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M. S. B«D« . • UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR FRANCES PERKINS, Secretary WOMEN^S BUREAU MARY ANDERSON, Director W o m e n i n t h e E c o n o m y of the U n i t e d S t a t e s of A m e r i c a A Summary Report By M A R Y ELIZABETH PIDGEON UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTmG OITICE WASHINGTON : 1937 For sole by the Superintendent of DocumeulB, Waahmgton, D. C. - - - Price 15 cents CONTENTS Page Letters of transmittal vii, i x Introduction 1 World-wide interest i n the Bituation of women 1 Women's Bureau requested t o prepare report 2 Variations among the 48 States 2 Major themes included i n this report 3 General summary 5 Women's opportunity for livelihood 5 Trends i n women's occupations 5 Unemployment among women 6 Compensation of women 6 Women's share i n the support of their families 7 Effects of labor legislation on conditions of women's w o r k 8 Experience of women under the National Industrial Hecovery Act..,_. 8 Experience of women under minimum-wage laws 8 Experience as t o effects of labor legislation for women on their employment opportunities 9 Part I.—Women's opportunity for a livelihood 11 Ch. I . — T h e t r e n d i n the occupations of women i n the United States of America Shift f r o m household t o factory manufacture Machine development and the decline of hand skills Their skills superseded, women went into factories Other effects of the factory era on occupations Women's occupations affected by changes i n their education and i n attitude t o w a r d their work Large numbers of women now gainfully employed Relation of employment of women t o that of men Shifting occupations w i t h i n each m a i n group Domestic and personal service— Clerical occupations Manufacturing and mechanical industries Occupations i n trade Professional occupations Agricultural occupations Women as homemakers Importance of the homemaker i n t h ^ c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e — Homemaker n o t assisted by paid help i n most families Use of newest household equipment limited Time spent i n household duties The housewife's major piece of work III 11 11 12 13 14 15 17 19 20 20 21 22 24 25 26 27 28 28 29 29 32 IV CONTENTS Part I.—Continued. Ch. 2.—Unemployment of women Extent of women's unemployment Normal occupations of unemployed women Lessened employment of women due to ccrtain industrial conditions or practices ' Part-time employment Irregularity of employment Technological changes Replacement of one sex by the other Ch. 3.~Compensation of women Policy of Government to maintain women's wages Evidences as to the levels of women's earnings i n major women's occupational groups ^ Two basic questions i n relation to women's wages Differences i n occupations of women and men Wage levels i n woman-employing and in man-employing industries Women provide products traditionally attributed t o them at low pay ^ The question.of s k i l l . . ' General levels of women's and men's wages i n m a n u f a c t u r i n g — Levels of men's and women's wages i n particular manufacturing industries Piece-work pay a large factor i n women's wages Wages of women and men i n special manufacturing occupations I Wages of w^omen and of unskilled men Industrial home work a factor i n depressing women's wages, General levels of men's and women's w^ages i n domestic and personal service ' 1: General levels of men's and women's wages i n clerical occupations. General levels of men's and Women's wages i n sales occupations^ General levels of men's and women's earnings i n professional service 1 : ' Wage rates i n union agreements as applied to womtMi ^ Ch. 4.—Responsibilixy of employed w^omen for the support of others_ W^omen who are the sole support of their families Women responsible for support of dependents Contributions of ^vomen's earnings to the family sui^port Women as heads of families Families w i t h no men wage earners^. Part II.—Experience of women under labor legislation Ch. 1.—Experience of the effects of the National Industrial Recovery Act on women's employment, hours, and wages,' and on collective bargaining Hours and employment under t h e N . R. Employment under the N. R. A _ : Hours of work under the N . -R^A Women's hours and employment under the N . 11. A Wages under the N . R. A Women's wages under the N . R. A Labor relations under t h e N . R. A Summary as t o effects of the N . R. A_ 35 35 37 38 38 39 41 44 46 47 48 49 49 50 51 52 53 56 58 60 63 66 70 71 72 73 76 79 79 81 84 84 85 86 89 90 90 91 91 93 94 96 99 CONTENTS Y Part II.—Continued. Page Ch. 2.—Experience as to the effects of minimum-wage laws 101 States w i t h continuous minimum-wage experience for many years, 101 , Califumia 101 Massachusetts 103 Wisconsin 105 States w i t h recent minimum-wage experience 106 Effects of m i n i m u m - w a g e laws other t h a n i n raising wage levels. _ 107 E m p l o y m e n t of women where minimum-wage laws exist 107 Wages of women above the m i n i m u m 110 S u m m a r y of t h e effects of minimum-wage laws 111 Ch. 3.—Experience as t o t h e effects of labor legislation for women on their opportunities f o r employment 112 J. Cliaracter a n d p a r t s of study of effects of labor legislation , 113 F i v e i m p o r t a n t woman-employing industries studied 113 Special lines of employment a n d characteristic occupations studied 114 Agencies cooperating i n special parts of the survey 114 115 I n t e r v i e w s w^ith i n d u s t r i a l women as t o t h e i r experiences Coverage of t h e survey 115 Conclusions of study of effects of labor legislation 116 Effects of hour laws 117 Effects of n i g h t - w o r k laws 118 Effects of p r o h i b i t o r y laws 119 I n d u s t r i a l , social, economic factors influence more t h a n laws_ 120 APPENDIXES Appendix A.—Evidences as t o women's wages Domestic a n d personal service Service i n homes B e a u t y shop operation H o t e l a n d restaurant service Laundries Clerical occupations M a n u f a c t u r i n g industries Professional w o r k School teachers T r a i n e d nurses Librarians Social a n d welfare workers H o m e economics occupations Occupations i n trade 123 123 123 124 124 125 125 126 127 128 128 129 129 130 130 Appendix B.—References Women's occupations a n d their recent changes I r r e g u l a r i t y of women's e m p l o y m e n t — U n e m p l o y m e n t of women Compensation of women Responsibility of women f o r the s u p p o r t of others Effects of labor legislation 132 132 132 132 133 134 135 VI CONTENTS Page Appendix C.—Recent action by official international organizations on the economic status of women Resolution passed at 16th session of the assembly of the League of Nations, September 1935 Extract from the report of the Director of the International Labor Office for 1935Resolution passed by International Labor Conference, June 21,1937- - 136 136 136 137 GRAPHS Occupations of women, 1930 Frontispiece Average weekly wages of men and women in manufacturing industries, 1923-1936 54 Minimum-wage laws for women and minors, June 1, 1937 (map) 100 LETTERS OF TRANSMITTAL U N I T E D S T A T E S D E P A R T M E N T OP L A B O R , WOMEN'S BUREAU, Washiiigton^ May 19S7. M A D A M : I have the honor to transmit to you a compiled report on the situation of women i n the economy of the United States of America, with especial empliasis on their opportxmity for a livelihood and their experience under labor legislation. This study has been prepared at the request of ofl5cers of 10 large national organizations of women (listed on next page), which were not themselves equipped to do this work, though they desired that a report presenting facts along these lines should be sent to the International Labor Office and also should be made available for use by their organizations w i t l i i n this country. These women have been i n touch w i t h the outlines and progress of this work, some of them have made valuable suggestions as to its content. Several of them read i t and made appreciative comments on its content and organization just before i t went to the International Labor Office, to which i t has been sent. The report represents a general compilation of such available information as i t has been possible to bring together within the limitations of funds, staff, and time. The material was collected under the direction of M a r y Elizabeth Pidgeon, chief of the Research Division of the Women's Bureau, who organized the data and wrote the report. Respectfully submitted. M A R Y A N D E R S O N , Director, H o n . FRANCES PERKINS, Secretary of Labor. vn D E P A R T M E N T OF L A B O R , U N I T E D S T A T E S OP A M E R I C A , WOMEN'S BUREAU, Washiiujton, May 1937, Hon. HAROLD BUTLER, Director of the International Labor Office, Geneva, Switzerland, SIR: I have the honor to submit to you a report on the status of women i n the economy of the United States of America. This factual study has been prepared at the request of representatives of the following large national organizations of women which were not equipped to do this w^ork themselves but desired that such a report should be sent i n answer to the request of the International Labor Office for such information: American Association of University Women, American Home Economics Association. Interprofessional Association. National Board, Young Women's Christian Association. National Consumers' League. National Council of Catholic Women. National Council of Jewish Women. National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs. National League of Women Voters. National Women's Trade Union League. Some of these organizations are preparing supplementary data from studies being made wdtliin their own organizational membership to be submitted to the Office. The facts i n the following report represent a general compilation of such available data on women's economic situation as i t has been possible to bring together within the limitations of funds, staff, and time. They include unpublished material from tliis Bureau as well as information collected from a wide variety of sources. The report was prepared by M a r y Ehzabeth Pidgeon, chief of the Research Division of the Women's Bureau. Sincerely yours, M A R Y A N D E R S O N , Director, OCCUPATIONS OF W O M E N 1930 [Figures from U . S. Census] DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL (3.180.251) CLERICAL (1^830) MANUFACTURING AND MECHANICAL (1.886.307) EI S - PROFESSIONAL (1.526.234) TRADE (962.680) AGRICULTURE (909.939) TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION (281.204) W o m e n i n the Economy of the U n i t e d States of A m e r i c a A SUMMARY REPORT INTRODUCTION WORLD-WIDE INTEREST I N T H E SITUATION OF WOMEN Women i n many parts of the world have become increasingly articulate i n their desire to improve the economic situation of women, and especially t o make more effective, through wider organization and fuller study, the contribution of women toward the advancement of policies t o better the employment conditions and the opportunities for fidlness of life for both women and men. . W i t h such Knes of thought and action being pursued by women i n many countries, i t was natural t h a t attention should be paid to these questions b y the international body i n which so many of these cotmtries are represented. The Assembly of the League of Nations, at its session i n the a u t u m n of 1935, officially expressed a hope t h a t the International Labor Organization, of which the United States is a member, 'will, i n accordance w i t h its normal procedure, undertake an examination of those aspects of the problem within its competence—namely, the question of equality under labor legislation—and that i t will, i n the first place, examine the question of legislation which effects discriminations, some of which may be detrimental to women's right to work.* The International Labor Organization undertook such a study, enlarging its investigation to include more f u l l y the entire economic situation of women. The Director of the International Labor Office stated i n his annual report for the year 1935: The Governing Body agreed t h a t the suggestion made by the Assembly should be carried out and that a report should be prepared in regard to the legal status of women i n industry w i t h particular reference to any discriminatory measures which may have been taken against their employment. This is t o be followed by a more extensive investigation covering not only the legislation affecting women's employment but also their actual position in respect of conditions of employment, wages, and economic status. Clearly this inquiry involves many difficulties and w i l l require considerable time. I t w i l l be carried out i n consultation w i t h members of the correspondence committee on women's work, and i t may be hoped t h a t i t will throw some light on the various questions relating t o women's work and position in industrial and commercial occupations about which controversy has been provoked.2 \ For full text of the resolution, see appendix C. ^ International Labor Office. Report of the Director, 1036. pp. 64-65. Dii 2 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S WOMEN^S BUREAU REQUESTED TO PREPARE REPORT When the request for such information came td the regular" International Labor Office correspondents i n the United States, the research representatives of several " o f ' t h e national l)rgamzations of women expressed the desire that the Women's JBureau i n the Department of Labor should take the leadership i n preparing a report, or a series of reports, on the economic situation of women, since this agency, tlirough its many technical studies and its continuous examination of the problems of employed women; has formed the repository i n this country for such factual d a t a . " \ . -. , , . I n making this request these women expected that a preUminar}^ report based on these and further investigations would make^ possible the more widespread Imowledge and use of this type of information, which is greatly desired and needed by the women here, and they thought that i t also could be used i n answer to the inquiries from the International Labor Office. ' ' ' Meanwhile, several of those large national organizations of women t h a t were making this request of the Women's Bureau—for example, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, and the American Associtition of University W^omen—also have had i n progress surveys among the gainfully occupied women within their own membership, covering certain phases of the subject, and particularly inquiring into the family status of employed women and the extent to wliich they are responsible for the support of dependents. Others of these organizations, such as the National Women's Trade Union League and the National League of Women Voters, determined to rely entirely on the Women's Bureau report and not to undertake their o^vn supplemental studies, though they as well as many other oi^anizations freely furnished to the Women's Bureau all the material they could possibly make available from studies they had made and from their files. The time w i t h i n which the present report must be completed does not permit the undertaldng of new investigations. These must be planned subsequently. I t enables only a preliminary collection and examination of the data already available, both from primary and secondary sources, whether from the Women's Bureau, from other governmental authorities, from studies made by various national women's organizations, from special technical'Studies of other agencies, or from data collected by the Women's Bureau so recently that i t has not yet been possible to organize them for general use. V A R I A T I O N S AMONG T H E 48 STATES A n evaluation of the economic situation of women at a given period is exceedingly complicated, particularly i n an intensively developed industrial society such as exists today i n the United States of America. INTRODUCTION' ' 3 Wide generalizations for this country'are turther precluded along some lines by the great variations among the States in' extent of industrial development, i n types of occupations and industries prevailing, and i n status of legal control. Variatioii i n the last named is accentuated by the fact that many of the matters that affect industrial and economic conditions here lie ^vithin the legal provincfe that the Federal Constitution has reserved to the individual States; and hence i t is possible to have 48 different stages of action, a separate one for each State. Thus on the one hand a particularist control has tended to develop, though on the other hand economic organizations and influences have followed much broader lines and areas that overlap State borders. To some extent the tendency to isolated solutions or efforts has been offset by consultation among the authorities of States having similar economic problems and industrial growth, and by national action i n certain fields. MAJOR THEMES INCLUDED I N T H I S REPORT I f a complete consideration be given to the situation of women i n the economy of tliis country, this necessarily must be based upon a general description of the main features of the entire economic setting, and the chief observable currents of its direction of change or movement. While the many and varying phases of women's place i n the life of the United States can be included i n a broad %vorking outline, i t is obvious that sustained research along a variety of lines is necessary for full understanding of such a complex situation. Certain outstanding parts of this whole can be selected for more immediate investigation and presentation, w i t h the understanding that these do constitute only parts of what later must be expanded much further %vitliin the same and added fields i n order to approximate a more complete picture. The present report therefore has concentrated upon two major themes of primary importance in the situation of women. First: Women's opportunity for a liveliliood. This includes a consideration of the occupations i n wliich women are engaged and the apparent directions of occupational change; evidences as to the unemployment of women, the irregularity of their employment, and certain employment problems that confront their sex ydth. special difficulties; the levels of compensation ordinarily available to employed women, particularly i n comparison with"the levels afforded to men; and the family status of women, especially as to the extent to w^hich they are responsible for the support of others. Second: The other main theme of this report deals w i t h available evidences as t o the results of labor legislation affecting women, having a bearing on their employment opportunities and on their wages and conditions of work. Such effects do not confine themselves to 4 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S legislation for women only, but include the effect on women (as well as men) of labor legislation applying to both sexes. I t is apparent immediately that i t has been necessary to omit from the present report many important phases of the economic situation of women—^for example, their security of livelihood outside their occupational situation, being developed now i n the broad socialsecurity program recently inaugurated; their opportimities to secure adequate training; the control of wealth that is said to rest i n their hands; the extent to which they participate i n local, State, and Federal government; the extent to which certain factors, such as marital status for example, particularly affect women's opportunities to obtain and keep employment; the activities and influences of women's national and international organizations of various types. The list of important subjects of investigation lying outside the present report could be extended more or less indefinitely. These just enumerated and many more must be the subjects of future study as rapidly as they can be approached vdth confidence. GENERAL S U M M A R Y Following the general outline of the present study, the brief summary of the chief findings here presented is concerned w i t h (1) consideration of a variety of questions bound up w i t h women's own means of livelihood and their contributions to family support, and (2) examination of the effects of legislation designed to improve the conditions of women's work and compensation. WOMEN'S OPPORTUNITY FOR LIVELIHOOD Trends i n W o m e n ' s Occupations. (For details, see p t . I , ch. 1.) Over 10% m i l l i o n women were i n gainful employment i n the United States at the time of the 1930 census—almost six times as many as were so occupied 60 years before. Thus two women were in gainful work to every seven men so employed. The introduction of machinery, superseding the hand skills formerly carried on i n the home, opened to women factory employment on an increasing scale, and t h e textile, clothing, food, leather, cigar and tobacco, p r i n t i n g and paper, electrical, and certain metal industries are major manufacturing employers of women today. The development of education for women made i t possible for them to assume clerical and professional duties. The growth of the modem structure of commerce, trade, and commiinication accelerated the entrance of women i n t o clerical w o r k and opened to them further occupations i n the field of trade. Recent technological changes, which have broken up factory w o r k i n t o more and more minute processes, also have required additional technicians b o t h i n laboratory and shop, and many of these are women. However, i n spite of the great variety of employments open t o both sexes, the largest proportion of gainfully occupied women—three-tenths of them—still arein domestic and personal service. The net result of the various economic changes more recently has been to place increasing numbers of women i n the ranks of clerical and other white-collar workers, while the hand trades have declined and entrance i n t o factory employments has been less rapid than formerly. I n professional service women have increased i n numbers as helpers and i n semiprofessional work, b u t i n most of the major professions there has been a slowing up and i n some even a decline. Three-fourths of all women professional workers still are school teachers and nurses. The growth of life i n urban centers has been accompanied b y a decline i n agricultiu'al occupations and an increase or development of certain types of service. More t h a n three-fourths of aU women are not i n gainful occupations, and of these the great m a j o r i t y are homemakers, whose value to the 5 6 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S f a m i l y is signified b y the fact that 95 percent of the families i n this country have no paid help. The contribution these 24% million homemaking women make to the economy of the N a t i o n still is paramount, despite the difficulties of measuring its value. Unemployment Among Women. (For details, see p t . I , ch. 2.) T h e extreme depression t h a t began toward the close of 1929 bore w i t h great severity upon women i n three ways: (1) I t caused many to lose jobs, (2) i t made demands on women t o institute various f a m i l y economies t h a t would help to offset the privation i t created, and (3) i t impelled many women to seek jobs to make up for declines i n the income of men wage earners. Practically one-fifth of the women normally employed were out of work, and though the proportions unemployed were larger among men than among women, there were important woman-employing indiistries i n which larger proportions of women than of men were the sufferers— for example, the electrical supply, woolen and worsted, and certain food industries. The proportions of women service workers and of those i n sales occupations were larger among the women unemployed than among those employed. Moreover, practically one-tenth of all jobless women i n 1930 were heads of families. i Women were greatly affected by certain industrial factors closely bound up w i t h the depression, such as the prevalence of part-time work, seasonal and other irregularities i n employment, and numerous technological changes. Women also had to cope w i t h employment discriminations t h a t bore upon them w i t h especial severity because they were women, such as those having to do ^vith sex, age, and marital status. ' . •- ' Compensation of W o m e n , (For details, see p t . I , ch. 3.) A n i m p o r t a n t point i n the assurance of opportunity for a hvelihood is the scale of compensation t h a t can be commanded. On the whole, women's occupations differ f r o m men's and the wages i n women's jobs almost invariably are a t a lower level than those of men. Even where the two sexes are employed i n the same industries the levels of women's wages are much below those of men. Indeed, i t is remarkable t h a t this difference is so universal, b o t h i n extent and i n degree, no matter what the year, the locality, or the type of occupation. Despite the fact t h a t >vomen generally are found i n semiskilled processes, i n work that often requires considerable dext e r i t y and care, while unskilled jobs ordinarily employ men, even i n such .a comparison women's wage rates are well below those of the unskilled men. T h i s arises p a r t l y f r o m the fact t h a t women so often are used as a fill4n labor supply for higlily seasonal industries; p a r t l y f r o m the fact t h a t women's work, formerly concerned so largely w i t h unpaid house- GENEUAL SUMMARY 7 hold tasks, traditionally has been considered of low money value; partly f r o m the fact t h a t women form large proportions of the workers i n the great piece-work industries and piece rates for such jobs often are fixed on the old customary basis of considering women's work as of slight money value. I t is because women thus have constituted an especially exploited group so far as their wages are concerned, t h a t efforts have been made to establish m i n i m u m wages for women w i t h the sanction of the Government, i n order to fix a b o t t o m figure below which women may not be paid, and thus to draw their wages i n the lower brackets more nearly up to the levels already maintained i n the payment of men. I n some cases i t has been impossible to overcome the traditional idea of low pay for women's jobs even through trade-union action, and the customary low wage rates for certain women's jobs have been continued even i n some union agreements. W o m e n ' s Share i n the Support of T h e i r F a m i l i e s . see pt. I , ch, 4.) (For details, The responsibilities of women as contributors to the family exchequer are considerably larger than many persons have realized. Probably more than one-tenth of the employed women i n the United States are the entire support of famiUes of two or more persons, i n many cases of those t h a t are much larger. Large numbers of these are single women, many are married; they are engaged i n industrial, professional, clerical, domestic and' personal, and other types of employment. A very large body of women i n addition to those who are the sole family wage earners are supporting dependents, either whoUy or i n part, and m a n y of these are f u l l y responsible for the support of some persons and have partial dependents as well. M a n y employed women contribute all their earnings, and a very large proportion t u r n over at least half of w h a t they make, for the family expenses. Of the f a m i l y heads i n the U n i t e d States one-tenth are women. This number is a m i n i m u m when extent of responsibility is considered, since the census enumerators normally report a m a n as the family head wherever possible to dp so. I n practically one-sixth of the urban families i n tliis country the only wage earners are women. Since two or more women m a y be sharing the family support, this does not show the responsibility of individuals, b u t i t does f o r m one indication of the large share \vomen are bearing i n the financial economy of families i n the U n i t e d States. A further indication of women's share i n this economy lies i n the fact that weU over one-third of all wage-earning women are homemakers as well, thus carrying a double responsibility to those depending upon 150483^—37 2 8 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S them for money aid as well as for the social ministrations required i n the home. EFFECTS OF LABOR LEGISLATION ON CONDITIONS OF WOMEN'S WORK Experience of W o m e n Under the N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l Recovery Act. (For details, see p t . I I , ch. 1.) T h e National Industrial Recovery A c t sought to secure for both sexes shortened hours, increased wages, and further protection of collective bargaining rights, and i t d i d secure advances for workers along all these lines, especially i n its earlier stages. So far as women were concerned, operation of the act gave a v i v i d illustration of two facts: (1) As legislation applying to both sexes, i t benefited most the sex formerly suffering from the lowest wages—^women—though there was a considerable area w i t h i n which i t l e f t women^s wages below men's. T h a t the powerful force of t r a d i t i o n keeps women's wages down even under legislation applying to b o t h sexes shows t h a t there s t i l l is need of special measures t o assist women i n attaining adequate standards. (2) This act for b o t h sexes gave relatively l i t t l e assistance to two major occupation groups consisting chiefly of women—the service and clerical w^orkers. This again illustrates the present need of special measures for women, and several of the States having minimum-wage provisions for women recognized this and applied their earliest action to women i n service occupations, such as laundries and beauty shops. Experience of W o m e n U n d e r M i n i m u m - W a g e Laws. tails, see p t . I I , ch. 2.) (For de- A t the present time minimum-wage laws i n this country apply to women and minors only i n nearly all the 24 jurisdictions i n which they are i n effect. (See p . 101.) While their application to men i n some instances would be desirable, they have been m u c h more greatly needed b y women, since women are so largely employed i n low-wage industries and under conditions of exploitation. A n added consequence of the fact last named has been t h a t organization of workers to secure wage improvements presented much greater difficulties for women t h a n for men. Moreover, up to this time the constitutionality of minimum-wage legislation has been less clear for men t h a n for women. T h e universal experience w i t h minimum-wage legislation, wherever i t has been introduced into the various States i n this country, is t h a t i t has very materially raised the wages of large numbers of women. I n some cases this effect has been most marked. F a r f r o m reducing the wages of those receiving above the m i n i m u m , this type of law has resulted i n raising the wages of many of those who previously had received more than the m i n i m u m fixed, and experience GENERAL S U m i A I t Y 9 has shown t h a t the m i n i m u m p u t i n operation does not become the maximum. I n regard to women's employment, the usual experience has been that i t continues to increase regardless of whether or not there is minimum-wage legislation, and indeed i n the State where the highest minimum was maintained over a long series of years (California) women's employment increased considerably more than i n the country as a whole. T h e constant changes i n employment t h a t are occurring are attributable to many factors n o t connected w i t h the m i n i m u m wage, and there is no evidence t h a t such legislation has any general or controlling effect toward inducing the replacement of women by men. Experience as to Effects of Labor Legislation for W o m e n o n Their E m p l o y m e n t Opportunities. (For details, seept. I I , ch. 3.) The development of gainful employment for women has been accompanied b y extensive increases i n the labor legislation applying to women; and j u s t as the growth of women's opportunities has shown different trends i n different places, so has the legislative regulation of their work. I n some States the legal regulation of most phases of women's employment i n industry is v e i y complete; i n other States there is practically no regulation whatsoever. I n some States the laws i n question cover a large proportion of the women who are at work; i n other States they apply to only a small group. I n practically no State, however, does the law apply to women i n agriculture, i n household service, i n business and professional occupations, to women who work independently, or to women i n supervisory positions. The Women's Bureau made a v e r y extensive siirvey of the effects of labor legislation on women's employment opportunities, sampling a wide variety of types of employment under the kinds of laws usually i n operation for women. The investigation covered more t h a n 1,600 establishments employing over 660,000 men and women, and i n addition i t included objective interviews w i t h more t h a n 1,200 women who actually had experienced changes i n labor laws. I t was f o u n d t h a t regulatory hour laws as applied to women engaged i n the manufacturing processes ordinarily do not handicap the women b u t serve to regulate employment and to estabUsh the accepted standards of m o d e m efficient industrial management. Legislation is only one of the influences operating to reduce hours i n manufacturing establishments. Other factors t h a t have the same effect, and t h a t operate to a greater or less degree according t o the locality and type of industry, are agreements w i t h employees or w i t h other firms, competition w i t h other firms, production requirements, and business depressions. I n most localities and industries night work for either men or w^omen is frowned upon and is decreasing. The m a j o r i t y of employers i n 10 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S industry consider night work to be even more undesirable for women than for men, and they would not employ women at night even i f the law permitted. Laws prohibiting night work for women i n industry are chiefly a reflection of the usual attitude of employers regarding such practice, but occasionally they have resulted i n a limitation of women's employment. Labor legislation divides broadly into two parts—(1) laws definitely prohibiting employment of women; (2) laws regulating their employment. The effects of the laws prohibiting employment in certain occupations are very different from those of the regulatoiy laws. The occupations prohibited for women by the laws of one or more States are limited i n number. M a n y of these laws are insigniflcant i n their possible effect on women, but certain of them deserve very careful consideration. From the fact that at the time of the survey women were successfully employed elsewhere i n a number of the prohibited occupations, i t appeared that the prohibition must have been something of a restriction where i t existed. This restriction afforded the outstanding example of possible discrimination against women resulting from labor legislation. I n almost eveiy kind of employment the real forces that influence women's opportunity were found to be far removed from legislative regulation of their hours or conditions of work. Part I.—WOMEN^S OPPORTUNITY FOR A LIVELIHOOD Chapter 1 . — T H E T R E N D I N T H E O C C U P A T I O N S O F W O M E N I N T H E U N I T E D STATES OF A M E R I C A ^ The work of women has been employed i n some way i n all types of economy f r o m tho most primitive to what is thought of today as the moro highly organized. Indeed, there are indications that larger ffo'portions of women are gainfully occupied i n the less industrialized countries t h a n i n those having a high state of industrialization.^ Whether women have or have not found their occupations chiefly in their homes and more largely i n gainful than i n unpaid employment, and the special skills used or the particular nature and variety of the contributions made b y their work, have depended largely upon the form, constitution, and requirements of the economic system of which they are a part. Therefore a fair understanding of women's present occupational situation and the direction of its trend requires some consideration both of the cliief influences that have surrounded women and helped to shape their destiny and of the major factors that have influenced and are influencing the development of the entire modern economic organization ^nthin which women's work is being carried on. S H I F T F R O M HOUSEHOLD TO FACTORY MANUFACTURE According to the U n i t e d States census, well over one-fifth of the women of this country were engaged i n gainful work i n 1930. The history of woman employment i n this country has been a history of the transition from household manufacture to factory and oflice and sales occupations outside the-home. This shift has developed w i t h the growth of macliine fabrication as a substitute for the older skilled handcrafts and the consequent industrialization of society, and w i t h the parallel change i n public t h i n k i n g as to the education and position of women. Alexander Hamilton's report on the subject of manufactures i n 1791 described " A vast scene of household manufacturing'' and stated: I t is computed in a number of districts that two-thirds, three-fourths, or even four-fifths of all the clothing of the inhabitants are made by themselves.^ The Census of 1810 reported the greater p a r t of 51K million dollars' > A brief list of important references on this subject will be found in appendix B. United States decennial census of occupations is source of data on employment in the United States. ' Data lor women in gainful employment tabulated by Woytmsky; also Die Welt in Zahlen, vol 11, Berlm, 1926, p. 71, as cited in Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, vol. 16, p. 453: Women m Industry—General Principles, bv M a r y van Kleeck»Works of Hamilton, vol. I, pp. 210-11. as cited by Thomas Woody in A History of Women's Education in the United States. 1929. vol. U , p. 6. 12 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S worth of cotton and wool products as made in the home, but by 1840 the total value of home products had fallen to 29 million doUars.* I t is reported that i n 1816 Indiana had 2,512 looms and 2,700 spinning wheels "most of them i n private cabins, whose mistresses, by their slow agencies, converted the wool which their own hands had often sheared, and the flax which their ovm fingers had puUed, into cloth for the family wardrobe." ® B y 1831, when the "Convention of the Friends of I n d u s t r y " was held i n New York, 39,000 females were employed i n various cotton factories i n the United States.® Though some industrial home work now exists on a commercial scale, the very large part of i t i n clothing manufacture or processes incident thereto, its continuation is opposed by those influences that seek a more adequate standard for women's wages i n the factory.^ The amount of work done by women at home has decreased steadily, and the amount of their gainful work done outside has increased, usually w i t h greater rapidity than the woman population, as the following shows for the more recent decades: Percent increase in— Woman employrnent 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 to to to to to to 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 Woman population 44. 2 51. 3 32. 8 51.8 8 5. 9 25. 8 29. 0 27. 9 22. 5 22.3 17. 1 20. 6 « Changes i n census dale and in instructions to enumerators are considered responsible for much of the reduction m this figure. A number of careful studies of the status and the direction of change i n woman employment i n this country have been made, a few of the more outstanding of which are listed elsewhere i n the present report.® Perhaps one of the most succinct statements made as to the general causes of the occupational shifts that may be observed for the entire working population during the latest census period (and indeed extending over a longer period) is that " T h e occupational shifts of the last decade exhibit the marked characteristics of a maturing industrial and commercial civilization." M A C H I N E DEVELOPMENT A N D T H E DECLINE OF H A N D SKILLS As the major forces that impelled economic development along the lines that now are known may be listed the progress of invention and introduction of machinery, and later the splitting up of machine work into more and more minute processes and the consequent intensive development of technology now customarily referred to as the first and < U . S. Bureau of the Census. Twelfth Census, 1900: vol. V I I , p. liff « From History of Woman Suffrage, as quoted by M a r y R. Beard in America Through Women's Eyes. 1931 tT 103 e Abbott, Edith. Women in Industry. 1924. p 54. ? See p 66. »Appendix B . 1 H u r h n , R ^ p h G , and Meredith B. Givens. Shifting Occupational Patterns, ch. V I of Recent Social 0 Trends in the United States. 1933. Vol. I , p. 269. TREND I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J5 Becond industrial revolutions. These had a profound effect on the entire life and work of women. Early inventions led to the later development of machinery of various kinds designed to take over both the heavy operations and the tedious household tasks. Of most importance to woman employment was the machinery for spinning and weaving, operations done in the home i n the early colonial days. A t the beginning of the eighteenth century women still were spinning at home but the yarn was brought for weaving to large rooms where looms were i n use. The earliest cotton m i l l was established i n Rhode Island i n 1789." The power loom was introduced i n 1814, and thereafter weaving became a factory occupation. B y the middle of the centuiy the sewing machine came into effective use, usually operated by women.^^ Such inventions resulted in a break-down of certain of the particular crafts formerly carried on by women i n their homes. T H E I R SKILLS SUPERSEDED, WOMEN WENT INTO FACTORIES W i t h the dechne i n the special hand skills i n which women had been expert arose the demand for persons to carry on the routine of tending the rapid and exacting machinery being introduced, and of inspecting with speed and accuracy the products they turned out.*® Women began to go into the factories to do this work. I n describing one of these new cotton mills in Boston, President Washington said of the workers: ''They are daughters of decayed families, and are girls of character—None others are admitted." ** Enterprising entrepreneurs were quick to see their own advantage in the employment of women as cheap labor, for the work of women at home had not received a money wage. I n a time when gainful occupation was much restricted for women, there was no dearth of benign arguments that even the low pay accorded women enabled the poor to obtain bread. Another factor operating to send more women to outside employment was the excess of women over men, especially i n the large cities, a condition very different from that of earlier colonial times.^® This meant that many women could not marry, i n a monogamous society, and many of these could honorably support themselves as "spinsters" in the early cotton mills, even though the pay received was indeed a mere pittance. Reports of cotton-mill wages i n the first quarter of the nineteenth century show women almost never earning so much as $4 a week, though as weavers they sometimes were paid that much, while men " See Abbott, cit. Ch. I l l gives a history of this period. The mill here referred to was the Slater mill. '»The Elias Howe sewing machine was patented i n 1846. For'a^dl^iSSon S^chang^^ to the factory state, tee Stuart Chase's M e n and Machines. 1929. ch. I X . . , . , , Abbott, cit., p. 40. See also ch. I V for farther discussion of types of girls going into early cotton mills in New England. " W o o d y , c i t . , v o l . n , p . I. 14 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H'J^VTES received at least $4.50 and $5, usually more.^® B y no means the earliest of the men's complaints as to having wages so undercut was the following from a labor paper i n the 1860's: After t r y i n g many experiments in vain to keep down wages to the old standard, w^hen paper and gold w^ere equal in value, they now attempt to substitute female for male labor * * * [or bring down wages] to the female standard, which is generally less than one-half the sum paid to men." OTHER EFFECTS OF T H E FACTORY ERA ON OCCUPATIONS The vast acceleration of mechanical invention over the past 50 years, accompanied by the division of labor into minute industrial processes, has demanded not only machine-tending operations, but much more— increased technical service both i n laboratory and shop, the organization of management, added clerical services, and expansion i n all facilities for the distribution, sale, and delivery of new and increased numbers of products. This growth of mass production by factory process, and its accompanying additions to managerial and clerical forces, have been followed very closely b y an almost continuous shift in population from rural to urban areas, w i t h all the characteristics of closely concentrated human existence, crowded living, smaller-scaled family operations, and increased demands for community services, as, for example, those having to do w i t h housing, the provision of food, or recreation. The magnitude of the change from rural to city living is dramatized b y the fact that i n the days of the early Republic only 3 percent of the population resided i n cities of over 8,000.^® The contrasting urban concentration of today has required a development of many conunimity household services hitherto unknown or minor i n their place. Increased apartment living, great additions to numbers of hotels and public eating places, ^vith corresponding increases i n a long line of occupations needed to maintain such establislmaents, have been among the results of this movement. I n consequence i t is not surprising to find a decline i n the numbers follo^ving agricultural pursuits, and an accompanying concentration on the improvement of agricultural techniques and organization, including the further development of different types of large-scale farming and the introduction of such occupations as those of farm agent, home demonstration agent, or organizer of girls' and boys' clubs, some of these usually supported as a public service by the State, and to a considerable extent also vnth the aid of Federal funds. Closely allied to these developments have been the increases i n transportation, commimication, and sales facilities, each further added to i n an almost pyramiding scale by new inventions and the develop1 See Abbott, cit , ch X I L 8 Fincher's Trades' Review, Jan. 28, 1865, as citod in Report on Condition of Woman and Child Wage Earners in the United States. U . S Bureau of Labor. 1910. vol. I X , p. 29. » Beard. Charles A. AuEconomiclnterpretationofthp Constitution i f the United States. 1913. p. 242. 8 TREND I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J5 ment of new ingenuities such as the perfection of the radio and the extension of telephone service, which have increased greatly the numbers employed i n the occupations connected m t h transportation and communication. Finally, the complexity, haste, physical concentration, and generally advanced tempo of modem living have induced new and increased demands for types of personal service hitherto unknown or little used. Examples of the way this has affected women's occupations appear in the greatly increased numbers of beauty-shop operators, and also of laundry operatives, though the progress of machinery also is a contributing factor here. As the foregoing paragraphs indicate, there has occurred a great shift from manual labor and the older hand skills to the so-called white-collar jobs, including those requiring quick adjustment of thought and activity of brain. This has been accompanied by marked advances i n professional-service occupations and added demands for technical and professional training. WOMEN'S OCCUPATIONS AFFECTED BY CHANGES I N T K E I R EDUCATION A N D I N A T T I T U D E TOWARD T H E I R WORK The fact that women have had some (if not always sufficient) preparation to meet the needs of the gro\ring educational, professional, and clerical services is due not so much to any economic factor as to the gradual change that has occurred i n the entire status of women, based primarily on a definitely changing thought and attitude of society toward women's education, capabilities, and position. That the shift i n emphasis i n the development of women's education that has occurred from 1800 to the present time is quite remarkable is indicated from a few instances. Throughout the home stage of production i n this country, relatively little thought was given to the general education of women outside the household arts. Of course, there were outstanding individual women, especially those of the upper classes, who were highly educated, but this was not the situation of the great majority. Even a woman such as Abigail Adams, ^vife of John Adams and later first lady of the land, who had the best opportunities of learning accorded women i n the early days of the American Republic, ^vrote her husband during his sojourn abroad: " W e l l ordered home is my cliief delight, and the affectionate domestic wife, with the relative duties which accompany that character, m y highest ambition."^® A n enterprising school official i n those earlier times made some such statement as that ''girls are a tender and interesting branch of the community, to whose education too little attention has been given." I n the days of the early Republic i t was the exceptional \voinan who was prepared to teach, or who conducted a "dame*s school" for " Bobb6, Dorothie. Abigail Adams»the Second First Lady. 1929. p. 202. 27 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S small children. Even Emma Willard, of New York, an early advocate of more substantial training for girls, who prepared an address for the New York Legislature i n its behalf, stated that the ''absurdity of sending, women to college must strike everyone."^ Even the beginnings of public schooling such as we know i t today were unthought of. The results of Emma Willard's efforts were referred to b y Governor Clinton, a warm sponsor, as "the only attempt ever made i n this country to promote the education of the female sex by the patronage of government." I n 1826 New York and Boston public high schools were opened for girls, but both were closed shortly, the one i n Boston having been such an ''alarming success'' that i t was thought the city could not afford to continue it.^^ I t was not u n t i l the 1830's that practical efforts came to fruition for the establishment of colleges for women equivalent in standing to those of the day for men.^^ I n 1852 the earliest American woman's magazine, Godey's Lady's Book, known to the youth of the grandmothers and great-grandmothers of the present day, a publication that was thought very advanced in its time, declared: " W e only want our sex to become fitted for their sphere", i n which they included preparation for physicians, nurses, teachers, social workers, and managers of savings banks.® I t was about this time that two young women—^Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell—were struggling to obtain the first medical education in this country for their sex. Elizabeth sought admission at 12 different medical schools before she was finally allowed to study at Geneva, N . Y . , graduating i n 1849. She and her sister founded the first women's dispensary, which developed into the New York Infirmary, chartered i n 1854.^^ As late as 1861, the founder of Vassar College, i n his address to its first board of trustees, could make a point of saying: " I t seemed to me t h a t woman, having received from her Creator the same intellectual constitution as man, has the same right to intellectual culture and development."^ From the viewpoint of workers, as late as 1867 the address of the National Labor Congress to the Workingmen of the United States deplored the prejudice against the employment of women and declared: We claim t h a t if they are capable to fill the position now occupied by the stronger sex—and i n many instances they are eminently qualified to do so— M Goodsell, Willystine. T h e Education of Women. 1923. p. 18. Woody, cit., vol. I I , pp. 138,147. M Goodsell, cit., p. 24 ff and Woody, ci^t., vol. I I , p. 140. See also Journal of the American Association of University Women, April 1937, p. 162. T h e Georgia Female College i n Macon, 1836, and Oberlln Collegiate Institute, 1833, are those usually cited as the earliest. The first incorporated academy for girls in New England, probably i n the world, established by the fi^st legacy ever left for their education, was founded in 1822. Vassar College, chartered in 1861, was considered the first fully equipped modem college for women commensurate w i t h those of the day for men. " Woody, cit., vol. I I , p. 2, quoting Godey's Lady's Book, March 1852, p. 228. " Jacobi, M a r y Putnam. Woman i n Medicine, ch. V I I of Woman's Work i n America, Annie Nathan Meyer (Ed.). 1891. pp. 151-153. " Talbot, Marion. T h e Education of Women. 1910. pp. 109-110. T R E N D I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 they are entitled to be treated as their equals, and receive the same compensation for such services.28 From the advancement i n the education of women i t was a logical result that they should be able to take up the kinds of work that led to their great increase as school teachers; social workers; stenographers, typists, and other clerical w o r k e r s a s technicians; and i n a wide variety of white-collar and professional occupations. That i n many cases these also are the types of work into which women have gone in greater and greater numbers even i n the most recent decades is indicated b y the following list of occupations i n which woman employment increased i n this countiy by more than 100,000 from 1910 to 1930:28 Servants. Clerks (except in stores). School teachers. Stenographers and typists. Store clerks. Trained nurses. Bookkeepers and cashiers. Waitresses. Operatives—Clothing industries. Telephone operators. LARGE NUMBERS OF WOMEN NOW GAINFULLY EMPLOYED Obviously, these influences affecting the' occupations of a people have had a profound effect on the work done by women, on the wages in which their livelihood is maintained. The accelerated invention of machinery and the subdivision of manufacturing into even more minute processes, the destruction of old and substitution of new skills, the concentration of living and the decline i n agricultural occupation, the rapid development of sales techniques, of commimication and transportation facilities, and of new types of service, as well as the advance i n women's education, have been accompanied by such an increase i n the gainful employment of women that their number i n paid occupations has increased b y one-third since 1910, and is almost six times as great as i n 1870. Their total advance through the past 50 years—from 152 to 220 i n every 1,000 employed persons—^is quite sufficient to demonstrate that the economic causes that have carried them from their homes into the market for paid labor have taken them there to stay. A t the present time, when more than a fifth of the women i n the country are i n gainful work chiefly outside their homes, the subject of woman employment i n the United States deals w i t h very large numbers and includes a vast scattering of workers i n all sorts of jobs, many of them difficult to classify precisely. The immensity of the subject is indicated by the fact that the latest census (1930) reported more than 10% million women i n gainful occupations. I t is not surprising that in a land geographically so widespread there should be more women in paid work than in some of the countries " Woman and Child Wage Earners, cit., vol. I X , pp. 29-30. . ^ , . " The first practical typewriter was patented In 1868, earlier patents Roing back to 18^. U. S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. The Occupational Progress of Women, 1910 to 1930. Bui. 104. 1933. pp. 76-79. 18 AVOAIEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES of smaller area, though even the large proportion jVinerican women form of all persons i n gainful work is exceeded elsewhere. A few sample comparisons w i t h recent census data available from other countries illustrate this, as follows: Country England and Wales (1931) France so (1926) U S S. R.31 (July 1933) United States (1930) Germany (1925) Age 14 and o v e r . . 11 and over. _ N o t shown... 10 and o v e r . . All ages Number of women employed Percent tc omen formed of all uorkers 5, 606, 043 ' 7, 837, 776 7, 066, 900 iq^ 752, 116 11, 478, 000 29. 7 36. 6 37. 7 22. 0 35. 9 Census of England and Wales, 1931, Industry Table-'. I). 1. Statistiquc Gcnerale de L a Franco Annuaire StatistKiuc, Cmquantieme volume, 1934, pp. 10,12. " Internation-il Labour Review, February 1935, p 232. _ , . , ^ 32 U S Bureau of the Census.. Fifteenth Census, 1930* Population, vol I V , Occupations, p. C. 33 There were 10,&i5,740 of 16 years and over, or 21 9 percent of all workers of thebe ages. i* Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 11, p. 432, Occupation, Statistics The characteristic shifts i n the United States, the marked decline i n agriculture and the marked increase i n clerical, professional, and trade occupations, are illustrated from the percent distribution of women i n the various main occupational groups in 1880, 1910, and 1930, as follows: Percent distribution of women in— 1880 Agriculture and allied industries Manufacturing and mechanical industries Trade, transportation, and communication Clerical occupations Professional service Domestic and personal service Public service (not elsewhere classified) 19t0 22. 5 23. 8 2. 1 .3 6. 7 44. 4 .2 22. 4 22. 5 7. 3 7.3 9. 1 31. 3 .1 19S0 8. 5 ^s 17. 5 11. 6 18.5 14. 2 29. 6 .2 3s This represents a decline chiefly in the earlier manual skilled work, such as that of talloresses and dressmakers and seamstresses. I f the figure bo taken on factory occupations alone, the proportion in 1930 is greater than i n these earlier years. Also see summary immediately following. This picture of occupational shifts is rounded out by consideration of the marked increases i n woman employment i n the five major groups i n which they are found. From 1910 to 1930, their numbers more than doubled i n the clerical, professional, and trade groups, increased by one-fourth i n domestic and personal service, and by two-fifths as factory operatives, though declining heavily i n the chief hand trades, as shown i n the following: Percent increase in number cfit omen em.ployed, mOtolQSO A l l occupations Domestic and personal service Clerical occupations Manufacturing and mechanical industries Chief hand trades Factory operatives Trade Professional service , : 33. 1 25. 7 237. 5 3. G 3 05, 3 6 39. 7 103. 7 107.7 I n this c^se a decrease, as group comprises dressmakers and seamstresses not in factories, and milliners and miilmery dealers. I t is true that, due to a variety of causes, this country, like others, recently has passed through the greatest economic depression ever known. However, an advanced state of recovery now is evident, T K E M ) IN TIIK OCCUPATIONS OF WOMEN JQ and certain outstanding economists and others, not without definite evidence as to trends supporting their belief, are predicting confidently that a short span of years w i l l see a very considerable increase i n employment, and indeed under some conditions a shortage of labor in this country. This points to increased employment of women, especially since any employment shortage tends to draw more women into gainful work. Moreover, certain of the occupations counted on to help produce this situation are those i n which a large proportion of the present employees arc women, such for example as educational and recreational work, or salesmanship and promotion. The effective occupational placement of women and the situations under wliich they may be enabled to work w i t h satisfaction to themselves and their jobs must be given a definite and growing consideration i n the economic management of this country. The adjustment of youth to the occupational aspects of the times is likely to require ready adaptation to the routines of frequently changing machines; the inventiveness and the ingenuity to develop possible new types of work; or the ability to give superior and varying kinds of personal ser^-ice. I n education, these tendencies mean, on the one hand, the intensification of teclmical training, and on the other, training i n adaptability to a series of divergent but closely allied occupational possibilities. RELATION OF EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN TO THAT OF MEN I n discussing the great increases in women's employment, i t also is of importance to note their changes in certain occupation groups in relation to employment of men. Though woman employment had increased by about one-third since 1910, and also had increased somewhat more than men's employment, the number of men in gainful occupations i n 1930 was Sji times the number of women. Naturally, the distribution i n the main occupational groups differs considerably for the two sexes. The chief ones for men, i n order of their importance, are manufacturing, agriculture, and trade, wliich together employ seven-tenths of the men; for women they are domestic and personal servdce, clerical occupations, manufacturing, and professional work, which together employ eight-tenths of the women.^^ I n their five major occupation groups, women outnumber men only in domestic and personal service, though thoy almost equal men i n clerical work and are not far beliind them i n professional service, the last mentioned being due i n a large measure to the number of women who are teachers. I n the manufacturing and mechanical group and in trade there are more than 5 men to every woman. " See also p. 49, in secUon on Compensation. " Exclusive of the b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y , which consists almost w h o l l y of men's occupations, b u t s i i l l including the large woman-employing groups dressmakers and seamstresses and m i l l i n e r y and m i l l i n e r y dealerb. 20 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S Since 1910, women have lost out somewhat to men i n domestic and personal service and very considerably to men i n the manufacturing and mechanical group as a whole (but only slightly among factory operatives) and there are now more men per 100 women i n these types of w o r k t h a n was the case i n 1910. O n the other hand, women have gained i n relation to men i n professional service (but more especially i n semiprofessional work and as attendants and helpers), and very considerably i n trade and i n clerical occupations. The figures upon which the foregoing discussion is based are as follows: Men per 100 women in— 7m A l l occupations Domestic and personal service Clerical occupations Manufacturing and mechanical industries Factory operatives Factory laborers Trade Professional service Professional persons (not including attendants and helpers, semiprofessional and recreational pursuits) Im 373 48 192 485 162 2, 404 669 133 354 56 103 648 167 1, 740 532 113 128 104 Exclusive of the buildmg trades, these figures are 382 and 516. SHIFTING OCCUPATIONS W I T H I N EACH M A I N GROUP T h e general shifting i n women's occupations and their proportionate distribution \vithin the major occupational groups have been indicated. W i t h i n each of these groups, however, there have been significant changes i n the types of occupations performed. Domestic a n d Personal Service. T h e division of occupations i n which the largest numbers of women are found has been t h a t of domestic and personal service, which employed more t h a n 3 m i l l i o n women i n 1930. Some of the work followed i n this group has been i n line vnth. the age-old employments of women—those of household service. For example, i t is reported t h a t i n the days of Charles I I the gentlemen of the Court " t h o u g h t t h a t w^omen were educated enough if they could spell out the recipes of pies and puddings, the manufacture of which nature had entrusted to their tender mercies." O n the other hand, new service industries have arisen, some of which have been almost of mushroom growth, such as the occupations i n beauty shops. The greater m o b i l i t y of m o d e m society, as well as the shifts i n household economy arising f r o m the ramifications of the factory and business systems of today, have accelerated the growth of the hotel and restaurant industries. T h e coverage i n certain of the census classifications i n domestic and personal service varies somewhat i n different years, and clear comparisons cannot be made i n all cases. However, by 1930 there " Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science^ November 1914, p. 38. of Women and Sex Equality. B y Gertrude S. Martin, Cornell University. T h e Education T R E N D I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 had been a 25-percent increase i n the entire group over the figure for 1910, and still greater increases over earlier dates. M o s t of the chief occupations i n the group also show increases, and these are especially great i n those lines of work that reflect the major economic trends of the period. For example, while a marked falling off occurred i n one large group representing a hand occupation pursued along older lines, t h a t of laundresses not i n laundry, which declined from 1910 to 1930 b y nearly one-third, i n the same period the number of operatives i n laundry establishments more than doubled. Other increases i n major occupation groups were as follows: PtTceTit increase in number of women employed, 1910 to mo Domestic and personal service Cooks a n d other servants Waitresses Housekeepers and stewardesses Hotel, restaurant, and boarding-house keepers Midwives and nurses (not trained) Barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists 26. 7 34. 1 170. 4 36. 4 10. 4 22. 2 407. 6 Though there stiU are many more women than men i n the domestic and personal service groups, women lost out somewhat as compared to men i n the period f r o m 1910 to 1930. I n this time men had a slight gain as cooks and other servants, including, of course, those i n hotels and restaurants as well as those i n homes, and a considerable gain as proprietors of hotels, restaurants, and boarding houses. On the other hand, women's employment grew more rapidly than men's as operatives i n laundries and very much more rapidly as waiters and as beauty shop operators. The relation of the two sexes i n these occupations was as follows: Men per 100 Komen in— 1910 Domestic and personal service Cooks and other servants Waiters and waitresses L a u n d r y operatives Hotel, restaurant, and boarding-house keepers Barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists mo 48 24 119 40 74 776 56 26 70 30 99 231 Clerical Occupations. The occupational group second i n importance i n woman employment is the clerical, i n wluch nearly 2 million women were at work in 1930. T h i s number is almost 2K times t h a t of the women i n the clothing and textile industries combined, the largest and the more traditional manufacturing employers of women. The phenomenal growth i n the nimiber of women i n clerical occupations, w h i c h increased by 16 times between 1890 and 1930 (by 40 percent between 1920 and 1930), illustrates perhaps more v i v i d l y t h a n any other the two major forces influencing women's employment t h a t already have been referred to—the industrialization and commercialiI n the other two major women's occupations in this main classification, housekeepers and midwives and nurses (not trained), relatively few men are found. 22 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S zation of our economic society, w i t h i t s many added requirements for clerical w o r k , and the changed attitude toward the education of women w i t h its opening t o them of increased educational opportunities. T h e g r o w t h during recent decades i n the nimibers of women i n the chief clerical groups as they are reported i n the census has been as follows: Percevi tncreaie i n number of women employed, 1910 to 19S0 Clerical occupations Stenographers and typists Office clerks Bookkeepers and cashiers 237. 194. 476. 153. 5 4 0 7 Today clerical work naturally is thought of as one of the primary occupations of women, and indeed this is the one group i n w h i c h the ntmibers of men and women are most nearly equal. Furthermore, though i n b o t h factory and domestic and personal service employment women have lost ground i n comparison with men, i n the clerical groups women have gained considerably. Women have done most of the typing and stenographic w o r k since this k i n d of employment came to the fore, and i n 1930 there were 20 women to every m a n so employed. Of late years women also have definitely outstripped men as bookkeepers and cashiers. M e n stUl retain the edge on women as general office clerks, b u t their position here has declined greatly; though i n 1910 there were nearly five men to one woman i n this occupation, b y 1930 there were less t h a n two men to every woman. T h e following shows the relative position of the two sexes i n the chief clerical occupations: Men -per 100 women in— mo Clerical occupations Stenographers and typists Office clerks Office-appliance operators Bookkeepers and cashiers 192 20 487 N o t reported 144 1930 103 5 183 16 59 T h e tendency i n offices, as i n manufacturing plants, has been to spUt up the w o r k more and more into minute processes w i t h the great increase i n mechanical devices. Machines for adding, computing, tabulating; for bookkeeping and billing; for addressing, dupHcating, and a host of other tasks, are i n wide use. Office-appUance operators were reported separately for the first time by the census of 1930, and the figures show t h a t women vastly predominated at w o r k on office machines, there being more t h a n six women to every m a n so employed. M a n u f a c t u r i n g a n d M e c h a n i c a l Industries. The general group for which this title is used ranks t h i r d i n the gainful employment of women. I t includes, besides factory operations, the building trades and the sewing and other hand crafts. I n 1930 i t T R E N D I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 engaged something under 2 mfllion women. WMle as a wnole the group of women declined slightly i n recent years, analysis shows that this decrease was i n the hand trades rather than i n factory operations. The total includes three large groups i n nonfactory employments ordinarily performed i n homes or small shops, and woman employment in these decreased between 1910 and 1930 i n the following proportions: Percent decrease in number of women employed mo to 1930 Dressmakers and seamstresses (not i n factory) Milliners and millinery dealers Tailoresses 64. 7 67. 2 46.6 1920 to mo 32. 9 42. 4 31.5 On the other hand, there was a great increase through the same period i n women i n factory employment, especially as operatives, since women i n such occupations very greatly outnumber the women factory laborers. The following shows the increases: Percent increase in number of women employed 1910 to 1930 Factory operatives and laborers Operatives Laborers 40. 8 39.7 56. 6 19m to 1930 5. 0 8.6 « 26. 1 « I n this case a decrease. From 1910 to 1930 the numbers of women employed as semiskilled operatives increased i n most textile industries, i n some to a considerable extent, and i n the clothing, food, shoe, electrical machinery, chemical, rubber, and certain metal industries. Comparison of 1930 census figures w i t h those as far back as 1880 shows a great increase i n number of women factory employees i n each industry where comparison is possible. I f the relative employment of women and men i n manufacturing and mechanical industries be compared, women's position is seen to have declined very definitely i n the past two decades, a situation exactly opposite to t h a t i n clerical occupations, where women have increased in relation to men. While i n 1910 there were less than 5 men to every woman i n manufacturing and mechanical industries, i n 1930 there were more than 6 men to every woman, the numbers of men per 100 women i n the manufacturing and mechanical industries being as follows: 1910. 486 19201930... • 565 648 I n actual numbers women have exceeded men as operatives in textile and clothing manufacture, and i n 1920 and 1930 i n the cigar and tobacco industry. M e n have gained ground somewhat i n the textile, electrical machinery, chemical, paper, and rubber industries, and women have done so i n the clothing, shoe, food, tobacco, and 150483'»—37 3 24 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S certain metal industries. A comparison of the numbers of men and women factory operatives i n these industries follows: Men per 100 IEOTJUTI in— Im 79 124 191 107 203 Clothing industries Shoe factories Food and allied industries Cigar and tobacco factories I r o n and steel, machinery, and vehicle industries Metal industries (except iron and steel) 89 159 307 161 280 63 205 256 111 1, 467 235 Textile industries Electrical machinery and supply factories Chemical and alliecf industries Paper, printing, and allied industries Rubber factories 1930 ' 41 167 153 53 972 198 Occupations i n Trade. The great increase i n numbers of women employed i n the selling trades, i n which they have more than doubled i n the past 20 years, reflects the growth i n the distribution incident to mass manufacture combined w i t h a highly organized system of money and credit. Moreover, added types and methods of selling have developed, and the number of women has increased i n such work as t h a t of real-estate and insurance agents very much more rapidly t h a n i n store selling. Almost any c i t y homemaker could testify as to the frequency of doorto-door selling. The trade occupations engaged something under a million women i n 1930. T h e increases i n recent decades i n the chief woman-employing groups i n trade are as follows: ' •• ' Trade Saleswomen and store clerks Retail dealers Real-estate agents and officials Insurance agents 7---- PtTctnt incTfase in • number of women em> ployed, 1910 to 19$0 ' 103.7 94. 9 64. 2 986. 0 • . 410. 6 - I n general,, trade has been more of a man^s t h a n a woman's pursuit. Nevertheless, i n recent years women have gained over m e n i n this occupation group and i n its separate branches under consideration. T h o u g h even now there are more t h a n 5 men t o every woman so employed, i n 1880 there were 19 men to every woman. This g r o w t h i n proportion of women is especially marked i n the case of real-estate agents a n d officials and of insurance agents, while the change i n the relative position of the two sexes as store salespersons has been comparatively slight. The relative place of women and m e n i n the chief woman-employing groups i n trade is as follows: . , ' Men per 100 women in— Im ' Trade Salespersons and store clerks Retail dealers Real-estate agents and officials Insurance agents 1 669 249 681 4,200 3, 387 Im ' 632 239 1, 446 655' 1, 884 T R E N D IN T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 Professional Occupations. I n the professional occupations as i n the clerical, women and men approach equal numbers, though i t is i n the groups of helpers and i n semiprofessional work t h a t women find their major activities outside teaching and nursing. The change f r o m 1920 to 1930 was practically the same for the two sexes. A v i v i d illustration of the effects of extending fxiUer education to women is shown i n the marked contrast between the two white-collar groups, professional and clerical, and, for example, manufacturing and mechanical industries, where there are more t h a n six men for every woman. F r o m 1910 to 1930 woman employment i n the professional group increased i n actual numbers more than i n any other major group but clerical, though trade is a close t h i r d and, like professional, more than doubled i n the 20 years. More than VA million women were i n professional service occupations in 1930. Their increase over 1910 and their relation to the men so employed were as follows: Percera increase in number ofwoTnen employed, i9wtoi9so Professional service Professional persons (not including attendants and helpers, semiprofessional and recreational pursuits)..^ Men -per 100 women ir— 1910 mo 107.7 133 113 100,7 128 104 A closer scrutiny shows t h a t the increase is very largely i n women's traditional fields of teaching and nursing and t h a t about one-tenth of the growth is i n the number of women attendants and helpers or i n semiprofessional work. I t is especially i n semiprofessional work and i n positions as attendants and helpers t h a t women's increase since 1910 has far outstripped men's, though i n some of the more advanced professions, where men much more greatly outnumber women, for example, i n the legal and w r i t i n g professions, women have gained relatively. I n at least one of great importance—that of physicians and surgeons—woman employment has dropped off practically a f o u r t h since 1910. Considering the 16 major professional occupations (those i n which as many as 50,000 persons were reported i n 1930) women form b u t very small proportions of the dentists, draftsmen, lawyers and judges, and clergymen. Since practically no women are engineers these groups ^vill n o t be considered separately. M e n f o r m negligible proportions of the trained nurses and school teachers, and the number of women nurses more t h a n trebled after 1910. Women remained very nearly stationary or lost out i n relation to men i n six of these major professional occupations, though i n one of them women outnumbered men and the actual numbers of women 26 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S ' increased. As school teachers there were more than four women to every man, and the number of women increased by nearly four-fifths i n the 20 years. The figures shomng changes i n these occupations are as follows: PtTcent ofincrtase ( + ) or decrease (—) in number of women Men per 100 women inemployed, 1910 to mo mo mo Schoolteachers Actors and showmen Artists, sculptors, teachers of a r t Musicians, teachers of music Physicians and surgeons Dentists +79.1 +58.7 +40.3 —5.8 —24. 3 +2.6 25 269 121 65 1, 576 3,090 22 262 165 107 2, 154 5,421 I n 2 of the 16 major professional occupations women not only outnumbered men and advanced i n numbers i n the 20 years, b u t they gained i n comparison w i t h men, as follows: Percent increase in number of women employed, 1910 to 19S0 1910 mo 401. 1 277.4 80 8 40 2 Social, welfare, religious workers Trained nurses Men per 100 women in— « T w o groups combined, since separate figures for social workers not reported in 1910. I n the remaining five of the major professional occupations (excluding the engineering occupations, t h a t employ practically no women) women advanced markedly after 1910, b o t h i n numbers and i n favorable position i n comparison w i t h men, though i n all of them men still greatly outnumber women. The legal group, for example, had 46 men for every woman i n 1930. The figures are as follows: Percent increase in number of women employed, 1910 to mo Lawyers, judges, and justices Draftsmen Editors and reporters College presidents and professors Clergymen 506.6 274.2 185.2 580,6 378.2 Men per 100 women 1910 20,456 8,420 722 430 17,128 in- 1950 4,645 5,363 335 208 4,444 A g r i c u l t u r a l Occupations. A g r i c u l t u r a l occupations engage fewer than 1 i n 10 (8.5 percent) of the women i n gainful employment, and less than a m i l l i o n women were i n agricultural and allied work i n 1930. I n line w i t h the general economic trends, their number declined markedly ia the 20 years, being cut practically i n h a l f ; however, there was only a very small decrease i n f a r m owners and tenants, who formed about 15 percent of t h e women i n agriculture i n 1910. Seven-tenths of the women i n this type of gainful work i n 1930 were f a r m laborers, though there were nearly six men to every woman so employed. TREND I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 Women i n agricultural work not only have declined i n number in recent years, but they have lost out in relation to the employment of men, so t h a t while i n 1910 there were only about 6 men to every woman i n such work, i n 1930 there were more than 10 men to every woman so engaged. The figures are as follows: Percent decrease in number of women 1910 to mo Agriculture, forestry, and Farmers (owners and tenants) Farm managers and foremen Farm laborers fishing 49. 6 3. 8 87.6 57.6 Men per 100 women in— 1910 599 2, 145 ' 547 307 mo 1 2 6 ' 078 189 880 580 NOTE.—It was hoped to include at this point information as to women i n the public service, but i t has not been possible to prepare such a section at this time. WOMEN AS HOMEMAKERS • Up to the present point this section has dealt w i t h women who are in gainful employment—22 percent of all those i n the countiy 10 years of age or older. Of the more than three-fourths of the woman popxdation remaining, many are less than 16 years old, many others are sisters and daughters living at home and not wholly responsible for the housekeeping, b u t the great majority are homemakers. The numbers are as follows: Gamfully occupied: AU (10 years and over) 1 Homemakers (16 years and over) ^^ A t home Away from home Not in gainful employment: A l l (10 years and over) Aged 10 to 15 years Aged 16 years and over (other than homemakers) Homemakers (16 years and over) Number of women (m millions) 10. 75 3. 92 .76 3. 15 38. 02 6. 87 6. 67 24. 48 " For analysis of the situation of almost 3 H million homemakers who are in gainful occupations besides their home duties (exclusive of l-person f a m i l i e s ^ f which there were 570,757—and excludmg races other than the native and forpign-born white and Negro), sec Women's Bureau Bui. 148, The Employed Woman Homemaker in the United States These homemakers are to a large extent married women, but many of them are single daughters keeping house for fathers, sisters maintaining homes for brothers, or i n other similar relationships to their families. M a n y of these homemakers (whether married or single) also help i n the family support through wage earning outside the home, as the foregoing data show. Moreover, i n the case of 2)2 million families i n the United States consisting of two persons or more, a woman was the head of the family and i n almost 1 million of these families she was a gainfully-employed homemaker as well; 58 percent of these 2K milUon families had at least one child under 21 years of age (data for younger children not available) and 18 percent had three children. 28 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OP T H E U N I T E D STATES I m p o r t a n c e o£ the H o m e m a k e r i n the Economic Structure. A considerable body of facts exists on the economic status of women at work i n the various occupations paying a money wage; b u t on the measurement of woman's economic status as a house^vife l i t t l e is available. The years of the depression have revealed a new appreciation of the economic importance of the housewife's services—of how large a share of the family Hving she produces. A distressing situation for multitudes of families could have developed i f the general industrial collapse h a d involved certain home occupations n o t yet wholly bound over to commercial enterprise.^^ T h e contribution of the homemaker is great, whether measured by the time she labors, the money value of the actual work she accomplishes, or the cost of those things t h a t would have to be bought b y the f a m i l y if she d i d n o t produce or preserve them. One economist has stated t h a t ''the value added to goods b y family activity, i f i t could be set down as a pecuniary sum, would make the railroad or the banking industry small by comparison." ^^ The economic position of the housewife is rather an anomaly: Her services never come on the market and she is outside the price system, yet her contribution as a producer i n the home holds a compelling position i n the economic life of any community. M o r e than this, she is found exerting an influence measured i n many lines of manufactured commodities, while her efficiency as a homemaker definitely affects the productive capacity of those members of the f a m i l y at work outside the home. Further, the standards she maintains i n her work, or wishes to attain, have an i m p o r t a n t bearing on a wide range of commercial products, for as a purchaser of foods and household goods she wields tremendous economic power. H o m e m a k e r Not Assisted by P a i d H e l p i n Most FamiliesThe extent of the homemaker*s contribution is more f u l l y understood when i t is realized t h a t i n 1929, usually cited as the peak year of prosperity, only 5 percent of the families i n the United States had paid help.^^ I n the great m a j o r i t y of the remaining 95 percent the housewife herself constituted the entire working force. The multitudinous jobs taken on b y her as a part of the home-keeping duties may be performed poorly, indifferently, or well, b u t the data t h a t exist on the distribution of time spent by f a r m women," or city women, " A study made in 1934 of 61 citi(« an<l oovcring 30(1000 families shows that family incomc had decreased one-third from 1929 to 1933. See U. S Department of Commerce. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, release of June 25, 1935. The avcragtJ money mcomo of 144 families living on owner-oporatod farms in 1 county in Michigan decreased from $1,3,53 m 1929 to $6ft4 in 1932. The study showed that while there was little change in the total amount of food used, m 1932 there was much less purchased and more produced. See Changes in Standards of Consumption Dunng a Depression. B y Inna H . Gross and Julia Pond. Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station. Special Bui. 274. July 1936. Abstract m Journal of Home Economics, December 1936, p. 705. Hamilton, Walton H . Economic Organization. In Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 11, p. 487. Hildegarde, Is the Modem Housewife a Lady of Leisure? In Survey-Graphic, June 1, 1929, p. 301. T R E N D I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOIMEN J 5 college graduate or w i t h education ''otherwise", during our most prosperous years, show a surprising uniformity i n time expenditure, and we find t h a t the overworked housewife has by no means passed into history. Use of Newest Household E q u i p m e n t Limited. Despite the development of new types of household equipment, and of various labor-saving devices for home use, the great majority of families i n this coimtry have been able to buy such aids to only a Umited extent or n o t at all. According to census estimates, the average f a m i l y is composed of about four persons. I n a large m a j o r i t y of cases, the f a m i l y income just covers the traditional type of consumption goods, leaving no suiplus for the large investment new household machinery entails. Such home helps are relatively expensive, and i n 1929, for example, over 19 million families i n this country— nearly three-fourths of the total—had yearly incomes of less than $2,500, and for over 16 million famihes the income was less than $2,000 a year.^ The housewives i n these 19 m i l l i o n families of less than $2,500 income must take their kitchens as they find them. I t is only i n the newly b u i l t home, and for women whose husbands can afford to buy in these stiU uncertain times, t h a t the architect has endeavored to produce a kitchen plan economical for the housewife's use.^® I n a study i n Illinois where kitchen clinics were set up to show how improvements could be made simply, 137 records were analyzed, and the median age of the kitchens was 35 years; 12 percent were i n houses built 70 or more years ago, and only 10 percent were less than 10 years T i m e Spent i n Household Duties. W i t h the tendency today to decrease the hours i n industiy to a 40hour week basis, i t may surprise the reader to find how long the housewife's day stiU is. Tlie data cited show household hours averaging at least 50 a week, 73 i n farm homes where there are babies. I f the picture of home duties i n our grandmothers' time looms larger than that covering the duties of housewives today, i t must not be forgotten that the number of household workers per home has fallen off also. I n earlier times the maiden aunts and spinster sisters who lent a hand i n Aloulton, Harold O . Income and Economic Progress. 1935. p. 37. See also Ezekiel, Mordecai. $2,500 a Year; From Scarcity to Abundance. 1936. ** For time-saver standards in kitchens and bathrooms, see American Architecture, September 1935, pp. 89-95. Abstract in Journal of Home Economics, January 1936, p. 53. Ward, Gladys J. Kitchen Clinics. In Journal of Home Economics, September 1936, p. 445. •I Unless otherwise stated data on this subject are from a survey made by the Bureau of Home Economics of the U . 8. Department of Agriculture. See the following articles by Hildcgarde Kneeland of the Bureau of Home Economics: Is the M o d e m Housewife a Lady of Leisure? In Survey-Graphic, Juno 1,1929, p. 301; AboUshing the Inefficient Kitchen. In Journal of Home Economics, July 1929, p. 475; Horaemaking in this Modem Age. In Journal of American Association of University Women, January 1934, p. 75. See also mimeographed copy of talk: T h e Share of Family Members in Work and Leisure, given before the Farm Living Section of the Agricultural Outlook Conference, Washington, D . 0 . , Oct. 31,1934. (Figures supplied by D r . Kneeland and AIiss R u t h Moore of Bureau of Home Economics.) 30 WOMEN I N T H E KCONOMY OP T H E U N I T E D STATES various family duties were more numerous than in these days when such relatives are likely to bo engaged i n outside gainful work. Most of the housewife's time still is consumed i n routine housework, the three meals a day, daily care of house, laundering, and mending. Generally speaking, vacations and holidays are unknown, for her job goes on 7 days i n the week, all the year round. The variation i n the amount of work from day to day, the emergency needs of the family w i t h small children, the unstandardized character of her tasks in their varied assortment, make the primary problem still one of fitting the day's hours into a reasonable schedule, not of decreasing them much. Some years ago the United States Bureau of Home Economics, with the help of the extension and research staffs of several colleges, anallyzed the schedules of more than 2,000 homemakers who kept daily records of how they spent their time for several days of a typical week. The homemakers came from farms and villages, and i n smaller number from towns and cities. Only one-sixth spent as l i t t l e as 42 hours a week i n homemaking; five-sixths of them spent over 42 hours a week, more than one-half spent over 48 hours, and one-third spent over 56 hours. The average for all was slightly over 51 hours a week. Even i n the city households, more than half of this time was spent i n the Idtchen, meals alone taking over 21 hours a week; the time was longer i n farm homes. Washing, ironing, and cleaning took up the rest of the time spent i n the kitchen. The city homemakers showed a surprising record; women i n cities of under 50,000 population spent an average of 51 hours a week in homemaking. I n the larger cities of 50,000 and over the average was a little above 48 hours a week, and only 10 percent of the women spent less than 35 hours a week i n their homemaking. The average time spent i n all work by the 950 farm women, including care of poultry and milk and gardening, was over 62 hours a week. These records came from a group fairly typical of the f a r m and village housewife, at least i n the middle-class home, and the pattern of time expenditure is seen to be surprisingly uniform for the different sections of the country. Similar studies for 5 States show average working hours of farm women a l i t t l e more than 60 hours a week.®^ The number of persons i n the average city household reported was 4.1 as against 4.4 i n the average farm home. For routine tasks other than meal preparation the figures of farm and city homemakers are almost identical—7K hours a week on cleaning, 5K for laundering, IH for mending, and 4% for sewing. The city homemaker spent a few hours more during the week i n care of children and purchasing, and a few hours less in cooking and dishwashing, than did the farm woman. " Studies similar to that of the Bureau of Home Economics, made under Pumell funds by several States in cooperation with said Bureau. T R K N I ) I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOMEN 31 A later analysis of these records of the Bureau of Home Economics gives the following data: Average time spent per day in— Number of homes scheduled Farm (25 States) Rural-nonfarm (22 States) __ Urban (43 States and District of Columbia) _ _ Average size of household Ilomemaking alone Mtns. lira. Farm and other work IITS. Mins 559 249 4.3 4.0 7 7 23 21 1 0 22 39 692 4.0 G 52 0 18 "Where there were very young children i n the family the total working time-for farm households was almost 66 hours and where there was a baby under 1 year i t was more than 73 hours. I n households consisting only of the homemaker and her husband the average working time was less than 56 hours. The amount of time these farm homemakers gave to care of the family ranged from 21 hours a week i n homes where there was a child imder 1 year to a little less than I j i hours a week i n homes where the children were from 10 to 14 years old. The records from some 700 urban homemakers (those living i n towns of 2,500 and more population) throughout the country, came from graduates of the eastern women's colleges. The women i n this group who had children undfer 15 years of age averaged no less than 52 hours a week i n homemaking activities, 13 hours being given to the care of cliildren. Four-fifths of them employed some paid service in the home, amounting on the average to 30 hours a week. I n spite of this assistance, for which 5 hours a week were spent i n planning, purchasing, and other management jobs, the tasks of preparing meals and dishwashing, of cleaning, laundering, and mending, took up the major part of the working week. These households probably fall within the social group known as "relatively well-to-do", and w i t h the modern equipment and other conveniences belonging to kitchens in such homes, i t appears that the homemaker is stUl predominantly a housewife. The hours reported as devoted to the children do not include any time spent i n walking w i t h them, driving, or other recreation—"airing the baby"—which was considered part of the homemaker's leisure time when the tabulation of the records was prepared. For the household including only the homemaker and her husband, the duties of these college women averaged 36 hours a week, so even here housekeeping hardly can be called a leisure-time job. Another compilation shows time expenditure on an enumerated list of household duties by farm women ^ i n four States w i t h large rural populations.®^ While no information is readily available as to comparability in-size of households, as to paid help, nor as to extent of modern equipment i n the kitchen, i t is probable that each group is " Normal women only taken, no aged nor very poor. ^ , v iw f o* + 1 " Journal of Homo Economics, January 1936, p. 38 fl. Data used are from hulletms of State agricultural experiment stations and unpublished material. 32 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATICS representative of the home demands on the time of very large numbers of housewives i n this country, and indicates the tremendous contribution they make to the Nation's economy. OrcQon South Dakota Montana New York Number of f a r m families in State ^^ Number of women reporting i n survey 57, 754 288 83, 628 100 Total of house and farm work Housework alone jVieals—Preparing Clearing away General care of house Care of fires, water Laundering—Washing Ironing Care of clothing—Sewing Mending Care of family Management F a r m work—garden, fields, poultry, stock, dairy 60. 26 49. 77 16. 95 7.50 7. 55 1. 05 3. 60 2.00 3. 01 2. 64 3.82 1. 65 63. 88 52. 99 17. 05 8.85 8. 60 1. 87 3. 41 2.53 3. 57 L 72 3.72 1. 67 62. 70 53. 53 17. 00 8.42 7. 85 1. 25 3. 42 2.01 4. 25 2. 75 4.58 2. 00 58. 70 51. 88 17. 35 8.50 8. 25 2. 28 3. 17 2.18 3. 63 2. 52 2.43 1. 57 10.49 10.89 9.17 6.82 49, 152 176, 440 92 139 Hours per week " U . S. Bureau of the Census. live- Fifteenth Census. 1930: Population, vol. V I , table V I . T h e Housewife's M a j o r Piece of W o r k . W i t h the exception of the care of very young children, the major a c t i v i t y i n the housewife's daily schedule is the preparation of meals. This consumes about one-third of all the time given t o household duties. I t has to be done every day i n the week, and for 52 weeks i n the year, A study of 538 records of households i n Oregon ^—310 f r o m f a r m , 72 f r o m country b u t not on farms, 156 f r o m villages, towns, and cities—shows t h a t one-fourth of all the time given to the needs of the home was spent i n preparing meals. The average time spent on this was the equivalent of one-third of the f u l l time of one person in each household; i n this study the households averaged between four and five persons i n size. A separate study of the task of clearing the table, washing dishes (not even including pots and pans), drying them b y towel, and p u t t i n g them i n the cupboard, for a f a m i l y of four, showed t h a t the time required per day for this, when done three times daily and according to "present practice", was 38 minutes and 8 seconds a day.®^ For over 15 years a homemaker who is the wife of a well-known economist has kept a scientific record showing w h a t i t costs to produce things for her f a m i l y i n her kitchen, which has all modern equipment.^ She has proved to her satisfaction t h a t the average woman who prepares meals, cans, preserves, bakes, and launders at home, for her own family, produces substantially the equal value of the man's economic contribution i n industry. Records covering the Sfi Journal of Home Economics, January 1932, p. 10 f!. " I b i d . , M a y 1930, p. 393 fi. T h e New Woman Goes Home. In Scribner's, Feb. 1, 1937, p. 52. W h a t Should the Home Contribute^ In Journal of Home Economies. June 1936, p. 365. See aUo T R E N D I N T H E OCCUPATIONS OF WOMEN - 33 cost of raw materials, supplies, fuel, ''overhead'', and labor indicate that the housewife can earn the equivalent of from $5 to $20 a week, year i n and year out, depending on the number of jobs taken back into the household from industry, the size of the family, and the family standard of living. Her records show for the purchase of food from the store i n one month of 1936, compared with the cost of homecooking such articles i n the next month, that the follo^ving sayings could be made: Market price Home cost Earning if cooked at home $21. 18 10.82 10. 36 The average amount of time spent i n the Idtchen for the month when all the cooking and baking was done outside the home is compared to the average amount of time spent on similar work in the home in the 5 months preceding: Averagt for 1 month when food was bought Hours Minutes Monthly labor t i m e Daily labor time 65 2 37 7 Aterage for previous 5 months Minutes Hours 82 2 40 40 A n earlier study of families i n northern Michigan analyzed a 30year record of a farn> woman's labor/® I n these 30 years, i t was estimated, she prepared approximately 236,425 meals, for which labor at 15 cents a meal (a very cheap estimate) would reach more than $35,000. This would run to about $1,167 a year for meals, and if this represented a third of her services the money value of her work would r u n to over $3,500 a year. This is based on very reasonable estimates of labor values, some of them being as follows: Labor value For food preparation: Loaves of bread 35, 400 Cakes 5,930 Pies I 7,960 Bushels of vegetables prepared 1,525 Jars of f r u i t canned 3, 625 For other home services: Garments made 3, 190 Pieces of laundry washed 177,525 Hours of sweeping, dusting, cleaning. _ _ 35, 640 SO. 05 .10 .05 .50 . 2o .50 .03 .10 Total labor value tn SO $1, 770 593 398 762 906 ^ ^^^ 1, 595 5.331 3, 564 Still another estimate of the value of household work was made several years ago by a small club of homemakers who kept records and made studies of the duties they undertook, \vith the following results: H o u r l y earnings of more than one-half the women were 50 cents, several between $2 and $2.50; the family wash was worth about $2 an hour for two women, while two others earned only half as much (different speeds of work were responsible for the contrast here, as all " N^ewton, Julia. Farm Credit Administration. I n speech at Farm Bureau Social and Economic Con- 34 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S four used similar equipment and similar laundering methods). I n making a cotton house dress, the homemaker found that her time was worth only 30 cents an hour, for the ready-made equivalent would have cost little more than the price of materials. I n a study of canning fruit, by this same group, a saving of only a few cents an hour appeared, due to the cost of supplies for the homemaker (who did not raise the f r u i t herself). The household and the duties of its manager cannot be separated from the home and family for which i t exists. N o matter how careful the plan made for time schedules, emergency needs come when least expected, and personal tastes govern to a great degree the typo of household management selected as best for t h a t particular family. The flexibility of budget planning, child guidance, health measures, are household techniques that cannot be entirely surrendered to an outside agency. Though on a less extended scale, the homemaker*s problems are as serious and responsible as those of the factory personnel manager. Her functions involve intangible factors not wholly measurable i n economic terms; social usefulness, happy lives, and normal emotional ties give evidence of her skill i n managing house and family. Chapter 2 . — U N E M P L O Y M E N T O F W O M E N While even a t the peak of prosperity i n 1929 there were many persons out of work, i t is a well-known fact t h a t i n manufacturing, for example, from t h a t time on through 1930, 1931, and most of 1932 there was a rapid increase i n xmemployment. Naturally the overcrowding of the labor market resulted i n hardship for women as well as men. I n all occupations, m a n y women lost jobs; large numbers could obtain employment only i n less remunerative types of work than those i n which they formerly had been engaged; others bore heavy cuts i n pay for the same w o r k they had done previously. Moreover, ^vith income declines for families, many of whom already were existing at a comparatively low level, jobs were now sought by women who had not been a t w o r k recently, often by those who had never before been i n gainful employment. While no doubt there were plants i n which the general financial retrenchment caused the employment of women because, i n their increased need, employers found i n women a cheap labor supply, on the other hand there was a marked tightening up i n the acceptance of women's qualifications and a renewed focus on their position as gainful workers. A n y qualifications of tV^omen t h a t had come under scrutiny before were now examined w i t h redoubled attention. Especially d i d employed married women suffer a singling out for public criticism and even loss of jobs. Thus the various factors affecting women's employment situation were much confused, operating at cross purposes and i n opposing directions ^vith different effects i n different places, so t h a t a clear delineation of cause and effect is almost impossible. Moreover, such figures as existed on imemployment i n the entire country were incomplete, i n many cases based on estimate, sometimes far f r o m accurate and imavoidably so, and frequently not separately reported b y sex. EXTENT OF WOMEN'S UNEMPLOYMENT F r o m Government figui^es and those of various special studies i n many localities, i t was conservatively estimated t h a t at least 2 million women were o u t of w o r k during the worst (though not necessarily at the very lowest point) of the depression. These studies ordinarily showed aroimd one-fifth of all the women normally employed to be without jobs.^ The Government figures taken i n the midst of the depression t h a t are most indicative of the situation are those for 19 of the largest cities 1 For fuUer information as to the figures available for 1928 to 1931 f ^ m Government ^ r c e s a ^ special surveys, see the analysis of them made in Women's Bureau Bui. 113, Employment Fluctuations and Unemployment of Women. 1933. - ^ So 36 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S i n the United States, representing well over a fifth of all employed women i n the country.^ I n these cities 26.2 percent of the men and 18.9 percent of the women normally i n gainful work were unemployed i n January 1931. Other special surveys i n various localities showed similar proportions of women out of jobs. I n 1934 i t was reported by the Federal Emergency Eehef Administration that women who normally were employed formed about 30 percent of all persons on relief i n towns and cities of over 2,500. Though the total figures for these earher depression surveys usually showed smaller proportions of women than of men out of work, yet even at that time there were important woman-employing industries i n which larger proportions of women than of men were the sufferers, as, for example, electrical supply, woolen and worsted, and certain food industries. Moreover, practically one-tenth of the jobless women i n the country i n 1930 were heads of families, and according to the definition used b y the Bureau of the Census i n reporting this group this means that these women had dependents for whose support they were responsible.® I n October 1933 the Federal Emergency Relief Administration reported that 12 percent of the rehef households i n n j r a l districts were headed by women.^ Later data are scattering, and the most comprehensive result from counts made i n certain large industrial States. On the whole they indicate that as reemployment progressed, though i n some cases i t still was true that smaller proportions of the women than of the men noimally at work were unemployed, there were industrial areas in wliich women were the greater sufferers. This appears to be true, for example, from figures for Pennsylvania, a State having many large woman-employing industries, while i n Michigan, where the industries are predominantly man-employing, men were relatively the greater sufferers. The data available for three States are as follows: ® Massachusetts Percent women formed of t o t a l unemployed Percent unemployed men formed of employable m e n . Percent unemployed women formed of employable women Miehiffan 28.9 24.5 26. 4 20.0 15. 3 19.9 25.9 28.2 27.2 21. 1 14 5 30. 6 Ptnnsyltania The United States Employment Service recently has analyzed its figures as to persons newly applying to public employment offices for work i n the 2 years ending June 30,1936. The new women applicants J U . S. Bureau of the Census. Fifteenth Census, 1030: Unemployment, vol. I I , p. 366. 8 I b M . , vol. I , p. 14. * Federal Emergency Relief Administration. Unemployment Relief Census. October 1933. p. 38. « Basic data from: Massachusetts, Department of Laborond Industries. Report on the Census of Unemployment in Massachusetts as of Jan. 2,1934. Labor bul. 171, p. 11; Michigan. State Emergency Welfare Commission. Census of Population and Unemployment. First Series. July 1936, p. 13; and Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration. Census of Employable Workers i n Urban and Rural Non-Farm Areas in Pennsylvania, 1934 (April). 1936. Table 6, p. 6, Those employed only temporarily or on work relief are counted as unemployed. UNEMPLOYMENT OF W O M E N 37 throughout the period reported numbered nearly 3 million and formed 27 percent of all applicants.® I t w i l l be remembered t h a t women f o r m 22 percent of all persons gainfully employed, according to the 1930 census, hence their proportion among the unemployed who sought work through these agencies was greater than amon^ those i n gainful work. N o r m a l Occupations of Unemployed W o m e n . While the women on the active files of public employment offices do not represent a l l the unemployed, reports for July 1936 show t h a t they formed practically 60 percent or more of the t o t a l unemployed as estimated b y the N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l Conference Board and the American Federation of Labor, and their occupational distribution would be indicative of t h a t of all unemployed w o m e n / I n July 1936, half the women seeking w o r k through the public agencies were service workers, and two-thirds were seeking either clerical or service jobs. Of the men, however, nearly four-fifths were productive workers, skilled craftsmen, or laborers, the division among these three categories being fairly equal. A larger proportion of the women out of work than of those normally employed were service workers, as the follo^ving shows: NoTmallv employed, 19S0 census Percent Total 100.0 Domestic and personal service— 29. 6 Clerical occupations 18.5 Manufacturing a n d mechanical industries 17. 5 Professional service 14. 2 Trade Other (scattered) 9.0 1L 2 SeeHng employment, July 1936 Percent Total 100.0 Service workers SO. 9 Clerical workers 15.5 Manufacturing and mechanical workers « 10. 8 Professional and kindred workers 5.6 Salespersons 4.8 Other workers (scattered) 12. 3 ® Production workers, craftsmen, and laborers in manufacturing and construction. As service workers and i n sales occupations, the proportions women formed of the t o t a l number seeking jobs were larger than the proportions they formed of the t o t a l number normally employed i n the same types of occupation, as the following shows: Percent women formed of those seeking work, July 1936 Percent women formed of total employees. 19S0 Domestic and personal service.Clerical occupations Professional service 64 2 49. 4 46. 9 Trade Manufacturing and mechanical industries 15. 8 13.4 Service workers Clerical workers Professional and kindred workers Salespersons Manufacturing and mechanical workers ® * See footnote 8. • U . S Employment Service. Filling 9 Million Jobs. A n Analysis of Rej 65. 4 46. 9 28. 8 27. 6 4.2 38 WOMEN I N T H K KCONOMY OF T H K U N I T E D STATES E v e n when the proportions unemployed can be seen, this does not show the extent to which employed workers have taken jobs not in line w i t h their usual occupations, i n many cases even temporary or part-time jobs. W r i t i n g i n 1932, an expert on this subject has vividly stated this as follows: I t must bo remembered that comparison of unemployment rates for occupations does not show comparative occupational security, but only comparative likelihood of obtaining some work of whatever kind. I n the census returns a man may be recorded as employed whether or not he is able to find work i n his customary line. Thus there is much insecurity of occupation which is not reflected i n unemployment rates. As general unemployment rises, there is occupational displacement from the more to the less skilled types of work- A recent study i® has shown t h a t among professional workers only half as many were unemployed as had been displaced from professional occupations and among skilled workers only three-fourths as many were unemployed as had been displaced, while among the ousted unskilled workers only a very few found work in higher grades and more than half of their unemployment was caused by entrance of workers from other occupational levels." LESSENED EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN DUE T O CERTAIN INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS OR PRACTICES Employment may be diminished for the individual or made insecure by certain characteristic factors i n our industrial organization a t this time. These affect b o t h sexes though not equally, and some of them bear w i t h especial force on women, or have a more widespread application to women than to men, particularly i n relation to certain iadustries. Examples lie i n part-time jobs, i n fluctuations i n employment due to seasonal c a u ^ s or to particular organization of a n industry, and i n the r a p i d i t y or the unplanned impact of technological change. Part-tiine E m p l o y m e n t . Part-time w o r k — t h a t is, employment for less than the usual time worked by persons gainfully occupied—is of at least three types: (1) Regular part-time work, consisting of regular employment for less than the usual number of hours i n a day or on less than the usual nimiber of days i n a week, or b o t h ; (2) Irregular part-time work, comprisiag t h a t of extra workers on call, substitutes, or spare hands, and of persons available for the Christmas rush i n stores and post offices, m a n y other examples of which could be cited; (3) Irregular employment, the result of fluctuations f r o m a variety of causes, including among many others the nature of the industry (affected b y seasonality, weather conditions, style changes), the labor supply, the flow of w o r k i n the plant, and a slackness or rush of orders. Regular part-time employment exists i n many or most stores, for example, where the "extras" come for w o r k on certain days, or on parts 1 Hogg, Margaret H . The Incidence of Work Shortage. Report of a Survey by Sample of Families 0 Made in New Haven, Comi, in May-June, 1931. Russell Sage Foundation, New York. 1932. » Shifting Occupational Patterns. B y Ralph Q. Hurlin and Meredith B. Givens. In Social Trends, vol. 1, pp. 317-318. UNEMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN 39 of days. Likewise i n restaurant employment, many cashiers and waitresses have a schedule applying to only part of the working day or parts of certain days i n the week, w i t h the wage correspondingly low.^^ I n most cases, such part-time employees are women. ''Regular extras" as alteration hands i n stores average only 12 to 14 weeks i n the year, according to unpublished data secured by the Women's Trade Union League f r o m uuion officials. The t e r m ' ' p a r t t i m e " also is used where the f u l l weekly schedule is not worked. The Pennsylvania imemployment survey early i n 1934 showed t h a t over 15 percent of all employable women and nearly 17 percent of the men were on part-time work.^^ A study of all gainful workers i n 0 Connecticut city showed 1.5 percent of the women on part time.^^ Irregularity of E m p l o y m e n t . Another typo of indication of part-time work is i n the variation from full scheduled employment as shown i n the change from week to week i n numbers of persons on a pay roU. I n many industries these changes are markedly seasonal i n character, and i t is a notable fact t h a t those industries t h a t tend to have an especially great seasonal fluctuation i n employment also are likely t o be the important woman-employers, as for example clothing manufacture and food processing. M a n y of these have a well-defined busy season at a similar time each year. I n the canning of fruits and vegetables, for example, the peak season ordinarily is i n August or September, though i n some localities or for some products i t is earlier or later. I n candy making there is a peak prior to the Christmas season and another before Easter. I n meat packing the peak comes roughly f r o m January to M a r c h ; i n tobacco stemmeries an early spring peak is followed by another i n midsummer. I n department stores the pre-Christmas rush season is well known. A l l these and m a n y other industries highly seasonal i n character are large woman-employers. Correspondence b y the Women's Trade Union League w i t h union officers i n industries many of which employ largely women resulted i n reports, i n the f a l l of 1936, as to the number of full-time weeks ordinarily worked i n the year, as follows: Average full woTkueeks in year Shoes GaiTnents, ladies' dresses, coats and suits Gloves Hats, caps, and millineiy Printing (Typographical Union) Textiles 24 or 25. 26. 35 to 40. 26 to 30. 4 1 ^ approximately. 27. " The Women's Bureau has in progress a sample study of the extent of part time in stores, concerning which few data heretofore have been available. These employees ordinarily would not be covered under social security legislation. T h e great majority of them are women. w , • tt » Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Association. Census of Employable Workers in Urban and Rural Non-Farm Areas i n Pennsylvania, 1934. 1936. p. 1. " Hogg, Margaret H . , op. cit., p. 65 150483 4 40 W O M E N I N THE ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S The same i n q u i i y received reports that 25 to 35 percent of the bakery and confectionery workers are constantly unemployed. Officers of several other unions reported the following as the weeks worked i n the year, b u t did not say how many of these were f u l l weeks: Weeks in the year in iDhich seme work was done Cigars Men's clothing Shirts 40 to 50 (for skilled workers). 40 to 50. About 50. The foregoing applies only to union members, and many workers not belonging to the union or i n industries not organized, large numbers of them women, are lilvely to have even less steady work. Indexes of employment show the changes f r o m week to week through the year, though they do not show the extent to which the individual on the pay roll may have only part-time work i n the week. "Women's Bureau studies of four important woman-employing industries show how greatly women's employment fluctuates w i t h i n the year. For the index i n each industry that showed the widest range the highest and lowest points i n the year are shown i n the foUomng:^® Employment index for— lAiwesi week Clothing industries (three branches), Connecticut, 1930-31 Three tobacco stemmeries, 1933-34 Meat packing i n 5 cities, 1927-28 Laundries i n 8 cities, 1934 in year 44 77 72 85 Highest week tnyear 133 166 132 115 The great variation that may occur i n the employment of women i n the year is apparent from these indexes. Such indexes i n themselves show an even less extreme picture than that appearing f r o m the actual numbers of women who are on the pay roll at one time b u t are not earning at some other time i n the year. For example, i n the meat-packing industry i n the two cities v/ith. the largest numbers reported i n the Women's Bureau study, the following numbers of women were affected: St, Paul Largest number of women on pay roll any week in year SmaUest number of women on pay roll any week i n year Difference between largest and smallest numbers 1 Percent difference Sioux aty 517 351 166 32. 1 374 204 170 45. 5 I n these two cities alone i n this single industry more than 300 women were out of work at some time i n the year due to seasonal fluctuations i n the number of jobs available, and this was i n a year of fairly normal activity, 1928. I n many important industries this variation i n employment falls more heavily on women than on men. Take, for example, the making of radios. The Women's Bureau reported monthly data on numbers " U . S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. The Employment of Women in Slaughtering and Meat Packing. Bui. 88. 1932. pp. 168-161; The Employment of Women in the Sewing Trades of Connecticut. Bui. 109. 1935. p. 14; Hours and Earnings in Tobacco Stemmeries. Bui. 127. 1934. pp. 23, 27, 29; Factor^ Affectmg Wages in Power Laundries, Bui. 143. 1936. p. 47. UNEMPLOYMENT OF W O M E N 52 employed i n 16 plants making receiving sets through the year 1929, generally thought of as the peak year of prosperity. T h a t women's employment declined much more than men's is shown i n the following: Men Largest number on pay roll i n year. Smallest number on pay r o l l i n year Difference between largest and smallest numbers Percent difference 16, 439 I 6', 848 9, 591 58. 3 Wtmtn 14 935 5 169 9,' 766 65. 4 N o t only were more women than men out of jobs i n the slack season, but these women who were losing earnings formed a much larger proportion of those on the pay roll at the year's peak than was the case w i t h men.^® T h e same was true i n certain pineapple camieries i n H a w a i i surveyed by the Women's Bureau a number of years ago (1927), as the following shows: Mm Largest number on pay roll i n year Smallest number on pay roll i n year Difference between largest and smallest numbers Percent difference 2, 640 988 1, 652 62. 6 Women 2,172 ' 479 1, 693 77. 9 The employment data for men and women i n three large industrial States were examined b y the Women's Bureau for the period 1928-31, which includes normal, peak, and depression years. Taken together these include employment i n 34 different industries or occupations, 12 of them found i n 2 or i n all 3 States." I n a considerable number of these important woman-employing industries i n each State, women suffered f r o m much greater variation in the numbers employed a t different times w i t l i i n the year than men did; i n one State this was true i n most industries i n nearly every year. I n the 12 industries t h a t were reported i n 2 or i n all 3 of the States, w i t h very few exceptions the index of women's employment in the year had fluctuated more than had the index of men's employment—in m a n y cases very considerably more. The industries i n which this variation i n women's employment ordinarily had exceeded men's included clothing, textiles, food, and others of the more important woman employers. They were as follows: Candy. Bakery products. Clothing, men's. Clothing, women's. K n i t goods. Laundry and dry cleaning. , Paper goods. Printing and publishing. Shoes. Stores (salespersons). Telephone. Tobacco. Technological Changes. M u c h has been w r i t t e n on technological changes and their relation to employment, showing both the numbers of workers displaced by '»Ibid. Fluctuation of Employment in the Radio Industry. Bui. 83 1931. p. 4; and The Employment of Women in the Pineapple Canneries of Hawaii. Bui. 82. 1930. p. 13. "S^fi Women's Bureau Bui. 113, Employment Fluctuations and Unemployment of Women, im Consult especially pp. 69, 94, and U9. See aiso an earlier analysis of Ohio figures by the same agcncy, m Bui. 73, Variations in Employment Trends of Women and M e n . 1930. Only IS exceptional instances out of a possible 111. 42 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY O F T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S new inventions and the numbers added to employment rolls as the result of the demands of new processes or new machinery. I n many cases women have lost jobs because machines were introduced to carry on processes they had been engaged on; i n other cases skilled workers were replaced by machines and women were among those newly employed i n the less skilled jobs of tending these machines; in still other cases new industries or new services have arisen, some of them employing large proportions of women. An example of technological displacement of women on a considerable scale is i n the cigar industry. The Women's Bureau interviewed well over 1,000 women who had lost jobs i n cigar manufacture prior t o 1930, and found that 96 percent of these Avere out of work bccause of closing of the factory i n which they had been employed.^® This was largely because improved equipment had been introduced into other factories, to which operations consequently were transferred. Nearly one-half of these women had been employed i n the industry for 10 years or longer, practically a fifth of them for at least 20 years; well over a third of them never found reemployment i n the cigar industry. A n estimate of the Cigar Makers' International Union shows that i n the period from 1919 to 1933 as many as 22,000 cigar workers lost their jobs because of technological changes and entirely aside from production declines.^ The Women's Bureau also has made a study of 250 technological changes i n plants of various types that had employed many women.^^ These changes had occurred for the most part f r o m 1927 to 1931, and included introduction of new machineiy or of better tools, and more efficient plant routing or methods of use of man power. The operations reported on had employed more than 6,000 workers before the changes, but six months after the change this number had decreased b y 44 percent, due entirely to the improved technology and not to lessened plant production. Among the telling instances found were those i n filling and wrapping packages i n the case of certain goods now so widely sold i n such form, such as cereals, soap flakes, and other products. I n one such operation, work formerly employing 48 women required only 20 after the changes. Another example is of a machine that labeled and wrapped bottles, which was operated by 6 girls after the change though 15 formerly had been employed on the process, and at the same time the output w i t h the fewer workers was more than 12 times as great as before. I n another instance a few women were given semimechanical jobs where none had been employed before, though total employment U. S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. The Effects on Women of Changing Conditions in the Cigar and Cigarette Industries. Bui. 100. 1932. pp. 38, 49, 52, 63. M Addressof I . M . Orabum, President of tho Cigar Makers' International Union, in Tampa, Fla., Mar. 19, 1934. In Cigar Makers' Official Journal, April 1934, p. 7. « U. S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Technological Changes in Relation to Women's Employment. Bui. J07. 1935. pp. 5, 11, 20, 28, 32. UNEMPLOYMENT OF W O M E N 43 declined by more than three-fourths. This was i n the marking of stripes on automobiles, formerly a job employing 22 skilled men. W i t h the introduction into the plant of a gun-like device for use i n performing tliis process, only 5 persons now were needed—1 man and 4 young women. Similar instances from other sources may be listed, ail showing the tendency toward more efficient operation developed over a long period of years and profoundly affecting workers i n many industries, men as well as women. A few of these that apply especially to women follow: Manufacture of sewing needles—One girl now inspects as many as nine could before. Paper-box making—Decrease 32 percent i n employment in New York City, and increase 121 percent i n output per wage earner, 1914 to 1925. Telephone operation—Complete change t o dial system in a large New England city cut the number of employees by one-half. Wrapping cracker boxes—By hand, 3 girls wrapped 9 boxes of crackers a minute; now a machine w i t h 2 girls \vraps 65. Packing cereal—Formerly 12 girls packed 17,000 boxes of cereal a day; w i t h machines, 5 girls pack this number. Laundry w o r k — 2 girls shook out the sheets by hand before putting them in the ironer; now the shaking is done by machine. T y p i n g — 1 g i r l can operate 3 electrical typewriters. M a k i n g automobile cushions—Hand work required women in the processes of marking, stitching, and stuffing cushions; now a machine can do all 3 processes. These instances might be multiplied more or less indefinitely, but at the present time there are no data to show the f u l l extent of decrease i n woman-employment due to teclmological changes alone, aside from decline i n production, nor to show the f u l l extent to which women are among the semiskilled workers employed at machine tending as a result of such changes and of replacing skilled workers under the earlier processes. The "Women's Bureau technological study referred to indicates a decline of 42 percent i n woman-employment due to this factor alone, but this applies to a limited number of plants or industries i n which such changes had been introduced and the extent to which other new employments for women may have superseded these is practically an uncharted field. I n the Bureau's study of the cigar industiy, over 60 percent of tho displaced women had had some work elsewhere, but only a little over a tenth of the entire number had found steady employment. Surveys and estimates have given abundant proof that many women normally i n gainful employment have been entirely out of work i n recent years, while many are reemployed on a more or less permanent basis, b u t the distinction between those who have lost jobs because of changes i n machinery, equipment, plant routing, or 44 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S other management factors and those unemployed because of declmes i n production, especially i n some industries, is by no means clear cut. REPLACEMENT OF ONE SEX BY T H E OTHER The question as to whether women have replaced men i n employment has been asked during the depression even more urgently than before. The primary answer to this is that ordinarily the jobs performed by the two sexes differ, and hence replacement as such usually does not occur.^^ Such studies as afford scattered data on this particular subject reaffirm the statement that replacement of either sex by the other in exactly the same work does not occur to any considerable extent. Changed processes sometimes effect replacement of one sex by the other i n the industry, but where women are the newcomers i n these instances the reason ordinarily is that they may be paid lower wages. The advancement of women's wages and the fixing of an adequate minimum for these processes goes a considerable way to reduce shifts due to this cause. I n a special study of the replacement of men by women i n New York State industries during the World War, when the process of replacement was particularly widespread, the bureau of women i n industry of the State department of labor found that 80 percent of the employers i n the plants investigated claimed that women were as satisfactory as or more satisfactory than the men whom they replaced. Nevertheless, even i n the cases i n which women's production exceeded that of men, women received lower wages than those of men doing the same work i n the same plant Where the new machines, new processes, and new organizations continually being introduced cause unemployment, the loss of jobs affects both sexes, sometimes women more so, sometimes men. The Pennsylvania unemployment survey i n 1934 showed 31 percent of the women and only 27 percent of the men to be affected. New employment i n new processes is confined neither to men nor to women. I n a study of women workers and the labor supply, the National Industrial Conference Board, research agency of large employing interests, made this statement: ''There is no evidence i n these data that would justify the conclusion that the employment of women workers contributed to increase unemployment among men during the depression." The Women's Bureau made an analysis of employment figures from three large industrial States—^Illinois, New Y o r k , and Ohio—during the early depression years and those just preceding, 1928-1931.^^ « f^® P-J® ^ 1—Employment, and also p. 49 in pt. I , cb. 3 - Compensation. M New York. Department o! Labor. Bureau of Women in Industry. The Industrial Replacemeat of M e n by Women m the State of New York. Special Bui. 1919. pp. 27-29. " National Industrial Conference Board- Women Workers and Labor Supply. 1936. p. 42. " Op. cit. footnote 17. . . , UNEMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN 45 These data gave no definite evidence indicating replacement of men by women on any appreciable scale i n any industry or occupation group during the decline that occurred i n most industries i n this period. Moreover, census figures indicate that i t was not i n the recent depression period t h a t women formed the largest proportions of the total i n certain of the most outstanding woman-employing industries and occupations.^® The census years i n which \vomen formed the greatest proportions i n important ones of these were as follows: Year in which worn- Percent women en jormed formed of total largest propor(in year specition fied) AU manufacturing and mechanical industries Servants and waitresses Cotton manufacture K n i t t i n g mills Textiles (total) Paper and printing Electrical machinery and supplies (1900 not reported) ; School teachers 1900 1900 1900 1900 1910 1910 20. 2 82. 3 48. 9 73. 2 51.8 23. 3 1910 1920 34.4 84. 5 I n trade and i n glass works the proportion of women was the same in 1920 and 1930, 15.8 and 13.1, respectively. Those occupations i n which the largest proportions of women were found i n 1930 fall into three main groups: Women long had predominated or been largely engaged: Clothing Telephone Laundry. Clerical Fairly new as an organized occupation for women: Barbers and hairdressers Women long engaged and standards declined markedly during depression: Shoes Cigars and tobacco Food industries Percent women formed of total in mo 70. 1 94. 5 73. 8 49. 4 30. 2 37.8 59. 9 21. 6 NOTE.—It was hoped to include at this point an analysis of material showing lessened emplo3^ment of women due to such reasons as marital status and other factors t h a t aflfect women vnth particular force, b u t i t has n o t been possible to prepare such a section at this time. " From unpublished data compiled by the Women's Bureau from census figures, 1900 to 1930. Chapter 3 . — C O M P E N S A T I O N O F W O M E N The types of gainful occupation i n which women i n tliis country are most likely to be a t work, the extent to which women's employment tends to be regular or irregular, and certain employment situations t h a t particularly affect women, have been reviewed. Of primary importance to the gainfully occupied woman is the amount of her compensation, since i t usually measures the extent to which she can obtain the ordinary needs and satisfactions of life, indeed the actual standard of living t h a t she can maintain, for the vast m a j o r i t y of employed women have l i t t l e or no source of income b u t their OWTI earnings. M u c h evidence as to the actual amounts received b y women can be amassed, although wage figures must be used w i t h some relation to the general price data for the period or country under consideration. I n order to understand the relative value of a given wage, questions t h a t should be asked include, first. W h a t is the relation of the levels of these wages to those of men? and second, W h a t financial obhgations do women have to meet vdth. these wages? I n other words, how do the standards of living made possible b y women's earnings compare w i t h the standards available for men? I f the general levels of women's wages have been below those of men, are they now more nearly approaching the levels for men? H o w does the pay of men and women compare for essentially the same work? W h a t costs do w^omen have to meet vnth their earnings? H o w do the earnings of women compare Avith what the best authorities estimate are the needs for maintaining a decent or adequate living? I n connection w i t h employment fluctuations and i n other ways i t already has been suggested t h a t i n many cases women constitute a marginal labor supply t h a t is called upon to fill i n where needed. Such labor usually tends to be low paid. Further, the great m a j o r i t y of women are not i n gainful employment and m a n y of these could be brought into the labor market if needed. T h e existence of tliis large supply of employable women tends to keep dovm the amounts paid those who are at work, since their places could so readily be filled. Moreover, there is a powerful traditional factor t h a t reinforces the situation as to the supply of woman labor i n i t s tendency to keep women's wages down. I t is the idea t h a t has prevailed i n the past t h a t woman was to make a contribution to the economic life largely through the pursuance of household tasks, and for this she d i d not receive any money wage. This idea has persisted f r o m an earlier economy i n which both women and men followed their occupations for the most p a r t \vithin their own domain. There women wove the 46 COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 47 cloth, made the family clothing, baked the bread, preserved the fruit and vegetables for winter use, and often carried on a considerable share i n the work of curing the meat and tending the garden. No cash value was attached to this work and the services of the sex that performed i t were not held at high money worth. POLICY OF GOVERNMENT TO M A I N T A I N WOMEN'S WAGES I t has been the general policy of government of the United States, expressed i n various official documents, to advocate the maintenance of women's wages at a level commensurate w i t h that of men's. The enactment i n more than a third of the States of minimumwage legislation for women—generally the lowest paid and most exploited workers—shows the pohcy of States to maintain wage levels for women on a par vrith those of men. That this also has been the effort of the Federal Government i n cases imder its jurisdiction is sho\vn by a number of instances. For example, the Women's Bureau of the United States Department of Labor, i n its employment standards issued as early as 1918, upheld the policy of the same pay for women and men on the same jobs i n the following words: Wages should be established on the basis of occupation and not on the basis of sex or race. I n 1915 the Commission on Industrial Relations recommended "The recognition both by public opinion and i n such legislation as may be enacted, of the principle that women should receive the same compensation as men for the same terms." * The principles enunciated by the War Labor Conference Board in formulating a national labor program i n 1918 included the following: Women in industry.—If i t shall become necessary to employ women on work ordinarily performed by men, they must be allowed equal pay for equal work and must not be allotted tasks disproportionate to their strength.® Likewise the United States Railroad Administration i n December 1918 made the following rule, restating i n slightly different terms the General Order of M a y : The pay for female employees, for the same class of work,,shall be the same as t h a t of men, and their working conditions must be healthful and fitted to their needs. The laws enacted for the government of their employment must be observed.® And on November 5, 1919, the United States Ci^al Service Commission definitely ruled that all examinations were open to men and women alike.^ More recently, the National Recovery Administration promulgated the following policy: Female employees performing substantially the same work as male employees shall receive the same rate of pay as male employees. » Pinal Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1916. [Reprmte(ifromS.Doc.No.415,64thConglp.72. J U . S . Bureau of Labor Statistics. Monthly Labor Review. M a y 1918, p. 57. -^IQ » U. S. Railroad Admmistration. General Order No.27, Supplement No. 13, article V I I I (a). 1918. See Dep^tment of LiSor.^^ 1111925. Bui. 63. 1926. p. L The Status of Women in the Government Service 48 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S During the life of the National Recovery Administration (1933-35) efforts were made to assure the same code rates for both sexes, and Government authorities supported this. Although the pay for the two sexes is the same for the same grades i n the civil service, i t has not always been possible i n other instances to carry out fully the policy of the Government for equal pay for women and men. I n some cases the statement of principle has been chiefly an ideal to be striven toward. For example, despite the war policy to pay women as much as men on the same processes, the Women's Branch of the Ordnance Department found that of the himdreds of plants involved only 11 could be listed that reported having paid equal piece rates to men and women doing the same work.^ Under the National Recovery Administration, almost 20 years later, i n practically one-fourth of the codes—and frequently i n those for industries employing many women—the rate was fixed lower for women than for men.® EVIDENCES AS TO T H E LEVELS OF WOMEN'S EARNINGS I N MAJOR WOMEN'S OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS Five major occupation groups i n which women are employed are domestic and personal service, clerical occupations, factory occupations, professional work, and trade. The usual levels of women^s earnings are indicated by a general survey of the more recent material available from various sources, which shows that, i n these five major occupation groups, women's median or average earnings range about as follows: ^ Domestic and personal service: Homes (cash wage), $5.79 to $14.65 a week. Beauty shops, $14.25 and $14.54 a week. Hotels and restaurants, $5.75 to $16.25 a week. The potential average for the year (based on 52 weeks), $299 to $845. Laundries, $6.67 to $13.42 a week. The potential average for the year (based on 52 weeks), $347 to $698. Clerical occupations: $16.15 (clerks) to $28.65 (secretaries) a week; $1,253 to $1,881 a year. The potential average for the year (based on 52 weeks), i n seven cities, $1,188. Manufacturing: Recent figures for various industries, $12.46 to $20.29. Professional service: School teachers, $999 to $3,300 a year, the last for senior high-school teachers w i t h M . A. degrees. Trained nurses, $1,620 to $2,300 a year, the minimum and maximum civilservice entrance salaries. Librarians, $1,110 to $1,957.50 a year, the last for branch librarians. Trained social and welfare workers, $1,650 to $3,300 a year, the last for supervisors in largest agencies. Home-economics extension workers, $945 to $3,950 a year. Women in Industry. In Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 15, p. 455. « For fuller m f o n ^ t l o n on this subject seo pt. I I , p. 04, and also gee Women's Bureau Bui. 130, Employed women Under N . R . A . Codes. 1935. 7 For more complete discussion of what constitutes these earnings and the sources from which they have been reported, see appendix A . COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 49 Sales occupations: $12 a week in limited-price stores to $13.85 a week for regular workers in department stores; $663 to $932 a year. TWO BASIC QUESTIONS I N RELATION TO WOMEN'S WACES The levels of women's wages show i n general what they have to Uve on, and what employers adjudge their services to be worth i n certain types of work. When these levels are indicated, two questions immediately arise, and these are basic questions i n the entire situation as to the amounts women are receiving: Is their wage as much as i t should be for the value of the work they perform if stated i n terms of the wage paid men? Is their wage sufficient if stated i n terms of their family situation and responsibility for the support of others? DIFFERENCES I N OCCUPATIONS OF WOMEN AND M E N I n comparing the levels of men's and women's wages, attention should be paid to the types of employment most usual to the two sexes. B y and large, the occupations or general types of work i n which women are engaged differ somewhat from those of men. For example, the largest groups of women reported by the census are as follows: Percent ofttad employed Domestic and personal service Clerical occupations Manufacturing and mechanical industries Professional service Trade Agriculture 29. 6 18. 5 17. 5 14 2 9.0 8.5 The largest groups of men, however, are as follows: PtTcerd oftotal employed Manufacturing and mechanical industries Agriculture Trade Transportation and communication Clerical occupations Domestic and personal scrvice Professional service 32. 1 25. 1 13. 4 9. 4 4 4. 7 4. 5 Carrying this analysis into the manufacturing and other productive industries, i t is found that there again women and men are differently engaged. Women operatives are at work i n the largest numbers i n the manufacture of cotton and k n i t goods and other textiles, i n shoemaking, in clothing manufacture, i n cigar and tobacco^ factories, i n various food industries, and i n the making of electrical machinery and supplies. These are the great woman-employers, though of course many men also work i n these industries. 50 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S Men, on the other hand, are engaged i n large numbers i n the heavy metal industries, i n automobile manufacture, i n shoemaking, i n the lumber, wood, and chemical industries, i n the making of clay, stone, and glass products, i n petroleum refining, and as laborers i n the building trades. This does n o t mean t h a t no women are employed i n these industries, b u t b y and large they have been the field of men. W a g e Levels i n W o m a n - E m p l o y i n g a n d i n M a n - E m p l o y i n g Industries. H o w do the general wage levels i n the woman-employing industries compare w i t h those i n the man-employers? Wage data for a recent m o n t h (November 1936) as reported b y the U n i t e d States Bureau of Labor Statistics ® indicate that i n these woman-employing industries the average weekly wage for all employees is i n most cases below $20, while i n the man-employers i t is i n all cases above $20 and runs above $30. The figures are as follows: I m p o r t a n t woman-employing industries: Chief textile industries Wearing apparel Confectionery Boots and shoes Tobacco manufactures Electrical machinery, apparatus, and supplies I m p o r t a n t man-employing industries: Blast furnaces, steel works, and rolling mills Automobiles Lumber and allied products Petroleum refinery Stone, clay, and glass products Building construction Average weekly earnings, all employees $14. 02-$16. 17. 16. 15. 15. 25. 54 39 69 90 21 97 29. 32. 20. 30. 23. 28. 13 27 12 43 23 89 Annual earnings likewise show t h a t woman-employing industries pay less t h a n man-employing. F r o m reports now becoming available f r o m the 1935 Census of Manufactures, i n all b u t 2 of 9 industries employing large proportions of women, less t h a n $1,000 was the average year's earnings. The exceptions are clock and watch m a k i n g and jewelry, and for these industries the earnings were b u t slightly more than $1,000. Of 15 industries very largely emplojdng men, however, the annual earnings averaged over $1,000, except for 3 i n which much unskilled w o r k is required, clay products, pulp, and furniture. A n interesting sidelight on the ingenious methods undertaken by women t o supplement their p i t i f u l l y low wages is shown i n a report of the m o n t h l y budgets of a small group of business girls reported by the Y o i m g Women's Christian Association i n the depression years 1931 and 1932.® These girls rented rooms, d i d outside typing, worked overtime, sold crackers, underwear, stockings, soap, w r i t i n g paper, ^ the extra energy spent i n these pursuits outside the regular j o b exacting a considerable t o l l of their physical strength. E v e n i n so doing they averaged extra income of only $1.68 a week i n 1932. « U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. M o n t h l y Labor Review, February 1937, pp. 45.S-459. Labor Review publishes such reports each month (not separated by sex). »Harper, E t i o D . From Pay D a y to Pay Day. 1934. pp. 8,9. T h e Monthly COIVIPENSATION OF W O M E N 51 W o m e n Provide Products Traditionally Attributed to T h e m a t Low P a y . I n addition to the wide range of service occupations that ordinarily are thought of as appropriately engaging women, i t is apparent t h a t many of the manufacturing industries i n which employed women are so largely massed are those t h a t produce the commodities for the provision of which the h u m a n race has been accustomed to depend upon women—for example, the making of textile fabrics and of clothing - and the preparation of foods. According t o the traditional ideas of an earhcr age, making these things available was "women's w o r k " , done ^\dthin the four walls of the home and Twt 'paid for in cash. The man was at t h a t time the member of the f a m i l y responsible for handling its moneys; he was its wage earner and financial provider. Thus a l o w money value was accorded to the household tasks involved i n the m a k i n g of these necessities. B u t when, i n a more complex economic age, the family had to buy these things a t a cash value and had to depend on the wage of their employed women for help i n buying them, and women thus were called on to fximish these same services b y going outside the home and learning new ways of doing them, the traditional idea of the low money value of the tasks involved still clung t o the great woman-employing industries. The f a m i l y , having been accustomed to receive these goods without cash expenditure, expected to pay l i t t l e for them. The manufacturer, using women largely for his labor supply, expected to pay a low wage for their services. B o t h tradition and the requirements of the economic system thus tended to keep women's earnings at a very low level. Indeed, a re\dsion of the older ideas t h a t formed a basis for the low wage scales i n certain of our industries is long overdue i n the newer social economy. The traditional idea of the low value of woman's work and the manufacturer's consequent use of her labor to keep do^vn his own costs have been i m p o r t a n t factors i n keeping the entire level of earnings low for men as well as women. For example, the cotton textile industry, w h i c h always has been a large woman-employer, has had wages low i n relation to those i n most other industries whose processes, though they could n o t be accounted more skilled, ordinarily were performed b y men whose services were a t a premium. A n instance of the prevalence of the traditional idea of low pay for women's w o r k is i n the wage set i n the code for the saddlery industry during the N a t i o n a l Recovery Administration. The m i n i m u m for unskilled labor was 35 cents an hour (except i n certain States where i t was 32}^ cents), and skilled labor was to be paid 20 cents more than this, b u t for " w o m e n making pads used under collars, harness, or saddles, or m a k i n g canvas stitched back bands, or open-bottom cotton 52 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S fiber stuffed cotton collars, or flynets, or horse covers" (in other words, most se\viiig occupations except on leather) the pay was to be cents below t h a t of unskilled labor.^® T h e Question of Skill. The evaluation of sldll is a very difficult problem, and while efforts have been made i n this direction b y educators, employers, employment agency authorities, and others, some of them would be the first to say t h a t this still is—at least, w i t h i n very large areas—an ahnost uncharted sea. A n outstanding woman engineer has said t h a t i t i s ' "astonishingly true t h a t no two people seem to agree on w h a t skill is." She defines i t as ''Dexterity, plus knowledge which can adapt itself to changing situations and is capable of improvement." " Though the skills of the two sexes may differ somewhat, there is no evidence t h a t women are less skilled than men. I n fact, classificat i o n of censiis data b y social-economic groups indicates t h a t women are found much more generally i n semiskilled t h a n i n unskilled work, their proportions being as follows:*^ Perttrd tcomen formed of total Unskilled SemiskiUed All industries 22. 2 31. 7 in- Manufaduring a 9 36.8 A more recent analysis along a somewhat different line, made for the Social Security Board, makes the following strikingly similar sho\ving as to the small proportions women formed of the unskilled: ^^ Percent women formed of total inAll indMtriei Unskilled... Semiskilled Manufacturing 4 3 25. 9 5. 3 36. 8 The percents women formed i n other classifications i n the lastnamed study were as follows: Service workers Professional persons Salaried employees Unpaid family workers Employers and self employed Skilled 62. 5 49. 0 37. 0 28. 6 8. 3 1. 7 I t is common to hear i t stated t h a t women i n manufacturing industries are on ''light w o r k " or " l i g h t repetitive j o b s " , while men are doing the "heavier" operations, the implication being t h a t the former are w o r t h only a low cash wage. B u t many of the " l i g h t " jobs performed b y women require a delicate and careful touch, a unique type of skill, manual dexterity, and quickness of hand and brain. The repetitive jobs call for a large degree of concentration or 10 See Women's Bureau Bui. 130. Employed Women Under N . R . A. Codes. 1935. p. 31. Qilbreth, Laimn M . Skills and Sati^ctions. In Trained M e n , autumn of 1930, vol. x, p 99. Edwards, Alba M . A Social-Economic Grouping of the Gainful Workers of the United States. In Journal of the American Statistical Association, December 1933, pp. 381,382. " Work of W . S. Woytinsky of the Social Science Research Council, furnished the Women's Bureau in a preliminary unpublished form. COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 53 continuous application, failure of which may mean physical disaster to the worker as well as ruin to the product. Of such occupations as the assembling of watches, typewriters, or scientific instruments; the tending of a number of looms; the rapid sewing of collars or parts of gloves or dresses on power machines, while keeping edges even or pattern true; the operation of a press stamping out metal parts; the process of looping hosiery; the final inspecting of a commodity as fast as a machine turns i t out; or the task of keeping up with an automatic assembly line—though a number of these might be designated as " l i g h t " jobs, i t scarcely could be said that they exact less from the worker or contribute less to the final product than is the case w i t h such '^heavy" jobs as carrying lots of yarn or bundles of work i n a hosiery or clothing factory, tying up bundles of paper, packing'large boxes, or operating a heavy power machine. Y e t i n some of these jobs women are paid less than imsMlled men. Moreover, many repetitive jobs performed by women are by no means light. For example, i n visits to 27 farm-implement plants before the N . R . A., agents of the Women's Bureau found women doing spot welding, riveting, punch-press operating, and work requiring skill i n core rooms and i n assembling. I n some of these, women had replaced men at lower pay though production was practically unchanged.^^ A n interesting example of the different duties of a man and a woman on the same machine, where each contributes to the work i n about the same degree though a woman performs the " l i g h t " and a man the "heavy" operation, is a machine process i n a glassine bag factory. A t one end of the machine a man lifts the heavy roll of glassine paper and places i t i n the machine, a job requiring chiefly strength; at the other end, a woman deftly takes off the small bags, finished and counted by the machine, gives them a rapid double inspection, eliminates any that may be imperfect, and packs them into a box so evenly as to make a tight fill, a job requiring speed, dexterity, care, and accuracy. GENERAL LEVELS OP WOMEN'S AND M E N ' S WAGES I N MANUFACTURING'' As the earnings levels i n occupation groups and industries employing largely men tend to be higher than those i n industries where women find their chief work, likewise men's are largely found to be above women's levels where the total manufacturing wage is reported. The average weekly wages of both women and men have been reported regularly i n manufacturing industries for more than 10 years by State authorities i n three large industrial States—Ilhnois, New ** Testimony of M a r y Anderson, t)irector of the Women's Bnreau, at hearing on proposed N . R . A. code for the farm equipment industry, Sept. 20,1933. , . ^ . , " Note that the discussion at this point applies to general levels of earnings or rates. Compansons for specific occupations are made later, on p. 60. 54 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S AVERAGE W E E K L Y WAGES OF MEN AND WOMEN INDUSTRIES, Dollart 10 4 IN MANUFACTURING 1923-1936 Men's Wages • Women's Wages • ILLINOIS 30 10 -J U o I I I I I I 1 I I I I ' • ' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 I. .1 N E W YORK 30 so -I •I I . • •I• OHIO 30 £0 -I 30 1 1 I I 1 1 I » N A T L INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCE BQ FIGURES FOR 4 4 STATES 0 1 1953 1 1921* 1 1925 1 1926 1 1927 1 1928 1 1929 1 1930 1 I931 1 1932 1933 1——I 1935 1936 COIVIPENSATION OF W O M E N 55 York, and Ohio. These data show that throughout this period women^s weekly wages were only from 50 to about 60 percent as high as men's, 63 percent i n Ohio i n 1933 when men's wages were very low, having fallen nearly a t h i r d below their 1929 peak. The proportions women's average weekly earnings formed of men's average throughout the series of years i n these three States ranged as follows: Percera women's average of men's lUinois Ohio New York 65. 5 to 60. 2 62. 7 to 63. 4 51. 9 t o 68. 2 The average weekly earnings i n the latest years for which the figures are immediately available were as follows: Average weekly earnings of— Men Perura women'9 average is of men's $26. 61 24.77 28. 37 Illinois, 1936 Ohio, 1935-___ New Y o r k , 1936 Women $15. 12 15.33 15. 83 56. 8 61.9 55. 8 These figures show also that women's average wages are slightly nearer to men's than was the case before the depression, and the indications are t h a t women's wages have recovered from the depression somewhat more rapidly than men's. Since the country still is not suffering from labor shortage, and since women stiU are used to cut labor costs, i t is quite likely that this more rapid increase i n their wages as compared to men's is very largely due to a better public acquaintance w i t h the fact that i n the past women's wages have been so far below men's, and the consequent special eflForts made to pull women's wages up, as, for example, i n several States through minimumwage legislation applying to women, and by other types of effort. The percent women's average formed of men's before the depression and i n the latest year was as foUows: f)f men's in— 1928 1936 55.5 53. 1 55.2 Illinois Ohio NewYork... 56.8 61. 9 55.8 » Figure for 1935. I n two States surveyed i n 1935 or 1936 by the Women's Bureau, representative samples were taken of men's as well as women's wages, though the women's sample was considerably larger. The average week's earnings of women and men i n manufacturing industries i n these States, as shown from the representative samples taken, were as follows: Average weekly earnings cf— Percent women's Arkansas, 1936: White... Negro.I Tennessee, 1935: White Negroni"..II." 160483"—37 5 average is of men's $14.80 12.00 - $9.50 7.40 64.2 61.7 15.80 12.45 12.00 6.75 75.9 54.2 / 56 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOaiY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES Levels of M e n ' s a n d W o m e n ' s Wages i n Particular M a n u f a c turing Industries. I f particular manufacturing industries be considered, much the same showing is made as for all manufacturing—that is, women's wages f a l l far below men's—though the degree i n which this is the case differs considerably i n different industries, nor does it always v a r y directly w i t h the proportion of women employed. T h e pages following will summarize a mass of evidence that illustrates this. The average weekly earnings i n i m p o r t a n t woman-employing manufacturing industries as reported i n recent years for the two sexes i n three States affording such data periodically, and the proportions women's averages have formed of men's over a long series of years, are as follows: Average weekly earninffs of— Perccnt women's average is of men't over a period of years Men am JVomen U9S6) Electrical apparatus Boots and shoes Men's clothing Women's clothing Confectionery Watches and jewelry Job printing Paper boxes, bags, and tubes $28. 08 20. 78 26. 89 28. 87 25. 43 26. 48 32.57 24. 27 S17. 50 13. 83 16. 53 12. 70 14. 30 15. 33 15.38 14. 04 59. 6 60. 4 60. 6 34. 3 48. 9 44. 9 46. 4 49. 1 to to to to to to to to 68. 0 69. 8 66. 0 52. 5 62. 2 60. 9 51. 7 62. 9 A^ew York Shoes Women's clothing K n i t goods (except silk) Candy J Paper boxes and tubes S22. 04 36. 34 22. 18 24.43 25. 34 $14.31 20. 98 13. 50 13.34 14. 60 55. 3 53. 6 50. 3 50. 0 49. 8 to to to to to 64 9 59. 6 62. 2 58. 3 60. 8 Ohio " Rubber Men's clothmg Women's clothing Hosiery and k n i t goods Electrical machinery Tobacco Boots and shoes M e t a l and metal products Stone, clay, and glass S29. 48 27. 86 36. 00 19. 39 25. 25 18.99 22. 37 23. 13 21. 82 $17. 09 16. 54 14. 96 15. 73 17. 56 12.92 15. 12 15. 53 14. 52 55. 2 51. 9 33. 9 63. 2 57. 3 61. 0 57. 8 57. 2 51 8 to to to to to to to to to 58. 9 61. 0 50. 0 83. 8 69. 5 70. 0 72. 3 69. 4 69. 9 Illinois " Latest figures immediately available by sex, 1935. Computations have been made b y the Women's Bureau, for the first 4 selected mdustries, from 1914 to 1935. for the others, from 1928 to 1935. I n special studies made b y the Pennsylvania D e p a r t m e n t of Labor and I n d u s t r y i n 1928 or 1929, the average full-time weekly earnings of men and women were as follows: Average weekly earnings of-^ Men . -r^ Hosiery—Full fashioned i® Seamless " K n i t goods $28. 98 17.50 27. 12 28. 67 25. 61 " These eanuags were for a 48-hour week, since full time was not shown. Women $22. 14 20 la 16. 21 65 40 71 22 Percent women's average is of men 9 76. 6 83.1 75 2 68. 3 63. 3 COMPENSATION OP WOMEN . , 57 ' I n manufacturing industries i n Tennessee as surveyed by the Women's Bureau i n 1935, while the men's earnings i n certain industries were below those i n the other States listed here, and women's earnings somewhat more nearly approached men's than elsewhere, yet w^omen still received considerably less than did men. The representative week's earnings reported for white women and men i n these various Tennessee industries were as follows: Averagr weekly earnings of— Men Hosiery—Seamless Full-fashioned Cotton mills K n i t undenvear Men's suits and overcoats Men's work clothes and shirts Shoes. j Women Percent women's average is of men's $12.65 25. 55 13. 25 14. 40 22. 05 14 15 20. 45 $10.20 13. 40 12. 50 12. 10 13. 25 9. 55 14. 15 80.6 52. 4 94. 3 84. 0 60. 1 67. 5 69. 2 ' Studies of particular industries' made i n 1934 or 1935 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the United States Department of Labor show average weeldy earnings of women less than threefourths of men's i n most instances. These average weekly earnings are as follows: Textiles and clothing: A.era,eu>eek!, Cotton: Men North ^ $14.48 South : ' 10.29 Dyeing and finishing: ' 1 Cotton 17.32 1 20.01 Silk and rayon Woolen and worsted 17.58 Women's neckwear and scarfs 33. 74 Motor vehicles: Cars J 28.45 Parts 2 4 68 Tobacco—Cigarettes, snuff, chewing, smoking: White 19.48 Negro 13.13 Shipping containers (corrugated and solid fiber): North 22. 84 South 17.64 Paper boxes: Folding: North 23.68 South 17.52 Set-up: North 22.58 South 16. 98 earnings of^ ~ Women men's $12.18 9.19 84.1 89.3 12.'46 14.05 11.94 21. 12 71.9 70.2 67.9 62. 6 19.16 15.30 67.3 62.0 13.16 10.30 67.6 78.4 15. 28 11.90 66. 9 67.5 14.86 11.44 62.8 65.3 14.15 11. 85 62.7 69. 8 Several other recent studies, made chiefly t y the Women's Bureau, have reported the wages of women and men, and all of these reinforce the evidence presented to the effect that the level of women's wages 58 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S is much below that of men's. i n these are as follows: The average weekly earnings reported Average weekly earnings of— Percent woiMn'i average is of Men Women men's Jewelry (Rhode Island), 1936 " Leather gloves (New Y o r k ) , 1933 Men's clothing, 1936: Shirt&—Dress (11 States) W o r k (8 States) Underwear—Cotton (9 States) K n i t (12 States) Work clothing (17 States) Shoes (New Hampshire), 1933: Welt (highest plant average) M c K a y (highest plant average) $19. 37 23. 45 $12. 67 12. 65 65. 4 53. 9 18. 35 15. 55 16. 70 18.10 17. 25 13. 50 9. 85 11. 40 12.85 12. 50 73. 6 63. 3 68. 3 71.0 72. 5 23. 75 27. 55 17. 40 13. 25 73. 3 4a 1 n study made by the Rhode Island Department of Labor, Division of Women and Children. Piece-Work P a y a Large Factor i n W o m e n ' s Wages. M a n y manufacturing industries make wide use of some system of pay b y the piece or amount produced rather than b y the t i m e worked. T h a t this tends to be more generally the case i n the large womanemploying than i n the great man-employing industries is indicated f r o m a recent study b y the National Industrial Conference Board, organization of large employing interests. This showed t h a t some 60 to 80 percent of the workers were paid b y time worked i n the iron and steel, automotive, chemical, and machine and machine-tool industries, large man-employers, while the outstanding womanemployers had much smaller proportions of time workers, as follows: Textiles, 45 percent; leather, 39 percent; clothing, 16 percent.^ For the wage to be obtained on a piece-rate basis of pay, the crucial question lies i n the method of fixing the piece rate. I n spite of elaborate systems worked out for this purpose and m a n y successful efforts to establish a reasonable rate, i n the final analysis the piece rate is fixed on the basis of the time rate i n the same or similar jobs, upon what the management considers the worker should earn i n t h a t job. A n d i t has been the custom to place a t a low value m a n y jobs performed by large numbers of women w i t h o u t sufladent regard for the careful workmanship and expertness such jobs require. There are many examples to show t h a t when the management feels t h a t the worker is earning too much, moves are made to lower the piece rate. The piece rate m a y be worked out b y scientific study, or i t may be based on the considered judgment of a foreman. I n the National Industrial Conference Board study referred to, i t was found t h a t in practicalh^ one-tenth of the plants reported piece rates were set by the foreman on his own responsibility, and i n about one-half as many plants b y the foreman w i t h approval by a higher a u t h o r i t y (not a time-study speciahst), or b y a plant executive. The plants reported on i n this instance were large, for the most p a r t ; for example, the «Nationallndustrlal Conference Board. Financial Incentives. 1935. pp. 19, 23. COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 59 clothing companies included averaged over 800 workers, the textile mills more than 1,000. I n smaller plants, and consequently where many women are employed, as i n small textile and clothiDg establishments, the management can i l l afford a time-study specialist and must depend more generally on itself and its foremen to determine women's rates. Moreover, even where the newer methods are used they do not, i n the absence of minimum-wage laws, provide adequate means of protecting the worker against the fixmg of a rate so low as to result i n too small a wage, and this is especially true i n the case of women, since tradition has held their work of low money worth. Additional evidence oi the fact that piece rates very often may be based largely on traditional practice or opinion i n plants where many women are employed is found i n a Women's Bureau survey of the shoe iadustry i n New Hampshire,^^ i n which typical plant statements as to the way i n which such rates were determined are as follows: Forelady sets them according to prevailing prices i n the city, and goes over them w i t h foreman. When designs change we experiment and set up i n our own minds fair returns for days or weeks worked, and piece rates are computed from basic hourly rates. The chaotic condition of piece-rate fbdng is indicated still further i n the wide variation from plant to plant found i n women's earnings i n five occupations i n nine laundry plants i n one State. These data were taken i n M a y 1933 and analyzed by the Women's Bureau.^^ The range i n the median pay for the same occupation i n these nine plants was as follows: Ceids per hour Flatironers Finishers Press operators Sorters Markers 16^ UK 12% 13 to to to to to 27 34 28 24 32 W i t h the wide variation i n methods of fixing piece rates, and w i t h their basis influenced largely by the custom of low pay i n jobs performed b y many women, the low earnings of women on piece-work jobs cannot be attributed to any less efficiency on their part, especially since jobs are found where many women are paid less than men but some women earn more than any man. For example, i n a recent Women's Bureau survey including wage information on men and women as loopers and kiiitters i n hosiery mills and as machine operators i n men's work clothes plants, the figures show that i n these occupations paid by piece work a fairly large proportion of women but few men earned less than 25 cents an hour, but also few or no men but appreciable numbers of women earned 45 cents or more an hour. Moreover, variations i n the r u n of material, i n the coarseness, fineU S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. A Survey of the Shoe Industry in New Hampshire. Bui. 121. 1935. pp. 80, 81. " I b i d . Variations i n Wage Rates Under Corresponding Conditions. Bui. 122. 1935 p. 7. 71 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S ness, or other attribute of the product worked upon, m a y make great differences i n the r a p i d i t y w i t h w h i c h the job can be done and consequently i n the pay received. A telling b i t of evidence of the superior productive power of women is found i n a survey made under wartime industrial conditions, where many women were employed i n plants and on processes to which they had not been accustomed,® I n well over one-fourth of the plants reported, the o u t p u t of women and girls was found to be greater than t h a t of men and boys. (Women were said to be more productive than men b y 64 percent of the production managers reporting for the metal industries and b y 20 percent of those reporting f o r the clothing industries.) I n a study of women employed i n the metal trades made at about the same time b y the National I n d u s t r i a l Conference Board,^^ two-thirds of the employers reporting on production stated that women's o u t p u t was equal to or greater t h a n t h a t of men. Wages o£ W o m e n a n d M e n i n Special M a n u f a c t u r i n g Occupations. The relation of men's and women's wages m a y be s h o w where workers of b o t h sexes are engaged i n certain characteristic occupations i n important woman-employing industries, bearing i n m i n d the foregoing explanation of some of the effects of the piece-work system on women's pay and its indications t h a t women's o u t p u t is effectively maintained. Though earnings of women v a r y less f r o m men's i n an occupation t h a n i n an industry as a whole, y e t these occupational data show women's earnings levels consistently well below men's. U p to this point the discussion has dealt w i t h the differences i n the levels of women's and men's weeldy earnings—or yearly earnings where they could be obtained—the amounts they had to live on i n the period under consideration. I n discussing the particular occupations i n manufacturing industries i n which men and women are engaged, their hourly earnings w i l l be used where possible, to eliminate any discrepancies i n time worked. I t is an exceedingly difficult t h i n g to find exactly comparable occupations. Some years ago, a B r i t i s h report b y Beatrice Webb stated: I t is extremely rare i n industry to find men and women performing exactly the same operations, making identical things b y the same processes, or doing the whole of each other's jobs. Even where women are substituted for men, there is, practically always, some alteration i n the process, or i n the machinery employed, or i n the arrangement of the tasks of the operatives, or in the way i n which the labor is divided." W i t h increasing mechanization of industry, m i n u t e subdivisions of tasks, and multiplication of processes, this statement is even more true » Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. Committee on Industrial Welfare. The Substitution of Woman for M a n Power in Industry. July 1918. pp. 13-14. 25-26 " National Industrial Conference Board. War Time Employment of "Women in the Metal Trades. July 1918. p. 30. if Webb, Mrs. Sidney. The Relation Between Men's and Women's Wages. Minority Report of Great Britain's War Cabinet Committee on Womenin Industry. 1919. p. 270. COMPENSATION OP W O M E N . , 72 today than when i t was written. Moreover, even though the process were the same, variation i n the coarseness or fineness, heaviness or lightness of the product worked upon, and other factors affecting the raw material or the flow of work, make differences even i n the same job at different times. Kecognizing this, the Women's Bureau examined the pay i n occupations i n a large number of plants making paper products, and found the following essentially identical processes performed i n each case by a woman and a man, or by women and laenJ^ Great care has been taken i n matching these occupations. For example, where material was brought up for one sex i t also was for the other; machines were not set up by the operator i n any of these cases. I n almost every case, the men were paid 40 cents or more an hour, the women 35 to 38 cents. Moreover, 40 cents was the usual minimum for the more unskilled jobs of men and boys i n the plants. The average hourly wage of the person or persons doing this work was as follows: Average hourly wage of— Plant product Collapsible tubes Food dishes L o o s e - l e a f and blank books. Paper bags Men (cents) Occupation or proccss Feeding metal into a form which shaped the tube when worker pressed treadle. Pounding out sections from piles of diecut boxes. Gluing paper for sides of cups Women (cents) 40 37M-40 40 35 43 40 40-43 35-37 38 35 48 48 35 30 40 35 ends. Gold stamping (apress operation) General w o r k ; including inspection and operating punch presses. Platen-press operating Earnings for August 1935 reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics in a study of the folding-paper-box industry further confirm these findings. I n six characteristic occupations employing numbers of both sexes, men's average hourly earnings were above 40 cents, women's below that amount i n all cases. These averages are as follows: ^ Average hourly tarningi of— Men {cents) Press feeders Strippers Automatic gluing- and feeders.... . . . Machine helpers Bundlers and packers Machine feeders 50.6 48.3 folding-machine .! Women (cerUs) Percent vomen's average is oj men*s 38.4 37.6 75.9 77.8 44 2 45.3 49. 2 46.6 3^6 36. 9 38. 1 38.5 87.3 81.5 77. 4 82.6 These figures illustrate another fact that frequently is found i n connection w i t h wages of the two sexes, namely, that while men's wages at the lowest are above women's, yet men's wages i n the different * For a fuller description of these processes, see Women's Bareau Bui. 152, Differences in the Earnings of Women and M e n I n press ^ V. 8. Bureau of'Labor Statistics. M o n t h l y Labor Review, June 1936, pp. 16,97. 73 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S occupations i n an industry vary more widely than do women's. I n other words, women's wages i n many manufacturing industries do not deviate widely from a consistent low level, w i t h some variation below this; men's are at a higher level, and they vary more above t h a t level. The pay i n occupations of men and women has been reported in a recent study made by the Division of Women and Children in the Khode Island Department of Labor of the jewelry industry, i n which employment is fairly well divided between the sexes (men 41 percent, women 59 percent). The average hourly earnings of the men and women i n characteristic productive occupations employing considerable numbers of both sexes were as follows: ^ Areroffe hourljf earntngs of— 77Z ur'^ZZ Percent u omen*8 Men Women average is af {ce-nts) {cerds) men's Bench hands Power-press operators F o o t - a n d hand-press operators Colorers Stonesetters Solderers 42.8 41. 8 37.3 42.5 63.5 47.2 32.3 30.7 31.9 28.1 32.6 35.5 "75.5 73. 4 85.5 66.1 51.3 75.2 Studies of various textile industries made i n 1934 or lat^r by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics give further occupational data, showing women's earnings consistently below men's. The average hourly earnings reported i n these are as follows: ^ Cotton (North), August 1934: Weavers Speeder tenders Frame spinners Filling hands Silk and rayon: Weavers Spinners Warpers Woolen and worsted: Weavers Spinners, frame Drawing-frame tenders Gill-box tenders Arerage hourly ' TTZ Men icents) earnings r/— ;;; Percent women's IVomen amageisof {cents) men's 44.2 45. 4 44. 5 34.3 43.5 40. 2 37. 8 33.5 98.4 88. 5 84. 9 97.7 48.2 45.6 62.0 43.3 35.6 49.9 89.8 78. 1 80.5 56.2 53. 4 39. 3 38. 9 51.5 41.2 37.8 37. 5 91.6 77. 2 96. 2 96. 4 The various parts sewed by machine operators on coats are shown from an earlier study of the men's clothing industry by the same agency. The average hourly earnings reported i n these occupations are as follows: Average hourly earnings of— ;; Percent uomtn's Men Women average is of (cenis) (cents) men's Pocket makers Sleeve seamers L i n i n g makers Joiners, side and back seams 73. 59. 63. 70. 7 2 6 2 43. 42. 41! 41. 1 7 9 6 58. 72. 65! 59. 5 1 9 3 D e p a r t m p t of Labor. Division of Women and Children. Survey of Hours, Wages, and other Conditions of Employment in the Jewelry Industry in the State of Rhode Island, December 1936. pp. 43, 44. " U . S . Bureau of Labor Statistics. Textile Report, parts I , I I , and m . 1935. pp. 23, 38, and 41 and unpublished data. Ibid. Wages and Hours of Labor in the Men's Clothing Industry. Bui. 694. 1932. pp. 29,30,31. COIVIPENSATION OF W O M E N 3 I n Pennsylvania, an important State i n the manufacture of certain types of clothing and textiles, a comprehensive study of the State's employables was made by the Emergency Relief Administration i n 1934. For certain characteristic manufacturing occupations i n each of which at least 1,000 workers of each sex were reported, much larger proportions of the women than of the men on f u l l time received less than $12.50 a week, as the following shows: Percent Tccemng less than $12M Textile manufacturing: Weavers Inspectors and examiners Knitters (hosiery) Clothing manufacturing: Pewing-machine operators Pressers Finishers Men 9.4 3. l 8. 1 ' 44. 2 26. 3 11. 0 Womm 21.2 33. 6 24. 1 79. 1 58. 7 47. 7 One further illustration of the low earnings of women as compared ^vith men w i l l be sufficient to quote here, that of the shoe industry, a large woman-employer i n which much of women's work is considerably skilled. A survey made i n New Hampshire b y the Women's Bureau i n 1933 showed the following average weekly earnings: Average weekly earnings of-, Welt shoes: Stitching Finishing and packing M c K a y shoes: Stitching. Making, lasting Men Women PercejU women's average is of men's $15. 15 15. 80 $10. 70 13. 10 70. 6 82. 9 9.75 16. 60 9.00 9. 00 92.3 54. 2 I n the preceding year, hourly earnings i n this industry reported by the U n i t e d States Bureau of Labor Statistics showed an even greater discrepancy between women's and men's wages. Their average hourly earnings i n characteristic occupations requiring skill were as follows: Average hourly earnings of— — Percent wmitn's Men Women average is of (cents) (cents) men's Vampers Top stitchers Skivers Treers - 56.9 60.3 53.7 43.3 35.5 33.8 35.4 30.5 62.4 56.1 65.9 70.4 Wages of W o m e n a n d of Unskilled M e n . N o t only do the levels of women's wages ordinarily fall below those of men i n the same industries and occupations, but i n many important woman-employing industries women average lower earnings than men who are engaged in' unskilled jobs. F r o m reports i n a Women's Bureau survey of the industries i n one State made i n 1935, the hourly wages of men i n entirely unskilled occupations have been ascertained " Pennsylvania. State Emereency Relief Administration. Census of Employable Workers in Urban and Rural Non-Farm Areas in Pennsylvania, 1934. 1936. p. 67. _ ^ ^ ^ , ^^ B 1 121' Labor, Women's Bureau. A Survey of the Shoe Industry in New Hampshire " tr. s'. Bureau^! Labor Statistics. 1932 Bui. 579. 1933. p . 2 4 f l . Wages and Hours of Labor in the Boot and Shoe Industry, 1910 to 64 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S i n relation to the wages of all women i n the same industry. comparisons are as follows: Percent of women in same industry receiving less than SO cents an hour Usual average hourly wage of men on unskilled jobs specified These Median hourly earnings of uromen (cents) (cents) Seamless hosiery: All Carrying lots (of yarn) or bundles of work, or helpers 30 K n i t t e r Looper 33 40 28 32.0 31. 5 33.5 All 70 Sewing-machine operator 63 26.0 All 15 Sewing-machine operator 19 38.0 K n i t underwear: Carrying work or bundles, giving out work, belt boy, "general", helper 30-35 All 26 Sewing-machine operator 25 32.0 32.8 Paper boxes: T y i n g bundles, machine helping, hand wrapping 35-40 All. 28 32.0 All Packer 81 77 28.0 32 32.0 9 37.1 Men's work clothes and shirts: Bundle carrier, belt boy, cutter's helper, miscellaneous and shipping clerk 30 Men's suits and overcoats: Bundle carrier, general u t i l i t y helper 45 or over Cand; uAskiUed. 32.5 Bakery: Greasing and cleaning pans, dumping cakes, helping, p u t t i n g i n and taking out of oven 35-40 All Wrapper packer 27.8 39. 1 2&1 and Another source of information on the wages of women compared w i t h those of imskilled men is i n the periodic wage reports of the National Industrial Conference Board, organization of large employing interests. Over a period of years extending regularly back to 1920, this agency has reported the average weeldy earnings of sldlled and semiskilled men, unskilled men, and women, monthly and also w i t h an average for the year. For the most part, the average received by women has been only about three-fourths as much as that of unskilled men, running to larger proportions, however, i n the depression years when men's wages were very low. The proportions women's averages formed of those of unskilled men i n the various years were as follows: Percent women's average of unskilled men's 1920 (average for 7 m o n t h s ) . 68. 0 192 1 77. 1 1922 (average for 6 months). 78. 0 1923 77.4 1924 74.7 1925 74.9 192G 74.4 1927 73.8 193 ^^p Industrial Conference Board. Percent women's average is of unskilled men's 1028. 1929. 1930_ 1931. 1932. 1933. 1931. 1935, ... ... 71.8 72.2 73.0 . . . 76.6 81.0 . . . 82.8 ... 87.9 83.6 Wages, Hours, and Employment in the United States, 1914- COMPENSATION OP W O M E N . , 76 These figures include more workers from the large man-employiug industries, such as steel, automobiles, building construction, and the heavier metal industries, than from the more outstanding womanemployers. When the data for separate industries are taken, and the more important of the woman-employers reported are considered, i t is found t h a t i n only two out of eight—the boot and shoe and the hosiery and knit-wear industries, i n both of which women perform jobs of considerable skill at piece rates—did women earn more than unskilled men, and even i n these cases women still received much less than all men together. These figures for a late month (November 1936) are as follows: Peruvt women's average earnings are of unskilled men's Boots and shoes Cotton (North) Electrical manufacturing. Hosiery and k n i t goods _ _ _ 113. 6 80. 6 79. 6 102. 8 Percent women's average earnings are of unskilled men*s Meat packing Paper products Silk Wool 80. 1 75.1 65. 5 90. 0 T h a t women's earnings i n factories are below the entrance rates of common labor on new construction, repair, and cleaning for street and sewer work is shown i n a comparison of women's earnings reported by the Women's Bureau i n 1935 or 1936 w i t h common labor entrance rates i n September 1935. The latter are the rates paid adult males when first hired to '^perform physical or manual labor of general character, requiring little skill or training", workers '^having no specific productive jobs or occupations", "thus excluding machine operators and semiskilled employees" (whose pay would be presumed to be somewhat more).®^ Of the street and sewer laborers reported, more than half i n the South and nearly all i n the N o r t h had entrance rates of 32K cents an hour or more. Comparisons of the earnings of these street and sewer laborers w i t h those of white women i n manufacturing industries reported i n the same States, as surveyed by the Women's Bureau, show that the earnings level of these women was definitely lower than that of unskilled men when first hired, as follows: , Arkansas Delaware West V i r g i n i a . . Tennessee Average hourly Percent of women Average hourly entrance rates of earning (ess than earnings of adult male comSO cents an hour women (cents) mon labor (cents} «74.9 39.4 21.8 «31.7 ^<^23.1 33.6 34.5 3«32.3 24.6 38.6 39.5 32.2 » White women. ® Though the entrance rate for common labor i n Tennessee was 32.2 cents, i t is a striking fact that the average was almost as low or was much lower i n a number of important woman-employing industries, U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 1936, p. 699. M o n t h l y Labor Review, December 1932, p. 1462, and March . , 77 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S some of which include relatively skilled operations. follows: These were as Percent of women earning less than 30 cents an hour Averagt hourly earnings of women (cents) 32. 9 69. 6 5.7 77. 8 96.4 31. 5 25. 8 32.8 26. 9 17.4 Seamless hosiery Men's work clothes and shirts Cotton mills Department stores Laundries I n the electrical supply i n d u s t r y i n which women perform semiskilled w o r k requiring a Mgh degree of dexterity and close application, the average entrance rate of adult male common labor as reported b y the U n i t e d States Bureau of Labor Statistics for the East N o r t h Central D i s t r i c t compares as follows w i t h women's average earnings as reported b y two States i n the same district: Average weekly earnings of women Ohio 1929 1934 $19.00 15.00 Illinois $21.06 14.85 Average entrance ratts of male common labor»» $22.84 14.73 3 Illinois figures are for July, the month for which the common labor entrance rates are reported. The 5 Ohio figures are reported once a year, for the week of peak employment. The weekly figure was obtained by use of the average hourly rate (48.4 cents in July 1929 and 43 7 cents i n July 1934} and the average actual hours worked in the industry (47.2 hours in 1029 and 33.7 in 1934). I n d u s t r i a l H o i n e W o r k a Factor i n Depressing W o m e n ' s Wages. ^ One of the influences t h a t tend to keep down wages i n certain industries is the giving out f r o m the factory, eitheT directly or through contractors or even b y mail, of articles to be made i n whole or i n part or of processes to be done i n homes. The theory advanced to support industrial home w o r k is t h a t i t gives opportunity for women at home to earn i n their leisure time. W h a t actually happens, however, is t h a t i t is n o t merely a use of leisure time. A l l investigations of the situation have shown t h a t i n the m a j o r i t y of such cases home workers, including several members of the f a m i l y and frequently small children, w o r k incessantly for long hours at these processes—often for much longer t h a n would be allowed i n the factory. The nervous strain and other effects on health thus may be quite as serious as those resulting f r o m factory work for excessive hours or under unsuitable conditions. T h e " m o n e y i n leisure t i m e " theory is wholly untenable. A study made b y the Women's Bureau and the Children's Bureau i n 1934 found two-fifths of the chief home workers i n the f a m i l y w o r k i n g 40 hours a week or more; a f o u r t h of them worked 50 hours or longer and some had worked more t h a n 70 hours.^^ " For additional discussion and comparisons for other industries, see Women's Bureau Bui. 152, Differences i n the Earnings of Women and M e n . I n press. « This discussion on home work, pp. 66 to 70, based on Women's Bureau Bui. 130, pp. 62-54,136*138, and Bui. 135, pp. 15,26, unless otherwUe specified. « U . S. Department of Labor. ChUdren's Bureau. Industrial Home W o r k Under the National Recovery Administration. Publication No. 234. 1036. p. 12. COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 7 I t is even more difficult for the industrial home worker than for the factory worker to seek to obtain a better wage. The home worker comes alone to the employer's shop, or to his subcontractor, seeking work. The course of her work does not bring her into contact w i t h her fellow employees. She cannot judge from her own experience whether her skill, speed, or other aptitude is as good as the average or not. She may need work badly, and she has no adequate measure of what the work handed out to her should be worth. The method of industrial home work is applied to unskilled and semiskilled hand work as well as to skilled hand crafts that customarily have been performed by women. I t has been estimated that such work is done i n more than 75,000 American homes. The clothing industries lend themselves especially to such a system, since many of their processes now done i n factories formerly were done i n the individual home,*^ and tradition attributes these types of work to women and thus associates them w i t h low pay. I n New York i n 1934 about three-fourths of the home workers reported were at work on clothing. Besides embroidery and clothing, home-work occupations include stringing tags (now being eliminated); carding buttons, hooks and eyes, bobby pins, or safety pins; shelling nuts; addressing envelopes; hooking rugs; k n i t t i n g and crocheting; decorating post cards; preparing meat balls, rice cakes, and tea balls for restaurants; making garters; and worlc on cheap jewelry, lamp shades, powder puffs, paper boxes and bags, carpet rags, and toys. The actual pay for the industrial processes when done i n the home is far below what they are paid w i t h i n the factoiy, and i t frequently is true t h a t several members of the family, including small children, must work to obtain these earnings. I n two studies reporting the pay for skilled needlework done i n the home on handkerchiefs and candlewick spreads, half the workers had received less than $3 i n the week. New Y o r k reports show that even during prosperous years such work brought an average wage as low as $6, $5, and even $4 for a week's work i n typical home-work industries. More recent wage reports include such statements as "20 cents an hour for a dozen dolls' dresses" that take 4 hours to make, or "14 cents an hour for expert crochet beading"; a recent Women's Bureau siu^ey showed Georgia women receiving 2 to 14 cents an hour for making a candle^vick bedspread. I n general, wages for long hours of work i n the home, often for highly skilled sewing and hand work, ordinarily have been below the worst factory payments for unskilled labor.^ While industrial home work is i n the first instance a question of woman employment, the fact is that i t involves as well many children Department of Labor. 1935. p. 52. 79 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S i n the homes affected. For this reason the Women's Bureau and the Children's Bureau jointly made a study i n 1934 of more than 2,300 home workers i n 28 industries i n seven States, including more than 24 home-work operations. I t was found that over 80 percent of the chief home workers i n the family had earned only 20 cents an hour or less. Where both hours and earnings were reported, more than 60 percent of those that had worked 40 hours or more i n the week had received less than $5 for their labor.*^ I n a survey i n Texas made by the Women's Bureau only 1 of 107 women had earned as much as $5 i n the week for steady and regular work on fine dresses for children. Examples are as follows: A skilled worker on embroidered and lace-trimmed children's dresses worked steadily S}i hours for 4 days to make a dozen dresses at SI.75 the dozen. T w o sisters by steady work made i n a week 20 machine-stitched dresses with hand fagoting, and for this received together only $3. W o r k at such prices, done i n places remote from the centers of industry, competes w i t h that i n factories located elsewhere and undoubtedly causes low wages i n New York, Connecticut, and other States. I n a study by the Women's Bureau of industrial home workers making lace i n Rhode Island, almost three-fourths of all home workers reported earnings of less than $10 for the week.''® I n a similar study made by the M i n i m u m Wage Division i n Connecticut median weekly earnings of famiUes doing home work ranged for 4 weeks from $3.38 to $4.20.^^ I n a study of families doing industrial home work made by the Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry, half of the homework families reporting weekly earnings i n 1934 made $3.54 or less, although these wages sometimes represented the work of several members of the family. Only 11 percent of the families visited had earned as much as $8 a week from home work at a time when the State Emergency Relief Board set $8.25 a week as the relief allowance for food and clothes alone for a family of five having no other resoiurces. Five was the size of the average home-work family.'*® A typical case sho^ving standards of pay for industrial home work for highly skilled craftsmanship was reported from Philadelphia by a Women's Bureau agent. The home worker visited was Imitting a three-piece suit; for the^ skirt she was to get $7.75, for the blouse $8, for the coat $7. This represented a month's work at .66 hours a week, and thus would yield less than $6 a week. Her total month's pay would S r ' l i p M ^ S ^ ' ^ ' "fllhM* " La^ ^^^ Administration Bill, 130. 1935 p. 62. M u s t m l Home Work in Rhode Island. Bui. 131. 1935. p. 14. Minimum Wage Division. Home Work in the Connecticut nniS^^?^ J' I n d ^ t r y . Bureau of Women and ChUdren. Home Work in Pennsylvama Under the N . B. A . March 1935. pp. 1,4. • Industrial COMPENSATION OP W O M E N . , 80 be $22.75 on a sxiit to be sold at retail for $100.^® The factory wage for the least skilled type of knitwear (seamless hosiery) in, a southern State averaged $10.20 a week.^ I n certain territorial quarters the pay for industrial home work is even lower than on the mainland. For example, i n a survey of women's occupations i n Puerto Rico made by the Women's Bureau i n 1933-34, well over half the women who had done a week's work on fine embroidery had received less than $1.®* Earnings for industrial home work not only are low i n themselves, but they tend to lower factory wage standards. They oblige the factory employer to cut costs to meet the competition of the lowselling home-work product, and at the same time the home-work manufacturer is seriously exploiting the home. For under the industrial home-work system the manufacturer passes on to the individual home many of his overhead expenses, such as rent, heat, light, and other normal work requirements, even macliinery—as, for example, i n the sewing processes where the worker furnishes her own sewing machine; i n knitting, her own needles. Furthermore, the home worker usually is responsible for getting and returning the work, or has to pay for such delivery from her meager receipts. She is responsible for spoiled work and either has to pay cash for spoiled materials or has to make corrections without pay. Often she must make an i n i t i a l cash deposit to cover cost of all material until she is paid for the work. Frequently she must make several samples of a pattern at her own expense before she can begin on paid work. I n these ways the manufacturer keeps his costs so low as to give him an unfair competitive advantage, so that he can undersell the man who maintains an establishment and pays the normal overhead costs. I n still another way i n d u s t r i i work done i n the home tends to depress factory wages, for i t is highly seasonal and often is used to help carry peak loads. The manufacturer takes no responsibility for maintaining an employment level for even a small group of workers. This discourages the development of greater regularity i n factory employment and thus affects the regularity of factory wages. I n a variety of ways, industrial home work forms a constant force tending to undermine labor standards that always are built up w i t h so much difficulty. Finally, the amounts received for the industrial work done i n the home, even w i t h several members of the family so employed, often are so low t h a t the family is unable to maintain itself and has to be given relief. Thus the manufacturing interest involved not only pays a low wage, tends to force down factory wages, and so exploits the home, but also is, i n a very real sense, subsidized by the community. ;; See Women's Bureau Bui. 130, Employed Women Under N . R. A. Cod^. 1935. p. 138. w XJ. S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Employment of Women in Tennessee Industries. Bui. 149. 1937. p. 8. Ibid. The Employment of Women In Puerto Rico. Bui. 118. 1934. p. 8. 70 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S I n the Study of Connecticut lace makers referred to, one-fourth of the famiKes where such work was done were on the relief rolls. In January 1935, one-fourth of the Philadelphia home workers reported by manufacturers of infants' and children's wear were from families receiving relief, according to a check made w i t h relief agencies. GENERAL LEVELS OF MEN'S AND WOMEN'S WAGES I N DOMESTIC AND PERSONAL SERVICE I n domestic and personal service the occupations of the two sexes usually differ considerably, but the variations in pay are even wider and there are great differences in pay even when the job requirements would seem to be similar. I n a survey of household employees in Philadelphia i n 1926, the average monthly wages for members of the two sexes who lived i n the homes of their employers and hence were furnished w i t h room and board follow: Men Butlers Housemen Women $90. 00 7£. 50 Cooks Chambermaids Waitresses $75. 00 69. 65 71. 65 A more recent survey i n Pennsylvania is that of the State's employables i n 1934 by the State Emergency Relief Administration. Though the following include both household employees and those i n restaurants, a strikingly larger proportion of women than of men received less than $12.50 a week for fuU-time work, as follows: Percent receiving under Men Cooks Waiters Domestic servants not elsewhere classified,_ tliJO Women 33.2 46. 0 69. 7 64 6 77. 6 92. 1 Available information as to beauty parlors shows the average weekly wages of men and women as follows: Average weekly earnings o/— Percent women*s Men average is of men's $22. 60 Women's Bureau report, 1933 (four cities)._ Women $14. 25 63. 3 I n a survey of laundries made by the Women's Bureau i n 1934, the ranges i n the average weekly earnings of the two sexes i n productive labor operations i n 21 cities were as follows: Average weekly earnings cf— Men White Negro « Women $12. 50 to $21. 45 9. 66 to 16. 23 $6. 67 t o $13. 05 5. 01 t o 11. 77 " 16 cities. The averages of white women i n the various cities ranged from 33.2 to 67.8 percent of those of white men, and i n 14 of the 21 cities women averaged less than 60 percent as much as men. «>Ibid. Household Employment I n Philadelphia. B u i . D3. 1932. pp. 40, 41. COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 82 Others of the largest woman-employers i n domestic and personal service are hotels and restaurants. Late figures (November 1936) from the one State (Illinois) regularly reporting such data by sex show the average weekly earnings of women considerably below those of men, as follows: Average weektjf earnings o/— — Percent women's Men Women $18. 73 15. 81 Hotels Restaurants $13. 76 12. 81 average ts of men*s 73. 5 81. 0 I n a survey of these industries, made by the Women's Bureau in the spring of 1934, data for New York show that in both hotels and restaurants, and i n both service and nonservice occupations, a considerably larger proportion of men than of women earned as much as S15. GENERAL L E V E t S OF MEN'S AND WOMEN'S WAGES I N CLERICAL OCCUPATIONS Next to domestic and personal service, clerical occupations employ more women than any other general type of work. This work usually is paid by time, and hence the amounts received form a clear picture of the differences i n the levels of pay for men and women. They indicate t h a t w i t h but rare exceptions these levels for men are well above those for women. I n a study of clerical workers' earnings i n several cities i n 1931-32, the Women's Bureau reported data on men's as well as women's earnings for one city—Chicago.®* These showed, for all occupations combined, rates of women averaging only about three-fourths as much as men. The median monthly rates i n the various clerical occupations reported were as follows: Median monthlv rate of— Percent women's average is Men Women of men's A l l occupations File clerks Hand bookkeepers General clerks Machine operators: Bookkeeping or billing. Calculating! Messengei^-.. Supervisors Merchandising (mail o r d e r ) . . - $135 80 162 115 98 98 65 241 97 $99 80 122 90 ^ 108 95 56 153 67 73.3 100.0 75.3 78.3 ^ 110. 2 96.9 86.2 63.5 69. 1 I n Pennsylvania, the survey of employables made i n 1934 by the State Emergency Relief Administration shows that i n most clerical occupations reported from more than a tenth to nearly a fifth of the women received less than $12.50 a week for full-time work, but in " For fuller data, including differences in earnings by type of establishment, see Women's Bureau Bui. 120, The Employment of Women in Offices. 1S34. 1504S3-—37 6 72 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S every case a much smaller proportion of the men were paid so little. The figures are as follows: PerceTU receiving less than Clerks: Filing Office Other Bookkeepers Typists Stenographers Secretaries ^^^ 5.9 5.7 8.2 13 9. 4 5. 9 2. 7 fig^ Wom^n 16.7 17.8 19.4 14.9 16.3 12.4 7.9 I n industries surveyed i n 1934 and 1935, the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics reported the following average w^eekly wages of workers i n the offices of manufacturing plants: Avnoffe weeklu tcage of— Automobile plants: Cars Parts Paper-box plants: Folding Set-up Textile dyeing and finishing: Cotton Silk and rayon ^ ^ Percent womn*t average is of men*s Women $26. 25 24 24 $20. 40 20.06 77.7 82.8 24. 88 22.58 20. 10 14.15 80. 8 62.7 19. 38 23. 84 15. 00 16. 73 77. 4 70. 2 Two States, New York and Ohio, have reported the earnings of clerical workers regularly over a considerable period of years. New York reports for October of every year the earnings of office employees i n the manufacturing plants that report factory wages each month. Ohio's reports are for bookkeepers, stenographers, and office clerks, whether i n factories or other t3T)es of establishments, and the earnings arc reported by the employer for the peak employment week of the year. The average weekly earnings in the latest year available follow: Average weekly earnings o/— Percent women's • — average it Men Women of men's n u ^ Tn?^' Ohio, 1935 — 32. 67 75 $21. 80 18. 31 49. 4 67. 9 The proportions women's averages formed of men's in the various years from 1923 on have varied little from year to year and range as follows: Percent women's average is of men's New York Ohio GENERAL LEVELS 48 6 4 OF M E N ' S AND WOMEN'S to to WAGES I N 51.5 59.4 SALES OCCUPATIONS The occupation of salespersons where based on time-work pay forms another illustration of the wage levels of men and women, and these show men, on the whole, having a wage very much above that of women. For example, i n a recent survey by the Women's Bureau, salesmen i n department stores were found to be receiving considerably COMPENSATION OP WOMEN . , 84 more than saleswomen, though the pay of the two sexes compared more favorably when selling was combined w i t h other work considered more responsible. The levels of men's and women's wages are indicated by the following data as to their hourly earnings: Men Median hourly earnings. Percent receiving less than 30 cents Percent receiving 50 cents or more Women 36. 7 cents 34. 6 26. 0 2a 4 cents 70. 5 2. 8 Many of these saleswomen i n department stores received even less than men i n unskilled jobs i n these stores. Of the men reported as general u t i l i t y workers, packers, cleaners, and parcel-check boys, practically a t h i r d earned more than 30 cents an hour, though more than seven-tenths of the women reported were paid less than 30 cents. Further sources of information on employees i n department stores are certain State figures. I n Illinois the average weekly earnings for the two sexes i n November 1936 were as follows: Average weekly earnings of— Men Women $22. 79 $11. 73 Percent toomen's average is of men's 51. 5 Ohio figures on salespersons i n stores (not traveling) have been reported i n every year since 1914, and show that in most of these years the average weekly rates of women have been less than half those of men. The latest figures immediately available, those for 1935, show the following average weekly rates: Aierage weekly rates of— Men Women Percent women'^ average of men's $19. 87 $13. 64 68. 1 I n the survey of employables made by the Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration i n 1934, while 21.6 percent of the salesmen received less than $12.50 for a f u l l week's work, the proportion of saleswomen so low paid was more than twice as great— 46.7 percent. GENERAL LEVELS OF M E N ' S AND WOMEN'S EARNINGS PROFESSIONAL SERVICE IN I n the professions, as well as i n the other types of employment discussed, women often are found receiving less than men for work requiring the same responsibility. For the occupation i n which the largest group of professional women is engaged, that of teaching, data are available on the salaries of the two sexes, both from periodic surveys by the National Education Association and from the Federal reports of the Office of Education. ^ ' According to the 1930 census, practically four-fifths of the school teachers are women,®® though i t is " For most other women's professional occupations, no data by sex are at hand. For data as to women's I t abo is the case with figures reported chiefly for public and elementary schools by the Office of Education in its biennial reports. 74 W O M E N I N THE ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S common knowledge that men usually predominate greatly i n positions of educational authority, such as board memberships, school principalships, i n teaching positions i n the higher ranks, or even as executive officers of teachers' organizations. I n 1930, 10 of the 48 States and the District of Columbia had laws requiring equal pay for men and women teachers." Reports to the National Education Association as to the salary schedules in 1934-35 for teachers i n the public schools of 78 cities of over 100,000 i n population show that 63 of these schedules i n cities i n 29 States ^ and the District of Columbia made no difference i n pay to the two sexes. The schedules i n the other 15 cities, scattered i n 8 States/® provided for the minimimi salaries of men to be from $100 to $768 more than those for women in similar positions. Men's maximum salaries were to bo from $200 to $1,200 more than those of women in the same classes of work. A recent report of the National Education Association included 150 salary schedules adopted i n cities of various sizes.®® About onefourth of these provided for differences i n the pay of women and men. This was more frequently the case i n the schedules for the smaller cities, while i t was more usual for those for the larger places to provide a uniform schedule for the two sexes. The National Education Association has repeatedly gone on record for equal pay for men and women, its first expression being as follows i n 1914: The Association regards efficiency and merit, rather than sex, as the principle on which appointments and selections should be made, and therefore declares itself i n favor of the political equality of the sexes and equal pay for equal services. The Research Bulletin of this agency reports the results of 22 studies of teachers' salaries, 20 of which recommended equal pay for equal work. Brief statements from three of these represent typical attitudes on this subject that would apply as well to occupations other than teaching. These are as follows: Discussing the report from Springfield, Mass.: The report mentions on one side the economic argument—competition w i t h other occupations and high cost of paying the women teachers salaries high enough t o attract men teachers; and on the other side the social argu- Louisiana, Oklahoma, _ Unpublished Association. pinois. Massachu^tts, Mi^lgan, New Jersey, Oklahoma. Pennsylvania, and Virginia. wVcS/io!^^'^^^^^^^^ t^® proh&iting discrimination, March igTefp^rs^ff*'"''' Association. The Preparation of Teachers' Salary Schedules. S Research BuUetin, ^^^ Stilletin of the National Education Association. September 1914. p. 21. " Issue cit!i March 19361 p. 77. COIVIPENSATION OF WOMEN 75 ment—the decline i n morale when women are required to do the same kind of work a t a decidedly lower salary than men receive for similar work. Quoting from a report from San Francisco: T w o reasons have sustained the practice of paying men teachers higher salaries t h a n women teachers; one, the fact t h a t men as a rule have been in positions of authority as board members and executives; the other, an indirect operation of the law of supply and demand. I t is an indisputable fact t h a t women teachers of equivalent training can be had for less money than men. The range of openings i n commerce, industry, and business has, u n t i l very recently, been very much more restricted for women than men. This situation is rapidly changing and promises fair to alter this play of supply and demand i n teaching. I t is no longer seriously contended that men are better teachers merely by virtue of being men, and therefore deserving of higher salaries. Quoting from the writings of a man who holds strongly that because of the law of supply and demand women must be paid less than men: We believe t h a t there is no sound argument, professional or educational, i n favor of paying men teachers higher salaries than women. Men are not better teachers; they do not render more valuable service. A report of the Office of Education shows the salaries of 5,822 men and 1,068 women faculty members i n 50 land-grant universities and colleges i n 1927-28.®® More than one-third of the men but only about one-tenth of the women were full professors; at the other end of the scale, instructorships accounted for only one-fourth of the men but for well over two-fifths of the women. The women's salaries were more nearly those of men as instructors than i n the higher ranks. The median salaries for the various ranks were as follows: Median salaries of— Men Women A l l ranks Dean Professor Associate professor Assistant professor Instructor percent women*s acerage is r/ men's $3, 169 - $2, 309 72. 9 5,635 4,139 3,284 2, 794 2,087 4,375 '3,581 2,882 2, 530 2,016 77.6 86.5 87.8 90. 6 96.6 The report sunmiarizes the situation as follows: Salaries of women stafif members are lower than those of men. This situation prevails when comparisons are made upon a basis of the salaries of t o t a l teachers f o r a l l fields combined, upon a basis of major divisions, and upon a basis of arts and sciences departments. The median salary for women teachers as a whole including all fields is S860 less than t h a t of men. Comparing the median salaries of the t w o sexes w i t h i n each of the m a j o r divisions, i t is disclosed t h a t women staff members are paid from $886 t o $1,376 less than men teachers i n the same fields. Similar differences exist i n the median salaries of men and women staff members i n the arts and sciences departments. The largest difference is found i n the case of the department of history " M c G a u g h y J r R . The^ Toward Scientific Salary Schedules. In Teachers College Record, ^ M V . ^ S ^ t f e p a n S of the Interior. Office of Education Salaries in Land-Grant Universities and Colleges. B y John H . McNeely. November 1931. pp. 2 , 3 , 9 , 1 0 . 76 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S and political science, where the median salary of women is $1,026. lower than that of men, while the smallest is in the department of chemistry, where women have a median salary $161 less than that of men. Moreover, in the distribution of academic ranks the larger percentages of women teachers are found holding the lower ranks while the larger percentages of men occupy the higher ranks. Additional information is afforded by the survey of employables made i n 1934 by the Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration. Though nearly three times as many women teachers as men were reported, 6.6 percent of the women but only 1.8 percent of the men had received less than $12.50 for a full week's work. This shockingly low pay was made to more than 2,000 women. WAGE RATES I N UNION AGREEMENTS AS A P P L I E D T O WOMEN The tradition of paying women less than men is followed i n some cases i n the agreements made by trade unions w i t h manufacturers. This is easily understood when i t is realized that such agreements are reached by the process of bargaining and i t becomes necessary for each party to concede some points they would like to carry, and that the payment of low wages for women has had such a powerful foundation i n custom and hence may be the more insisted upon by employers. However, i t illustrates the fact that at its present stage union action alone cannot provide fully for the needs of women but must sometimes be supplemented by legislation to take particular care of women's interests. For example, a union agreement fixing piece rates for occupations i n the New Y o r k cloak and suit industry, effective for 1935-37, while i t provides average piece rates and the equivalent minimum weekly rates alike for the two sexes, continues the small differences i n the minimum piece rates that were allowed imder the N . R . A. code and under former agreements, as follows: Minimum Men Jacket, coat, reefer, and dress operators Skirt operators SI. 00 .90 puce rate Women SO. 90 .80 The agreement for the textile dyeing and finishing industry for^ 1936-38, continuing for the most part earlier rates, fixes the following hourly minima: ® ® Cenii per hour Men Women 66 48 This wage difference seems far too large to correspond to differences i n the occupations of the two sexes, especially when i t is considered that 75 cents is the minimum for the helpers of maintenance men. A clear indication of a sex differential i n rates for clerical workers is provided i n the fact that a wage agreement i n these occupations in COIVIPENSATION OF W O M E N 77 Butte, M o n t . , i n 1927, required that overtime for men should be paid at 70 cents an hour and overtime for women at only 50 cents.®® A n iron workers' imion agreement i n Ohio that was effective i n January 1934 provided a 5 percent wage increase for men and an additional 10 percent increase over the wage i n effect on a date several weeks later, but the only arrangement made for women was that their minimum wage should be 38 cents an hour.^° A n agreement providing for borax workers on the Pacific coast, effective i n February 1935, provided a minimum wage rate of 46 cents an hour for women as bag stencilers and i n the package department. The lowest for men was more than a foiKth above this, 58?^ cQnts an hom* for those sealing cases of borax packages, for vat men, and for truckers, watchmen, sweepers, and helpers. While these are somewhat heavier jobs, the women's jobs are as exacting of the worker's energy and as important to the final cormnercial article. A minimum of from 60 to 71 cents was fixed for men i n many other jobs;^ Agreements Jor hrnndry workers.—Three agreements for the laundry industry i n effect i n 1933 show standards for men above those for women.^^ This is an industry that employs practically twice as many women as men (1930 census figures). The occupations of the two sexes differ, practically all routemen (delivery) and almost threefifths of the laborers and of the foremen and overseers being men. I n the wash-house men predominate. There are three times as many women as men operatives, women being more usual i n the ironing occupations. A day's ironing is not a light job, especially m t h some supervision thrown in. Moreover, women may be tending two or even three presses at a time. I n two of three union agreements reported i n 1933, the lowest rates fixed for any man's occupation were well above the highest for any woman's occupation, and were asfoUows; Lowist rait for men icenis) Highest rate for women (cents) Butte Head markers 62. 5 San Francisco-. Head starchers... 50. 6 Head markers' assistants. _ 64. 2 Shirt finishers 48. 8 Though i n San Francisco head starchers were accorded the lowest rate for any man's job, 60.6 cents, i n Butte and Seattle, where women were so employed, the rates fixed were very much lower, 42.7 and 31.8 cents, respectively. I n the t h i r d agreement (Seattle) the rate fixed for both women and men as head markers and sorters was the same, but i t was only 39.6 cents. N o other rate for women's occupations was so high, none for men's so low, except for elevator boys and bundle boys. The latter Ibid. Trade Agreements, 1927. Bui. 468. 1928. p. 69. American Fedcrationist, April 1934, p. 387. » bS?4u 1934. DD. 93-94. Union Scales of Wages and Hours of Labor. M a y 16,1933. Bui. 600. 78 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S had a rate of 32.3 cents an hour, but this agreement fixed a lower rate for women i n a wide variety of the laundry occupations, including head starchers and polishers, head collar girls, flat-work head feeders, and garment press operators. I n all these agreements differences in men's and women's weekly rates corresponded to the hourly differences. I n the San Francisco agreement the rate fixed for men as washhouse helpers was 54.4 cents an hour, but rates were fixed below this for aU women's occupations, including shirt finishers, polishers or shirt operators, head collar ironers, and other women ironers, even after 6 months' experience. I n B u t t e the union rate fixed was much higher for men than for women i n overseeing jobs, and i n fact the lowest weekly rate for men was a fifth above the highest for women. The hourly differences are shown i n the following: Cents per hour Men Head markers Head washers 62. 5 72. 9 Cents per hour Women Head Head Head Head markers on rough d r y . , mangle girls starchers collar girls 52. 44 42. 41. 1 8 7 7 Agreements Jor hook and job sprinters.—Union agreements i n effect i n 1933 i n the book and job printing industry were reported b y the Bureau of Labor Statistics for 66 cities.^® No difference b y sex was shown i n the rates fixed for assistants and feeders on platen and cylinder presses i n most of the 53 cities where such rates were reported. I n some cases this may have meant that women were not so employed, i n others that if they were doing such work their rate was the same as for men. However, there were several cities i n which the rates differed markedly for the two sexes. These were as follows: Cents per hour for— Feeders, platen presses: Memphis Pittsburgh Feeders, cylinder presses: Atlanta Pittsburgh San Francisco Springfield, Mass Men 47.7 50. 2 51. 61. 84. 68. 1 8 1 2 Women 43.2 44 4 48. 1 52. 2 77. 3 54. 5 The lowest rate of all for cylinder press feeding was 41.9 cents an hour, i n Nashville, where only a women's rate was reported. The same information was reported for 1924 for 55 cities,^* and by 1933 fewer cities showed sex differences i n the wage than was the case in^ the earlier year. However, the data do n o t indicate whether this means that at the latter time the women's rate had been drawn up to the men's, or merely that the women were no longer employed there i n these processes. In J V ^ for M a y 1936. shows similar sei differences in hourly rates i n the printing industry for a few cities. See pp. 30-32. I b i d . Union Scales of Wages and Hours of Labor, M a y 15,1924. Bui. 388. 1925.pp. 185-190. Chapter 4 . — R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y O F E M P L O Y E D W O M E N F O R T H E SUPPORT OF OTHERS ^ While there are employed women as well as employed men who are not responsible for the support of others, very many women at work have persons dependent upon them for a livelihood. These may be children of their own or of others; young sisters or brothers; parents or other elderly relatives; husbands i l l or unable to get jobs. Information on the extent to which this is the case is scattering, b u t such as exists indicates t h a t the situation is widespread among gainfully occupied women, whether i n industrial, professional, or other work of whatever type. The Women's Bureau, i n addition to 22 studies i t summarized at an earlier date,^ recently has examined 50 reports published i n 1929 or thereafter, and the findings discussed i n the following are the result of selections of the more outstanding data presented b y these 72 reports. They ^vill be analyzed here to give indications as to the following: Extent to which women are the sole support of their families. Size of the famUies dependent for support on a woman. Occupations of women who are supporting their families. Women w i t h dependents (but not sole family support). H a v i n g f u l l dependents. Contributing t o dependents, and number of these dependents. Extent t o which employed women contribute earnings t o family expenses. Women as heads of families. Families w i t h no men wage earners (but not necessarily w i t h only one woman wage earner). W o m e n W h o Are the Sole Support of T h e i r Families. Very many women i n this country are solely responsible for the entire support of their families. T h e results of 10 important studies, most of t h e m made i n the period f r o m 1930 to the present, a few earlier, and several of them giving information for very large numbers, include reports for nearly 370,000 employed women, and show t h a t more t h a n one-eighth of these—12.7 percent, or nearly 47,000 women— were reported to be the sole support of families including at least one person besides themselves.® I n half these studies, a f i f t h or more of the women reporting were the sole family support, and i n some of them the proportions were very much larger. I n addition to these »Tho National Board of tho Yoang Women's Christian Association and tho National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs now have in progress studies that will contribute to the scattered information on this important subject new data taken from their own membership and club groups. ® See Women's Bureau Bui. 75, What the Wage Eaminji Woman Contributes to Family Support. 1929. Complete references to most of the additional reports cited in this section will bo found m the partial list of references in the Appendix since to refer to all ot them by footnote here would be unnecessarily cumbersome. * I n perhaps one of these studies there may have been some duplication of individuals where more than one study was made at different dates in the same locality or by the same agency, but the proportionate values are not affected thereby, since they are similar to those found in other studies; and of course there are very many other women I n similar situations who are not included in these sample studies. t o 91 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S special studies, analysis of 1930 census data covering all the employed ' women i n the country who were reponsible for the homemaking in the family besides having paid jobs shows that a similar proportion of these—13,7 percent of them, or more than 450,000 women i n aU— were the sole support of their families. The data reported i n these 10 studies, and also the residts of the 1930 census analysis, are as follows: Number of women reported on tht, Census study of 11 cities, 1920, by Bureau of the Census Family status of breadwinning women, 4 cities, analysis of census data of 1920, by Women's Bureau Denver, married women applying for jobs, study by Women's Bureau, 1928 Meat packing employees, survey by Women's Bureau, 1928 South Bend, Ind., industrial survey b y Women's Bureau: 1930 1932 Bridgeport, Conn., analysis of census data, 1930, by Women's Bureau F o r t Wayne, Ind., analysis of census data, 1930, by Women's Bureau Philadelphia, unemployment i n families, 1931, b y Wharton School of Finance, University of Pennsylvania New Y o r k C i t y , employed women on relief, by New Y o r k State Department of Labor, 1935 Beauty shop employees, by New Y o r k State Department of Labor, 1936 ^fJ^I^J'llf^^^ 271,022 8.1 31,482 21.0 180 52. 2 897 11.3 3,063 1,438 12.0 7.7 10,869 10. 3 7,496 10.5 34,000 28.4 5, 946 ' 89. 1 3, 332 21. 8 369, 725 12. 7 Employed women homemakers, analysis of census data 1930, b y Women's Bureau 3, 331,386 13. 7 Total, 10 studies __ * Dates for the most part are for the period covered in the study and not the year of publication. • Exclusive of women who were living alone or boarding. Several of these studies which reported on size of family showed that many of the women reported were supporting good-sized families. I n practically 40 percent of the South Bend families i n which a woman was the sole wage earner this woman was supporting three or more persons besides herself. This also was the case w i t h more than 60 percent of the New Y o r k employed women on relief, and w i t h just over 17 percent of the women who were the sole family wage earners i n Bridgeport and i n F o r t "Wayne. Women who are the sole support of their families are found in all types of occupations. According to the study of employed women on relief i n New Y o r k C i t y , the proportion of families being supported solely by women wage earners was about the same both for women employed as domestic servants and for women employed i n other occupations. Considerable proportions of these women who bear the entire financial responsibility of their families are single, but many of them R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y FOR T H E SUPPORT OF OTHERS gg are married. The Philadelphia survey cited deals only w i t h married women and reports more than 9,500 of them i n t h a t city alone as the sole support of their families. I n South Bend more than a t h i r d of the sole f a m i l y wage earners were married. I n Bridgeport and F o r t Wayne, analysis of census data for all employed women showed t h a t a small proportion of the employed married women whose husbands were l i v i n g at home were the sole family support. I f all the cities i n the United States t h a t are at least as large as Bridgeport and F o r t Wayne had m u c h the same number of married women who were the solo family support though their husbands were at home—and since more than 40 cities are very much larger t h a n Bridgeport and F o r t Wayne i t m a y be assumed t h a t even more of their employed married women are the sole financial stay of the family—there would be well over 4,000 employed married women i n such a situation i n these cities alone, taking no account of more than 300 cities of a similar size or smaller. N o r does this take into consideration many times as many married women whose families have a need of their earnings, only less great than those just cited. This is telling evidence showing how vital i t is t h a t married women as well as others are given opportunity to keep their jobs. W o m e n Responsible for Support of Dependents. I n the 11 reports cited t h a t show the cases i n which the woman was the sole f a m i l y support, i t is obvious t h a t such woman had persons entirely dependent upon her, b u t many women n o t the only economic stay of the f a m i l y also have others wholly dependent upon them for support. Other studies that show women having f u l l dependents include surveys of their own memberships made i n 1931 b y the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs and reporting on more t h a n 14,000 women, and b y the American Woman's Association of N e w Y o r k i n 1933, reporting on more t h a n 1,300 women. I n each of these practically 17 percent carried the complete responsibility for support of one or more persons, and a number had additional partial dependents. M o r e than one-tenth of the business and professional women i v i t h others f u l l y dependent on them were supporting three or more persons besides themselves. The studies cited give a much more definite picture of the numbers reported who are f u l l y responsible for the support of dependents than is the case w i t h many such studies. Often i t is very difficult to get a clear picture of the extent to which wage earners carry the entire support of others. I n many cases a woman wiU be found to share w i t h others the support of one or more persons. M o s t reports, therefore, can indicate only partial dependency, the extent of which is very hard to measure. 82 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S A n examination of 34 studies giving information as to dependents (exclusive of census and relief administration reports) shows that, of the 155,282 women they included, 59.6 percent were contributing to the maintenance of dependents, i n some cases i n addition to those for whose complete support they were responsible.® This gives striking evidence of the fact t h a t employed women are most likely to be at least sharing i n the support of others. This is true of the reports showing a woman the sole stay of the family. Other outstanding studies showing that, besides earning their own support, very many employed women contribute to dependents are as foUows: ^ Study * Number of teamen reported on thts subject Women w i t h a Ph. D., by Emilie Hutchinson, 1921. _ 485 Business and professional women: 1926-27 13,856 1930 14,346 New Y o r k , American Woman's Association: 1929 1, 710 1933 1,350 Employed women i n New Haven, by Russell Sage Foundation, 1931 1, 034 Bridgeport, Conn., women registered w i t h Citizens' Emergency Committee, 1931 557 Portland (Oregon) teachers, Reed College, 1932 629 Single women teachers i n 37 cities, reported by N a tional Education Association, 1932-33 1, 955 Gainfully-employed married women homemakers, by Cecile T . L a Follette, 1932 652 Pennsylvania, women suffering temporary t o t a l injuries, 1933 2, 406 Philadelphia, women applicants to employment agencies: 193 3 6,932 193 4 6, 574 Single women reported by New Y o r k Emergency Work Bureau, 1932-33 20, 000 New York C i t y , employed women on relief, by New Y o r k State Department of Labor, 1935 6, 674 Y. W. C. A. employees other than professional, 1936_ 2, 217 Percent of women having 1 dependent or more (total or partial undetermined) 69. 5 39.0 63.6 40. 0 44.2 23. 3 64. 5 51. 8 68. 7 62. 0 15. 7 66.6 77. 0 37. 3 93. 6 4. 4 < Dates for the most part arc for the period covered In the study and not the year of publication. Considerable proportions of the women reported have a number of dependents. I n the New Y o r k study of women on relief, 11 percent of the women included had 5 dependents, and some had 9 or more. A somewhat similar proportion of the Philadelphia women i n search of work i n 1933 had 4 or more dependents. Of the business and professional women surveyed i n 1931, 45 percent had 2 or more dependents and nearly 9 percent supported 4 or more. Of the women who had siiffered industrial accidents i n Pennsylvania i n 1933, a number had 4 or 5 dependent children. » I n some cases there m a y be duplications for individuals where more than one study was made at different dates b y the same agency or in the same locality, but the proportionate values are not thereby overweighted for dei>endency. 7 A report listed here m a y have been listed also among those reporting women as the solo support of their famUies, since some reports give both types of information. R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y FOR T H E SUPPORT OF OTHERS gg I n many cases some statistical method of reporting is used to show the average number of dependents per woman at work. I t cannot be told from this type of reporting how many women were entirely or even partially supporting one or several others; nevertheless, i t is of some interest as indicating the general situation. Data from the following reports show one dependent or more per employed woman reporting this type of information (in each case i n addition to the employed woman herself): Study Number q, Average numwomen report- ber of depending as to detnts per pendents woman worker New Y o r k , American Woman's Association: 1929 9 453 1933 9597 Single women teachers, by D a v i d W. Peters, 1930-31 921 Single women teaehfers i n 37 cities, reported by National Education Association, 1932-33 » 327 Gainfully-employed married women homemakers, by Cecile T . LaFollette, 1932 « 405 Pennsylvania C. W . A. workers, 1933-34 13, 329 New Y o r k C i t y , employed women on relief, 1935: Domestic workers 2, 272 Other ^vorkers 4, 254 1. 9 2.4 1.5 (i") 1. 7 1. 3 2. 2 4. 4 • Number of women w i t h dependents. " 2 or more. I n the New York C i t y study of employed women on relief i n 1935, there were selected 565 women w i t h especially large nmnbers of dependents—something less than one-tenth of all reported—in order to show their wages, and this group affords data on the occupations of women w i t h dependents. The 60 percent of these who were engaged in manufacturing had the most dependents. The average numbers of dependents according to occupation group were as follows: Average number of dependents per woman worker Manufacturing Clerical Trade Domestic service 5. 4. - 4. 2. 1 7 4 2 The women supporting dependents may be either single or married, and i t is easily understood that the usually smaller group of widowed and divorced might be likely to have dependents. The list of women w i t h dependents, cited, shows data for certain of the studies that deal wholly w i t h single or w i t h married women. The following proportions of the women for whom such information was reported i n additional studies were single: Study Business and professional women, 1930 New Y o r k C i t y , employed women on relief, 1935: Domestic workers Other workers Beauty shop employees, New York, 1936 » Sole support of their families. Number of women v}ith dependents Percent who were single 096 60. 0 2,001 4,096 " 728 14. 1 61.7 42. 0 84 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S I n the N e w Y o r k study of employed women on relief, i t was stated t h a t there were relatively few siQgle women t h a t had only themselves to support. Only 93 of the 2,903 reported had no.dependents, and for all those outside of domestic service, the median number of dependents was 5.3. Only 8 of the 481 single clerical workers, only 4 of the 108 in hotels and restaurants, and only 4 of the 1,384 i n factories had no dependents. M a n y married women also are financially responsible for dependents. I n a study i n the Minneapolis schools, 23 percent of the single and 42 percent of the married teachers were supporting others besides themselves. The New Y o r k employed married women on relief were responsible for supporting an average of 3.6 dependents. Other data on the large extent to which the employed women who support others are married are as follows: Study Business and professional women, 1930 Women euffering temporary t o t a l injuries i n Pennsylvania, 1933 Beauty shop employees, New Y o r k , 1936- Number oficomen with dependenU Percent who were married 9, 096 21. 5 , 377 » 728 76. 9 33. 3 , » Sole support of their JamUies. Contributions of W o m e n ' s Earnings to the F a m i l y Support. I n the Women^s Bureau summary of information on women's family responsibility/^ reports f r o m 22 studies showed t h a t over half of the more than 60,000 women reported had given all then* earnings to the family support, and another large proportion had given part of their earnings, the extent n o t shown. A few of the more recent studies examined report this type of information. I n a study of women i n Bethlehem and Philadelphia after the shut-down of Pennsylvania silk mills i n 1931, all the married women had used their entire earnings i n the support of the family. I n two other surveys of industrial women two-fifths of the women reported had contributed all their earnings to the f a m i l y exchequer, and well over half had given at least half their pay to the f a m i l y upkeep. I n the survey of South Bend, I n d . , i n 1932, the earnings of nearly one-third of the women for whom such information was reported formed the entire family income, and i n another one-fourth of the cases such earnings formed a t least half the amount the f a m i l y had to live on. W o m e n as Heads of Families. I t may be surprising t o many people to learn t h a t more than 2)i m i l l i o n women i n the United States are heads of families of two or more persons. T o p u t i t another way, n o t f a r f r o m one-tenth (9.4 percent) of the families of such size i n this country have a woman head. The proportion is larger i n the more underprivileged families, " Op. cit.. Bui. 75. R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y FOR T H E SUPPORT OF OTHERS gg as represented b y those eligible for employment for work projects i n January 1936, among whom 15.4 percent of the family heads were women. V e r y nearly all the women employed on work projects, over 410,000 of them, are heads of their families. Reports of the following additional studies indicate t h a t i n industrial localities especially large proportions of the women are family heads, as for example i n the Massachusetts Old Colony area or i n South Bend, I n d . , surveyed by the Women's Bureau. The findings of several special studies that reported this type of information show the following: Stv4v New Y o r k unemployment surveys, 1931: . Buffalo Syracuse Industrial women i n South Bend, Ind., 1932 Massachusetts census of heads of families not fuUy employed, 1934 Old Colony area, Mass., 1935 J Number of famiitesrermied Percent having a tcoman at head of family 9,557 4,682 1, 295 6.2 7.6 18. 4 269, 554 1, 734 7. 1 25. 4 Some of these women heads of families are married, some are single. M a n y of these women family heads are women of a mature age, as the following shows: study Rural cases on relief, 1933 Massachusetts Old Colony area, 1935 Age of women family heads 49.8 years, median. . 45 to 60 years, 37.4 percent of those reported. F a m i l i e s W i t h N o M e n W a g e Earners. A further illustration of the economic situation of women i n this country is i n the extent to which women w^ho are at work have no men wage earners i n their families. Though these data do not show the responsibility of individual women, they do indicate i n several cases t h a t practically one-tenth or more of the families reported have no men wage earners. Perhaps the most complete sample of fairly recent data on this subject exists i n the Women's Bureau analyses of census reports on employed -women i n two industrial cities of over 100,000 inhabitants—Bridgeport, Conn., and F o r t Wayne, I n d . " I n 15 percent of the families i n each of these cities the only wage earners were women. The smaller of these had a t o t a l of about 7,500 families. Supposing the 93 cities of 100,000 or more population i n this country to have at least this many families w i t h an employed woman (many of them have considerably more), and supposing 15 percent of these to have only women wage earners, there must be well over 100,000 families in the U n i t e d States maintained entirely b y their employed women. " N o t yet pubUshed. Part II.—EXPERIENCE OF WOMEN UNDER LABOR LEGISLATION Consideration of the effects of labor legislation opens a very broad field of investigation, since every type of such legislation may be expected to have a number of different effects and these may vaiy widely m t h the differences i n location, i n time, i n previous custom, and i n the special provisions of the law as well as the general circumstances of its introduction and administration. Instances illustrating the effects of labor laws along many different lines and from many different angles are continually sought. Nattirally, all the possible effects of all types of labor laws cannot be reported upon here, and indeed data for such an evaluation do n o t exist, but the most usual experience as to the effects certain kinds of laws have had upon women's employment situation can be described from full and adequate data. Summaries \vill be given here of material from a few comprehensive surveys that indicate definite conclusions, drawn from vdde areas, as to the results m t h i n particular fields of study arising from certain types of labor legislation; other instances illustrating the most usual and wide-spread effects of various types of such laws also w i l l be shown. Together, these w i l l cover the following subjects: Effects of the National Industrial Recovery A c t on women's employment, hours, and wages, and on collective bargaining. Effects of mininum-wage laws. Effects of labor legislation on the employment opportunities of women. Certain of the labor legislation considered here applies to both women and men, but even though the basic law makes no difference between the sexes, the results show that along some lines the benefits of the law have been considerably more marked for women than for men. Other types of labor laws considered here apply solely to women and have been enacted to reheve situations imder which women were especially exploited. The major purpose of labor legislation is the same as the primary purpose of all legislation. I t is an effort to p u t the authority of the Government behind such regulation of conditions as is necessary for the life and work of the individual at the points where without such authority he or she is unable to provide adequate self-protection in relations w i t h other individuals or organizations. Labor legislation recognizes the stake of the community i n healthful and satisfactory living and working conditions for the people. E v e i y evidence points to the fact that employed women often are i n a situation particularly 86 EXPERIIONCE UNDER LABOR L E G I S L A T I O N 37 Open to exploitation, and consequently there have been lines along which the action of government has been more necessary for women than for men. Where the employed are organized i n groups of comparable strength with those that exist for their employers, i t is less necessary for the Government to step i n as arbiter or commander. B u t where labor organization is weak the strength of the Government is the more needed. Experience i n the United States, as i n other countries, has shown women^s difficulties i n developing labor organization, i n consequence of which they sometimes particularly need legislation to prevent exploitation. A primary reason why organization moves especially slowly for women Hes i n the very fact emphasized so frequently i n these pages, that women often form exploited groups, low paid, engaged i n highly seasonal industries and i n various types of part-time work, and usually subject to the traditional evaluation of their work as not highly skilled. A number of the strongest organizations of men are i n work i n which women are not engaged; for example, building trades or mining. Of American Federation of Labor membership, building trades account for over a third, and more than another third are included i n transportation and communication, mining and quarrying, and metal, machinery, and shipbuilding unions taken together (1932). The large manufacturing woman-employers, textiles, leather, and clothing, have formed together only about 6 percent of the Federation membership; adding food, liquor, and tobacco; paper, printing, and publishing; personal service and trade; and amusements and professions, stiU does not bring the proportion to one-fourth.^ I t was estimated i n 1924 that of the more than S% million women then employed only about 250,000 were organized.^ This was less than 9 percent as great as the total membership of the American Federation of Labor reported for the next year, though the 1920 census figures showed that women formed over 20 percent of all gainfully employed persons and at least 15 percent both of those i n manufacturing and mechanical industries and of those i n trade. There are some unions that do not admit women, though women work i n non-union shops i n the same industries; for example, certain metal trades and glass unions. A t present, labor organization is advancing rapidly, under fuUer governmental protection than heretofore, and this benefits women as well as men. However, the position of women i n union development as well as i n the working w^orld still requires the assistance of government through strong legislation to relieve situations i n which women as workers are especially subject to exploitation. Lorwin, Lewis L., and Jean A. Flemer. The American Federation of ^ b o r . ' Wolfson, Theresa. The Woman Worker and the Trade Umons. 1926. p. 127. 150483'—37 7 1933. pp. 303, 486. 99 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S Of primaiy importance to workers are the following: The opportunity to get and hold a job suited to theu' abilities; hours of work short enough to preclude physical strain and to provide some leisure for life; a wage at least sufficient to maintain healthful living and help to provide for old age; healthful and otherwise suitable physical surroundings i n the work place; and, basic to all of these, the right to associate freely w i t h other workers for the purpose of bargaioiag collectively ^vith the employing agency in order to secure these needs. Ordinarily i t is i a relation to some phase of these matters of major importance that labor laws seek to place the authority of the Government behind workers' needs. Experience has shown that this authori t y often is even more imperative i n the case of women than of men, because there are many ways i n which women's employment situation is especially difficult and is such that they frequently are not able to maintain strong organizations to secure these things for themselves. T h a t this is the general experience of employed women is illustrated by the low rates of women's wages compared to men's, discussed earlier i n this report (see pt. I , ch. 3), and by the fact that even where State legislation fixes maximum hours for women this maximum quite often is very much longer than the hours actually being worked by the majority and is needed primarily to hold i n check the more unscrupulous employers and to provide better conditions for the groups of workers most exploited. Chapter 1 . — E X P E R I E N C E O F T H E E F F E C T S O F T H E N A T I O N A L INDUSTRIAL RECOVERY ACT ON WOMEN'S E M P L O Y M E N T , HOURS, A N D WAGES, A N D O N COLLECTIVE BARGAINING When the National Kecovery Administration was organized, a part of its program of reviving industry sought, so far as the workers specifically were concerned, " t o increase the consumption of industrial and agricultural products b y iucreasiag purchasing power, to reduce and relieve unemployment, to improve standards of labor.'' ^ The present report has stressed repeatedly the fact that the situation of women cannot be considered as isolated from all the other elements in the economy of a nation, b u t is instead an integral part of this economy. Though this A c t applied to all workers, its effects along certain lines were, on the whole, more pronounced for women than for men, as, for example, i n connection w i t h wages, which were at a much lower level for women t h a n for men. Several very f u l l studies of the effects of the National Recovery Administration have been made, and a simmiary w i l l be given here of material f r o m various sources, and particularly of what is shown, especially i n application to employed women, i n the conclusions of three major ones of these t h a t deal vnth employment, hours, wages, and collective bai^aining. Though these evaluations were made by entirely different agencies and approached the problem f r o m quite divergent angles, the fact t h a t their findings on these subjects are substantially similar reinforces the significance of such ladings as a measure of effects of this law i n respect to labor.^ When i t was apparent t h a t the framing of codes for various industries (the method employed under the Recovery Act) would consume a considerable time, the President's Reemployment Agreement was instituted, encouraging all individual employers to agree to a week of not over 40 hours and to certain m i n i m u m wages for the various industries (scaled according to size of locality) u n t i l such time as codes could be approved. The provisions of the P. R . A . were i n some cases modified for individual industries. The effects of this agreement often were as pronounced as those of later codes, or even more so, and the following summaries sometimes apply to b o t h the 1 National Industrial Recovery Act. Public, No. 67. 73d Congress. H . R. 5755, p. 1. > Unless otherwise specified, the discussion following is based on findings in the following: (1) Hours. Wages, and Employment Under the Codes, prepared by the National 1 Kecovery Admmistration for its 3 codes. hearings on employment provisions of codes^ January 1935; (2) Employed a report by the Women's Bureau; and (3) Report of the President's Committee of Industrial Anal • was - the Administration of The National Industrial Recovery Act, February 1937. This committeeI W£ com* , posed of John M . Clark, economist, Columbia University, chairman; William n Davis, of Pennie, Davis, Alarvin, and Edmonds; George M . Harrison, president. Brotherhood of Railway and Steamship < . 35, ] 89 90 WOMEN I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES P. E . A . and the N . E . A . Since the effects of the two, though they may have differed i n degree, usually were i n much the same direction, the term N . E . A . often may be used to include both. HOURS A N D E M P L O Y M E N T UNDER T H E N. R . A . The President's explanation of the act stated: The law I have just signed was passed to put people hack to work * * The idea is simply for employers to hire more men to do the existing work by reducing the work hours of each man's week and a t the same time pay a living wage for the shorter week.® I t is most i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t this differed materially from the various "spread-the-work" plans t h a t formerly h a d been attempted, since its i n t e n t was to maintain, and indeed to advance, wage levels, Whereas the "spread-the-work" plans usually reduced wages as well as time worked. The effects of this p a r t of the program were twofold: t h a t on employment, and t h a t on hours worked. E m p l o y m e n t Under the N . R . AT h e N . K . A . report made i n January 1935 gave an estimate of the number of employees added to pay rolls i n N . R . A . industries. How much greater the increase was under the N . R . A . and P. R . A . than prior to these moves is shown by the figures as t o additions to pay rolls from M a r c h 1933, which, i n round numbers, were as follows: To June 1933 (prior to N. R. A. or P. R. A.) To November 1934 (latest date reported) 1,628,000 3,464,000 Though care was taken n o t to say w h a t p a r t of this increase could be attributed specifically to the N . R . A., the statement was made that an appreciable increase i n employment was experienced, particularly i a those industries t h a t were operating under codes when the report was made. I n September 1934 the Recovery Board included i n its policy statements— That the maximum hour provisions of the codes have made a definite contribution to reemployment. The President's Committee of Industrial Analysis, headed b y a distinguished economist, i n its report i n February 1937 stated t h a t — The effect of the P. R. A. in bringing about increased employment through reducing weekly hours of work was striking. Between June and October 1933, the report continues, employment i n N . R . A . industries had increased 11.4 percent, i n other than N . R . A . industries only 4.4 percent, and i n agriculture only 1 percent. ''Since industrial a c t i v i t y declined during this period, increase in employment is directly attributable to the shortening of hours under the P. R . A . " Between October 1933 and the early months of 1935, ' N a t i o n ^ Rocove^ Administration, Bui. 1. Statement by the President of the United States of America. Outlining Policies of the National Recovery Admmistration. 1933. p. 1. E F F E C T S OF T H E N A T I O N A L I N D U S T R I A L RECOVERY A C T QJ there were slight further increases i n employment, and these were greater i n N . R . A . industries than i n others, though the differences were not larger. A recent statement by a former N , R . A . official shows t h a t — D u r i n g the N . R. A. period, employment i n N . R. A. industries increased by some 2,055,000 persons, primarily because of the decrease i n hours effected b y the N . R. A., as production was declining during the period when this increase was effected.* Hours of W o r k Under the N . R . A. I n the 1929 period of peak production, working hours averaged more t h a n 48 a week. They fell markedly during the depression and averaged less than 35 a week i n 1932, but when recovery was imminent, i n the spring and summer of 1933, they rose b y more than 30 percent i n 3 months. The first N . E . A . code (that for the cotton textile industry) established a basic 40-hour week as the maximtmi, and this was the standard adopted i n 84 percent of the codes. However, very many forms of exceptions were allowed, either b y specific code provisions or through administrative tolerance. According to the report of the President's Conmiittee, a m a x i m i m i workweek of 48 hours or longer thus was permitted for a substantial part of the employees i n 64 percent of the codes, those covering 61 percent of the workers i n all those industries that were under codes. The N . E . A . report of January 1935 showed t h a t the average hours i n manufacturing industries for 11 months i n 1934, December excluded, were more than one-tenth lower than the average for the first 6 months i n 1933. The President's Committee of Industrial Analysis, reportiag i n 1937 the results of its investigations of 159 industries, showed t h a t because of reductions i n the hours of work from June 1933 to October 1933, b y the latter date only very small proportions of these industries h a d an average week above 40 hours, most of them having an average of 35 to 40 hours. The figures are as follows: Percent of 169 indmtries with hours specified inAverage hours More t h a n 45 40-45 35-40 Less t h a n 35 June 193S October 19SS« 25.2 37.8 28.3 10. 0 1.9 5.0 58.5 34 6 ® No data on number of employees. W o m e n ' s Hours a n d E m p l o y m e n t Under the N . R . A . N a t u r a l l y , women as well as men profited by the N . R . A . , and along some lines women benefited more than men. T h a t on the whole greater reductions i n hours had taken place i n the large woman-employing industries than i n those employing chiefly < Barkin, Solomon (formerly of the N . E . A . Labor Advisory Board). In Journal of Electrical Workers, March 1937. p. 103. Revival of N . R . A . Labor Program. 92 W O M E N I N THE3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES men is indicated from the N . R. A . report of January 1935 as to changes i n average hours for the first half of 1933 to the average for 11 months i n 1934 (December omitted). I n all but 1 of 6 important woman-employers, hours had been reduced 16 percent or more i n this N . R. A . period, while i n only 1 of 9 industries not among the great woman-employers had the hour reduction been so great. The figures are as follows: Indu&try Ptrcent redudion in hours Woman-employers: Cotton goods Boots and shoes Electrical machinery K n i t goods Sak goods Woolen and worsted goods ^ 28. 4 16. 2 «6. 0 20. 4 16.3 25. 1 N o t predominantly woman-employing: Automobiles Cane sugar refining Cement Chemicals Leather Iron and steel Lumber and timber products Paper and pulp Rubber tires and tubes. 6.2 2G. 0 4. 3 7.9 15.4 ®3. 4 9. 2 12. 3 3. 1 < I D this case hours increased. During this period the Women's Bureau, in the course of an investigation of women employed in the large manufacturing State of Michigan, reported striking employment increases due to hour reductions made necessary by the hour provisions set b y codes i n 10 industries. Before the P. K . A. or N . R. A., from 38 percent to 90 percent of the women worked more than 40 hours a week, but after the introduction of codes less than 10 percent (except i n one industry) worked so long; in 5 of the 10 mdustries less than 5 percent of the women worked over 40 hours. These figures for Michigan follow:' _ ^ , Jjidmtrif P<rcf.ncTMW in employment under codti or P. a. A. Bakery p r o d u c t s . . D r u p and chemicals Electrical supplies Furs and millinery K n i t goods: Hosiery Other _ M e t a l products Paper boxes Paper manufacturing vvomen's underwear » Prcm unpublished material i n the files of the Women's Bureau. Percent 0/emp/oyees working omjOhouuliefort codes At dote of orP.R.A, 193^ 16.0 18.0 58. q 4. 4 51.3 43.5 37.9 90. 1 6.8 7.2 4,1 56 52.4 25.0 93.6 16.7 12. 1 15. 2 68.9 76.6 40.8 62.0 50. 3 83. 8 1.3 2.6 7.6 4 1 21. 9 1. 1 EFFECTS OF T H E N A T I O N A L I N D U S T R I A L RECOVERY ACT QJ Other scattered studies further illustrate the benefits of the N . R. A . to women. For example, a State survey of identical firms i n M i n nesota reported an increase of 24 percent i n the employment of women, \vith shortened hours and increased earnings as a result of the N. R. A.» A study of the cotton-garment industry i n Pennsylvania, among whose employees women greatly predominate, reported that " E v i dence is conclusive that the N . R. A. has = * * reduced the • = working hours of all employees and increased the weekly earnings for the majority of workers i n the cotton-garment industry." ® Compared to the advantages for women i n manufacturing industries, the N . R . A. was not able to do so well for women i n their two largest fields of employment—service and clerical work. I t did not succeed i n dealing adequately w i t h enforcement of labor provisions i n the service codes, such as those for the laundry and hotel industries. Practically two-fifths of the codes established longer hours or greater tolerances for clerical workers than for production employees, though i t was common knowledge that very large proportions of the women seeking jobs through employment agencies were clerical workers. WAGES UNDER T H E N. R. A. Since the effort of the N . R. A . was to reduce working hours and at the same time to increase purchasing power, naturally there had to be a considerable advance i n hourly rates. This upward movement of hourly earnings continued throughout the period of N . R. A.'s existence. The statements of the N . R. A. as to policy, made i n September 1934 and based on experience of the law, included the following: That a minimum-wage structure is socially beneficial not only as a safeguard to the worker but also as a wage-floor for the operation of the competitive system and therefore should be maintained. More significant from the point of view of increasing purchasing power, as well as from that of the benefit of the law to the worker, are weekly earnings. Increases i n these are of more importance than hourly increases, which could be considerable without meeting the purpose of the act if hours were reduced too drastically. According to the 1937 report of the President's Committee of Industrial Analysis, average weekly earnings for the manufacturing and 13 nonmanufacturing industries combined increased from June 1933 to October 1933 by 3.6 percent, i n spite of a reduction of 12.7 percent i n actual weekly hours worked. Of this P. R. A . period the report states, ''The course of industrial trends was completely changed.'*^ From October 1933 to the early months of 1935 there was an 8 percent advance i n wages. • Minnesota. Department of Labor and Industry. Biennlalreport , 1933-34. pp. 1^156. ^ ^^ _ •Pennsylvania. Department of Labor and Industry. Bureau of Women and Children. Cotton Garment Workers in Pennsylvania Under the N . E . A . 1934. p. 1. (Mimeog.) 94 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S There were greater wage increases i n the combined industries under codes than i n those n o t under codes, and t h e ' N . K . A . report i n 1935 shows from weighted averages the follo^ving advances. Percent increase from June 19S3 to— Jum 1934 Novemter 19U N . R. A. industries Noncodified industries 8 4 6 4 Discussing real wages, t h a t is, wage levels adjusted according to changes i n l i v i n g costs, this report shows t h a t i n every m o n t h after M a r c h 1933, wages were above the low point of t h a t month, and wages i n the early months of 1933 (Januaiyr-April) always were exceeded by those of the corresponding m o n t h i n 1934. Of course, there were differences among industries. Of 10 shown i n detail i n the report, 7 showed wage increases from the early months of 1933 (JanuaryA p r i l ) to the latest months then reported (October-November 1934). The advances i n some of these were very much greater than the declines i n the remaining 3. These reports are careful not to estimate the exact extent to which . these advances can be attributed to the N . R . A . and the degree in which other factors operated i n the same direction. However, as to the effects of the N . R . A . on wage standards the following may be quoted from the simunary of the final i m p a r t i a l report: The N. R. A. represented the first attempt at regularizing the wage conditions i n industry on a uniform National basis * * * N . R. A . d i d usher In an upward wage movement which had tremendous force, establishing a firmer basis of buying power; removing inordinately low wages; stabilizing wage competition t o a considerable degree through the establishment of a minimum-wage level; introducing higher wage standards i n many areas in which low wage traditions prevailed. W o m e n ' s Wages Under the N . R . A , The experience t h a t has been found usual imder labor legislation in relation to women was demonstrated again imder the N . K . A . ; namely, t h a t the establishment of moderate wage standards as a minimum benefits women on the whole even more than men since i n general the levels of women's wages are below those of men. Available data show t h a t under the N . R . A . women's wages advanced more than men's even i n spite of the fact t h a t a wage lower t h a n men's was permitted for women workers i n 159 codes, covering 16.6 percent of all persons a t work imder codes. The 1937 report of the President's Committee points out t h a t "practically eveiy significant industry which employed women a t low wage rates or i n which labor was unorganized requested female wage exception, or a minimum rate so low as to allow for a differential w i t h o u t providing a specific female wage exception." I n New Y o r k (the only State t h a t was publishing reports of manufacturing wages by sex through the N . R . A. period) women's average weekly earnings i n manufacturing increased EFFECTS OF T H E N A T I O N A L I N D U S T R I A L RECOVERY ACT QJ by 16.2 percent, men's by 3.4 percent, from July 1933 to November 1934.^° The proportional wage increases for the two sexes i n certain clothing industries i n this State were as follows: Percent of wage imrease for— Women Men Women's clothing Men's furnishings Women's head wear IIII" IIIIII 26 53 17 6 10 7 I n Pennsylvania, during the same time, wages i n all manufacturing increased 11.6 percent, but i n the following important woman-employers they showed greater increases, sometimes very much greater: ^^ Percent increase in average weekly earnings for all employees Textiles AVomen's clothing Confectionery Cigars and tobacco 27. 3 29! 6 I3' 9 42. 4 Examples taken from woman-employing industries further illustrate women's wage advances under the N . K . A. A Women's Bureau survey of the dress industry i n New York showed the following advances i n median week's earnings of women as inside operators i n dress shops due to the N . E . A . or to the Union Agreement, the provisions of which were incorporated i n the code: ^^ Percent increase in median week's earni:jgs On cheapest dresses On cheap dresses On dresses highest i n price 75. 2 4 4 3 to 55. 7 47. 5 A Pennsylvania report of wages i n the cotton-garment industry, a very large proportion of whose employees are women, showed that from October 1932 to Februaiy 1934 wages had increased by one-half.^^ A survey of the cotton-textile industiy by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics showed that from July 1933 to August 1934 the real weekly wage (that is, adjusted for cost of living) of women employees had increased by 7 percent i n the North, by 16 percent i n the South.^^ I n cotton dyeing and finishing the same agency reports that 28 percent of the women received at least $14 i n July 1933, whereas i n August 1934 the percent receiving so much was 36. I n silk and rayon dyeing and finishing 47 percent of the women had received $14 or more i n August 1933 (the earliest data available for comparison) in contrast to 56 percent i n August 1934.^® According to other reports from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, wages i n the cigarette industry advanced by 46 percent for white and 73 percent for Negro women.^® The same agency also gives the " Y & T w ^ m ^ Bureau Bui. 130. 1935. p. 121. " V.^s! S e i ^ m e n t of Labor. "^Pennsylvania. Women's Bureau. Piece work in the Silk-Dress Industry. Department of Labor and Industry. Bureau of Women and CJiildren. i Under the N . R . A . 1934. p 7. (Minieo? ) " U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Monthly Labor Review. March 1935. p C24 " Ibid., M a y 1936, pp. 1347» 1357. Ibid-, p. 1326 Bui. 141. Cotton- 107 WOMEN I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S following evidence as to women w i t h hourly earnings of 35 cents or more i n the silk and rayon industry and of 40 cents or more i n woolen and worsted manufacturing: ^^ Percent before N.P, Silk and rayon Woolen and worsted A. Percent dUTing N. J2. A, {A ugust im^ 7 (April 1933) 19 (January-March 1932)- 67 48 The fact that women were among those especially benefiting by the N . R . A. wage provisions, though i n many cases their minimum was fixed below t h a t of men i n the industry, is indicated i n the following summary statement from the 1935 analysis made by the N . R . A.: I n short, there have been increases in wage rates nothing short of phenomenal, wherever the previous rate was low, t h a t is, for labor working in low-paid industries, for labor i n the South, particularly female labor, for labor living i n towns of less than 20,000 population, for labor i n low-paid occupations, in a word for labor getting very low pay anywhere coming under codes * * I n short, the codes have probably helped those whom i t was especially designed to help, namely, those whose real incomes were already pitifully small * • ». LABOR RELATIONS UNDER T H E N . R . A . Of even greater importance to workers than the direct efforts of the Recoveiy Act to secure better wage and hour conditions were its parts designed to assure to the workers a more favorable status in their formation of organizations and their use of these to improve their employment conditions. Basically, the Constitution of the United States contains the following provision: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. —Amendment I — p a r t of the original Bill of Rights of the Constitution. This is the charter of right for every assembly i n the land, religious, secular, pliilanthropic, or of whatever type, from the smallest woman's club or struggling labor union or auxiliary to the largest federation of organizations of whatever kind. There are countries i n which women are not normally allowed free organization but, instead, all their associations are controlled by a powerful State i n its own interest. This has not been the case under the theory of the United States Government. B u t there are still many cases i n which vigorous efforts must be made to maintain and to make effective this constitutional guarantee. I n this country the earliest women's clubs were not organized u n t i l the eighteen-fifties,^^ though working women's organizations " Ibid , June 1935, pp. 1436. 1451. Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. X X V I I I , 1906, pp. 205-20C, 227IJflrif ^^^ ^TTJf ''' ^-ere as follows:'18.52, the Ladies' thJxw 1859Minerva d a b of N e w Harmony, 111; 1868. both the Soros s l ^ b l v l^iie^thS^^Su Y n ^ T ^ ^ The Female Labor Reform Association existed considerabiy earlier than Ihis. and the tailoresses m New York formed a union as early as 1825. EFFECTS OF T H E N A T I O N A L I N D U S T R I A L RECOVERY ACT QJ existed earlier. I n 1833 so famous a leader as Lucretia M o t t reports that she and three other women attending an antislavery meeting 'Vere not recognized as a part of the convention by signing the document" agreed upon.^® The basis of freedom to meet i n groups is the same, no matter what the type of organization. To workers this freedom is of the first importance when they meet for the purpose of dealing \nth problems arising out of their employment. This is even more true when employers seek to prevent or circumvent what the Constitution guarantees. I t should never be foi^otten that the principles that apply to or' ganizations for labor bargaining are those that underlie all freedom to hold club meetings or form any other associations. B u t because of the primary importance to the worker of the employment contract and the right to organize for its improvement, and because this comes into conflict at times vnth. other and powerful economic interests, there probably has been more discussion and more legal action on this type of organization than on any other i n the United States. This arises partly from the fact that the employer often has very much more real power to affect the worker's whole life than has the Government, which normally is more remote from the individual. For example, a woman observer i n discussing a basic industry writes: This land * * * is i n reality composed of a multitude of kingdoms whose despots are the employers—the multimillionaire patrons—and whose serfs are the laboring men and women * * * whereas Pharaoh by his unique w i l l controlled a thousand slaves, the steel magnate uses, for his own ends also, thousands of separate wills. ^ I t is not possible to discuss here the considerable body of American legislation seeking to protect the free organization and action of labor groups, such as the Clayton Act of 1914 and the Norris-LaGuardia Act of 1932, both seeking to l i m i t court injunctions against labor action, and the court cases defining more closely the position of labor in respect to organization.^* The famous section of the National Kecovery Act that sought to give further guarantees for the f u l l association and action of labor groups, Section 7 (a), provided i n part as follows: T h a t employees shall have the r i g h t to organize and bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and shall be free f r o m the interference, restraint, or coercion of employers of labor, or their agents, i n the designation of such representatives or i n self-organization or i n other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other m u t u a l aid or protection; t h a t no employee and no one seeking employment shall be required as a condition of employment to join any company union or to refrain f r o m joining, organizing, or assisting a labor organization of his own choosing. » James and Lucretia M o t t - L i f e and Letters. pp. I l l , I H . Van Vorst, Mrs. John» and Marie Van Voret. The Woman Who Toils. 1903. pp S^IO SeeT for S ^ p l e . L o r r ^ . Lewis L.» and Jean A J f l e p e r . The America^ Federatyn of Labor. Also Commons. John R., and John B. Andrews. Principles of Labor Legislation. 1936. 1933. 98 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S As to the purpose and effects of this, a thorough study of the work of the labor relations boards made these statements: Congress sought t o make sure t h a t collective bargaining, through organizations of the workers' own free choosing, was furthered, and t o protect workers against coercion or dismissal for union activities. Employers i n industry as a whole were no longer legally free t o impose upon employees against their w i l l a form of labor organization t o which they did not agree and employers were to negotiate i n good f a i t h w i t h bona-fide labor organizations. ^ The N . R . A. experience showed that these groups of workers freely organized formed the most effective force i n carrying out the spirit of the N . E . A . provisions. The impartial report of the President's Committee of Industrial Analysis, made i n 1937, states that— * * * the declaration as public policy of the provision for the protection of the workers' individual right to organize and bargain collectively represented a landmark i n the development not only of labor organization but of labor legislation. The N . I . R. A. had declared definitely i n favor of collective bargaining by assuring protection t o employees who organized themselves f o r this purpose * * * i t was recognized t h a t labor representation and active participation were essential. The report states further that the Recovery A c t and its administration '^profoundly affected labor relations i n American industry", and that the greatest contribution of the boards created under the N . R. A. ''was i n an exposition of the meaning of collective bargaining." The provisions of 7 (a), taken seriously by workers, gave a tremendous impetus to organization. New drives for membership were undertaken, both through existing unions and tlirough new unions in industries formerly unorganized. Labor organizations were given an opportunity, where sufficiently well-formed and articulate, to have a fuller influence i n establisliing and maintaining better standards of work i n American industry. During 1933-34 the number of paid-up union members increased by about 650,000. A former N . R . A . official has stated recently: " M e m b e h h i p i n unions rose; new unions appeared; collective bargaining spread; trade agreements increased." He indicates further the effects of the law i n maintaining labor standards, since after i t became inoperative these standards declined, and— * * * hourly wages have fallen t o the depression levels i n some industries, and i n industry as a whole, despite the fact [of] increased economic a c t i v i t y , have not risen appreciably; and hours have been considerably lengthened. ^ A series of special studies of typical clothing iadustries, which are important woman-employers, reported that i n hosiery manufacture the most important gain for the workers has been the right of collective !! L o J ^ ' P ' L - ; and Arthur Wubnig. Labor Helations Boards. 1935. pp. 448, 450. " Barkin, Solomon (formerly of N . R. A. Labor Advisory Board). Revival of N . R . A. Labor Program. In Journal of Electrical Workers, March 1937, p. 136. EFFECTS OF T H E NATIONAL I N D U S T R I A L RECOVERY ACT QJ bargaining. They showed also that i n the men's clothing and ladies' garment industries workers gained because the codes were national i n scope and enabled standards to be established for the entire industry, and because they provided for a label on goods produced under code conditions, thus making possible a check to see that all manufacturers were aware of the standards required. I n the ladies' garment industry the ban on overtime, together w i t h the 35-hour week, made possible a better control over a highly seasonal industry than the union formerly had achieved, and establishment of uniform standards tended to halt the migration of shops into lower-wage areas.^^ S U M M A R Y AS TO EFFECTS .OF T H E N. R- A. The experience under the National Industrial Recovery Act gives definite testimony to the benefits secured by workers through tliis piece of labor legislation, especially i n its early stages. Hour standards were materially shortened on a national scale, new guarantees were given for collective bargaining, and a new impetus to the development of labor organization resulted. The levels of wages i n manufacturing industries were advanced somewhat, very much more so for women than for men because women's wages had been at the lowest levels. Women i n two very large occupational groups—service and clerical work—received less benefit than did those ia manufacturing. The Administration never was able to enforce adequately the labor provisions i n codes for servdce industries, i n some of which there was little organization of labor to be of assistance; and a large proportion of the codes allowed to clerical workers, most of whom are women, longer hours or greater tolerances than were allowed i n the case of production workers. This experience again illustrated the fact that under legislation which i n itself includes women on the same terms as men, women whose employment standards are so much below those of men are more affected along some lines than men are, but they still fare worse than men do since more than a fourth of the codes had exceptions permitting a lower minimum wage for women than that permitted for men. T h a t custom and the powerful force of tradition still countenance such a situation again emphasizes the fact that i n many cases special measures to assist women i n attaining adequate standards continue to be necessary. Affiliated Schools for Workers, Inc. Labor and the N . R . A. and Theresa Wolf^n. 1934. pp. 33,34, 37,38,46. By Lois MacDonald, Gladys Palmer, MINIMUM WAGE LAWS FOR WOMEN AND MINORS JUNE 1,1937 o Low mandatory after (rial ptriod. Rafts fixed by Commiuion or department head* M a n d a t o r y law. Rates fi«ed by Commission. czzz M o n d a t o r y law. Rates fined b y Commission for men, women, a n d minors. V / / / A M a n d a t o r y law. fixed b y law. Rates w H ffi K ^ C c o H a K n »-H H M O Rote fixed in law but Commission also lias power to odjust. N o law. » This type, known lus "(he minimum fiiir wat?e law", is the imiform sfan<luni now in fort-e in States. ui H Chapter 2 . — E X P E R I E N C E AS T O T H E M I N I M U M - W A G E LAWS EFFECTS OF Other parts of this report have shown how consistently the level of women's wages has remained below that of men's.^ There is considerable testimony to the definite effects minimum-wage legislation i n this country has had i n raising women's \vages. For a time such information was very scattering, but i n 1935 there were 16 States t h a t had mandatory minimum-wage laws on their statute books; one State adopted such legislation i n 1936 and three others by M a y 1937.^ A t least 13 States and the D i s t r i c t of Columbia have had periods of effective minimum-wage activity, i n most cases affording data as to the results obtained.^ These data invariably show some effect i n raising women's wages. A few of these States have been continuously at w o r k for many years to raise women's wages by this method and have met with a considerable measure of success i n so doing. D a t a for eight States, all of them important industrially, w i l l be presented here.^ STATES W I T H CONTINUOUS MINIMUM-WAGE EXPERIENCE FOR MANY YEARS California. Experience of more than 20 years i n the administration of minimumwage provisions i n California illustrates the efBcacy of this type of legislation i n bringing women's w^ages more nearly to the level of men's and i n maintaining high wage levels i n a considerable degree even during severe depression.® Women's wages i n this State showed an abrupt rise each time the m i n i m u m was increased, and even i n 1931, \vhen some concessions became necessary because of the depression, they were maintained at a level surprisingly high considering the abyss i n t o which women's wages had fallen elsewhere. Three proiSee ch. 3 o f p t . 1. » California, Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Kew York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin. I n 1936 Rhode Island was added. I n 1937 Nevada, Oklahoma, and Pennsylvania were added by May 1, Arizona later in 1937. A decision of the United States Supreme Court in this year has been held to revive laws never repealed in Arkansas, District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and in Minnesota as applying now to adult women. Hcnce, such laws are operative in 24 jurisdictions. xr , xr -r^ , * 3 Arkansas, California, Kansas, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, Washington, and Wisconsin. Minnesota can be added to this list, but is not discussed here since the law m that State for years applied only to minors. Orders have not been issued or the law has not been put into effect in Colorado, Nevada, New Jersey, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Utah. Connecticut and Rhode Island have not yet had orders for important woman-employing industries that have been in effect lonp enough for determination of results, though both have made careful industry studies and each has issued one imiHjrtant order. , . . , ^ * For discussion of Arkansas, Kansas, and the District of Columbia, whose laws were declared unconstitutional. see Women's Bureau Bnl. 61, The Development of Minimum-Wage Laws in the United States, 1912 to 1927. 192S. pp. 334-337 and 310-346. Por discussion of Oregon, South Dakota, and Washington, where few data are available, see Bui 61, cit., pp. 374;-396. • The first decree was in effect m 1916. See Women's Bureau Bui. 61, cit., p. 11. 101 102 WOMEN I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES gressive weeldy minimum rates for industries i n general—hourly rates for canning had been set i n 1916—were fixed i n California as follows: 1917 191 9 192 0 $10. 00 13. 50 16. 00 The last ^vas the highest ever fixed on a general scale i n any State, and women's wages i n California thus were kept at a correspondingly high level for more than 15 years. This situation was maintained with the ardent support of many employers, in spite of the fact that some of the most important industries to which the law applies are highly seasonal and some are among those usually thought of as especially low-paying; for example, various types of canning and preserving, laundries, confectionery, and certain of the clothing industries. Median earnings i n California industries before and after the 1920 standard ^vas established were as follows:® ^^edian of week's earnings in— 1919 1920 Manufacturing Laundries Mercantile S13. 50 13. 85 13. 85 S17. 10 17. 25 17. 35 Striking examples of the effect of the minimum-wage provision are shown by comparison of the proportions of women earning certain amoimts before and after the order fixing a $16 minimum. The following are the proportions vnth earnings of $17 or more before and after this minimum was set: ^ Percent earning $17 or more March 1919 ($10 minimum) March 1922 ($16 minimum) 16. 5 54. 5 The proportion continued to rise, and even i n the depression years of 1930 and 1931 more women than at the earlier dates were earning at least $17, well above the required minimum. I n September 1931 the following were the proportions earning $17 or more:® Percent earning $17 or more Manufacturing Laundry and dry cleaning Mercantile 44. 0 45. 7 72. 4 The proportions of women i n manufacturing whose wages were well above $16 even i n the earlier depression year of 1921 had more than doubled those before such minimum was fixed. I n laundries and in those manufacturing industries for wliich 500 or more women were reported, the follo%ving are the proportions whose wages were $18 or more before the decree and after the decree fixing the minimum at $16.« « See AVomen's Bureau Bui. 61, cit.. p. 337. s ll^nriS^^^ Industrial Relations. « CallfonSa. Bureau o i Labor Statistics. Biennial report, 1930-32, p. lOS. Biennial reports: 1919-20, p. 140 IT, and 1921-22, p. 146 ft. EFFECTS OF M I N I M t B l - W A G E L A W S JQS Percent whose wages were $1% or more— f J. . Before decree, 1918 After decree, 1921 A l l manufacturing Bakery products. "" Boxes, bags, cartons, etc., paper Canning and preserving of fruits and vegetables,.. Canning a n d packing of fish. Packing and processing of dried fruits Clothing, men's Clothing, women's Confectionery Electric machinery, apparatus, and supplies.. Food preparations Printing and publishing Tobacco manufactures Laundries (steam) 15. 0 2. 7 ,4 20. 9 10. 5 18. 3 16. 1 12. 9 7.4 6. 0 1.0 14. 6 18. 8 6.6 40 0 30 0 17] 3 38 7 31 6 37 4 57.6 51. 7 27.7 54. 5 27.2 77, 1 30. 8 39.6 Comparison of the California wage rates w i t h those of other States indicates the influence of the minimum-wage law and its administration in keeping up women's wages. I n surveys of two important industrial States i n 1922, the Women's Bureau found women's median week's earnings i n manufacturing, stores, and laundries combiaed to be $13.65 i n Ohio and $14.95 i n New Jersey,^** b u t i n California i n the same period women h a d median earnings i n manufacturing of $17, i n laundries of $17.35, and i n stores of $18.35." I n spite of the definite effect of the minimum-wage law i n increasing the proportions of women receiving amoimts well above the miaimum, such amounts still were received b y very many more men than women. The reports on manufactures for 1918 (prior to decree setting $16) and 1921 (after the $16 minimum) show more than nine-tenths of the men to be receiving $18 or over, the proportions being the same i n the 2 years. F o r women, while the proportion after the $16 m i n i m u m was set was more than two and one-half times t h a t before, i t still was less than half of men's. The figures are as follows: Percent whose wages were $18 or more— 1918 91.0 15.0 Men Women mi 91.8 40.0 I t w o u l d be difficult to find a more striking example both of the need of minimum-wage legislation for women and at the same time of its marked effect i n raising the levels of women's wages. Massachusetts. The first m i n i m u m wage i n Massachusetts was p u t into effect i n 1914. T h r o u g h most of its history the law i n this State has been nonmandatory—carried out only through publicity of violations, not through any active enforcement powers—and the m i o i m u m rates fixed have been rather low. These conditions have n o t fostered so spectacular a showing of results as t h a t i n California. Nevertheless, " XT. S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Women in Ohio Industries. 131, and Women in New Jersey Industries. Bui. 37. 1924. p. 13. » Women's Bureau Bui. 61, cit., p. 337. » > California, cit., 1921-22, pp. 97» 98. » 150483*—37 8 Bui. 44. 1925. pp. 26, 104 W O M E N I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES there is considerable evidence to indicate that the more than 20 years' experience of Massachusetts has demonstrated that the law has had some influence i n advancing women's wages. The experience as to the extent to which the low-wage groups had been raised i n certain important woman-employing industries is quite striking when the reports are considered from inspections made before and those made shortly after the minimima-wage decrees were issued.^^ Though the minima feed were quite low and though the period was one of generally rising prices, these reported inspections are not representative of either the price peak of 1920 or the trough of 1921-22 and may be considered fairly indicative of some definite influence of the wage law even though compliance was not compulsory. Percent whose rates were Before wage decree Druggists' preparations (1923; 1924) Electrical equipment and supplies (1925; 1928) Laundries (1918-19; 1923) Retail stores (1919; 1922-23) 9. 8 46. 2 " 14. 4 21. 8 or more-^ At first inspection after decree 51. 63. 50. 68. 6 6 8 4 , ' $13 or more. Earnings had been very materially raised for the women i n one very low-paid group for which between 1,000 and 2,000 women were reported—the cleaners of offices and buildings. Before the decree well over two-fifths of these workers had rates of less than 32 cents an hour; after the decree less than 3 percent had such low rates in any year reported. Before the decree only 13 percent had rates so high as 38 cents; after the decree, i n the various years reported, from a third to more than a half received this much and practically a tenth to a sixth were paid at least 45 cents. Before the decree the median of the week's earnings was the pitifully small sum of $6.55, and only a fourth of the women received as much as $7.35. After the decree, even i n the depressed year of 1921, the median of the earnings was $11.35 and a f o u r t h received more than $12.55. These and other week's data from inspections of the wages of this low-paid group at various times are as follows:^® One-half earned above One-fourth earned abore this amount this amount 1917 1920 $6. 55 10.00 11-35 11.55 12.10 1922 $7. 35 10. 90 12.55 13.20 13.50 Reports for individual industries indicate marked rises i n earnings after a decree or frequently a series of several decrees progressively raising earnings over a period of years. While these years represent a time of generally rising prices, yet the wage advances i n a number " M^SLCHSFet& ci?® i q S ' ^ P ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ " Women's B u r ^ u Bui. 61, cii.,'p. 34S AT. Industries. Annual reports: 1928, p. 64, and 1929, pp. 74-75. EFFECTS OF M I N I M t B l - W A G E LAWS JQS of cases were greater than could be accounted for without the action fixing a m i n i m u m . I n stores and i n bread and bakery products, for example, a rise of about one-fifth took place in a 2-year period not one of phenomenal price rises. I n women's and men's clothing, laundries, and men's furnishings very great wage advances occurred over 5- to 10-year periods marked b y decrees successively raising the minima fixed. These and other figures for special industries show the following wage advances: ^^ Median of week's eaTnings— Before any After decree Percent Manufacturing: Bread and bakery products Candy Corsets K n i t goods Men's clothing Men's furnishings Millinery Muslin underwear Paper boxes Women's clothing Cleaners, ofRce and building Laundries Retail stores $12. 05 8.30 10.25 10.40 6.50 6. 65 & 95 6. 10 10. 15 6. 00 ^ 55 5.95 7. 05 " I n this case a decrease, in the depression year 1921. 1 The median falls above this amount. 9 $ l i 25 12.35 9.70 "15.00 "18.00 13. 75 15. 60 9. 35 13. 70 » 18. 00 10. 00 13.35 8. 55 18 3 48.8 "5,4 2 44.2 0 2M76. 9 106. 8 74. 3 53. 3 35. 0 200. 0 52. 7 124.4 21. 3 » See footnote 19. « Wisconsin. Since the m i n i m u m rates fixed i n Wisconsin have been relatively low, the effect i n raising the general wage level has not been great. However, 20 years of experience has shown definite effects i n raising the wages of m a n y women whose earnings were very low. The first decree was p u t into effect i n 1917. After the minimum was raised i n 1921 to yield, on the basis of the 50-hour week usually worked, $11 to $12.50 according to size of locality, computations show three-fourths of the women i n all industries, from localities of all sizes, earning above the following amounts: 192 2 192 3 192 4 $13. 35 13. 65 14. 10 Comparison of Wisconsin wages w i t h those i n other States shows the definite benefits of minimimi-wage laws for women. D u r i n g the late depression year of 1932, m i n i m u m hourly rates set for experienced women i n canning factories i n Wisconsin were, b y size of locali t y , 20 and 22}^ cents. I n California, another minimum-wage State, the rate was higher, 33K cents. "An investigation made i n the summer of 1932 of 43 canneries i n N e w Y o r k State, which at t h a t time had no minimum-wage law, showed t h a t i n almost three-fourths of these plants women received n o t more than 12K cents an hour.^® Women's Bureau Bnl. 61, cit., p. 348 ff. n Women's Bureau BuJ. 61. cit.. p. 367 " New York Consumers' Leajfuo. What the New Cannery Code Has Done for the Women Employed in New York Canneries. [1932?J p. 10. 106 WOMEN I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES Data on average full-time earnings per week i n 1930 i n tliree industries reported by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics show the average lower i n most States than i n Wisconsin, i n spite of the rather low Wisconsin rates. States or cUits reported Boots and shoes ^ Hosiery ^^ Men's clothing Having wnges below those of TVwconsin 14 States. 13 States « 12 citics. M U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 11 States. 8 States. 9 cities below Milwaukee. Wages and Hours of Labor in the Boot and Shoe Industry, 1910 to ^^aUbiS W a g ^ an^Hours of Labor in tho Hosiery and Underwear Industries. 1932. 13uL 591. 1933. p. 9. n Data for Minnesota were tabulated with thoso for Wisconsin, but the latter, an imiwrtant State in this Industry, undoubtedly predominated. U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Wages and Hours of Labor in the Men's Clothing Industry, 1932. Bui. 694. 1933. p. 7. STATES W I T H RECENT MIBOMUM-WAGE EXPERIENCE The severe depression that began i n 1929-30, causing unprecedented lows i n women's wages, aroused a very keen and widespread interest i n existing minimum-wage laws and gave new impetus to their passage in additional States. I n four of these States the new laws were followed by the fixing of minimum rates i n an important service industry i n which such low wages had been paid by many plants that employers desired State cooperation in setting a bottom level to wages—the laundry industry. I n each of these States the experience has been that the minimum-wage orders considerably raised the wage levels of women at work i n laundries. The advances i n average week's earnings i n this industiy in three of these States were as follows: Average weekly earnings— Before miniAfter viini* mum filed mum fixed New Hampshire New York OhioM $10, 20 10.41 8.83 Percent increase $11. 33 13.42 10.61 11.1 28.9 20.2 " Some Effects of the Laundry Wage Order. Report of Inspections M a d e Under Directory Order No 1 ;he Ui b y t h e N e w H a m p s h ilire -Minimum-Wage Office, 1934-35. Table 1. (Mimeog.) r-" "^-' _ « Factual BrieHor Appellant in the N e w York Minimum-Wage Case Before 1 Mmimum-Wage the United States Supreme age L a w . Bui. 145. omen and Minors 1936. p. 53. Average hourly earnings also increased i n these States, as well as in Illinois, as follows: Aterage hourly earnings— Before min- After minimum fixed imum fired icents) (cents) Illino^so.. New Hampshire New York Ohio 3 3 (MiSfo^V^ (rates) 25.8 27. 3 24.1 22.9 Percent increase 27.6 30. 6 31.0 27.5 7.0 12.1 2a 6 20.1 Laundry Directory Order on the Wages and Hours of Women and Minors (Dlinols). " New Hampshire, cit. " Unpublished data compiled by the Women's Bureau « Women's Bureau Bui. 145, cit., p. 76. Figures are for 60 laundries reported for both periods. EFFECTS OF M I N I M t B l - W A G E LAWS JQS I n N e w Y o r k 81 percent of the women had increases i n hourly earnings after the laundry order went into effect. The advance i n women's average week's earnings f r o m M a y 1933 to November 1935 was much greater i n laundries than i n aU manufacturing industries, the percent of increase being as follows: Percent increase i n women's average weekly earnings Laundries A l l manufacturing industries 28. 9 16. 7 Further testimony to the beneficial effects of a minimum-wage law for women on their wages is shown i n the fact t h a t i n New Y o r k such wages immediately declined when the law i n that State ceased operation. I n presenting the data confirming this, the New Y o r k State Industrial B u l l e t i n says: I t is significant that the increased hours and the decreased wage had occurred within four months after invalidation of the minimum fair wage law by the Supreme Court and i n spite of sincere attempts by laundry associations to maintain higher wage standards. I n order t o secure further information on the effects of minimumwage legislation, the Women's Bureau investigated women's wages i n 131 laundries i n New Y o r k , operating under a minimum-wage law, and 116 laundries i n Pennsylvania, a State having no m i n i m u m wage.^® Advances i n women's wages had been much greater and wage levels were considerably higher under the m i n i m u m wage than Avithout i t , as the following data for women's wages show: Percent increase in average hourtif earnings, 1933 to 193S New Y o r k . . . Pennsylvania Percent receiving less than £7H cents an hour, November 1B35 28. 6 14.7 0. 8 73.5 EFFECTS OF MINIMUM-WAGE LAWS OTHER T H A N I N RAISING WAGE LEVELS F r o m the foregoing data i t is apparent that i t has been the universal experience i n this country t h a t minimum-wage legislation for women has raised the level of women's wages. T w o i m p o r t a n t questions t h a t frequently have been asked as to its other effects on women can now be answered f r o m experience of considerable duration. These questions are: H o w does i t affect the employment of women? Does i t pull down the wages of the women formerly paid above the minimum? E m p l o y m e n t of W o m e n Where M i n i m u m - W a g e Laws Exist. There is no evidence t h a t where minimum-wage laws have been i n operation they have had any general effect upon the employment of women. Indeed, there is no reason why the fixing of a m i n i m u m should cause women to be replaced by men, for even though i t raises " N e w York.^ Department Labor. T h e Industrial Bulletin, February 1937, p. 49. « Unpublished data compUed by the Women's Bureau. 108 WOMEN I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES women's pay considerably their wage levels still are very materially below those of men. The continual shifts i n women's employment that are occmiing at all times and i n all places are caused by many factors other than those of the establishment of a minimuin wage. Where losses occur they are due to industrial reasons, and the type of law that has been shown t o have raised women's wages has no appreciable effect on their employment. I n fact, the usual experience is that women's employment continues its normal increase where minimum-wage laws are i n effect, as is illustrated b y the following charactertistic data from several States. California.—^The experience of California indicates that, rather than a decline i n the employment of women after the $16 mimmumwage orders had been p u t into effect, there were increases i n numbers of women i n manufacturing industries, and very decided increases in the proportions women formed of all employees. These orders were applied i n 1920 and the figures compared are those reported by the California Bureau of Labor Statistics i n 1918 and 1921.®^ I n all manufacturing industries (laimdries included) the proportion of women among the employees increased considerably f r o m 1918 to, 1921, the figures being as follows: Percent women formed of all employm 1918 1921 19. 8 26. 7 Among the industries employing 500 or more women i n 1921 were 5 reporting an increase i n the number of women employed, even though i n 3 cases fewer firms were reported. The proportion women formed of the whole showed little change i n two industries. There was an increase i n five industries as is shown i n the following summary: PercerU icomen formed of all employees iti— Canning and preserving of f r u i t and vegetables Clothing, women's Food preparations Packing and processing of dried fruits Tobacco manufactures 1918 62. 1 77.3 _ 48. i . 29.8 51. 4 1921 65. 7 79.6 54. 9 66.4 59. 6 I n this case fewer women in 1921, since fewer firms reported. Further evidence of the fact that minimum-wage legislation for women does n o t cause decline i n their employment opportunities is shown by the continuous increases i n their employment i n mercantile, laundry and d i y cleaning, and manufacturing industries i n California after the minimum-wage orders were p u t i n t o effect. Though there were declines during the depression, yet even i n some of the worst depression years, 1930 and 1931, there were more than twice as many women i n these occupations as i n 1919, before the $16 minimum-wage orders. While the increase from 1920 to 1930 i n employment of women California, cit., 1919-20, p . 140 ff., and 1921-22, p. 146 fl. EFFECTS OF M I N I M t B l - W A G E L A W S JQS i n these industries i n California was nearly 69 percent, the increase for the country as a whole, as nearly as comparable figures can be obtained, was less than 13 percent.®^ Massachusetts.—In 5 years ending i n 1923, wage rates of 123,543 women covered by minimum-wage orders were examined. A wholly negligible proportion of these, only 90 women i n the grand total, so small a proportion as scarcely can bo expressed, had been discharged because of refusal to adjust their rates to the law.^® New York.—^The following statement, made by New York State officials, is based on data collected by the State department of labor as to the effects of the wage increase under the minimum-wage order for the laundry industry: There is no indication t h a t the increased wage for women nas resulted i n the displacement of women by men i n the laundry industry. Throughout the period f r o m 1033 t o 1935 women have continued to f o r m 60 percent of the employees i n New York State laundries.^^ Visits to 36 New York laimdries, employing at least 60 workers and showing a change i n proportion of women employed during the minimimi-wage period, were made by agents of the Women's Bureau, United States Department of Labor (data unpublished). The actual number of women i n these laundries had increased 4.5 percent. Though i n some cases women had lost jobs because of introduction of machinery or other purely industrial causes, i n only three cases did the employers mention the minimuyn wage as contributory. Their complaint was not the basic minimum wage but the higher rates required for short hours and overtime. I n the Women's Bureau study of conditions i n 131 New York laundries as compared to 116 such estabhshments i n Pennsylvania, greater employment increases were found i n New Y o r k than i n Pennsylvania where there was no minimum-wage law.^^ Women's employment had increased i n the following proportions during the period when the New York minimumwage law was i n effect: Percent increase in Koman-employment, May mS-NoiernbermS New York Pennsylvania 5. 9 2. 9 Ohio,—^A comparison of the numbers of women employed i n identical establishments before and during the operation of the minimumwage orders i n Ohio shows that the number of women both i n laundries and i n dry-cleaning plants had increased i n this period, though the number of men i n dry cleaning had declined.^ Wisconsin.—Oi 863 Wisconsin employers asked i n A p r i l 1923 as to whether the minimum-wage law had resulted i n dismissal of women " California, cit., 1930-32, p. 108; U . S. Bureau of the Census. Practice. Fifteenth Census, 1930: Population, vol. M a r y W . Dewson, and John R . Commons. Published by National Consumers'League. 1924. p. 171. « U n p u b S h J d dato^o^^^^ by the Women's Bureau. State Minimum-Wage Laws in « Women's Bureau Bui. 145, cit., p. 75. 121 W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D H ' J ^ V T E S and minors, 96 percent replied t h a t i t had not. Of the few who said there had been dismissals, some added comments indicating inefficiency of the employees who had lost their jobs, and the possibilities therefore were t h a t this would have happened w i t h o u t the law,^ Wages of W o m e n Above the M i n i m u m . Minimum-wage laws are designed specifically to raise wages at the very lowest levels, and i t has been abimdantly illustrated t h a t they accomplish this. The experience also has been t h a t the laws have tended t o raise the wages of many who were receiving above the minim u m , i n spite of the fact t h a t such laws are n o t especially designed to apply to these workers. Instances of this i n a number of minimumwage States may be shown. Calijomia.—The experience of California has been t h a t the proportion of women receiving $17 and over has increased steadily from 1920, when the m i n i m u m of $16 was fixed, through 1929, vnth only a slight drop i n 1930, and t h a t i n September 1931 such amounts were received b y 58 percent of the women. Even i n this, depression period (1931), the following proportions received $20 or more: Percent reeeiv' ing $20 or more Manufacturing Laundry and dry cleaning Mercantile 25.6 22.9 45.7 Massachusetts.—In Massachusetts, where the m i n i m u m rates were fairly low, usually less than $14, and the orders were n o t mandatory, the increases i n proportions receiving $17 or more were remarkable. These proportions follow: Percent with rates of f 17 or mort-^ At inspecBefore wage Atfint inxpec- Hon several decree tion ajter decree yean later Druggists' preparations Electrical equipment and supplies Laundries Retail stores 12. 0 (") 8.1 19. 5 24. 6 14. 1 26.3 31.4 26. 8 23. 7 38.3 N o t reported. North Dakota.—Though without a large industrial population, N o r t h D a k o t a has had long experience w i t h a minimum-wage law. A survey of t h a t State made by the Women's Bureau of the United States Department of Labor i n the depression year of 1931 found that almost two-thirds of the experienced women i n a large sample were receiving more than the m i n i m u m rates fixed for the industries in w h i c h they were employed.'*® ** Frankfurter, Dewson, and Common?, cit., pp. 121-122. pres^nUeS^^ « Massachusetts, cit., 1929, pp. 74r-75; 1930, p. fiQ. (Mimeog.) Women's Bureau. particular industries, see p. 101 of Wages and Hours of Women in N o r t h Dalcota. EFFECTS OF M I N I M t B l - W A G E LAWS JQS Laundry wages in jour newer minimum-wage States.—The fact has been referred to that several of the newer mumnmn-wage States fixed such wages first i n the laundry industry. Their experience has been that after a minimum was established not only did larger proportions of women than before receive as much as this amount, but larger proportions than before earned more than this minimum. For example, 30 cents or more, an amount above the minimum, was received by the following proportions of women in the States specified: Percent receiving SO cents or more— Before mtmmum After minimum fixed fixed Illinois" New Hampshire ^ (rates) Ohio" 18.2 37. 5 15. 6 20.9 42. 4 25. 0 " Illinois, cit., p New Hampshire, cit., table 4. ii Women's Bureau Bui. 145, c i t , p. 76. Figures are for 60 laundries reported for both periods. A similar showing is made even if amounts considerably above the minimmn are considered. These proportions of women received as much as $16 and as much as $15 i n New Hampshire and New York/^ respectively: Percent receiving amount specified— Before minimum After minimum Women in New Hampshire receiving as much as $16 Women i n New York receiving as much as $15. fi^fd 3.5 9. 1 13.9 21. 7 S U M M A R Y OF T H E EFFECTS OF M I N I M U M - W A G E LAWS The universal experience m t h minimum-wage legislation, wherever i t has been introduced into the various States i n this country, is that i t has very materially raised the wages of large numbers of women, and that i n some cases this effect has been most marked. Far from reducing the wages of those receiving above the minimum, this type of law has resulted i n raising the wages of many persons who. previously had received more than the minimxmi fixed, and experience has sho'vvn t h a t the minimum put i n operation does not become the maximum. I n regard to women's employment, the usual experience has been that i t continues to increase regardless of whether or not there is minimum-wage legislation, and i n the State where the highest minimum was maintained over a long period of years women's employment increased considerably more than i n the country as a whole. The constant changes i n employment that are occurring are attributable to many factors not connected \vith the minimum wage, and there is no evidence that such legislation has any general or controlling effect toward inducing the replacement of women by men. " New Hampshire, cit., table 2. « N e w Y o r k brief, cit., p. 71. Chapter 3 . — E X P E R I E N C E AS T O T H E E F F E C T S O F LABOR LEGISLATION FOR W O M E N O N T H E I R OPPORTUNITIES FOR EMPLOYMENT When the occupations of any group are under fire, t h a t group naturally becomes very jealous of i t s position. F o r example, i n the recent depression period the employment of women was imder fire i n some areas and under certain situations—and indeed i n some countries i t was urgently suggested that, i n spite of a large imattached woman population, the traditional housekeeping duties of their sex still should f o r m almost their only job. Women i n the United States, suffering f r o m a considerable drive against the employment of married women, regardless of their status and financial responsibiUties, saw i n this situation the beginning of further opposition to the gainful employment of all women. This caused a redoubling of the efforts of the advocates of opportunity for women, accompanied b y a flare-up of the old fear t h a t legislation to secure improved wages, hours, and conditions of w o r k for women might l i m i t their chances of employment. A similar situation occurred during the depression after the World War. A t t h a t time also there was a fear t h a t women's employment opportunities might be lessened b y labor legislation applying especially to them, such as t h a t shortening their hours, even when i t merely sought to secure for women hours as short as those already provided for men through imion action. Curiously enough, this led to a resistance to labor legislation for their own sex on the p a r t of women who advocate p r i m a r i l y women's rights, and who therefore, i t would be thought, would welcome efforts to secure better labor conditions for women and t o b r i n g their situation i n this connection nearer t o the standards more generally enjoyed b y men. This attitude has continued over some years. The Women^s Bureau, the Federal agency officially charged w i t h the d u t y to "promote the welfare of wage-earning women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their opportunities for profitable employment", sought t o gather accurate information as to the actual effects of labor legislation on the women who were at work a t the time of its enactment. T o obtain this information, a very extensive survey was conducted, consisting of m a n y parts and planned specifically to secure objective data. The findings of the survey constitute the most comprehensive and objective report as to the experience i n the effects of labor legislation for women t h a t ever has been made i n any p a r t of the world. I t s findings are 112 EFFECTS OF LABOR L E G I S L A T I O N FOR WOMEN J13 in principle as authentic under present conditions as they were when the study was made, and they are likely to remain so for many years to come. CHARACTER AND PARTS OF STUDY OF EFFECTS OF LABOR LEGISLATION 1 The report was based on schedules secured over a nine-month period beginning i n M a r c h 1926 f r o m more than 1,600 establishments employing over 660,000 men and women, and from personal interviews w i t h more t h a n 1,200 worldng women who actually had experienced a change i n the law or who were employed under conditions or i n occupations prohibited for women i n some other State. The setting up of the problem and the technique of procedure were designed to safeguard the objective character of the results. The survey sought to find out w h a t actually happened i n a selected number of industries i n various States before and after the enactment of laws i n those States t h a t had them, compared w i t h what actually happened i n the same industries i n States not having such laws. I n planning the investigation a carefully considered choice was made between a detailed statistical study of conditions i n a few establishments i n a l i m i t e d area and the collection of information through individual interviews covering large groups i n many States and occupations. I t was felt t h a t the latter method woidd yield the most significant results, because, provided the findings were acceptable from a scientific point of view, the field f r o m which they were drawn would be broad enough and sufficiently varied to be conclusive. I t was necessaiy, of course, to adopt the sampling process so as t o secure material t h a t would illustrate the subject adequately. I n selecting these samples the poUcy followed was to take certain industries t h a t , i n regard to numbers and proportions of women employed, increases or decreases i n such numbers and proportions, extent of oi^anization, type of w o r k done, amount of skill required, and opportunity for competition vnth. men, were typical of different conditions of women's employment. Five I m p o r t a n t W o m a n - E m p l o y i n g Industries Studied. Five manufacturing industries—boots and shoes, hosiery, paper boxes, electrical products (including apparatus and supplies), and clothing—were selected as t y p i f y i n g representative conditions of women's employment i n industries regulated by laws i n many States and as furnishing adequate samples of the general influences that have played a part i n determining women's position i n industrial Muchofthematerial In the pages following is taken bodily from the report of the study. Bemuse of the importance of making clear the scientific character of the su^ey, and W a u s e of ite many P ^ t e and f ^ re^hing character sc ^ — / r x i - t ^ t in /tAno^erahiA Hpfmi. For tne comDiete repori see Women's Bureau B u i 1928. 49S pp. (Out 01 p n n i out c h . H of the report. 1928. 22 pp. 114 W O M E N I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES pursuits. There was planned also a survey of possible opportunities for women i n industries operating longer than the hours permitted b y law for women or operating at night. I n States where there was no legal l i m i t a t i o n of women's hours, the extent of women's employment under the conditions prohibited i n other States was studied; and i n States where such limitations existed, employers were interviewed to discover what would be the possibilities for the increased employment of women if the legal restrictions w^ere n o t i n effect. One f o r m of schedule was used for the detailed comparative study of women's employment i n five industries. F o r other sections of the investigation, more limited i n scope, a less elastic schedule was used. Special Lines of E m p l o y m e n t a n d Characteristic Occupations Studied. I n addition to the information concerning women employed in general manufacturing processes, data were collected as to the effects of any legislation regulating the employment of women and especially of hour regulation i n the following: I m p o r t a n t fields of work for women: Occupations i n stores. Waitresses i n restaurants. Occupations representing concrete individual problems: Core makers. Street-car conductors and ticket agents. Elevator operators. Pharmacists. Metal-trades occupations. Printing occupations. Special occupations prohibited in some States (in some cases very unimportant numerically): Welding. Grinding, polishing, and buffing. Taxi driving. Meter reading. Agencies Cooperating i n Special Parts of the Survey. I n an attempt to secure information regarding women's employment as affected b y legislation f r o m the standpoint of the placement official, the Women's Bureau was fortunate i n securing the cooperation of the 44 State employment offices cooperatmg with, the United States E m p l o y m e n t Service. I n f o r m a t i o n was secured also f r o m the I n d u s t r i a l Survey Commission of the State of N e w Y o r k as t o the experiences of many persons i n relation to a proposed 48-hour law for women. I n two instances the information secured b y the Women's Bureau was supplemented b y investigations made b y State labor officials. I n N e w Y o r k State the Bureau of Women i n I n d u s t r y of the Depart EFFECTS OF LABOR L E G I S L A T I O N FOR WOMEN J13 ment of Labor made a survey of the number of women employed at night i n newspaper offices t h a t was used i n tliis report i n the section on night-work legislation; and i n Pennsylvania the Bureau of Women and Children of the Department of Labor and Industry made a study of the mercantile establishments of t h a t State and furnished an abstract of the study for inclusion i n the Women's Bureau report. Interviews W i t h I n d u s t r i a l W o m e n as to T h e i r Experiences. Another p a r t of the investigation, fully as important as the detailed examination of the industrial employment of women, was the securing, through interviews w i t h working women themselves, of accounts of how legislation had affected them personally. W i t h the exception of a group of women who were employed i n occupations or under conditions prohibited i n other States by law, interviews were not used unless the women were employed when some legislation went into effect. I n this section of the investigation the effort was especially determined to keep the material objective and t o record no general opinions as to approval or disapproval of the laws i n question. This policy materially limited the group of women who could be iaterviewed, as i n many States the only important laws had been passed so long ago t h a t few women could be located whose w o r k history went back so far. Nevertheless, a considerable number of women were found who could give direct testimony of the effects on their opportunities of specific labor laws, and this testimony threw much light on certain aspects of legislation. Coverage o£ the Survey. The entire coverage of this very extensive investigation is shown here and on the following page. Grand total Establish' • Men emments ployed Manufacturing industries Boots and shoes Clothing Electrical products Hosiery Paper boxes Stores.:. Restaurants (waitresses) Long-hour industries The evening shift The effect of night-work laws on women i n industry. . Special occupations (where these can be statistically recorded): Elevator operators Street-car conductors and ticket agents Core makers Women i n metal trades Women i n printing and publishing Women employed 1,663 500,223 312 37 81 106 42 46 54 198 233 7 301 75, 947 8,142 7,164 55,907 3,801 933 5,193 2, 537 90, 748 3,616 217, 421 164,552 44,894 7,238 8,942 17,055 9,581 2,078 13,374 2, 361 24, 453 ^ 114 71,141 335 7 12 15 89 1,608 (2) M98 101, 797 1, 158 691 » 121 5, 146 2o7 > The report on women street-car conductors and ticket agents was compiled from three sources: 2 studies made in 1919 and 1 in 1926, Information giving total numbers of men and women employed therefore would not be indicative of the situation at any one time and has been omitted for that reason. » I n the occupation. 127 WOMEN I N T H E 3 ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES I n addition to the foregoing, pharmacists were reported on from 38 States i n which both the State boards of pharmacy and the labor departments were consulted.* Further than this, i n the case of four occupations prohibited i n some States, information was obtained for women employed i n such occupations i n other States where they were not prohibited, though some of them were of little importance numerically. The numbers reported upon i n these were as follows: Establishmenu Grinding, polishing, and buffing Welding Meter reading (electric and gas) Taxi driving - 43 19 16 ® 20 Womtn 526 126 None MO » Of the 20 establishments investigated, 19 employed no women. CONCLUSIONS OF STUDY OF EFFECTS OF LABOR LEGISLATION Women i n gainful occupations are assuming steadily a more important position i n economic and industrial fields, i n spite of differences i n locality, economic condition, industrial need, demand for labor, or status of women as wage earners.® This development of gainful employment for women has been accompanied by extensive increases i n the labor legislation applying to women; and just as the growth of women's opportunities has shown different trends i n different places, so has the legislative regulation of their work. I n some States there is very complete legal regulation of most phases of women's employment i n industry; i n other States there is practically no regulation whatsoever. I n some States the laws i n question cover a large proportion of the women who are at work; i n other States they apply to only a small group. Even the most comprehensive of them, however, does not apply to many women i n business and professional occupations, to women who work independently, nor to women i n supervisory positions. Disregarding two factors—the nonexistence i n 1937 of a figure even approximating the number of women gainfully occupied and the effects of recent changes, favorable and unfavorable, i n legislation—it can be said that at the time of the Women's Bureau study of the effects of legislation i t was estimated that the sum total of women i n the United States having working hours regulated by special labor legislation amounted to only about one-third of the women gainfully occupied. The industrial codes i n operation are due to the experiences and efforts of many different groups, some of which have been dominant i n one locaUty and some i n another. The Women's Bureau investigation sampled many different types of women's employment. Some of the occupations studied may be considered typical of a wider field; others are unique i n their require* As pharmacy study was made chiefly by questionnaire, the Information cannot be classified statistically in the form required by this table. * See pt. I . sec. 1. of the present report on employment of women. EFFECTS OF LABOR L E G I S L A T I O N FOR W O M E N J13 ments and correspondingly individual i n the effects of legislative regulation. The variety of occupations and industries covered, however, was sufficiently wide to indicate the most obvious benefits and pitfalls t h a t may result f r o m different kinds, of legislation covering the outstanding occupations of women. Effects of H o u r Laws. I n general, the regulatory hour laws as applied to women engaged in the manufacturing processes of industry do not handicap the women but serve to regulate employment and to establish the accepted standards of modem eflScient industrial management. When applied to specific occupations not entirely akin to the industrial work for wliich the laws were dra\vn, this regulatory legislation i n a few instances had been a handicap to women. B u t the findings seem to show that the instances of handicap, which were diligently sought b y the investigators, were only instances, to be dealt w i t h as such, w i t h o u t allowing them to interfere w i t h the development of the main body of legislation. I n 4 States w i t h laws t h a t limited women's working week to 48 or 50 hours, information was secured from 156 establishments employing 24,216 women. I n only 2 of these establishments was there any indication of a curtailment i n women's employment resulting from the hour law. I n those 2 establishments the total decrease i n the number of women employed was only 9. The almost infinitesimal proportion t h a t these 9 form of the more than 24,000 women included under the l a w i n the plants studied indicates the relative unimportance of legislation as a possible handicap to women. There is no doubt t h a t legislation l i m i t i n g women's hours of work has reacted to estabUsh shorter hour standards generally and to eliminate isolated examples of long hours. Also, i n a large majority of cases, when hours were shortened for women because of the law they w^ere shortened also for men. Legislation is only one of the influences operating to reduce hoiu^ i n manufacturing estabUshments. Other factors t h a t have the same effect and t h a t operate to a greater or less degree according to the locality and type of industry, are agreements w i t h employees or w i t h other firms, competition w i t h other firms, production requirements, and business depressions. The report stresses the impossibility of generalization, the necessity for recognizing differences i n occupations, industries, and localities. On the whole, the investigation showed that legislative hour restrictions of women's work have a very minor part i n influencing their position and opportxmities i n manufacturing industries. Employers have v e i y generally accepted the fact t h a t long hours do not make for efficient production. This has been even more widely accepted i n the very recent years since the reports under discussion. Competition between firms often leads to decreased hours so that a better type of l l g W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES labor may be attracted, and cases even were reported of a reduction i n hours t o lessen the competition for labor resulting f r o m a legal standard of short hours for women i n a neighboring State. The legal l i m i t a t i o n of women's hours occasionally results i n the maintenance of different schedules for men and women i n the same plant. This, however, has not limited nor restricted women's employment and is not a situation peculiar to estabUshments operating under legal regulation. Employment of men and women on different hour schedules was found as an operatiug policy where such differences were not due t o the law b u t were inaugiu-ated merely for the convenience of the management or workers. Legal limitations of women's hours of w o r k have not brought about any degree of substitution of men for women. I n manufacturing establishments t h a t employed men longer hours t h a n were permitted for women there was no evidence of any decrease i n women's employment because they could not work so long as men could, b u t i n a comparatively small niunber of cases there m i g h t have been additional jobs open t o women i f they could have worked longer hours. These jobs, however, bore no evidence of especially valuable occupational opportunity. N o t only have there been practically no instances of actual decreases i n women's employment as a result of hour legislation, but the general status of their opportunity seems n o t to have been limited by this type of law. Women were employed as extensively i n California as i n Indiana, i n Massachusetts as i n N e w Y o r k . M o r e t h a n haff the employers who required of men longer hours t h a n were legal for women stated t h a t they would not employ women f o r such hours even did the law permit i t . Aside f r o m the shortening of hours and the elincdnation of overtime, the most i m p o r t a n t effect of legislation l i m i t i n g women's hours of work is the increased employment of women t h a t accompanies such legislation. I t is a very general condition t h a t where women are restricted b y law to 48 or 50 hours of w o r k per week, a larger force of women is hired than would be the case i f i t were legally possible to employ women overtime to take care of rush work. Further illustration of the fact t h a t hour laws have n o t limited women's opportunities i n industry was given b y the actual experiences of working women who had been employed a t the time when some hour legislation went i n t o effect. N o t one woman had foimd t h a t such legislation h a d handicapped her or limited her opportunity i n indust r y . As a result of the laws, hours had been decreased for the majority of women, b u t this was the only result experienced generally enough to be significant. Effects of N i g h t - W o r k Laws. Laws prohibiting night work f o r women i n industry are chiefly a reflection of the usual attitude of employers regarding such practice. E F F E C T S OF L A B O R L E G I S L A T I O N FOR W O M E N J13 b u t occasionally they have resulted i n a l i m i t a t i o n of women's employment. There is an astonishingly strong feeling among employers i n industry against the employment of women at night, irrespective of legal regulation. N i g h t work, considered undesirable for men, is considered very much more undesirable for women. Sometimes the fact t h a t women cannot be employed at night reduces or eliminates their employment diudng the day, but here again the legal prohibition of night w o r k is not the primary factor; one of the most striking examples found of such a situation was i n a State where there is no night-work law for women. O n the whole, i n most localities and industries night work for either men or women is frowned upon and is decreasing. T h e majority of employers i n industry consider night work to be even more imdesirable for women than for men and they would not employ women at night even i f the law permitted. When applied indiscriminately to special occupations t h a t are professional or semiprofessional i n type, night-work prohibition or regulation has resulted i n restrictions of women's employment. Effects of Prohibitory Laws. I t should be pointed out that labor legislation divides broadly into two parts: (1) Laws definitely prohibiting employment of women; (2) laws regulating their employment. The laws that regulate their employment may become prohibitory i n their actual effects. A very different problem of investigation was involved i n studying prohibitory legislation f r o m t h a t followed i n connection w i t h regulatory laws. T h e effects of the laws prohibiting employment i n certain occupations are very different f r o m those t h a t are regulatoiy. Prohibitory laws have really only one effect—the elimination of women from the occupations covered. T h e importance or significance of this elimination is the one necessary qualification i n a measurement of the effect. I t is a difficult thing to measure what the prohibitory laws may have done to women's opportimities i n the States where they are i n eflFect. Through personal interviews w i t h women employed i n these occupations where no prohibition existed, and Avith their employers, there was obtained a record of conditions of employment and personal experience t h a t would constitute a basis of judgment as to whether or n o t prohibition of such employment i n other places had been a real handicap to women. Certain situations did n o t seem susceptible of inquiry, such as the prohibition of employment of women i n mines and i n quarries and i n saloons (which continued to be named i n legislation). N o one had seriously suggested t h a t employment i n mines should be open to women, and hence i t did not emerge as a subject for investigation i n this study, i t being assumed t h a t the changed practice of the mining 150483<^—37 llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES industry w i t h respect to the employment of women which was universal i n the United States was generally acceptable. The occupations prohibited for women b y the laws of one or more States are limited i n number. M a n y of these laws are insignificant i n their possible eflfect o n women, b u t certain of them deserve very careful consideration. T h e prohibited occupations studied i n the course of this investigation are grinding, polishing, and buffing, acetylene and electric welding, taxicab driving, and gas and electric meter reading. F r o m the fact that at the time of the survey women were successf u l l y employed elsewhere i n many of the prohibited occupations, i t appeared t h a t the prohibition must have been something of a restrict i o n where i t existed. This restriction afforded the outstanding oxample of possible discrimination against women resulting from labor legislation. Industrial, Social, Economic Factors Influence M o r e T h a n Laws. I n almost every k i n d of employment the real forces t h a t influence women's opportunity were foimd to be far removed f r o m legislative restriction of their hours or conditions of w o r k . I n manufacturing, the type of product, the division and simplification of manufacturing processes, the development of machinery and mechanical aids to production, the labor supply and its costs, and the general psychology of the times, aU had played important parts i n determining the position of women. These factors have varied w i t h the different industries and localities, b u t eveiywhere they have been far more significant i n their influence on the employment opportimities of women than has any law regulating women's hours of work. I n other occupations other influences have been dominant i n determining the extent of w^omen's employment. I n stores a more liberal attitude and successful experimentation w i t h women on new jobs; in restaurants the development of public opinion as to the type of service most suitable for women; i n pharmacy a gradually increasing confidence i n women's a b i l i t y on the p a r t of the public; i n the metal trades a breaking down of the prejudices against women's employment on the p a r t of employers and of male employees, and demonstration of women's ability along certain lines—these are the significant forces t h a t have influenced and vnH continue to determine women's place among wage earners. Such forces have n o t been deflected by the enforcement of legislative standards and they w i l l play the dominant p a r t i n assuring t o women an equal chance i n those occupations for which their abilities and aptitudes fit them. APPENDIXES A . Evidences as to W o m e n ' s Wages. B . References. C . Recent Action b y O f f i c i a l I n t e r n a t i o n a l O r g a n i zations o n T h e E c o n o m i c S t a t u s of W o m e n . 121 Appendix A . — E V I D E N C E S AS T O W O M E N ' S W A G E S F o r the most part the data cited here refer to the earnings of women only and hence are n o t shown i n chapter 3 of part I where only those sources are used t h a t report wages of both sexes. I n some cases, however, the sources quoted here also are shown i n the chapter referred to. Domestic a n d Personal Service. This category includes not only household employment but such workers as those i n hotels, restaurants, laundries, and beauty shops. Service in homes.—The information obtainable on the pay for home service is of a scattering character, b u t such as does exist indicates t h a t women's wages for this type of work often are extremely low, and v a r y considerably from place to place and even w i t h i n the same place. Only one State (Wisconsin) has taken legal action on the wage of household workers, and i n t h a t case the m i n i m u m was fixed i n 1932 at $6 cash i n addition to board or $4.25 cash w i t h meals and lodging, for a 50-hour week or longer i n places irrespective of size (equal to cents cash an hour, w i t h board and room). Board was estimated at S4.50, rooms a t $2.25 for the larger places, thus making a total value of $11 a week or 22 cents an hour for 50 hours, and at the rate of 20 cents an hour for smaller places.^ T h e wages paid i n 1936 averaged a l i t t l e above this, the Wisconsin E m p l o y m e n t Service reporting t h a t the average beginning wage of 1,327 maids placed i n general maids' work and cooking i n the first 6 months of 1936 was 10 cents an hour i n cash, plus board and room. (Equivalent t o $11.75 for the larger places i f all cash at the rate for board and room for a 50-hour week set by the commission.) ^ I n several surveys made of the occupations i n homes, the following wages have been reported: Philadelphia, 1928, general houseworkers living i n : » Median week's earnings $14.60. Chicago, 1930, general houseworkers living in: * Earning $15 or more, practically 80 percent. Connecticut, 3 typical cities, 1934, employees living i r : « Median weekly cash wage, by city, $8.42 to $14.65. board aUowed, equivalent t o $16.50 to $21.50.) (If room and > Wisconsin. Industrial Commission. Minimum wage ordcr» Juno 1932. > Wisconsin State Employment Service figures. Compiled by Statistical Department, Industrial Com'"•^U? s". W o m L ' s Bureau. Household Employment in Philadelphia. Bui. 93. 1932. p. 40. < Ibid. Household Employment in Chicago. Bui. 106. 1933. p. 40. , ^ , ^ . , .. . « Connecticut. Department of Labor. Household Employment m Hartford, Waterbury» and Litchfield. M a y 1936. p. 26. 123 llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES St. Louis, 1935, all employees: « Average weekly wage $5.79. Pennsylvania, 1934, domestic servants not otherwise classified: ^ Median earnings for full-time week $7.75. Beavty shop operation,—^A survey of the wages of women i n beauty shops made by the Women's Bureau i n 1933-34 showed operators in four cities averaging $14.25 a week.® A study of these occupations made by the Division of M i n i m u m Wage i n Illinois i n late 1934 and early 1935 reported a similar wage as the week's average, $14.54, and median year's earnings of about $823.® The surveys made by the Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration i n 1934 reported median earnings of $13.30 a full-time week for beauticians. Hotel and restaurant service,—In a survey of hotel and restaurant employment made by the Women's Bureau i n the spring of 1934, the median earnings of women i n the various cities included ranged as follows: Hotels Restaurants $8.25 to $16.25 6.55 to 12.50 Studies made of food service establishments i n Ohio and of hotels and restaurants i n New Hampshire and New Y o r k reported the following as the average earnings of employees i n these industries: Week's wage Ohio, M a y 1933 " New Hampshire ^—Restaurants Hotels New Y o r k , 1933-34 »: New Y o r k C i t y Elsewhere » Ohio. Bepartment ojjndustrial Relations. i?th?Stete^ofOlSo^ ^^ Ytafa wage $7. 70 $467 8. 70 ^^ 452 5.75 " 2 9 9 8. 96 7.84 537 459 Report of the Division of M i n i m u m Wage Relating to Minors Employed i n Food Serving Establishments , " N e w Hampshire. Bureau of Labor. M i n i m u m Wage Office. Wages of Women and Minors Employed in R ^ t ^ m j ^ [and i ^ H o t ^ ^ a wmpanion report] in New Hampshire, 1935. N o table nor page numbers. r a n t S S ' S S ? ^ V m ^ ' ' C o m m i s s i o n e r to the Hotel and Restau- The Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration survey i n 1934 reported a median for a full-time week of $9.60 for waitresses and $11 for cooks. Some of these xmdoubtedly were i n private homes. I n a study of its own nonprofessional employees b y the Young AVomen's Christian Association i n 1935, the payments made to certain workers whose occupations may be considered somewhat comparable to those i n restaurants were reported as follows: Weekly average of maintenance w o r k e r s . . . Weekly average of food service workers ? sinH u?'- loLYi) $13. 82 15. 00 if^V^y Household Employment in St. Louis. A p r i l lft35. p 4. ?elicf Administration. Census of Employable Wofkcra in Urban Employment Conditions in Beauty Shops. Bui. 133. sL^Jf^Skf M i n i m u m Wage Division of the Beauty Culture Wape ^ f d ^ l a t m g to Wages and Hours of Women and Minors in the Beauty Culture Industry in Illinois. Employment In Hotels and Restaurants. ees^tfi?^^^^ Bui. 123. StudyofStandardsofWorkofAssociaUonEmploy. A P P E N D I X A.—EVIDENCES AS TO WOMEN^S WAGES 125 Laundries,—In laundries, surveyed recently by the minimum-wage authorities i n a number of States, the following average wages have been found: Average week's wage Connecticut (fall, 1935) lUinois (August 1935) New Hampshire (fall, 1934) New York (November 1935) Ohio (July 1934) (April 1935) S l l . 04 10. 90 11. 33 13. 42 10.61 1L40 I n a survey of this industry made by the Women's Bureau, the average weekly earnings of white women productive employees for 21 cities i n 1934 ranged by city f r o m $6.67 to $13.05. The highest average year's earnings for these women ranged f r o m approximately $580 to $679 i n 6 of the northern cities, and white women i n 5 southern cities averaged between $345 and $400.^® Clerical Occupations. Clerical workers' earnings are reported periodically b y the States of New Y o r k and Ohio, the former giving information as to those employed i n factory offices, the latter as to those i n all types of establishments. The average weekly earnings or rates reported at the 1929 peak and i n 1934 after the worst of the depression were as follows: im New Y o r k " Ohio $24. 38 22. 40 mi $21. 15 18. 56 New York. Departnient of Labor. Labor Bulletin, November 1929 and November 1934. Figures are average weekly earnings for October of each year. . . , ^ „ . , IS Ohio. Department of Industrial Relations and Industrial Commission. Division of Labor Statistics. For 1929 from Rates of Wages, Fluctuation of Employment, Wage and Salary Payments in Ohio. Report No. 26. 1929. p. 132. Average (median) computed in Women's Bureau. For 1934, from unpublished material of the Commission. Average computed in Women's Bureau. Three studies of office workers made or published b y the Women's Bureau show their salaries as follows: Survey of 7 cities by Women's Bureau," 1931-32: Average monthly salary rate: Median $99 (equal to $1,188 if for 52 weeks) High: B y city 109 B y type of office (banks) _ 111 Low: B y city 87 B y type of office (publishers) 87 Questionnaires by Young Women's Christian Association to their camps for business girls,20 1930-31: ^ . , . , i. Over 4,900 replies showed median week's earmngs $24.60; year's equivalent if for 52 weeks, $1,279. Range f r o m $19.85 for cashiers or tellers to $28.65 for secretaries. Questionnaires by Women's Bureau t o employment agencies as t o their applicants' last pay,20 1931-32. Replies showed for over 4,300 women the following ranges of median week's earnings, by occupation and city: High—Secretary, $22.75 to $30.75. Low—Clerk, $16.15 to $20.60. »• U . S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Factors Affecting Wages in Power Laundries. Bui. En,plopnent 01 w o m e n in Offices. Bui. 120. 1934: ''""Ibid. Women W h o Work In Offices. Bui. 132. 1935. p. 27. llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES T h e survey of employables made b y the Pemisylvania State Emergency Relief Administration i n 1934 showed weeldy full-time salaries of women i n each of seven clerical occupations w i t h a median of more t h a n $16, ranging f r o m $16.05 for general office clerks and typists to $21.55 for secretaries. Of the clerks and stenographers, f r o m more t h a n one-sixth t o practically one-fifth received less t h a n $12.50 a week, or amounts that would equal less than $650 for a f u l l year.^^ A survey of its own membership i n all parts of the country made b y the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs i n cooperation w i t h the Bureau of Business Research of the University of Michigan included reports of the earnings for 1927 of 5,500 women i n more than 40 clerical occupations.^^ I n the 10 occupations having the largest numbers, the median annual salaries ranged f r o m $1,253 for cashiers to $1,582 for secretaries ($1,733 for private secretaries or secretaries t o officials) and $1,881 for office managers. The stenographers' median was $1,295, or as much as $1,396 when combined w i t h other work. M a n u f a c t u r i n g Industries. I n manufactiiring industries, women's earnings have been separately reported over a series of years i n three States and b y the N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r i a l Conference Board. I n the peak year of 1929, a t the depression low (1932 or 1933), and i n 1935 or 1936, average weekly earnings according to these sources were as follows: Avcragt weekly earnings I9t9 ininoisJs N . I . a B.w New Y o r k Ohio " Depremon low S17. 49 17. 61 18. 75 16. 73 $11. 68 11. 73 13. 35 12. 72 (1933) (1932) (1933) (1932) After the depremon $15. 12 15. 28 15. 83 15. 33 (1936) (1935) (1936) (1935) M Figures computed by Women's Bureau from monthly figures issued b y the Illinois Department of Labor. " Average for 11 months. " National Industrial Conference Board. Wages, Hours, and Employment in the United States, 1914-36. 1936 pp. 50, 61. Factual Brief for Respondent, People ex ret. Tipaldo, Court of Appeals, State of N e w Y o r k , filed January 1936, p. 108. i^Op.cit. SeefoothStelS. I n certain States recently surveyed b y the Women's Bureau, the average earnings of women i n manufacturing industries were as follows: A r k a n s a s (spring, 1936): White Negro Delaware (late spring, 1936) Michigan (late 1934) „ Tennessee (winter, 1935-36): White Negro Texas (late spring, 1936) w . . . West Virginia (summer, 1936) « Op. cit .p. 68. " Elliott, Margaret, and Grace E . Manson. pp. 127, 128. Week's wage Yeaf swage Sa50 $7.40 $1L 05 $10. 75 to S18. 75 (by industry) $535 $12.00 $0.75 $6. 80 to $13. 05 (by industry) $12. 70 615 345 («) 690 605 670 Earnings of Women in Business and the Professions. ti reported. 1930. A P P E N D I X A.—EVIDENCES AS TO WOMEN^S WAGES 138 I n i m p o r t a n t woman-employing manufacturing industries as reported periodically i n two large industrial States, women's average weekly wages i n November 1936 were as follows:^ Average weekly wage Illinois New York Cotton goods 3 $14. 12 0 K n i t goods (except silk) 14. 76 Shoes 13.81 Women's clothing 12. 46 Men's clothing 14. 19 Silk and silk goods (si) Electrical machinery, apparatus, and supplies. _ 17. 83 Printing and bookmaking 15.51 Confectionery 13. 25 Gloves, bags, canvas goods pi) Watches, clocks, and jewelry 17. 07 Includes also woolen and silk goods. $14. 00 13. 58 13.55 20. 29 13. 68 13. 23 pi) 16.01 14. 57 15. 29 PO 3 N o t reported. > The Pennsylvania State Emergency, Relief Administration survey i n 1934 reported median earnings for a full-time week i n several characteristic manufacturing occupations of women ranging f r o m $9.40 for sewing-machine operators i n garment factories to $15.25 for knitters i n hosiery mills. Of the knitters, w i t h the highest median, practically one-fourth had received less than $12.50 for a f u l l week's work, and i n four other occupations practically half of those reported, or a proportion still larger, had received so low a wage. E v e n the knitters, had they had 50 f u l l weeks' work i n the year—and even i n periods not clouded b y depression i t is imusual to have so f u l l a year—would have had less t h a n $763 to live on for the 12 months. For territorial possessions, the only available figures except some on home work, chiefly needlework, shown i n this report,^^ are of an eariier date, 1927. These show women's earnings i n pineapple canneries i n Hawaii.®^ I n Honolulu the median was $9.90 a week and about three-fourths of the women had received less t h a n $12; o n the Island of Alaui, where the pay was b y the m o n t h and fewer women were reported, the median was $20.75 and nearly one-half of the women had received less t h a n $20 a month. I n Honolulu, the largest group of those vnth. weekly hours reported had worked 54 to 60 hours and had earnings w i t h a median of $9.80. Professional W o r k . One of the few studies affording data on the earnings levels of women i n this category is the survey, already referred to, made b y the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs, which shows the earnings for 1927 of more than 14,000 women i n all parts of the country.®* These occupations were highly individualized, more than 175 types being given, and many i n clerical and sales occupations New York. Department of Labor. T h e Industrial Bulletin, October 1936, p. 429. Illinois. Department of Labor. Division of Statistics and Research. Review of ErDplojTnent and Pay Rolls of Illinois Industries, November 1936. (No page number.] »»See pt. I , Compensation section, Home Work, p. 66. ^ ^^ , ^ . ^ " U . S Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. The Employment of W omen in the Pmeapple Canneries of Hawaii. Bul.82. 1930. pp. 21, 22. Op. cit., pp. 11,19, and 127 fl. llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES were included, groups considered separately i n the present report. However, a separation of salaried and independent workers shows the following annual earnings for these two classifications: Annual earnings One-half earned One-fourth earned less than— less than— Salaried workers Independent workers SI, 540 2, 043 $1, 211 1, 261 One-fourth earned more than- 61, 945 3, 072 According to the 1930 Census, three-fourths of the women professional workers were school teachers or trained nurses. School teachers.—Eighty percent of the school teachers reported by the census are women. The National Education Association has reported the salaries of school teachers as fixed i n 150 recent salary schedules (adopted by various communities in 1928 or thereafter). According to size of city, the ranges i n the medians of the maximum and minimum yearly salaries were as follows: Median yearly salary Mtnimum Elementary school Junior high school Senior high school. $999 t o $1, 227 1, 135 t o 1, 390 1, 269 t o 1,507 Maximum $1, 141 t o $2, 280 1, 657 t o 2, 671 1, 983 t o 2,840 Later figures for cities of over 100,000 report the yearly rates fixed i n schedules for women teachers' salaries i n 15 cities i n 1934-35, ranging from city to city as follows: Minimum Majdmum $1, 000 t o $2, 400 1, 500 t o 3,300 The median year's salary of 1,068 women teaching i n 50 land-grant colleges or universities i n 1927-28 was reported by the OflBce of Education as $2,309." The survey of the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs referred to included reports for 2,689 teachers. I n 1927, one-fourth of these earned less than $1,253, and the median (one-half earning more, one-half less) was $1,557; only 4 percent had received as much as $3,000. The largest groups showed the follo\ving • median earnings: Teacher, public elementary Teacher, high school Principal, public elementary or secondary SI, 289 1,615 1, 700 The Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration survey i n 1934 shows median week's earnings of more than 34,000 women "professors and teachers" at only $26.60. Trained nurses,—Monthly salaries of public health nurses reported for January 1936 show for public health nursing associations a range of modes from $130 to $135 according to size of locality, running up to $145 i n health departments.®® Entrance salaries of graduate " National E d u c t i o n Association. Research Bulletin, March 1936, pp. 66,62,67. w Unpublished data furnished the Women's Bureau b y the National Education Association, n 11 • department of the Interior. Office of Education. Salaries in Land-Grant Universities and Colleges. Pamphlet N o . 24. November 1031. pp. 1 , 2 , 3 . " Salaries of PubUc Health Nurses in 1936 In Public Health Nursing, M a y 1936, p. 314. A P P E N D I X A.—EVIDENCES AS TO WOMEN^S WAGES 129 nurses i n the civil service are reported as ranging from $1,620 to $2,300, according to grade of responsibility and duties.^® Trained nurses reported in the business and professional women's study cited had a median of $1,783 for the year, one-fourth of them having received less than $1,558. Physicians i n private practice and osteopaths had medians of over $3,000. Of more than 6,000 registered and graduate nurses reported i n 1934 by the Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief Administration, over a fifth had received less than $12.50 for a full week's work, though their median was $21.35. Librarians,—The other professional occupations largely engaged in by women are those of librarians and social workers. Nine-tenths of the librarians and four-fifths of the social and welfare workers reported by the 1930 census were women. The business and professional women's study referred to reports median earnings of $1,595 for librarians. The American l i b r a r y Association reports professional assistants in cities of over 200,000 population as having median earnings of $1,110 to $1,800 on December 31, 1935; branch and subbranch librarians, $1,422 to $1,957.50.^® Social and welfare workers,—A study of the salaries of workers i n family welfare agencies made by the RusseU Sage Foundation reports median earnings of case work supervisors as of March 1936 to be $2,100 where there were 10 to 19 workers and as much as $3,300 in the largest agencies.^^ I n June 1936, a committee of the New York branch of the American Association of Social Workers recommended $1,800 to $2,040 for senior case workers, $2,200 to $2,650 for unit case work supervisors.^^ I n the business and professional women's study referred to, the general welfare or social service workers reported had year's earnings w i t h a median of $1,650, the median for superintendents and executives being more than $2,000. Salaries at the 1929 peak and chiefly for New Y o r k City naturally tend to go above, sometimes well above, those just discussed. A study i n cooperation w i t h the President's Emergency Committee for Employment i n that year, made by the American Woman's Association, w i t h membership largely among the better established business and professional women i n that city, reported the following earnings of its members i n certain of the professions just discussed: ^^ Annual earnings One-half earned less than— Teachers (not executives) Nurses (not executives) Public-health workers Librarians Social workers One-fourth earned less than— $2, 750 2,160 3,375 2,320 2,320 $1, 875 1,750 2,335 1,895 1,805 « U . S. Civil Service Commission. Annual Report for Fiscal Year EndecUune 3C» 1935. p. 72. « Bulletin of the American Library Association, April 1936, pp. 260-261. Reports also are given for higher officers, and for three sizes of cities less than 200,000. The issue for February 1937 reports salaries in school libraries. American Association of Social Workers. T h e Compass, October 1936, p. 10. A i S n S f n Woman?'A^^'ation. T h e Trained Woman and the Economic Crisis. 1931. p. 94. llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES Home economics occupations.—^By far the most numerous group of women making professional use of home economics training are highschool teachers. Yearly salaries reported for 1936 for this work in six widely scattered States ranged f r o m an average of $908 i n South D a k o t a to a m a x i m u m of $2,400 i n California/^ I n 1935 median salaries of directors or supervisors ranged f r o m $1,253 to $2,770, according t o size of c i t y . ^ Another large group of women i n the profession of home economics consists of those employed i n the cooperat i v e extension service carried on b y the U n i t e d States Department of Agriculture and the State colleges of agriculture. L a t e reports were t h a t salaries ranged f r o m $945 to $3,950 a year, ^vith an average of $2,009. Occupations i n Trade. The earnings of saleswomen i n stores i n Ohio have been reported over a series of years. Under the peak conditions of 1929, the average weekly earnings for these workers were $15.21, falling to $12.63 in the depression low i n 1932; i n 1935 they were $13.54. F o r 52 weeks' work such averages would yield respectively $791 (1929), $657 (1932), and $704 (1935). A Women's Bureau survey made early i n 1933 reported wages of women i n 46 department stores i n 17 cities i n 5 States, showing that the median week's earnings of the women i n the various localities who h a d worked 48 hours or more i n the week ranged f r o m $13.10 to $17.15, the equivalent of f r o m $681 to $892 i f maintained f o r the full 52 weeks i n the year. F r o m 8 to 44 percent of all the women reported i n the several localities had received less t h a n $12 for their week's w o r k . ^ A suTvej b y the Bureau of wages of women i n limited-price stores i n 18 States and 5 additional cities i n 1928 showed the median earnings of the women reported to be $12 and one-fourth of them to be receiving less than $10."*^ T h e Pennsylvania State Emergency Relief A d m i n i s t r a t i o n survey i n 1934 reported median earnings for a full-time week for more than 24,500 saleswomen i n stores t o be $12.85. N e a r l y half had received less than $12.50. Assuming even 50 f u l l weeks' w o r k i n the year—and 50 weeks, all things considered, is a hberal estimate—this would have meant year's earnings of not more than $643 for a t least half these women. The study b y the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs already referred to reported median year's earnings of sales clerks a t $932, one-fourth having received less than $730, one-fourth more than $1,100. ** Salaries Paid Home Economics Supervisors. £]/ William O. Carr. In Jo'imal of Home Economics, June-July 1935, p. 36i. « Unpublished data from the XJ. S. Office of Education, furnished the Women's Bureau by the American Home Economics Association. « U . S. Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Employment Conditions in Department Stores m 1932-33. Bui. 125. 1936. pp. 14, 15. *• Ibid. Women in 5-and-lO-Cent Stores and Limited-Price Chain Department Stores. 33ul. 76.1930. p. 52. A P P E N D I X A.—EVIDENCES AS TO WOMEN^S WAGES 142 The average weekly earnings of regularly-employed women i n department stores reported i n recent Women's Bureau surveys of various States are given below. I n each case the potential earnings for 52 weeks have been computed, the receipts i n this type of occupation tending to be fairly uniformforregularemployees. These averages, for regular workers unless otherwise shown, are as follows: Week*s median wage Arkansas, 1936 Delaware, 1936 Michigan, 1934 Tennessee, 1936 West Virginia, 1936 — $13.05 13.85 « 13. 50 12. 75 12. 70 Potential yearns wage {if for 62 weeks) ' $679 720 702 663 660 A l l workers. W i t h one exception, the earnings were lower i n limited-price stores. Appendix B . — R E F E R E N C E S The list following is presented merely as a n indication of the more outstanding sources of information on the points covered and n o t i n any sense as a complete bibliography. A number of the references listed contain information on t w o or more of the subjects under consideration; usually these references have not been repeated b u t have been placed either under the subject most largely covered by them or under t h a t for which they give outstanding data on something for which such data are especially meager. W O M E N ' S OCCUPATIONS A N D T H E I R R E C E N T CHANGES Beard, Mary E. America Through Women's Eyes. 1934. Breckinridge, S. P. (XTniversity of Chicago). The Activities of Women Outside the Home. In Recent Social Trends, vol. I , eh. X I V . 1933. Women i n the Twentieth Century. 1933. National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs. Series of 30 Pamphlets Discussing Changing Patterns i n Occupations for Women. 1935. Peters, Iva L. Occupational Discriminations Against Women. 1935. A Study of Employability of Women i n Selected Sections of the United States. 1936. A Study of Employability of Women i n Alabama. July 1936. Pidgeon, M. E. (Women's Bureau). Recent Changes i n Occupations of Women. Personnel Journal, February 1933. United States. Bureau of the Census. Women i n Gainful Occupations, 1870 t o 1920. B y Joseph A. H i l l . Monograph I X . 1929. Department of l a b o r . Women's Bureau. B u L 104. The Occupational Progress of Women, 1910 to 1930. 1933. 134. Summaries of Studies on the Economic Status of Women. 1935. Woodhouse, C. G. (Institute of Women's Professional Relations). Some Trends i n Women's Work Today. Journal of the American Association of University Women, A p r i l 1936. Women. Woytinsky, W. S. American Journal of Sociology, M a y 1933. The Labor Supply of the U n i t e d States. 1936. I R R E G U L A R I T Y OF W O M E N ' S E M P L O Y M E N T United States. Department of l a b o r . Women's Bureau. BuL 73. Variations i n Employment Trends of Women and Men, 1930. 83. Fluctuation of Employment i n the Radio Industry. 1931. pp. 4, 14. 88. The Employment of Women i n Slaughtering and Meat Packing. 1932. p. 158 flf. 100. The Effects on Women of Changing Conditions i n the Cigar and Cigarette Industries. 1932. p. 53. 109. The Employment of Women i n the Sewing Trades of Connecticut. 1935. p. 13 ff. 113. Employment Fluctuations and Unemployment of Women. 1933. pp. 69, 94, 119. 127. Hours and Earnings i n Tobacco Stemmeries. 1934. p. 21 ff. UNEMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN Massachusetts. Department of l a b o r and Industries. Labor Bui. 171. Report on the Census of Unemployment i n Massachusetts as of Jan. 2, 1934. Michigan. Emergency Welfare Relief Commission. Census of Population and Unemployment (January 1935). First Series. 132 A P P E N D I X B.—REFERENCES National Industrial Conference Board, Inc. 1936. 133 Women Workers and Labor SUDDIV. Pennsylvania. Emergency Relief Administration. Census of Workers i n Urban and Rural Non-Farm Areas, 1934. 1936. United States. Department of l a b o r . Seekers? 1937. Employment Service. FiUing 9 M i l l i o n Jobs. Employable Who are the Job 1937. Women's Bureau. Bui. 1 0 7 . Technological Changes i n Relation to Women's Employment. 140. Reemployment of New England Women. 1936. Works Progress Administration. Usual Occupations of Workers Eligible for Works Program Employment i n the United States, Jan. 15, 1936. January 1937. COMPENSATION OF W O M E N American Association of Social Workers. October, 1936. The Compass, January, June, and American l i b r a r y Association. Public Library Statistics (for December 1935). BuUetin, A p r i l 1936. Part I . College and School Library Statistics (for 1935-36). Bulletin, February 1937. American Woman's Association. The Trained Woman and the Economic Crisis (1929 earnings). 1931. Women Workers Through the Depression. B y Lorine Pruette and I v a L. Peters. 1934. Branch, Mary Sydney. Women and Wealth. 1934. Elliott, Margaret, and Grace E. Manson. Professions (in 1926-27). 1930. Earnings of Women i n Business and the Illinois. Department of Labor. Report of M i n i m u m Wage Division to the Beauty Culture Wage Board. June 1935. National Education Association. The Preparation of Teachers' Salary Schedules (from 1928 on). Research BuUetin, March 1936. New York. Department of l a b o r . Report of the Industrial Commissioner to the Laundry M i n i m u m Wage Board. July 1933. Report of the Industrial Commissioner to the Hotel and Restaurant Wage Board. AprU 1935. Course of Factory Employment i n New Y o r k State from 1921 1931. Employment and Earnings of M e n and Women i n New Y o r k State Factories, 1923-1925. 1926. to 1930. Ohio, Department of Industrial Relations. Report of the Division of M i n i m u m Wage to the Laundry Wage Board. January 1934. Salaries of Public Health Nurses (for January 1936). Public Health Nursing, M a y 1936. United States. Department of l a b o r . Bureau of Labor Statistics. Historical Review of Wage Rates and Wage Differentials i n the Cotton Textile Industry. B y A . F . Hinrichs assisted by R u t h Clem. M o n t h l y Labor Review, M a y 1935. Wages and Earnings i n the Silk and Rayon Industry, 1933 and 1934. B y A. F. Hinrichs. M o n t h l y Labor Review, June 1935. Wage Rates and Weekly Earnings i n the Woolen and Worsted Goods I n d u s t r y , 1932 t o 1934. B y N . A. ToUes. M o n t h l y Labor Review, June 1935. Wages, Hours, and Working Conditions i n the Folding-Paper-Box Industry i n 1933, 1934, and 1935. B y Victor S. BariL M o n t h l y Labor Review, June 1936. llg W O M E N I N T H E ECONOMY OF T H E U N I T E D STATES Department of labor. Women's Bureau.* 1. General studies of wages: ^ ^ BuL 85. Wages of Women i n 13 States (for 1920-25). 1931. 122. Variations i n Wage Rates under Corresponding Conditions (for 1 9 3 ^ 3 3 ) . 1935. 152. Differences i n the Earnings of Women and Men. ( I n press.) 2. Reports on wages i n particular industries: Bui. 82, pineapple canning; 95, 96, 120, 132, office workers; 97, 109, sewing trades; 93, 106, 112, household employees; 100, 127, tobacco; 111, cotton; 119, gloves; 121, shoes; 123, hotels and restaurants; 125, department stores; 133, beauty shops; 141, silk dresses; 143, laundries. 3. Recent reports on wages i n particular States or territories (those w i t h no numbers listed are i n mimeographed f o r m only): Bui. 118, Puerto Rico; 124, Arkansas; 126, Texas; 142, Virgin Islands; 149, Tennessee; 150, West Virginia; Michigan, Delaware, Florida, D i s t r i c t of Columbia, Utah. Young Women's Christian Association. 603 Pay Envelopes and W h a t They TelK B y Grace L . Coyle. The Woman's Press, October 1932. From Pay Day to Pay Day. B y Elsie D . Harper. 1934. R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y O F W O M E N FOR T H E SUPPORT O F O T H E R S Hogg, Margaret H. The Incidence of W o r k Shortage (New Haven). pp. 90-94. Hutchinson, Emilie J. Women and the Ph. D . 1930. p. 93. 1932. l a FoUette, Cecile Tipton. A Study of the Problems of 652 Gainfully Employed Married Women Homemakers. 1934. National Education Association. The Teacher's Economic Position. Research Bulletin, vol. X I I I , no. 4, pp. 178-182, 199. New York. Department of l a b o r . Wages and F a m i l y Responsibilities of Employed Women on Relief i n New York C i t y . The Industrial Bulletin, February — Some Facts on Women's Wages i n New Y o r k State. November 1936. Palmer, Gladys L. The Employment Characteristics of New Applicants at the Philadelphia State Employment Office. 1934. pp. 8, 18. 30,000 i n Search of W o r k (Philadelphia). 1933. pp. 60-3. Pennsylvania. Report of the Administrator of the Federal C i v i l Works Administration. C i v i l Works Administration Program i n Pennsylvania. Nov. 15, 1933-March 31, 1934. - , University of. Wharton School of Finance and Commerce. Releases on unpublished material f r o m survey of unemployment i n Philadelphia families, A p r i l 1931. Peters, David Wilbur. The Status of the Married Woman Teacher. 1934. p. 76. Short, Jessie M. (Reed College). Women's Wages Compared W i t h L i v i n g Costs and General Community Standards, 1914-32. 1933. pp. 7, 14. United States. Bureau of the Census. Women i n Gainful Occupations, 1870 t o 1920. B y Joseph A. H i l l . Monograph I X . 1929. pp. 1 4 ^ 1 5 2 . Department of l a b o r . Bureau of l a b o r Statistics. Study of Unemployed Registered in Bridgeport, Conn. M o n t h l y Labor Review, M a y 1931^ Women's Bureau. Unpublished material analyzing 1930 census data on homemakers for Bridgeport, Conn. Unpublished material analyzing 1930 census data on homemakers for F t Wayne, I n d . 1 The reports listed do not exhaust the wage material published by the Women's Bureau. Other reports listed elsewhere in this reference list also contain wage material. A full list of publications may be obtained from the Women's Bureau. A P P E N D I X B,—KEFERENCES X35 Bui. 75. W h a t the Wage-Earning Woman Contributes t o Family Support. 1929. 77. A Study of T w o Groups of Denver Married Women Applying for Jobs. 1929. p. 3. 88. The Employment of Women i n Slaughtering and Meat Packing. 1932. pp. 14, 120 ff. 92. Wage-Earning Women and the Industrial Conditions of 1930: A Survey of South Bend. 1932. pp. 6, 9, 51. 103. Women Workers i n the T h i r d Year of the Depression. A Study of 109 Students i n the B r y n M a w r Summer School. 1933. p. 10 ff. 108. The Efifects of the Depression on Wage Earners' Families: A Second Survey of South Bend. 1936. pp. 4, 5. 13, 28. 117. The Age Factor As I t Relates t o Women i n Business and the Professions. 1934. p. 37. 140. Reemployment of New England Women i n Private Industry. 1936. p. 115. 148. The Emplojred Woman Homemaker i n the United States, Her Responsibility for Family Support. 1936. 151. Injuries t o Women i n Personal Service Occupations i n Ohio. 1937. Wisconsin. Industrial Commission. Employment Services i n Wisconsin, January 1934r-December 1935. p. 33. Young Women's Christian Association. Study of Standards of Work of Association Employees Other Than Professional, 1935-36. B y Elsie D. Harper, pp. 20, 21. EFFECTS OF LABOR L E G I S L A T I O N . Commons, John E., and John B. Andrews. Principles of Labor Legislation. 1936 ed. Frankfurter, Felix, and Josephine Goldmark. The Case for the Shorter Work Day. Brief for defendent i n error, Bunting v. Oregon, Supreme Court of the United States. October 1915. History of Labor i n the United States. Vol. I V , Labor Legislation, by Elizabeth Brandeis. 1935. Lorwin, l e w i s L., and Arthur Wubnig. Labor Relations Boards. The Brookings Institution. 1935. IdacDonald, l o i s , Gladys L. Palmer, and Theresa Wolfson. Labor and the N. R. A. 1934. New York. Department of l a b o r . Laundry Pay-roll Data (November 1935 and October 1936). The Industrial Bulletin, February 1937. Court of Appeals. Factual brief for respondent i n case of Tipaldo v Morehead. Economic background of Article 19, Labor Law, ch. 584, Laws of 1933 (minimum wage law). 1936. Pennsylvania. Department of l a b o r and Industry. Bureau of Women and Children. Cotton Garment Workers i n Pennsylvania Under the N. R. A. 1934. United States. National Recovery Administration. Hours, Wages, and Employment Under the Codes. January 1935. Report of the President's Committee of Industrial AnalysisFebruary 1937. The Content of N . I . R. A. Administrative Legislation. Part B: Labor Provisions i n the Codes. February 1936. Public No. 67, 73d Congress (National Industrial Recovery Act). Department of Labor. Women's Bureau. Bui. 61. The Development of M i n i m u m Wage Laws i n the United States, 1912 t o 1927. 1928. 68. Summary: The Effects of Labor Legislation on the Employment Opportunities of Women. 1928. 130. Employed Women Under N . R. A. Codes. 1935. 137. Summary of State H o u r Laws for Women and M i n i m u m Wage Rates. 1936. 144. State Labor Laws for Women. 1937. 145. Special Study of Wages Paid to Women and Minors i n Ohio Industries Prior and Subsequent to the Ohio M i n i m u m Wage Law for Women and Minors. 1936. 150483—37 10 Appendix C . — R E C E N T A C T I O N B Y O F F I C I A L I N T E R N A T I O N A L ORGANIZATIONS O N T H E E C O N O M I C STATUS OF WOMEN RESOLUTION PASSED AT 16TH SESSION OF T H E ASSEMBLY OF T H E LEAGUE OF NATIONS. SEPTEMBER 1935 Political, Civil, ond Economic Status of Women The Assembly, Noting that the question of the status of women was placed on the agenda of the present Session for examination, at the Instance of a number of delegations, vdth particular reference t o the Equal Rights Treaty signed a t Montevideo on December 26, 1933, by representatives of the Governments of Cuba, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Uruguay; Considering that the terms of the Equal Rights Treaty should be examined in relation to the existing political, civil, and economic status of women under the laws of the countries of the world; Recognizing that' the question of conditions of employment, whether of men or women, is a matter which properly falls within the sphere of the International Labor Organization: (1) Decides that the question of the political and civil status of women shall be referred by the Secretary-General to the Governments for their observations, including observations as to the action which i n their view the League might take in this matter, and t h a t the Governments shall be requested to supply to the Secretary-General, together with their observations, information'as to the existing political and civil status of women under their respective national laws; (2) Recommends that the women's international organizations should continue their study of the whole question of the political and civil status of women; (3) Requests that the observations and information communicated by the Governments and the statements of the said international organizations shall be sent to the Secretary-General for consideration by the Assembly of the League of Nations at a subsequent Session; (4) Expresses the hope that the International Labor Organization will, in accordance with its normal procedure, undertake an examination of those aspects of the problem within its competence—namely, the question of equality under labor legislation—and t h a t i t will, i n the first place, examine the question of legislation which effects discriminations, some of which may be detrimental to women's right t o work. E X T R A C T F R O M T H E REPORT OF T H E DIRECTOR OF T H E INTERNAT I O N A L LABOR OFFICE FOR 1935 During the year the Office has continued to carry out a number of inquiries in response to the frequent demands which are made upon i t from a l l quarters. Special mention may be made of the inquiry now in progress i n regard t o the employment of women. The Governing Body agreed t h a t the suggestion made by the Assembly should be carried out and that a report should be prepared in regard to the legal status of women i n industry w i t h particular reference t o any discriminatory measures which may have been taken against their employment. This is 136 A P P E N D I X C.—ACTION BY INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS 137 to be followed by a more extensive investigation covering not only the legislation affecting women's employment but also their actual position in respect of conditions of employment, wages and economic status. Clearly this inquiry involves many difficulties and w i l l require considerable time. I t w i l l be carried out in consultation w i t h members of the Correspondence Committee on Women's Work, and i t may be hoped that i t will throw some light on the various questions relating to women's work and position i n industrial and commercial occupations about which controversy has been provoked. I t is probable that the supposed antagonism between the interests of men and women in industry is largely imaginary, and i t may be noted in passing that w i t h the revival of the textile industry both in Belgium and Great Britain, the reemployment of men was restricted in a number of instances owing to the absence of a sufficient number of skilled women. However this may be, a thorough investigation of the question in all its aspects is overdue, and the decision of the Governing Body that i t should be undertaken should be generally welcomed. RESOLUTION PASSED BY INTERNATIONAL JUNE 21. 1937 LABOR CONFERENCE. Concerning Women Workers Whereas, in view of the social and political changes of recent years and the fact that women workers have suffered from special forms of exploitation and discrimination in the past, there is need to reexamine their general position; and Whereas, i t is for the best interests of society that in addition to full political and civil rights and f u l l opportunity for education, women should have f u l l opportunity to work and should receive remuneration without discrimination because of sex, and be protected by legislative safeguards against physically harmful conditions of employment and economic exploitation, including the safeguarding of motherhood; and Whereas, i t is necessary that women as well as men should be guaranteed freedom of association by Governments and should be protected by social and labor legislation which world experience has shown t o be effective i n abolishing special exploitation of women workers; therefore be i t Resolvedf T h a t the Twenty-third Session of the International Labor Conference, while recognizing that some of these principles lie within the competence of other international bodies, believes them to be of the greatest importance t o workers in general and especially to women workers; and therefore requests the Governing Body to draw them to the attention of all Governments, w i t h a view to their establishment i n law and in custom by legislative and administrative action. o