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7

Dear Mr* President:
I am keenly interested in and heartily sympathetic to the
underlying philosophy of your recently proposed tax on undistributed
earnings* One of the main obstacles to effective monetary control
is offered by the big accumulations of cash in the hands of corporations* In the past few years the chief check on the recovery movement has been the increase in corporations1 cash holdings, which
has operated to restrain the flow of purchasing power brought into
being by the Government1 s spending program* I am, therefore, most
desirous on monetary grounds that the proposed tax be really effective
in forcing corporations to pass along cash as rapidly as it is received
I feel confident, however, that the form in which the proposed tax
has been passed by the House will not accomplish this end*
Neither do I feel that the present form of the proposal will
secure ^equality of tax burden on all corporate income, whether distributed or withheld fro© the beneficial owners1*, which you stated as
one of its principal objectives* Moreover, the tax has become so
complicated that instead of effecting ^great simplification in tax
procedure, in corporate accounting, and in the understanding of the
whole subject by the citizens of the Nation11, it does the opposite*
Finally, there is grave question whether the yield from the tax will
be adequate*
By a few simple changes I think that the desirable objectives
you originally laid down can still be effectively achieved*




1. It is» I think, absolutely essential that the present
corporate income tax be retained. The argument for its removal
rests on the belief that it constitutes a deduction from the income
of existing stockholders* But this only applies to stockholders
who bought their stocks years ago before the tax was imposed.
Stock prices since the tax has been in force have been adjusted
to current and expected future earnings after taxes. To remove
the tax now would be equivalent to increasing earnings per share
of all corporations anywhere from IS percent, in the case of
operating companies with no preferred stock, to a hundred percent
or more in the case of holding companies that can benefit from the
leverage factor. It would constitute an unexpected gain for all
stockholders. The fact that, of earnings available after taxes,
a substantial portion escapes the payment of surtaxes, is a separate
and distinct abuse that can be handled as a separate problem.
The retention of the corporate income tax would mean the
retention of an assured source of revenue of over a billion dollars.
The yield of the tax on undistributed earnings or the additional
income taxes paid on higher dividends would then become a net gain
to the Treasury. Moreover, the retention of the corporate income
tax would permit various desirable exemptions to be made, of which
the most important would be the exemption of small corporations
from the tax on undistributed earnings.




2. The exemption of adjusted net earnings of $15*000 from
the tax on undistributed earnings*

The House Bill recognizes

that small corporations have far more need of the privilege of
retaining earnings than large corporations* They have no
access to the capital market and banks are reluctant to make
capital loans to small concerns* If, however, the corporate
income tax is repealed it is not equitable to exempt small corporations entirely from the tax on undistributed earnings, as in this
case their owners could escape all taxation* The House, therefore,
tried to meet this problem by providing lower rate schedules for
small corporations* This has complicated the tax; would make it
more difficult to administer!loses

the goodwill and support of

hundreds of thousands of small corporations; and would yield a
minor amount of revenue*
If the corporate income tax is retained it would be equitable
to exempt the 400,000-odd small corporations from the tax on undistributed earnings,since the corporate income tax amounts to more
than the personal income tax most of the owners would pay if all
earnings were distributed.

Ho revenue would be lost and the admin-

istration of the tax could be concentrated on the few thousand big
corporations around which center the abuses of withheld earnings*
Over 90 percent of all net income is earned by less than 10 percent
of the corporations*




rates should apply to the amount of earnings
undistribtited after preferred dividend requirements. From 1925
to 1929 non-financial corporations reporting income disbursed
57 percent in dividends and retained $25 billion* Under the House
schedules they could continue to disburse the same amount and yet
pay a tax of only 14j percent of adjusted net income. In other
words, it would still pay all wealthy stockholders to leave a
substantial portion of their earnings with corporations.

This

defeats the whole purpose of the bill. The rate should be high
enough to force the distribution of earnings and compel corporations
to borrow or issue new stock for expansion. This would be the
most effective way of checking uneconomic bigness and would have
the incidental benefit of restricting the rise in stock prices.
4. The retention of the corporate Income tax will permit a
lowering of the rate of ZZi percent applied to earnings devoted
to the retirement of debt outstanding on M^rch 5« 1956 • or earnings
prohibited froa being paid by legal considerations. It is suggested
that the rate be 8 percent. It is also suggested that the privilege
of retiring debt on the payment of this rate be made to apply to
all debt in annual amounts equal to sinking fund requirements or
amounts sufficient to retire the debt at maturity. Ho account
should be taken of the amount of accumulated earnings*as in the




House Bill, since accumulated earnings is only a bookkeeping concept
and nay represent property now worthless• It has no bearing on
current and future earnings*

In essence, my proposals would mean adding a heavy undistributed
earnings tax to a few thousand big corporations• They would yield
adequate revenue by closing up a loophole in the present law; would
greatly simplify the form and administration of the proposed tax; and
could be easily explained and defended. A detailed discussion of
these and other changes is contained in the accompanying memorandum*




May 7, 1936*