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CONFIDENTIAL May 18, First Draft RBCOMlffiNDED POLICIES FOR THE ALLIED MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN GERMANY CONCERNING 1• MONEY, BANKING AHD INSURANCE 2. 3. U« THE PUBLIC DEBT PUBLIC REVENUE AND TAXATION PUBLIC EXPENDITURES Gottfried Haberler and Howard S. Ellis Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System The following members of the Division collaborated in the formulation of recommendations: Burke Knapp, Hans J. Dernburg, Paul Hermberg; and Bruno Foaf Alexander Gerschenkron, and Randall Hinshaw. With respect to insurance, FJi.Klopstock of the Foreign Research Division, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, also participated* Recommendations concerning 6ferta'in» f inaftcia'l * • • " i ' 1 ' . - • • • - - : • confronting the Allied Military Government • • " . - . • . • • § # • • • i T - * - l - « r - of'Germany Introduction The following four problems are .discussed: What should the A.M.Gt-of Germany-dp with respect to I',1 •2, 3» U. Money, banking, insurance The Public Debt Public revenue and taxation Public expenditures and budget control? The recommendations refer to A»M*G* only,"that is tp> the short-run, a period of, say, six months to a year* It is assumed that there will be an agreement- between the occupying powers on the fundamental principles of policy., even if the military occupation is regionally divided between the Allies. .The following proposals refer therefore to Germany as a whola* If different policies were adopted by the occupying powers for the different areas of occupation or if Germany was conquered piecemeal like Italy, the following recommendations would have to- be modified;. The four questions are closely interrelated especially the first two and the second two* All of them are intimately connected with others with which we are not concerned heref for example, the chances of maintaining strict price and wage control and rationing and the determination of the external value of the Mark (Dollar-Mark exchange ratio). About some of these related issues we shall have to make certain assumptions, in order to have a basis on which to proceed* First question: Money, bankingf insurance Objectives, — The objective Ho-f all measures of monetary and credit control will be the maintenance of an orderly monetary system*as a prerequisite of a tolerably smooth functioning of the German economy* This implies the avoidance of a runaway inflation* It will be hardly -possible to avoid price inflation altogether, but hyper-inflation as in 1921-23 must be avoided*. And it should be clearly realized that today inflation would reach the stage of hyper-inflation much more quickly than after the last war* Importajioe of direct controls for checking inflation — In order to check inflation it will be absolutely necessary to;maintain as far as p'ossible price control, rationing and allocation in the sphere of consumption and production* But it is very doubtful whether it will be possible to - 2 enforce direct controls to the 'TOc"8$sarjr extent • The German administration will be purged, police pow^r^curtailed/ regimentation loosened and the present discipline*!^ likely tTrtti'Stnte'gr'a'teV" We "should fool ourselves, if we did not anticipate suoh developments• The defeat will be a terrific shock to the-who 16 pedple;- I f W r l d *be a mira'cle if war controls could be continued with the present efficiency and gradually relaxed, The victorious countries will bevlU6ky*if they can achieve a smooth and orderly transition for themselves• In a defeated, disorganized, dispirited country this is too much to expectf If the direct controls break d,own it will be necessary to take very drastic monetary and financial measures to check inflation or to keep it at least in reasonable bounds* But even if direct controls* aVe being maintained, drastic monetary measures.will be required in order to supplement the direct control, to ease the pressure on them, counteract an anticipated decline in their efficiency and to pave the way for an eventual abolition .of the direct controls• Strict Control over the Reichsbank and the Credit System — The most important prerequisite for any monetary 'policy is a firm control over the center and head of the German monetary and credit system -- t'he Reichsbank, The German mpney and banking system is highly centralized and the measures proposed below will make the bank's and' other financial .institutions, more dependent on the Reichsbank for liquid funds than they are .now^ Therefore/ if tHe Reichsbank is under strict control, the whole banking and credit structure and to a large extent Government finance can be controlled^ Two Sources of Inflation — Two kinds of inflation can be distinguished — .pent-up^ inflation and current inflation• Inflation threatens (a) from 'the loosening of the overhanging flood of liquid funds accumulated during the war and (b) from a current deficit of Government finance, excessive current bank credit extension to business and inv general a current excess of money demand over the supply of good,s *•- a current inflationary gap. The' current inflationary gap will be very serious in View of ths fact that *the available stocks of goods will be at an extremely low level and that current production, if it *can be' quickly' started, will be heavily concentrated on physical reconstruction creating^ income without a counterpart in the form of consumable goods• .The^fi-'ituatton-WJll be- aggravated by any measures taken to export from Germany for relief and reparation purposes and relieved by imports into' Germany, for example* of ..the requirements of the occupation forces1, A # M # Gv will have to deal* with both sources of inflation. Accumulated liquid' funds (cash, deposits, and other near-money assets) must be immobiliz-ed'-and current expenditures must be adjusted as nearly as possible to the flow of available goods* How to Deal with Pent-Up Inflation — In Germany as in the United States the inbrietafy circulation has been almost quadrupled since the outbreak bf *the war and will go still higher until- surrender. (For details see Appendix) (The fltffed of money hate "been* damnfed^jup by direct In technical' parlance$ the * Velocity off money'has been artifically reduced • People are forced- to hold more money or inoney substitutes'by the fact that there are no goods t'o spend on, and that rationing and price control prevent them from bidding up-;prices* If this" dam, the direct controls, becomes leaky and ^begins' to clrumble, the dammed-up flood has to be removed if a general inundation, i.«e# a ^runaway inflation is to be prevented* Various measures could be- takeh to ellminate^thjLs danger.' In selecting measures of different types and severity, two principles should be kept in mind: The measures should be- rather too drastic than too mild, because it will- make things much easier if the initial measures can be relaxefd than1 if they have to be tightened. The measures sKould be as simple as possible; administrative feasibility must be an important consideration* It is true that any simple method must involve a; certain degree of injustice, but an attempt to apply high'standard's of social justice to the problems of controlling the supply of money and deposits* from ***e v e r y beginning might involve delay in organizing the controls whifh wbuld let inflation get out of tetnd. JLater^refinements will serve both to achieve greater justice and more? effective bontrol o'f inflation at one and* the 'same time* •' * Alternative' recotnmendations -- In the following we recoitoend'thiree' alternative schemes• Scheme A is crude and simple. Scheme C is more complicated, but if administratively f^asiblb' more effective. Scheme B is a compromise between A and C. Provisions Common to Sche'me A,« B and C All three schemes are designed first and foremost to prevent a runaway inflation in Gefrnany after surrender* and secondly, while maintaining precautions against long-run inflationary tendencies, to liberate sufficient purchasing" power, to carry-on trade and production without restraint, from the monetary side', upon a normal reviva,!, * Bank holidays — Probably all banks will havfe closed their doors voluntarily, but if not it will be necessary1to proclaim bank holidays to avdid runs and to permit the organization of personnel, the:publication of decrees concerning currency and deposits, and the preparation' of forms• Once these administrative preparations are complete, the banks should be reopened as soon as possible* in order to •interfere as little as possible with ordinary economic life. When they reopen, the availability of deposits should be governed immediately by the rules- selected from alternatives' described below, If the banks reopen before the exchange of currency, which we treat presently, has been announced encashments should be made in the old money or at least not in the new money to be issued in the course of the exchange; if they are opened after the exchange of money has been started or announced, new money should be usedt For reasons which'will presently appear* it is necessary, on any of the alternative- schemes for treating bank deposits, that the banks be reopened by the final date for converting currency to new issues * Mora-goriufo on private 'debt — A complete mbratprium on all debts, including even rent due and* the other sjnall obligations is necessary during, the bank holidays • When the banks are reopened.,, the moratorium shou,ld be relaxed to a degree compatible* with whatever scheme is adopted for limited availability of deposits. Provision-will need to be made for firms, awaiting payment on cancelled government contracts, settlement of uncollect&ble foreign claims, etc. Exchange of currency -- In order to control the expenditure of cash {currency), large amounts of which .will repose in the hands of businesses and the^ public generally, it is necessary drastically to reduce its volume and velocity of circulation. The only way to effectuate this with certainty is to provide*a forced conversion to a new issue, since the presentation of the old issues for exchange into new offers the occasion for forcibly withholding a part of the money and for putting hoarded money under control, according to one or another of the schemes presented be^ow. It is of the utmost importance to carry thr.dttgtrt;he exchange within a short time after occupation, preferably within a week or a * fortnight at most, since, though deposits may be adequately controlled by the rules for transfer and encashment, the cash in the hands of the German public will be sufficient to drive a l&rge price inflation. Stamping of notes does not appear-to be technically practicable because of the ease of falsification an^ because of the sheer magnitude of the physical operation (which has to be carried through manually) in a very limited..time• ... Our. recommendations as-to the conversion therefore contemplate only newly printed notes• These notes should be printed in advance in the UnitecL States and Englarid, for issue."by the Allied-controlled Reichsbank, in sufficient volume to meet the requirements of the firs£ month or so, including, the initial exchange and subsequently, permitted encashments of deposits according to one or other of the schemes presented below. It should be determined now whether the German note presses ca-n be used after occupation, and whether the' prospective facilities now and later-will cover the need. None of the three schemes would entail a reissue of more than, say, one-fourth the present German note circulation, and upon the basis,of schemes B and C below the immediate n9ed for money might be considerably less. If physical facilities are limited, it may be necessary to omit the smallest denominations, say under 20 Marks, from the exchange operation, A table in the Appendix indicates the total magnitudes involved in various denominations* The issue of large denominations, which facilitate evasion of exchange control, taxation, and.control of inflation, should be avoided* After the first conversion deadline, the authorities, should announce a short 'grace period (perhaps two months) during which money not yet converted would be accepted upon presentation of convincing evidence cf unavoidable obstacles and of the legitimacy of the claim to convert (e*g# that the ncJtes have not been ;smuggle_d .in from, abroad, etc,*) . In principle, all banks and. the jpostal checking and savings systems would act as agents for the exchange, crediting amounts to be withheId-under the various schemesjto accounts held With .them by the persons submitting currency for exchange. Persons without bank accounts of any description might be Required to accept deposit credits with the postal systems for any amount of currency to be withheld from them* 0 The treatment of time and savings deposits (The German terms are: "Ktindigungsgelder", "feste Gelder11 and "Spareinlagen") General freeze — Inasmuch as these deposits aggregate to something like 116 billion Marks out of a .total .of. 160 billion Marks, it is proposed that they should be immobilized, at least for other than absolutely indispensable current needs. Since time and savings deposits in general represent the ""hoards" of individuals and businesses, rather than current operating funds, they appear to be eligible for suoh immobilizing* We, therefore, recommend an immediate freezing of these accounts Kith, the following provisions for limited availability* Exception for business 'needs --.If .the depositor can prove that a time or -saving deposit originated from the. liqui* dation of his business during the war and that it is indispensable for .'tlfe resumption or psrjnitted, expansion of the business, a transfer can be permitted. Under,Scheme A and B for the treatment of demand deposits one-fourth (or whatever the portion is) of the sum in question shall be transferred to "free" demand deposit, while threefourths shall be indefinitely blocked on special account*. Under Scheme C the whole sum-will be transferred to an'"old" business account subject to the restrictions applicable to these accounts* (See below) • • Consumer allowances -- Time and saving deposits not recla&sified as business deposits are consumer deposits subject to withdrawal restrictions. Initially, withdrawals from such accounts might be governed by an over-all limit of say 150 or 200 marks per month. An attempt may be made later to distinguish between the needs of consumers according to their family and employment status. Also, in order to prevent simultaneous withdrawals from several different accounts held by the sar-e person (including demand deposits if Schemes <B or C for the treatment of such deposits were adopted) a more refined procedure would require that data concerning withdrawals be entered in the person's Arbeitsbuch or such other document as may be determined. 6 ~ Provisions with Respect to Dem&nd Deposits and Bank Notes ,, Scheme' A:' * General' character ' — This is the simplest scheme administratively, but the crudest in its economic effects, the least equitable, and the least flexible instrument (of the three plans) against inflation. In. essence it "relies upon an immediate and once-&nd-forvall freeze of a certain part of demand deposits and currency, the rest to be free, without administrative supervisiori of use. The fraction of deposits and cash to be frozen would need to be high (possibly* 3/U)..to promise' effectiveness against inflation. Specific proposals of Scheme A -(a) Currency: Three-fourths (say) frozen; one^fourth freely available in cash or as" a demand deposit with a bank-or the postal checking system; freezing into blocked accounts carried through at the time of currency conversion* i « (b) "Old" demand deposits ("old" * antedating the bank holidays): three-fourths frozen; one-fourth freely available• (c) Reichsbank Giro deposits, postal giro.deposits, savings bank giPo deposits: 'Three-fourths frogen, one-fourth freely available. (d) New deposits (new deposits « made.aft^r bank reopening, whether by deposit of cash or by banking transfer): f ree, '• jeycept for the pre-existing ("peace-time") rules ordinarily governing withdrawals from time and savings deposits/] Appraisal of Scheme — This scheme' involves a minimum of administration because, after the initial freeze, only in the-base of savings deposits does it require the banks to exercise any oversight over withdrawals from deposits. There may be a certain psychological advantage in the definiteness of the freezef The disadvantages are severe. In the first place, once put into effect it allows no subsequent control over the free deposits. If the fraction to be frozerfwere set too low, 'inflation could develop from the- combination of free dash (which remains of necessity free in any scheme) and the free deposits. There would be no recourse .except a repetition of the currency-reissue operation plus additional freezing. In the second place, since the degree of liquidity of different businesses is not the same, a- uniform freeze will not remove all excess cash. On the other hand, if the percentage of funds frozen is high (^0 or 75 per cent) many business firms will become dependent on new bank loans for their needs of cash (working capital). This has, however, the great advantage that the control of the banks and in the last resort of the Reichsbank over the flow of investment funds by the ordinary means of credit policy is restored. -7- " An alternative policy "would be to supply working capital to needy firms not by new loans but by releasing funds from"frozen deposits. This procedure* however, appears to be inferior for two reasons: First, once exceptions from the freeze are made, it will be hard to resist the pressure for more and more exceptions * Secondly,, if. funds are -released by unfreezing deposits/ the monetary authorities lpse control over those amounts; if funds are put into circulation, by loans, control is maintained, because the volume of loans can be contracted if necessary• Scheme B: General character — This scheme represents a compromise between Schemes A and C and hence need not be traqed out in great detail* As under Scheme A, a part of cash and demand and giro deposits would be definitely frozen, (Possibly the. percentage need not be as large as under plan A, say 50 per cent instead of 75 Ver cent)• But unlike Scheme A, the "free" part, of demand-and giro deposits would not be entirely free but would be subject to certain withdrawal restrictions similar to Scheme C, These restrictions should, however, be regarded as temporary, forestalling immediate psychological reactions which may result, .in;sudden withdrawals. If these restrictions were permanent, Scheme B would not be simpler thaji Scheme C and would have little to recommend it. Scheme C: General character — This scheme dispenses with the absolute freeze of a portion of cash, demand, and giro deposits, afid instead relies upon rules governing withdrawals from deposits,. It involves some discretionary judgment by the individual banks as to the legitimacy of proposed withdrawals in particular cases, and it requires therefore close supervision of the German banking system by the Allied government.. Scheme C is certainly more effective against inflation than Scheme A, provided it is well administered and enforced; it is more equitable; and it is more carefully adjusted to the requirements of the particular business. Special Provisions — 1, Currency: At the time of the currency exchange, all individuals shall receive new currency up to the amount of one monthfs consumer withdrawals from bank accounts (150 or 200 Marks), the balance being credited to "old" accounts. Businesses (including individual entrepreneurs and professional persons) should accept the entire' proceeds of the currency submitted for exchange on "old" accounts from v/hich they may then make withdrawals as outlined below* However, to avoid the necessity of opening new accounts for businesses which have no banking connection and only small cash holdings, immediate exchange into the new currency might be permitted fo'r such business.es up to the-amount of their demonstrated needs for wage payments and till money during the first-month following the exchaijge 2. a) tf Old" demand, (bank'giro'and Reichsbank giro) deposits, in all banking institutions and deposits of these 'categories Rising from new bank loans,or banking^ transfer's! (The German designation is TItaglich fallige Gelder"). In general these deposits represent the operating funds of business; while they should not be frozen and thus • paralyze economic life,- their outpaymerrfc requires-', precautions against inflationary effects. b) O'utpayments for 'businesses are authorized as follows: 1. Encashment: for the demonstrated requirements of payroll for ordinary labor (wage bill) and till money requirements (not covered .in the currency exchange^. 2, Transfer by cheque or giro: for demonstrated , requirements for the following purposes-, viz: •salaries above a certain minimum, raw materials and other technical or professional costs of production, taxes, debt -payment,. In the case of materials, the Allied government may wish to require the bank to receive a "priority certificate be-for^-ii; honors . a chequei c) If an individual owns a demand (or similar) deposit but cannot demonstrate ths necessity of withdrawals for business purposes, his withdrawals shall be subject to the rules governing consumer withdrawals from time and savings deposits, provided however, that the owner of such a demand (or similar) deposit is allowed the option of transferring it to time and savings deposits at any time. 3* New demand (and similar) deposits made by deposit of cash: Free h# Bank payment of interest on deposits: payment shall be made into the deposit upon which the interest is earned and withdrawal shall be subject to the rules for that deposit, 5. Existing postal giro deposits: These deposits require separate treatment because, unlike deposits in ordinary banks, there is no contact between depositors and officers* a) These deposits do not aggregate to quite 3 billion Marks, but their velocity has been very high, sufficient indeed to provide a turnover of 1?6 billion Marks annually. • - 9 - However,, it is not certain whether velocity already . approaches close to a maximum set by the mere physical operations of crediting, debiting, clearing through the 20 old giro central offices, etc* We therefore make two alternative recommendations(under c below) based upon future experience with such accounts, one easier to administer and less anti-inflationary, the other more exacting and more effective. b) Encashments to be governed by the same rules as obtain for demand deposits, deposits made in- cash being free* c ) Transfers within the postal giro system 1« Less severe alternative; free, i.e. no control. In this case restrictions would have to be placed upon transfers to the postal giro system from deposits with other (more closely controlled) institutions, 2 # More severe alternative: same requirements as for transfers of demand deposits, i.e. business purpose to be demonstratedf Measures conberftifag private' debts'-~* Not enough is» known' about the volume of outstanding pf-ivfete'.debts b'f different t-ypes to'tnake detailed recommendations. -It is* pfbbabl-fe> however, that" as in" the United States the high degree o'f liquidity of Individuals and' ntfn-<flnanc ial businesses has resulted in a shrinkage of the outstanding debt of all descriptions such as mortgages,* corporate bondfc,- bank debts of industry, etc. There is certainly only a negligible volume- of consumer debts butstandiftg. It has been recommended already that a moratorium should bo declared'durinr the bank holiday. It may ba- n jfcessary to proclaim a somawhat longer moratorium, at least for certain types of debt during which the situation can bo reviewed and further measures decided upon. It should, however, be clearly realized that debt payments on interest and capital by individuals and non-Mnancial businesses to banks and oth-er financial institutions (su'ch as in-surance institutions) is an anti-inflationary factor which ought to-be encouraged. The most important type of such debt is undoubtedly mortgages on real estate. There will b^ a big problem in Germany with respect to mortgages on bombed houses. But the present government is already iaced wi-th this problein and has undoubtedly taken measures to solve'it. This situation v/ill have to be taken as point of departure. Prohibition of importation and exportation of German currency — The importation and exportation of German currency should bo forbidden from the outset. This is necessary in order to prevent the flight of capital particularly by guilty persons and to prevent any Germans from attempting to escape the exchange of German currency and to take advantage of the (presumably more advantageous) terms of exchange in portions of the present Reich taken over by foreign countries. German currency outside Germany and in ceded provinces -- Any currency outside of Germany should be added to the general foreign clains to be settled by reparations or otherwise. German currency circulating in those portions of the present Keich which are transferred to other countries through boundary changes should be changed into the new local currency and will represent u claim on tho Reich by the foreign governments "which have taken over the territory. How to deal with current inflation -- A distinction was made above between pent-up inflation and current inflation. The Schemes which we have iust discussed are, in the main, designed to remove th'3 dung^r of the pent-up inflation. The danger of a current inflation is, however, just as pressing if not greater. The importance of direct controls has already been emphasized. It goes without saying that a control of wages will be a factor of strategic importance; but it falls outside the art*a of the present memorandum. To the extent that current inflation results from a current cash deficit of th^ Government, we daal with it under questions three and four below. As far as tht arou covered by the present question is concerned, what needs to be stressed ie the necessity of strict credit control. - 11 - Control ox' new credits --» Even if tho Government budget wore balanced by non-inflationary methods, inflation could result from credit inflation on private account. Because of the partial freezing of deposits and the large holdings of Government securities by the financial institutions (for details see question two below and Appendix B ) , business will depend on the banks and the banks in turn will depend on the Redchsbank for liquid funds. This is especially true if Scheme A or B was adopted* But also under Scheme C, the question of new loans to trade and industry will soon arise. Not much need be said about the rules of credit control beyond stressing its importance; for well-established principles of monetary' and banking policy will have to be applied. Policies with respect to new loans will have to be integrated with the general policy concerning the conversion of German industry from war to peace production. The degree of strictness of credit control, tho choice of methods and the institutional setting (authority delegated to the commercial banks, closeness of supervision by tho Reichsbank undor Allied control) will largely depend upon the extent to which direct controls4can bo maintained and on their effectiveness. These are factors which cannot yet be foreseen. This much may be said, however. If it is tho policy of tho Allies to rid the German economy of totalitarian control by the Governnent an effort should be rnado to replace direct control of investment, prict3s, etc* gradually by the traditional methods of control through monetary and credit policies. Second Question: Tho Public Debt Objectives -- Y/hat the A.M.G. should do concerning the Geru^an public debt should be entirely subordinated to the short-run objectives formulated abovo under Question One, A repudiation or a formal recognition of the Hitler debt should be avoided. Whether a defeated Germany will be able to carry an internal debt, the annual service of which requires at this time already 8 billion, is doubtful. It depends on many factors which cannot be foreseen now nor at tho time of surrender. But is is u question which should bo left for th-3 future German Government to decide. Facts about tho Public Debt — More detailed statistical data will be found in ths Appendix, Tho basic facts are those: At tho moment of occupation (if it com^s this year) the Reich dobt will probably amount to at least RM 350 billion of which about Rli 150 billion will be long-term and about RM 200 billion short-term. The problem of tho long-term debt is mainly one of maintaining interest payments. Ihere are no large issues maturing in the next few years and annual amortization payments aro not large. Nearly all of the short-term debt, however, will mature during the first six months of occupation. - 12 - Thor sh.ortrterm debt falls into throe nearly equal parts• One-third is held by the Reiciisbank ahd Its subsidiaries; one-third is held by institutions which hold balances: on behalf of foreigners or by foreign banks; one-third1 by German crodit institutions. (See Appendix, p. ) Of the long-term debt over 8 per cent is held by public monetary and credit institutions; almost '60 per cunt by commercial banks, savings, banks, credit cooperatives, etc*; 17 por cent by insurance institutions; and only a small fraction, 15 per cent at most, by the public. What to do with the Reich, debt — The part hald by the Reichsbank and other public institutions does not present any problem because these institutions are agencies of the Reich government. It may be presumed that the part of the short-term debt which is owned by or held ori behalf of foreigners will be frozen by ths occupying authorities and dealt with together with reparations and other foreign claims. The really pressing problem arises in connection with the holdings of the Reich debt by German credit institutions — one-third of the short-term and the bulk of the long-term dsbt* The debt held by the public (individual and non-financial businesses) is comparatively small'and should not cause much trouble. The following solution is believed to be adequate from the point of view of the military Government: The A.M.G, shall appoint a trustee of the Reich Debt associated with the Reichsbank who would announce that during the interim period the amortization of th'3 long-term debt would bs suspended and maturities would bj automatically renewed at' the original conditions. Interest would be paid by the Reichsbank on behalf of the Reich, but to blocked accounts and not in ceush*. M^t^rjLng..short-term securities, both of the discount and interest-bearing tiype", would be ~cohverted into a uniform Reich treasury bill bearing interest at around two to three per cent. The institutional holders of such billa would be allowed" to discount them with the Reichsbank against credit jon a blocked noninterss.t-bearing account and they would be free to repurchase such bills from tho Reichsbank by debit to these accounts. , The crucial question is to formulate the rules which ths Reichsbank should observe in releasing funds from those blocked accounts. Such releases must be made, since otherwise the banks and other financial institutions could not meet their obligations. It would seem to be unnecessary and perhaps impossible to set up very specific rules. It is a question which should be left to the supervisors of the Reichsbunk to decide. What should be said by way of a general rule is this: The Reichsbunk will set free such balances on giro-account to the extent to which the banks need funds to meet the legitimate cash requirements of their depositors within the limits of the withdrawal restrictions formulated earlier. YvTiether funds should be released to provide for new loans "to trade and industry will be a question of the general credit policy of the Reichsbank which was discussed above in connection with question one. - 13 - Third Question: Public Revenue and Taxation Objective -- Even if accumulated liquid funds are wholly or partly immobilized and the danger of inflation from this source ("pent-up inflation") is removed or substantially reduced, the danger of a."current" inflation resulting from an excess of public expenditure over taxes and non-inflationary borrowing still exist. Every effort should be made to reduce public deficits. Strict control over public finances, central government, State and local,should be instituted on the revenue and expenditure side. Maintenance of existing taxes -- On the revenue side it is recommended that A.M.G. maintains all existing taxes, with the exception of discriminatory leview on racial and religious minorities which should be immediately abolished. (From the financial point of Iriew the removal of the discriminatory levies is an unimportant matter.) All fees, contributions (except those for the Nazi partyj including social insurance contributions (unemployment, old age, sickness insurance) should be collected. Tho samo holds for postal, telegraph, telephone fees, railroad fares, etc. New taxes -- As after the last war, there will undoubtedly bo a sharp decline in public revenue* Therefore it will probably be necessary to raise taxes in order to keep inflation in check. If this becomes necessary a rise of the turnover tax (which is now 2 per cent) is recommended and possibly an extension of its base to all kinds cf commodity and service transactions. If prices rise, postal, telegraph, telephone and railroad freight and passenger rates should be promptly raised. Similarly excise taxes and import duties (if they are not on an a# valorem basis) should be raised in order to keep pace with rising prices. It should be emphasized that arguments used in the United States against sales taxes (which correspond to the German turnover tax) are not applicable to a defeated country in the throes of an inflation. Income taxes in Germany are high anyway and a capital levy, which one might think of as an alternative, is much too slow and cumbersome as an anti-inflation measure; at any rate it is net the kind of tax one would recommend to the Mil itary Gcv^rniiient • It goes without saying that public borrowing must be strictly control13d. If the Reichsbank, its subsidiaries and through it the whole German banking system is undor strict control, there should be no technical difficulties about that. Fourth Question: Expenditure and Budget Control Introduction — No specific recommendations can bo made on this subject, because very little is known about German Government expenditure. The last detailed figures were publiched in 1935* General Principle -It will be probably easier to control expenditures through controlling revenues. But an effort should be made to control at least some types of public expenditure directly.. Such control should extend not only - 14 - to the Reich Government but also^to State Governments (or what is left of them), municipalities, Governnen€' enterpris~efc"sTicli" &&' railroads, postal, telegraphy telephone ,administr^t4-.on, -Government banks, Government-ownod or controlled industries, etc. Types of expenditures .specially ••watched .Special attention should be paid to the following ,types of expenditures: "Expenditures for Military.and for Nazi Party purposes. These should, of course, be stopped altogether* Police expenditures '&?&'clxf&bly ~ akin to expenditures fdr Nazi Party purposes. ,But the police problem wil^ havo to be tackled directly, rather thau through financial controls. Expenditures for War Vetorans, demobilized soldiers and officers•• Unemployment relief. Reconstruction of public buildings, museums, administrative buildings, parks, etc. Expenditures for these and similar purposes could be easily increased tremendously without going beyond the standards which we or, the British would sp ply at home* Yve must be clear, however, and it^ cannot be emphasized too strongly that in defeated an$ occupied-Germany much,stricter standards will have to be applied. Otherwise inflation will .ensue and nothing will be left for reparations• A question which is likely to be of: great importance is the treatment of Reich obligations to industries for unfinished or unpaid, war contracts. Little is known about the German methods of paying for war material. Supposing, .however, that payments to German war industries are outstanding, it would seem to be rather anomalous, if the A.M.G. took any steps to effect such payments. It would seem to be natural to cancel all such claims. If this procedure creates difficulties for industrial firms which can be permitted to continue production or to be converted to peacetime production, other ueans of financing them will have to be found, for example through bank credit. -15AFPENDIX A Currency Circulation during the War Circulation of notes and coin iri Germany has more than tripled since the beginning of the war, us the following table shows: Table I Currency Circulation, 193S-I4.3 (Billions of Reichsrnarks} Increase in Year 1938 1939 2.5 19U1 19142 19U3 5-5 5.0 9.2 Circulation, End of Yoar Inde: 10.lt iii.5 16.8 22.5 162 211+ 27.5 56.5 265 551 100 159 Of the total currency in circulation at the end of 191+2, notes comprised 93 »8 PQr cent and coin 6.2 per cent. The composition of the note circulation at the end of 191+2 is shown in Table II. It will be seen that the denomination accounting for the largest sum in reichsmarks i£ the 50-Trjirk note, while the denomination which embraces the largest number of notes is the 20*-mark note. Notes cf 20 marks and less account for two-fifths cf the value of th'3 total note circulation and for four-fifths of the total number of notes outstanding. Bank and Postal Deposits since 1938 As Table III shows, bank deposits in Germany have risen since 1938 by almost exactly the same proportion as has currency in circulation. Table II COMPOSITION OF NOTE CIRCULATION IN GERI1A1IY,END OF 19lj2 Millions of Roichsnarks • Denomination 1 RM 2 RM a 5 RM a 10 RM 20 RK 50 RM 100 RM 1,000 RM Total notes Total coin Total currency a Aiiiount Outstanding 290 227 % of Total l.ljS •9 Amount Outstanding (Cumulative) 1.1# 2.0 7U7 2.9 2,393 6,82+5 9.3 3,657 9,763 5,180 I9i+ 25.639 .8 % of Total (Cumulative) 290 517 1,261+ 26.7 38.1 20.2 Millions of Notes 10,502 . 20,265 25,i+l+5 25,639 1+.9 U+.2 1+0.9 79.0 99.2 100.0 100.C$ 1,701+ 27,3^+3 Rentenbank notes. All othir notes are issues by th-:; Roichsbank. Nuiiibsr of Not os i 290.0 113.5 11+9.1+ 239.3 31*2.3 195.3 51.8 «<^ 1,381.8 % of Total 21.0% 8.2 10.8 17.3 21+.9 ll+.l 3.7 .0 100.0;^ Number of Notes (Cumulative) 290.0 i+03.5 552-9 792.2 1.131+.5 1.329.3 1,331.6 1,381.8 , % of Total (Cumulative) 21.0# 29.2 I4O.O 57.3 82.2 96.3 100.0 100.0 -17Table III Deposits, All Banks, 1938-^3 (Billions of Reichsnarks) B End of D Total Deposits (B4C) Index Savings Deposits Other Deposits (D4E) 1938 1*2 100 19U 21U 283 2k 53 73 96 18 90 119 19U2 191+3 a 11*9 355 E Time Deposits 37 1*6 53 16 21 a Demand Deposits a 30 31 Estimated Deposits of several large German banks are shown in the table on tho following page. In addition to deposits with banks are tho doiaand deposits with the postal Giro System* As etc be soon in Table IV, these are snail relative to total bank deposits. Table IV Postal Giro System (Billiuns of Reichsmarks) End of 1938 I9I4O 191+1 Deposits Index Number of Accounts (Millions) 1.3 1.3 100 11+1 182 211* 1-3 1.3 1.5 1.6 2.U 2.8 Table V Deposits at Individual Large Banks - End of 1942 Deposits Deutsche Bank Dresdner Bank Commerzbank 14.9 85.1 85 10C.0 100.0 3,325 7,936 4,240 65.2 34.8 577 229 71.6 28.4 740 2,585 100.0 12,176 100.0 806 100.0 3,325 100.0 -13 510 425 33 4.3 50.4 42.0 3.3 287 2,492 1,356 105 58.81 32.01 2.5' 10 143 76 4 .4 62 .4 33 .2 —— 82 525 48 .9 20 . 3 77 .0 1 .9 1,011 100.0 4,240 100.0 2,585 100.0 60.1 39.9 100.Ol 2,535 6,2 93.8 368 9.2 1G3 3,641 90.8 2,372 Total 5,632 100.0 4,009 100.0 2,535 Demand deposits Tlxno deposits and fixed money Total 3,820 1,812 67.8 32.2 2,592 1,417 64.7 35.3 1,524 1,011 5,332 100.0 4,009 120 i 1,136 I 535 21 6.6 82.7, 29.5 1.2 124 846 396 51 1,812 100'.0 1,417 Time deposits and fixed money due: within 7 days up to 3 months up to 12 months after 12 months Total i 8.8| 59.71 27.91 3.5 100.0 Bank der Cred it-Aristai¥ Deutschen Arbeit Bankverein W~T W 120 686 806 878 11,298 100.0 12,176 347 5,285 Credit institutions Others Three Berlin branch banks 6*4 93.6 7.2 92.8 229 100.0 1,990 2.6 100.0 22.3 77.7 I -19Not included in tho above figuros are the deiaand deposits held at the Reichsbank by bwnks, firms, and tho German government. Those are shown in the table below: Table VI Denand Deposits at Reichsbank (Billions of Reichsmarks) End of tal Index 1938 1939 19^4-0 1-5 100 2.0 2.6 132 168 .1 .2 .2 3.6 239 •3 5.3 3U6 .4 8.2 532 •O 19142 Public Deposits Private Deposits 1.8 2.U 34 U.9 7-5 -20APPENDIX B Course of German Public Debt, 1938-U; The rate of increase in the German public debt since the beginning of the war has been notably rapid• Between December $1, 1938* a n ^ December ~$ 19li3* the Reich debt rose from 26.1 to 253•! billion reichsmarks -- an increase of almost tenfold. The relative increase during this period was much greater than for either the United States or Great Britain, as the following table shows: Table VII Rate of Increase in Rational Debt End of 1938 100 100 100 National debt, Germany National debt, United States National debt, Great Britain End of I9I4.3 970 U31 2i+6 In absolute terms, however, the picture is less unfavorable to Germany* This is shown in Table VIII, in which the national debt per capita for each of the three countries is expressed in terms of dollars• • Table VIII Per Capita Debt End of United States Great Britain a Germany b c 1938 1939 191+0 •^303 320 U37 19^42 191+3 810 1,253 $612 661 838 1,062 1,281 1,506 262 1+60 1,085 o d c 0118 190 334 5h3 786 1,01+5 a At present exchange rate (fcl = $lj..O35)« b Per capita figures for Germany are computed on the basis of the pre-Anschluss population. c At official pre-war parity (RM1 - &«i|0). & At estimated purchasing-power parity (RM1 S The above figures provide only a very rough basis for international comparison, because of the difficulty, under present conditions, of selecting satisfactory rates for converting into dollar terms figures expressed in pounds or in marks. The pre-war official dollar^mark parity was a virtually -21-.. meaningless figure, and is wholly so now.' "On the basis of purchasing-powerparity calculations, the appropriate mark rate would appear at present to be more like ^.29 than &«ij.O. At the official rate of ^.l+G per,mark,, the German per capita debt at the end of 19i|-3 was greater than that of the United States but less than that of Great Britain. At- the purchasing-powerparity rate, the per capita debt for Germany was the lowest of the three. A better view of the burd^ri.of the public debt can be obtained by expressing ,the debt as a percentage of national income. This procedure makes possible significant international comparisons without the necessity of converting figures into a common monetary unit, but the ratios thus obtained must be interpreted with caution, since available national-income estimates for war-time Germany leave much to be desired, and since national income figures in time of war do not havo the same significance as in time of peace. These considerations should be bcrnc in mind in examining Table IX. Table IX National Debt as a Percentage of National Income United States Groat Britain 160.1$ 1938 1939 19U0 59-2 57-8 60.6 90.3 19U2 Germany 32.7% 51+-7 93-0 136.0 171 -k 172.1+ 188.8 204.2 According to the above figures, the debt-income ratio for Germany at the end,of 1938 was much imre favprable than fox- either of the other two countries, whilo at the end of I9k2t Germany occupied an intermediate position between the United States and Great Britain. The latter country was consistently in the least favorable position • The growth and changing composition of the German public debt since 1938 are shown in Table X: Table X German Public Debt, 1938-1+3 Billions of Reichsmarks End of 1958 1959 1940 1941 1942 1945 Total Debt 26.1 i4l+.6 78.5 127.5 255.1 Total Long Term 21.0 25.7 ia.8 65.0 86.1+ 110.8 Total Short Terra 5.1 18.9 56.5 64.5 93.0 li|2.5 % in Long Term 80. 4 57.6 55.4 49-5 46.9 45.8 % in Short Term 19.6 42.4 46.6 50.5 55.1 56.2 It will be seen that the fraction of the total debt in short-term obligations has steadily increased since tho beginning of the war, rising -22from less than one-fifth of the total at the end of 1938 the total at the end of U well over half Ownership of German Public Debt As Table XI shows, much the greater part of the German public debt is held by institutions. Table XI Ownership of German Debt, End of 191*3 Billions of Reichsmarks Total Debt "External" institutions Verrechnungskasse Reichskreditkasso Konversionskasse Central banks of Bohemia-Moravia, Netherlands Total Monetary institutions Reichsbank Rentenbank Golddiskontbank Postal checking, savings Total Other credit institutions Commercial banks Credit cooperatives Savings banks Mortgage and other special institutions Total 16.6 8.6 Long % Term .1+ 5-1 2,0 12.3 8.6 •9 5.1 31.2.. 1+2,0 2.0 1+.2 16.5 .8 1.7 2.01.1 8.3 56.5 3.5 6.1 22.3 9.2 23.9 9-i+ 27.1 1+.0 10.9 1+9.7 9.8 U+.9 17.0 68.5 6.7 1+2.0 1.8$ - 1.0 3.1 ,2.2 • 5.5 i+7-3 8.3 3.6 2.7 112.1 1.1 1.5 1.1+ UU»3 66.1 59-7 7.7 11.2 3.0 7.7 6.9 1+.5 18.9 7.5 11.2 18.9 10.1 17.0 Total debt held byinstitutions 218.7 86.1+ 91+.2 85.0 Residual, including debt held by public Total debt 314..1+ 253.1 Insurance institutions Insurance companies Social-insurance funds Total Short Term 16.6 6.5% 3.1+ i •9 31.2 efo 13.6 16.6 100.0?? 110.8 % 11.1% 6.0 .6 3.6 21.9 29.6 2.2 • 1-5 33.3 19.9 6.1 18.8 ll+.O JL4..3 13.2 1.2 1+6.0 .8 32.3 121+.5 87.5 17.8 15.0 100.o£ II+2.3 1 12.5 100.07S -23- More than a fourth (27*1 par cent) of the German debt is held by the savings banks. The savings banks hold somewhut less than half (L\k*9 VeT cent) of the long-term debt and about an eighth (13*2 per cant) of the .shortterm debt. The largest single creditor of the Reich is the Reichsbank, which holds l6»5 per cent of the German debt. The percentage is considerably greater if the debt held by four Reichsbank subsidiaries is added. Thus the Verrechnungskasse, which handles clearing arrangements with other countries, holds 6.5 per cent of the .debt, and .thq .Reichskreditkasse, a wartime agency concerned with financing German military operations in the field, holds 3*h per cent* A third subsidiary, the Goiddiskontbank, holds 1.7 per cent of the Reich debt, and another .ij. per cent is held by the Konversionskasse, which was established in 1933 to administer German foreign debts. Thus well over a fourth (23.5 por cent) of tho German, debt is owned by the Reichsbank and its subsidiaries. All of this is short-term. Other important creditors of the Reich are the commercial banks,, the credit cooperatives, and the insurance companies. The conuiiereial banks hold 9*U per cent of the total debt. They rani: next to the Reichsbank in their holdings of the short-term dsbt, accounting for ll+.O per cent of the 'total. The c-redit cooperatives hold 6.7 per cont of tha total debt, and the 'insurance companies hold 3»O per cent. Most' of the former, and all of the latter is long-term. Comparison of Public with Private Debt Because of the great increase in German public debt,* the ratio of private to-public debt has changed radically in recent years. This is shown 'in Table XII. Table XII German Private and Public Debt (Billions of Reichsmarks) 1932. 19144- Private debt 6h (&?%) 60 (17$) Public debt 29 (31%) 290 (83%) ~J "150 Appendix C Policy Recommendations on Treatment of German Insurance Claims (Prepared in consultation with F« H # Klopstock, Foreign Research Division, Federal Reserve Bank, New York) I« Life Insurance In order to prevent wholesale conversion of life insurance policies into cash, it is recommended that the contractual right of the policyholder to surrender his policy be temporarily suspended* In case the notice of surrender has been received prior to the suspension, but payment of the cash value of the policy has not yet been made, the notice of surrender should be declared voidf Exceptions to the prohibition of policy surrenders should be granted only in hardship cases» It is recommended that the contractual right of the policyholder to call for a policy loan should be suspended» If the policyholder can prove his inability to remit the premium required under the policy contract, insurance companies should automatically charge the amount of the premium due against the cash value of the policy as a loan and continue the policy in force, provided, of course, that the unencumbered cash value is sufficientt If the policy has not been in force long enough to have a cash value attached to it and would thus ordinarily lapse in case of default of the policyholder on his premium payment, a grace period of several months should be allowed over and above the period provided by the policy contract during which time the policy would remain in force in spite of the fact that a premium has fallen due and has not been paid* It is recommended that all payments to beneficiaries of industrial life insurance policies should be permitted without any restrictions whatsoever* Claims arising from other life insurance policies, payable on the death of the insured or the maturity of the endowment, should be transferred to blocked accounts of the beneficiary to be held with the insurance company if the company so chooses * In the latter case, the accounts should bear the same interest as savings deposits and be subject to the same withdrawal restrictions as savings deposits under the schemes for blocking proposed above* However, claims arising from policies payable upon the death of the insured should be satisfied up to an amount of RM. 1,000 without restrictions in order to provide for funeral and other expenses in connection with the death of the insured* II• Insurance other than Life Insurance Insurance companies should be permitted to pay accident, health, property, and fire claims of individuals in cash or by credit to fre© accounts up to an amount of RM 500. Any further payments to individuals, - 25"or any payments to corporations* should be permitted only to "old" bank accounts subject to the usual withdrawal restrictions» In order to protect the liquid position of insurance companies, however, .they should not be required to make payments to blocked accounts at any faster rate than withdrawals from those accounts are to be permitted* Basis for Recommendations !• Life Insurance Prohibition of Surrenders;» Life insurance claims may arise through action ot the policyholder, such as surrender of the policy against cash payment or through involuntary occurrences, such as the death of the policyholder or maturity of an endowment policy, It seems advisable to prevent the appearance of claims arising out of willful terminations • Policyholders may withdraw cash by two principal methods: they may either surrender their policies and take the cash surrender value, or they may borrow on their policies and thus withdraw some of the reserve while keeping the policy in forcef In case of surrender of policies, insurance companies must refund to the policyholder a portion of the reserve accumulated against the policy• Wholesale surrenders are undesirable in view of the fact that they would deprive companies of their liquid reserves at a time when they would not be able to find a market for their investments, which chiefly consist of government bonds• Another objection against the surrender of policies is that it would furnish policyholders with large amounts of currency accumulated during the life of the insurance contract. Prohibition of Policy Loans• Policy loans are in reality advances against policy claims and, like the surrender of policies, a means of drawing down a part of the reserve accumulated against the policy* Policyholders have the right to call for policy loans at any time, and they may repay the loans in part or in whole at any time. Policy loans, unless forbidden, would present policyholders with an opportunity to circumvent the prohibition of policy surrenderst Prevention of Lapse of Policy Contracts• In normal times, lapse of insurance policies results from the unwillingness or inability of the policyholders to maintain premium payments on their policies# During the period of large-scale economic disturbances, which are likely to follow the invasion of Germany, many policyholders will by force of circumstances have to discontinue their policies• Since in. many cases the policyholders will .be able to resume payments with the passing of the emergency, it would be unfair to them to permit loss of their savings due to temporary inability to meet premium payments* Claims of Beneficiaries• A more liberal policy should be "pursued as regards terminations which do not result from any action on the part of the policyholder and represent the accomplishment -of the purposes for which the policy was originally purchased* The general principle in the -26 treatment of these^ claims should be to permit contract fulfillment up to an amount large enough to satisfy the immediate needs of the beneficiary* In case of industrial policies, the face amounts of which averaged only RM 390 at the end of 19hlf restrictions on payments to beneficiaries would only cause hardships as the insured amount is ordinarily required for covering the burial and other expenses arising in connection with the death of the insured; For the^&ame reason,-beneficiaries of policies payable upon the death of the policyholder should be permitted to receive up to RM 1,000 in cash* The excess over RM 1,000 should be treated as a special form of saving* In order to protect the liquidity of the insurance companies it seems advisable to -allow these deposits to be left with the insurance companies rather than to require their transfer to banks or savings banks* This provision can be changed later, if necessary^ The resulting savings deposits should be treated according to the general plan outlined above on page 5* But care should be taken to make sure that the depositor does not make simultaneous withdrawals from deposits held with different institutions, II• Insurance other than Life Insurance Interference with the contractual relations between the insurers and the insured should bo kept to*a minimum so that the insurance industry will be able to continue the performance of its vital functions without impairments If they are in a position to do so, insurance companies should be permitted to pay all claims, including large claims, into blocked (noldff) bank accounts, since it makes no appreciable difference whether funds representing insurance claims are held in the blocked accounts of insurance companies or in those of'polioyholders• An imposition of restrictions on claim payments would only be followed by cancellation of policies and the stoppage*of-premium payments. But it is recommended that in order to relieve the pressure upon insurance companies resulting from large claim payments at a time when their claim reserves m$.y be relatively illiquid, they should not be required to make payments to "old" bank accounts except to the extent that withdrawals from these accounts are to be permitted«- Insurance companies might be required to pay interest at a low" rate (l to 2 per cent) on such matured but untransferred claims* Accident, sickness, and fire give rise to extraordinary expenditures on the part of the injured person* It is, therefore, recommended that individuals who havofprotected themselves against such contingencies by the purchase of an insurance policy"be authorised to receive some part of their claims in cash* If the claim payments are made to "old" bank, accounts, the above-mentioned contingencies would, inmost cases, lead to applications for a license to withdraw cash because of hardship* The suggested procedure would make such applications unnecessary up to an ,amount of RM 500 ajxl would thus save the administrative agencies a great deal of work# * -27In this connection, it may be noted that damage to property caused by the war is not considered an insurable risk in Germany. The reimbursement oi' injured parties is regulated by the war property damage decree (Kriegssachschadenverordnung) of November 30* 19^-0 an<3 a number of executive orders issued under this decree. Under these regulations, claim payments by the Reich Governiaont to injured persons are limited to comparatively small amounts. It may be well to continue these regulations essentially unchanged.