Republicans in the House would vote in favor of the
Administration's reauest. Our Party's membership in the House
of Representatives is willing to accept the responsibility for removing the statutory ceilings on interest rates for Government
securities to facilitate the economical management of the ^ublic
Debt0 If no House action is taken on this legislation, the Democratic Majority in the House must accept the responsibility for
the consequences of failure to act. The soundness of our Nation's
currency and the integrity of our Nation's credit are at stake.

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From the office of
The Hon. Richard M. Simpson, K.C.
U. S. House of Representatives

pa e

S 3
Release PJ£ papers
Jul 2
7 3*. 1-959

One of the objectives to be accomplished by the enactment of the
legislation urged by the Administration is to make it clear that the
United States Government fully intends to manage its monetary affairs
in a sound and responsible manner„ It is essential if we are to avoid
catastrophic aftermaths that we retain the confidence at home and abroad
in the fiscal strength of the United States,
During its deliberations on this legislation the Majority Members of the Committee on Ways and Means have tentatively approved two
amendments to the bill which in our judgment could impair that confidence and interfere with efficient Debt management. One of these
amendments would limit for an effective period of 2 years the authority
to exceed the interest rate ceilings. This amendment could be construed to indicate an expectation that there will be a contraction in
America's economic expansion by that time, Such an interpretation would
not be conducive to the building of public confidence. We cannot agree
that such a contraction in economic growth is inevitable in the next
2 years.
The second amendment to which we object would express the sense
of Congress that the Federal Reserve System should return to the discredited war-time practice of supporting the price of Government bonds,
As evidenced by comments on the floor of the House by Members of your
own Party, there is confusion as to whether this amendment would be
mandatory or permissive on" the Federal Reserve System. Regardless of
its intent in this respect, its inflationary implications would tend to
destroy the public confidence we seek to maintain.
These amendments would be injurious to proper Debt management
and would t end to deprive the Federal Reserve System of the discretionary
flexibility in monetary affairs that the Congress has historically
recognized the need for it to have. We are categorically opposed to
any amendments that would serve to destroy the very public confidence
that we are seeking to protect by this legislation.
The Administration's request is already in legislative form and
is pending in the House of Representatives as set forth in a bill,
H. R. 8304, introduced by the ranking Republican Member of our Committee.
While we are opposed to any amendments that have been considered to date
to the Administration's request, we are firm in the conviction that
legislation dealing with this subject should and must be considered in
the House of Representatives,


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From the office of
The Hon. Richard M. Simpson, M» C.
U. S. House of Representatives

Page 4
Release-PM Papers
July 23, 1959.

Accordingly, we respectfully request your support of our endeavors to have prompt House consideration of legislation dealing
forthrightly with this important fiscal problem.


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Sincerely yours,
/s/ Richard M. Simpson
Noah M. Mason
John W. Byrnes
Howard H. Baker
Thomas B, Curtis
Victor A. Knox
James B. Utt
Jackson E. Betts
Bruce Alger
Albert H. Bosch.

SPEAKER RAYBTJRNS'S STATEMENT IN REPLY TO THE LETTER
SIGNED BY REPRESENTATIVE SIMPSON AND OTHER REPUBLICAN
MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND L1EANS.
July 23,
The Committee on Ways and Means moved promptly on the
legislation to remove the statutory ceiling on the interest rate of longterm bonds, because it was aware that the request of the President
deals with one of the most important issues facing us. Both the Committee
and I are fully aware of the gravity of the problems involved.
In substance, the Committee gave the President the flexibility
which he requested in the management of the public debt. The Committee
added two provisions to the legislation requested by the President.
First, instead of removing the ceiling permanently, the
Committee placed a two-year limitation on the authority granted to
the President.
Second, the Committee required that before bonds could be
issued at rates of interest above the existing ceiling, the President must
make a finding that it is in the national interest to do so.
The only other provision which the Committee added to the
legislation was a declaration of the sense of Congress relative to
the management of the public debt. This section states the concern
of the Congress over the continuing rising costs of financing the public
debt. It expresses the hope that further increases in interest rates
can be avoided or minimized without interfering with efficient debt
management and the Federal Reserve's efforts to preserve a sound
currency.


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Here is the language in question:

-2f

'It is the sense of Congress that the Federal Reserve System,

while pursuing its primary mission of administering sound monetary
policy, should, to the maximum extent consistent therewith, utilize
such means as will assist in the economical and efficient management
of the public debt and in so doing the System should where feasible
bring about needed future monetary expansion by purchasing United
States securities, of varying maturities»u
This is what the language does. It expresses the sense of
Congress that the Federal Reserve System should assist the Treasury
in the management of the public debt in a way that is consistent with the
System's primary mission of administering a sound money policy.
This language further expresses the preference of Congress that
when it is necessary for the Board to carry out its function of expanding
the supply of money and credit, this could be done whenever feasible
by its purchase of United States securities. This language does not
require or even urge any expansion of the credit supply that would not
be desirable and necessary for economic growth. The language of the
bill says simply that it is the sense of the Congress that
wherever feasible this needed growth of the money supply could be
provided through the purchase of Government securities. There is
nothing new, unreasonable or irresponsible in this procedure. I need
only to point out that the Federal Reserve Banks already hold $26 billions
of United States Government securities.
I have been forced to the conclusion that the Federal Reserve
authorities have reached a point in their thinking where they consider


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-3themselves immune to any direction or suggestion by the Congress, let
alone a simple expression of the sense of Congress. It appears that
the fault of the suggested Committee bill was not that the language itself
was wrong, but that the Congress dared even to speak to the Federal
Reserve, a creature of Congress.
The failure to move this bill is the failure on the part of the
Administration to understand that the Congress cannot be expected to
be unconcerned about what might happen in the exercise of the
authority granted to the President under the bill. It is the failure of
the Administration to accept the right of the Congress to express its
concern within the statute, that this authority should not be exercised
in ways which are not in the public interest.

It is the failure of the

Administration to accept the right of Congress to place a time limit
upon the exercise of this very substantial authority so that the Congress
may, from time to time, re-examine the way that the authority is
being exercised.
Since the responsible solution of this problem is of great
importance to the country, it is disappointing that the Republican Members
of the Corranittee on Ways and Means have decided to play politics with
it, particularly at a time when conferences were being held with
responsible Administration officials in an effort to resolve this
problem. Every Republican Member of the Committee on Ways and
Means must have known of the efforts on the part of the leadership of
the Congress and the Democratic Members of the Committee on Ways and


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

-kMeans in meeting with representatives of the Administration seeking a
solution to this problem. They must have known that I, along with
others, have been making every effort to resolve this problem in a
way that is of the best interest to our country. We are not wedded to
the language suggested by the Committee, and despite the political
activities of the Committee minority, we will continue to make every
effort to develop an effective solution to this problem. In my opinion,
this is a matter far too important to get involved in partisan politics.


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From the office of
Hon. Richard M. Simpson, M. C.
U. S. House of Representatives

For Immediate Release
July 2U, 19S>9.

The Honorable Richard M. Simpson, (R-Pa*), ranking Republican
Member of the House Committee on Ways and Means, today expressed regret
that the Speaker of the House of Representatives had "unwarrantedly chosen
to characterise as a political play' the pledge of support from the 10
Republicans Members of the Committee on Ways and Means to assist in
obtaining favorable House action on the Administrations request for
legislation to remove statutory interest rate ceilings to facilitate
economical Public Debt management".
Mr0 Simpson stated that the Speakers reaction to the
Republican joint letter of July 22, 1959, is an indication of the
Democratic House leadership's vulnerability to the charge that if the
Democratic leadership continues to thwart House action on this measure
"the Democratic Majority in the House must accept the responsibility for
the consequences of failure to Act" on a measure that involves the soundness of the Nation's currency and the integrity of the Nation's credit0
Mr. Simpson noted that while neither he nor any other Republican Member
of the Committee on Ways and Means had received a reply from the Speaker
to their letter of July 22, the Speaker had claimed in a press statement
"the leadership of the Congress and the Democratic Members of the Committee on Ways and Means are seeking a solution to this problem." Mr.
Simpson acknowledged encouragement from the fact that the Democratic
House leadership recognized the matter as a problem but he said "I find
difficulty in reconciling that statement by the Speaker to a Press statement of July 16, 1959, attributed to the Speaker saying *we can sit here
and wait'."
Mr. Simpson said that one of the considerations that had
prompted the Committee Republican Members to urge action on this important
legislation is their concern that the Democratic House leadership had
decided to "sit and wait" in taking action on this important measure in
the same way "the Democratic leadership has been sitting and waiting on
effective farm legislation, a suitable housing bill, and a labor bill
that will protect the rights of all American citizens". He went on to
say, "The Democratic leadership in the Congress seems to have effectively
adjourned the Congress without the awareness of the Members".
Mr. Simpson said "I presume if and when the Democratic House
leadership makes its decision as to what is good for the Nation with
respect to Public Debt management, it will permit the entire House
membership to vote on legislation meeting the approval of that leadership
without regard to the President's recommendation."
Mre Simpson noted that the Speaker's criticism of the Federal
Reserve Board was totally unwarranted and constituted a rebuke by a
highly placed Government official of other Government officials who are
earnestly doing their patriotic best to fulfill their responsibility as


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c

-2-

c

prescribed by law.
In connection with his statement Congressman Simpson released
the text of a letter he had received from the Honorable William
McChesney Martin, Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System on the Democratic proposed amendments to the Administration's legislative proposal*
The complete text of Mr. Simpson's statement follows along
with the text of Mr. Martin's letter.

(Text of the Statement by the Hon. Richard M. Simpson)
I sincerely regret that the Speaker of the House of Representatives has unwarrantedly chosen to characterize as a "political
play" the pledge of support from the 10 Republican Members of the
Committee on Ways and Means to assist in obtaining favorable House
action on the Administration's request for legislation to remove
statutory interest rate ceilings to facilitate economical Public Debt
management0
It is a matter of public record that a substantial cleavage
exists among House Democrats on this legislative proposal and our pledge
of unanimous support by Republican Committee Members and the expression
of expected support from at least 3J±0 Republican Members of the House
were intended to give encouragement to the House Democratic leadership
to break the existing stalemate and deal forthrightly with this important issue involving confidence in the soundness of our dollar and
in the integrity of our credit.
While neither I, nor to my knowledge any other Republican
Member of the Committee on Ways and Means, has received a reply from
the Speaker to our letter of July 22, the Speaker apparently has said
to the Press that "the leadership of the Congress and the Democratic
Members of the Committee on Ways and Means are seeking a solution to
this problem"* I am encouraged that the Democratic House leadership has
recognised and is seeking a solution to this problem, but I find difficulty
in reconciling that statement by the Speaker with a Press statement of
July 16, 1959; attributed to the Speaker saying "we can sit here and wait".
One of the considerations that weighed persuasively with the
Republican Membership of the Committee on Ways and Means in urging the
Speaker to end the Committee bottleneck was our concern that the
Democratic House leadership had adopted a "sit and wait" policy on this
important matter in the same way that the Democratic leadership has been
"sitting and waiting" on effective farm legislation, a suitable housing
bill, and a labor bill that will protect the rights of all American


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

-3citizens* The Democratic leadership in the Congress seems to have effectively adjourned the Congress without the awareness of the Members.
I presume if and when the Democratic House leadership makes its decision
as to what is good for the Nation with respect to public Debt management,
it will permit the entire House membership to vote on legislation meeting
the approval of that leadership without regard to the President's recommendation.
The Speaker has unjustly expressed criticism of Federal Reserve
authorities. This criticism is totally unwarranted and constitutes a
rebuke by a highly placed Government official of other Government officials
who are earnestly doing their patriotic best to fulfill their responsibility
as prescribed by law. The Speaker in seeking to cast responsibility for
this Democratic caused stalemate on the Federal Reserve authorities is
criticising recognised monetary authorities who are conducting themselves
with impeccable propriety on this important issue. In his criticism of
the Federal Reserve the Speaker seems unmindful of the virtually unanimous
criticism expressed by financial writers of the amendments tentatively
approved by the Democratic Majority on the Committee on Ways and Means,
An example of such criticism appears in the July 13, 195>9, publication
of Aubrey G. Lanston & Co. Inc., who are foremost specialists in
Government securities. An excerpt from that publication states the
following with respect to the amendment which would require the Federal
Reserve to peg Government bond pricess
"Some things, however, are clear. The management of
money, credit and debt is an art the practice of which is
replete with complexities. The means by which these arts
are practiced very definitely are not matters in which
Congress can afford to meddle whimsically or for purposes
of advancing partisan objectives. The manner in which, and.
the methods by which Federal Reserve open market operations
are conducted may not be subjected to black-and-white analyses.
But, certainly, the national interest dictates that the choice
of methods be left to the experts, and that the actual decisions
with respect to these matters be left to the experts who are
charged with the responsibility. Certainly, too, Federal
Reserve officials know better than the House Ways and Means
Committee what the Fed can and cannot do in the Government
market if the public interest is to be served."
The Speaker in stressing what he interprets as the permissive character
of the proposed amendment also seems unmindful of statements made on the
House floor by Democratic House Members indicating that perhaps the
amendment would be mandatory on the Federal Reserve.
On July 13, 195>9, I addressed a letter to the Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, the Honorable William
McChesney Martin, Jr., at the request of several Members of the Cormiittee
on Ways and Means asking the Chairman to evaluate the amendments that had


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

-kbeen tentatively adopted by the House Committee Majority. Because I was
uncertain as to the scheduling of subsequent activity by the Committee
on this legislation, I asked that Chairman Martin expedite his reply,,
His answer contained nothing that he had not previously brought to the
attention of the Committee before the Democratic Majority had approved
these amendments. I consider that his answer contained his earnest
and patriotically expressad views on this very serious matter*
In view of the aspersions that have bsen cast upon the
Federal Reserve authorities, I feel it only proper that the text of
Chairman Martin's reply to me should be released at this time. It is
appropriate that the American people should be permitted to judge whether
he is acting as an obstructionist as has been alleged or instead is
constructively working as a responsible Government official who is
knowledgeable in monetary affairs to find a correct solution to a very
grave national issue.

(There is attached the text of the letter to the Honorable Richard M.
Simpson from the Honorable William McChesney Martin, Jr., Chairman,
Board of Governors, Federal Reserve System).


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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

September 16, 1959,

Dear Kir. Mason:
In rereading the record of my appearance
before the Ways acid Means committee on June 11
I note that you made some reference to my
testimony and that I made no response* This was
definitely an oversight on my part and I wanted
you to know that I appreciate what you said and,
however belatedly, want to say Mthank yo*t.tl
1 trust you will get a little vacation now
that the Congress is adjourned, and 1 nope our
paths will cross again before too long.
Sincerely yours,

. McC. Martin, Jr.

The Honorable Noah M. Mason,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.

WMM:mnm