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American
Economy
•to

TEXT OF AN ADDRESS
by

WM. McCHESNEY MARTIN, JR.
Chairman, Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System

at
Luncheon

Meeting

of
The Executives' Club of Chicago
Gpand B a l l r o o m , H o t e l

Sherman

C h i c a g o , Illinois
December 12, 1 9 5 8




OUR
AMERICAN
ECONOMY
During the past year, we have had both recession and recovery and now, once again, fear
of inflation. Despite the best efforts of the
Federal Reserve System to explain its objectives and point of view to the general public,
questions are again arising as to the basic
purposes of monetary authorities. These queries are legitimate, but the answers have been
given repeatedly. The Federal Reserve System
is designed to regulate the supply of money in
order to foster high levels of employment and
stable prices. Stability is not an end in itself
but a means by which this higher standard of
living can be attained and without which a
lower standard of living becomes inevitable.
From time to time the charge is made that the
Federal Reserve is seeking a recession and
would like to see a little unemployment. Certainly nothing could be further from the truth.
The Federal Reserve's paramount purpose is
to contribute, so far as it can, to sustained
economic progress without the painful
setbacks that mean waste of human and
material resources.
There are many types of unemployment and
many causes of unemployment. All of the
factors that go into unemployment must be
carefully considered and sympathetically
studied. For residual unemployment, or temporary unemployment, we have unemployment compensation benefits. The major
problem, however, is how to get people to
work and give them jobs which will be permanent and profitable. How easy this would
be if we could only achieve it by just spending
more money. Unfortunately experience has




demonstrated you cannot spend yourself rich.
Lasting prosperity only comes from hard
work, producing goods and services which
people need and want at prices they are willing and able to pay. At the moment we have
unused capacities in industry and larger levels
of unemployment than we would like to have.
Why has this come about? Because of tight
money? Not a bit. It has come about because
inflation got ahead of us as evidenced by the
fact that at one time in 1957 we were losing
more than $ 1 billion a month in prices in our
gross national product without additional
goods and services being produced for the
consumer. The seeds of inflation were sprouting into the temporary over-capacity which
we now have and a decline was inevitable.
Let us not be misled by comments to the effect
that the consumer price level is now stable.
The process of inflation in this country started
over ten years ago during our war-time period
and with minor interruptions from time to
time has persisted ever since.
The Federal Reserve System has leaned
against the wind whenever it has been clear
which way the wind was blowing. In 1957-58,
when a decline was under way, we pursued an
easy money policy, in order to give whatever
assistance an enlarged availability of money
could give to alleviating distress and laying
the groundwork for recovery. This was largely
achieved by the end of April of this year.
Accordingly, Federal Reserve policy was modified, as it always should be, in adaptation to
the change in economic conditions. At the
present time, with increased demands for
funds, with improved productivity, we are witnessing a strong economic comeback and we
are now beginning to see a gratifying decline in
unemployment figures, although the total is
still higher than any of us would like it to be.



Let us not succumb to the belief that these
unemployed people will be assisted by flooding our economy with a stream of easy money.
The better way to get these people back to
work is to concentrate on fundamentals that
permit the forces of the market to operate.
Rising interest rates, when they reflect a
response to improving business conditions,
have never been a sign of weakness. When
artificial forces prevent their rise it may well
lead to knots which would complicate rather
than assist our progress. If business conditions continue to improve it is normal to
expect interest rates to rise; if business stays
where it is interest rates will probably stay
about where they are, and if business begins
to decline interest rates will decline. But let
us not be carried away into thinking that
interest rates are such a dominant force in
the economy that they possess some magic
so that they alone can determine the level
of employment, unemployment, and use of
capacity — at high or low levels. To me it is
vital that we understand this crucial point.
A recent trip to several countries of the Far
East gave me a welcomed opportunity to see
ourselves as others see us. One distressing
experience was to find among intelligent and
perceptive men in those countries a growing
distrust over the future of the American
dollar. Whether or not it is justified — and
certainly I think it is not — it is important
to recognize that this feeling exists.
To the foreigner, much more than to Americans, the dollar is a symbol of this country's
strength. A decline in the value of the dollar
would suggest to him a decline in the faith
and credit of the United States, signaling in
his mind a decline not only in American
economic strength but also in moral force.




Naturally I was interested in the basis of distrust. Two matters appeared uppermost. One
was a conviction that, not necessarily at the
moment but in a fairly short time and more
markedly in the extending future, American
goods are going to find themselves priced out
of the market. Indeed, I was told that some
countries to which we have made loans conditioned upon the purchase of American
goods would, except for that restriction, already be turning elsewhere for their purchases.
You will recall that this same sort of talk
was directed at Britain for about a year before
the British got into trouble and had to devalue
the pound sterling. I don't think it is going
to happen here. I wouldn't talk about it if
I did. But it is something for us to be concerned about.
The other thing cited to me as a reason for
foreign distrust of America's ability or will
to preserve the buying power of the dollar
was the $ 12 billion deficit that has developed
in the United States budget, plus possibilities
that further deficits may follow.
It was amazing to me how closely our budgetary developments were being followed in
such remote areas as Thailand and Hong
Kong, and how many people there knew
our precise budget figures better than
most Americans.
Of course a simple fact of human nature has
added intensity to their interest. They all
know, many through personal experience, of
the stern lectures America has given foreign
countries about their need to have the moral
fiber to put their finances in order. And, as
a widely traveled American businessman recently suggested to me, it is only natural that
foreign countries should be wondering if we
have the capacity to take the medicine we
have so freely prescribed for others.




Now I don't think anyone abroad or at home
questions the ability of the richest country in
the world to "afford" whatever amounts are
needed for the national defense of the United
States and for social benefits the American
public demands as well. Certainly I do not
question it myself.
The question that I ran into was something
else: since Americans clearly can afford these
expenditures, why don't they pay for them?
That is, why don't they pay in taxes or reduce
other programs instead of giving l.O.U.'s or
simply printing more paper dollars? That
also is something to think about.
Now let's discuss this matter of the budget.
No reasonable man believes that budgets can
always be balanced. Likewise, no sensible
person believes that an unbalanced budget is
a desirable way of life. This, of course, has
moral connotations as well as economic.
We are a rich country. There is no reason to
be ashamed of it and we do not need to apologize about it. We must recognize that some
people in our society are not as rich or well
off as we would like them to be. As a nation,
however, we can afford to expend whatever
is required for national defense and foreign
aid. Naturally we don't want waste in these
projects. Whatever is required we can afford
to spend, but we cannot afford to spend it
if we are unable to find the means of paying
for these expenditures in any other way than
by printing money. Regardless of what facile
justification or technical obscurantism is used
to persuade us that we can have our cake and
eat it too, we can have no hesitation in stating
flatly, "It just isn't true."
We must face up to the reality of either raising
taxes or revising our tax structure to produce
more revenue or reducing the priorities of




some other programs until we can get things
in better balance. Whatever the justifications
for deficit financing in time of recession—and
at best I sometimes think there is a good bit
of wishful thinking involved — there can be
no question that when business is improving
and moving actively toward higher levels, a
budget deficit becomes fuel on the fire of
inflation. In effect, it pumps air into the
business structure as if it were a balloon and
eventually leads to more serious recession
when the balloon pops than would have
occurred if it had not been indulged in. Again
let me say, this is not pleasant, but with due
respect to these people who talk about modern
times and outmoded classical theories what
I am saying is based on time-honored and
time-tested principles that are as valid and
inescapable today as they have been down
through the ages.
Likewise, it is time we stopped shilly-shallying around about this matter of interest rates
and faced up to realities. We have had far
too much talk about so-called "tight" money
and "soft" money without adequate understanding of the role of interest rates in our
economy. We already have too many preferential interest rates established by statute as
though it were possible to ignore completely
the workings of the market place. Interest
rates are the prices charged for credit. They
are a wage to the saver as well as a cost to
the borrower. In a private enterprise economy
they are established by the interplay of
market forces. They perform the important
function of influencing the volume of credit
that flows into specific channels of enterprise.
They are essential to pricing the assets on
which holders expect to receive income over
a succession of years. It is through flexible
rate movements that the incentives and dis-




incentives are provided for balancing out
supply and demand factors in our economy.
The most striking illustration of their usefulness and effectiveness in recent years occurred
nearly eight years ago when the decision was
made to unpeg our Government securities
market. This restored to that important
market some of the influence which had been
denied it by Government policy for a period
of years during which regulation of the money
supply gradually became almost ineffective.
Once this decision was taken, the credit
mechanism began to function as a governor
on the flywheel of our economy and the
process of stabilization became a useful part
of the adjustments necessary in a healthy
economy. We are compelled to recognize,
whether we like it or not, that you can alter
the nature of demand and change the composition of supply but you can no more
ignore the law of supply and demand than
you can ignore the law of gravity.
Sometime ago a top industrialist who had
complained bitterly about rising interest rates
told me he now recognized that some adjustments were probably desirable, but he said,
"Don't let interest rates go above 3 per cent."
Although there are technical differences between the commodity he is manufacturing
and this man-made device of money, I asked
him how he would like it if the Government
laid down a decree that the product he was
manufacturing, regardless of cost and price
factors, could not be sold to the public above
a fixed price. The only answer I received to
this suggestion was 'That's different."
Now I want to go one step further and talk
about the most difficult aspect of all of our
problems. This is the subject of confidence.
It is the subject we frequently avoid because




we are afraid of upsetting confidence by discussing it. All of us know of cases of irresponsible and hysterical individuals who contribute
to tearing down confidence. We are more
likely to recognize them than we are the
equally irresponsible individuals who overpaint, over-sell, over-emphasize the optimistic
side of things in the name of inspiring confidence. In any event, confidence is perhaps
the fundamental factor in money and currency. Those of us who are charged with
responsibility for our monetary affairs recognize this clearly. Money must not only be
a medium of exchange and a standard of
value, but it must be something in which
people have basic confidence.
Because of the interrelationships of interest
rates and budgets and the present position
of the United States in international trade,
it is a serious matter when an important segment of world opinion has begun to question
the fiscal and monetary integrity exemplified
by our American dollar. It is not something we
can lightly pass over in hope it will go away.
The battle against inflation is at a crucial
point, and a setback in the United States
would be a serious setback for the entire
free world. I would like to be able to stand
here and say flatly, "There will be no inflation." I cannot do so. For any one man, that
would only be idle talk. What we need now
is not talk nor long debate nor lengthy analysis, but resolute actions — continuing over
time — which will demonstrate to doubters
the good sense and character of the American people.
A pressing need for such action confronts
us as we approach 1959. The fear of inflation
is earnest, and it is having a damaging impact
already. Today, when the level of savings in




our country has been steadily rising, we
could, in my opinion, be selling long-term
Government bonds at interest rates substantially lower than current levels if the holders
of these savings were convinced that there
will be no inflation — convinced that we will
conduct our affairs on a basis which will
make inflation improbable.
I am well aware of the fact that some of
these remarks may be interpreted pessimistically. They are not so intended. We have
already made a good start on the road to
improving this situation. However, the progress we have already made gives no ground
for complacency. Improvements in business
efficiency effected during the sharp but short
recession are helping in the current recovery
movement that is continuing on a rather
broad basis. And it is not news to any of
you that the Federal budget is getting determined attention in more than one quarter.
Let us press forward on these sound lines
and no one can doubt our success.
The recent trip to which I referred impressed
on me as never before that the eyes of the
world are on us. Responsible officials in
many countries are watching us closely to
see whether we intend to practice what for
many years we have preached to them. The
future is not entirely within our control
but we do have it within our power to maintain the integrity of the American dollar if
we have the will to do it. Until or unless the
people, through the Congress, change the
Federal Reserve Act I can pledge to all of
you that the Federal Reserve System will
do everything in its power to safeguard
our currency.