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THE C H A IR M A N OF TH E
C O UNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS
WASHI NGTON

November 24, 1971

MEMORANDUM FOR HENRY KISSINGER

You will find attached a copy of my
memorandum to the President on the OECD
Economic Policy Committee meeting. I am
sending it to you because my major impressions
from this meeting seem to center more in the
political than in the economic domain.

Attachment




November 24, 1971

MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
At the Economic Policy Committee meeting of the
OECD in Paris last week two matters emerged that are
worth calling to your attention.
First there is growing concern among the major
industrial nations about their own domestic economic
conditions, and this does have implications for the
exchange rate appreciation, relative to the dollar,
that we can expect from them. As they become more
worried about rising unemployment, they will tend to
become less generous about the appreciation they will
accept
with its adverse effect on their international
competitive position relative to the United States.
Because of these growing domestic economic concerns,
these countries will tend to pursue more expansionist
monetary policies. This is particularly true in Germany
where not too long after the turn of the year, easier
monetary policies can be expected. In private conversa­
tions they made this clear to me. As thesto occur,
international monetary flows will be induced that will
tend to move the exchange rate of the D-mark downward.
It is not reasonable to expect the Germans to agiree to
any change in the exchange rate pattern which would
require their moving the D-mark exchange rate up above
its then present level. Their exporters are
already bringing heavy pressure to bear on the German
government because the D-mark appreciation is giving
their exports an increasingly hard time in world markets

-2The clear implication of these developments is
that the exchange rate adjustments we can expect from
other industrial nations are apt to be smaller as we
move beyond the turn of the year.
Second, a pro-American French line was evident at
the meeting. Traditionally in these Economic Policy
Committee meetings the French delegation could be
expected to flay the American position at some point
in the deliberations. This time any intimation of
any anti-American comment from the French spokesman
was conspicuous for its complete absence.
Moreover, at his initiative, I had dinner (at
Laserre) with M. Jean Rene Bernard, Economic Adviser
to President Pompidou. This dinner was at M. Bernard's
iniative, and he came to the dinner from having been
in bed with the flu. I know him well enough for a
serious conversation, but not well enough for him to
have arranged a purely social evening. The dinner was,
therefore, presumably arranged for him to communicate
a basic message.
M. Bernard also took the same intensely pro-American
line. While this might be dismissed as tactical, I
believe it was more than that. The French do seem
genuinely worried about the political implications of
a continued international monetary problem. For one
thing, he considered it quite important that the G-10
meetings November 30 and December 1 should at least
start the process for an orderly solution in order that
the Pompidou-Brandt meeting on December 3 woftld not take
place against the backdrop of a continued international
monetary impasse. He also expressed the view that if
this could be resolved, the United States could then
resume its overall international leadership without
which, in his judgment, itmmight be difficult for
European unity to survive.
He was cool to "regional" solutions (including a
European regional system), and not optimistic about their
workability. And he seemed concerned about longer-run
relationships between France and Germany.




-3

I pass these observations along because they may be
pieces of a larger jigsaw puzzle that carry implications
beyond economic policy in the narrow sense.




Paul W. McCracken