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S. HRG. 111–844

TARP AND EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION
RESTRICTIONS

HEARING
BEFORE THE

CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT PANEL
ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION

OCTOBER 21, 2010

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TARP AND EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION RESTRICTIONS

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S. HRG. 111–844

TARP AND EXECUTIVE COMPENSATION
RESTRICTIONS

HEARING
BEFORE THE

CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT PANEL
ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION

OCTOBER 21, 2010

Printed for the use of the Congressional Oversight Panel

(

U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON

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64–160

:

2010

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800
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CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT PANEL
PANEL MEMBERS
THE HONORABLE TED KAUFMAN, Chair
KENNETH TROSKE
J. MARK MCWATTERS
RICHARD H. NEIMAN

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DAMON SILVERS

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CONTENTS
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Opening Statement of Hon. Ted Kaufman, U.S. Senator from Delaware ..........
Statement of J. Mark McWatters, Attorney and Certified Public Accountant ...
Statement of Damon Silvers, Director of Policy and Special Counsel, AFL–
CIO 9 .....................................................................................................................
Statement of Kenneth Troske, William B. Sturgill Professor of Economics,
University of Kentucky ........................................................................................
Statement of Richard Neiman, Superintendent of Banks, New York State
Banking Department ...........................................................................................
Statement of Kenneth R. Feinberg, Special Master for TARP Executive Compensation, June 2009 through September 2010 ................................................
Statement of Kevin Murphy, Kenneth L. Trefftz Chair in Finance, University
of Southern California, Marshall School of Business ........................................
Statement of Fred Tung, Howard Zhang Faculty Research Scholar and Professor of Law, Boston University School of Law ................................................
Statement of Ted White, Strategic Advisor, Knight Vinke Asset Management;
Cochair, Executive Remuneration Committee, International Corporate Governance Network ..................................................................................................
Statement of Rose Marie Orens, Senior Partner, Compensation Advisory Partners, LLC ..............................................................................................................

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HEARING ON TARP AND EXECUTIVE
COMPENSATION RESTRICTIONS
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 21, 2010

U.S. CONGRESS,
CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT PANEL,
Washington, DC.
The panel met, pursuant to notice, at 11:00 a.m. in room SD–
538, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator Ted Kaufman, chairman of the panel, presiding.
Present: Senator Ted Kaufman [presiding], Richard H. Neiman,
Damon Silvers, J. Mark McWatters, and Kenneth R. Troske.

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OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TED KAUFMAN, U.S. SENATOR
FROM DELAWARE

The CHAIRMAN. This hearing of the Congressional Oversight
Panel will now come to order. Good morning.
My name’s Ted Kaufman. I’m the chairman of the Congressional
Oversight Panel for the Troubled Asset Relief Program.
This hearing is my first as the Panel’s chairman, so I want to
begin by thanking my fellow panelists and recognize their tremendous work to date. And I’m deadly serious about that. I’ll tell you,
they came into me the first day and they said, ‘‘Here, take a look
at this.’’ Twenty-four reports. What, 12 hearings? It’s just—it is
really remarkable what the Panel’s work can do.
As we all know, the TARP has been among the most controversial government programs in recent memory; yet, month after
month, this Panel has managed to cut through the noise and differing opinions to provide a perspective that is independent, factbased, and consensus-driven. I hope to help carry our work forward
in exactly that spirit.
We are here today to examine the executive compensation restrictions in the TARP. In 2008, Congress authorized $700 billion
to bail out the financial system, but the money came with certain
strings attached. As a condition of receiving taxpayer aid, the companies were required to align their executive pay practices with the
public interest.
No one can argue against the ‘‘public interest,’’ but in the context
of executive pay, I think everyone would agree, it’s very difficult to
define or measure. After all, a paycheck represents many things.
It represents the source of a family’s livelihood. It represents an incentive to work hard and achieve results. It represents a tool for
retaining workers. It represents the value that an employee adds
to the workforce. It represents a cost to the employer’s bottom line.
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In the case of bailed-out financial institutions, a paycheck represents a transfer of wealth from taxpayers to corporate executives.
A paycheck that is too high is clearly out of step with the public
interest. It risks rewarding executives whose mismanagement contributed to the financial crisis and potentially wasting taxpayer
dollars. Yet, a paycheck that is too low creates problems, too. If a
bailed-out bank cannot hold on to talented executives, it may struggle to stay afloat or to repay taxpayers.
Even a paycheck that is neither too high nor too low may still
create perverse incentives. A CEO paid $10 million in company
stock may take reckless risks to drive it to $20 million. A company
can rein in this problem by requiring executives to hold their stock
for several years. Yet, even then, executives may refuse to consider
measures, such as bankruptcy, that would strengthen the public interest but diminish shareholder profits.
For all these reasons, executive pay is complicated and controversial, but it’s also of profound importance. If Treasury, acting on its
authority and leading by its example, can get executive pay right,
it could help to lay the foundation for long-term financial stability.
Any mistakes, on the other hand, could contribute to the next financial collapse.
Today, we will hear from witnesses—excellent witnesses—who
have long practiced in navigating these turbulent waters. We
thank you for your time and look forward to your testimony.
And now I’d like to turn to other colleagues in the Panel for their
statement.
Mr. McWatters.

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STATEMENT OF J. MARK McWATTERS, ATTORNEY AND
CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANT

Mr. MCWATTERS. Good morning, and thank you, Senator, and
welcome to the panel.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Over the past 2 years, Members of Congress,
policy wonks and academics, and private-sector participants have
debated the existence of any linkage between the compensation
structures employed by TARP recipients and other institutions and
the financial contagion that erupted in the last quarter of 2008.
Some contend that the cause-and-effect relationship exists between the structure of an employee’s compensation package and
the amount of risk the employee’s willing to undertake on behalf
of his or her employer. I refer to this as the ‘‘show me the money’’
theory. Under this theory, some mortgage lenders, for example,
may have originated residential mortgage loans without conducting
prudent due diligence investigations of the borrowers. Likewise,
some TARP recipients and other institutions may have packaged
mortgage loans and securitization vehicles, without having properly
vetted the underlying collateral, and sold the securitized tranches
to investors who, themselves, may have elected to forgo any meaningful investigation of the legal and financial integrity of the transactions.
Other commentators, however, reject the ‘‘show me the money’’
theory and argue that the financial crisis of 2008 and beyond was
not spawned by misdirected compensation policies, but instead
arose from the failure of mortgage originators and securitization
sponsors and investors to appreciate the magnitude of the risk inherent in the mortgage lending and pooling of loans into opaque
securitization products. I refer to this as the ‘‘white heart, empty
head’’ theory. Under this approach, directors, officers, and employees of TARP recipients and other institutions, from the perspective
of pure self-interest, would not have knowingly taken any action
that could have resulted in the loss of their employment, the material devaluation of their incentive stock options and grants, or the
bankruptcy, takeover, or liquidation of their firms. That is, these
individuals possess no desire for self-immolation, and they discharged their duties accordingly.
As in other instances, the solution to our inquiry may not reside
solely within the domain of either theory or hybrid of the two. Although the ‘‘white heart, empty head’’ theory has a certain visceral
appeal—and it is significant to note that relatively few investment
professionals accurately foresaw the impending financial tsunami—
those who dismiss the ‘‘show me the money’’ theory, however, may
be disappointed as we discover more about how the sausage was
actually made in the residential mortgage securitization factories.
In the final analysis, I suspect that both theories may help explain the genesis of the recent financial crisis. The compensation
packages offered by some TARP recipients no doubt encouraged a
certain amount of excessive and unnecessary risktaking, the consequences of which, unfortunately, were not fully appreciated by
the TARP recipients themselves, their Federal and State regulators, or the capital markets.

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The most challenging work remains ahead, however, as we struggle with the remaining fundamental inquiry: How does an employer structure a compensation program so as to identify and minimize unnecessary and excessive risktaking while encouraging
managers to assume sufficient risk so as to assure the long-term
profitability of their employer?
Thank you, and I look forward to our discussion.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Silvers.

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STATEMENT OF DAMON SILVERS, DIRECTOR OF POLICY AND
SPECIAL COUNSEL, AFL–CIO

Mr. SILVERS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Good morning. Let me first say what a pleasure and honor it is
to be with our new chairman, Senator Ted Kaufman. Secondly, I
would like to express my appreciation to all our witnesses, and in
particular to Kenneth Feinberg, for appearing before us today, for
being open to our views in the course of his work, and for his strenuous efforts in so many difficult circumstances on behalf of the
American public.
Now, TARP is a program which uses public funds to subsidize
private businesses and, in the process, extends to those private
businesses implicit, and in some cases explicit, guarantees. Now,
while there is extensive debate about executive pay in private companies subject to market discipline, that debate is of limited relevance to companies that have capital at below-market cost or have
escaped bankruptcy due to the generosity of the American public.
So, we are here to ask, today, What compensation practices at
TARP recipient institutions were and are in the public interest? I
believe there are three dimensions to this question. The first is:
Compensation practices under TARP should have contributed, and
should contribute, to a sense among the American public that
TARP’s purpose was public-spirited and not designed or managed
to maintain the incomes or assets of the executives of the businesses that caused the financial crisis. This issue is critical to the
very legitimacy of our national government and our capacity, as a
Nation, to address the ongoing economic crisis and to engage in national economic policymaking in the future.
Now, in this context, I am particularly curious about the somewhat peculiar conclusion drawn by the special master, that billions
of dollars of executive pay was, quote, ‘‘not appropriate,’’ but was
nonetheless in the public interest. I look forward to learning how
that could be.
Second, compensation practices under TARP should have led to
economic and career consequences for executives of failed firms.
There was and is a profound public interest in mitigating the moral
hazard created when executives of too-big-to-fail institutions learn
that, in the words of the New York attorney general, ‘‘Heads, I win;
tails, you lose.’’ Unfortunately, one of the effects of TARP appears
to have been to perpetuate the accumulation of wealth by the very
people and institutions that seem to have been responsible for our
Nation’s economic catastrophe.
Last week, the Wall Street Journal reported that overall compensation at six of the largest TARP recipients, including Bank of
America and Citigroup that were recipients of exceptional aid, was
higher in 2009 and in 2010 than it had been in 2007, and, during
the 4-year period of the continuing financial crisis, amounted to
over $430 billion; this, during a period when the real wages of
Americans fell and returns to long-term investors in these very
firms were catastrophic.
Now, finally and thirdly, compensation practices under TARP
should be aligned with the public’s interest both as investor and as
implicit guarantor, both of individual firms and of the financial system as a whole. In pursuing this goal, TARP has faced a problem

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of equity prices in a number of TARP recipients that were so low
as to be, effectively, options. Executives with equity-based compensation thus faced little real downside exposure and every reason
to not restructure bank balance sheets, as my fellow panelists have
alluded to. This situation would seem to encourage reckless
risktaking, like, say, pursuing foreclosures without having the
proper documents by means of faked affidavits.
So, I hope, today, that we can learn how TARP measures up
against these objectives and what approaches to executive pay
make the most sense, in light of them.
Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr.—Dr. Troske.

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STATEMENT OF KENNETH TROSKE, WILLIAM B. STURGILL
PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS, UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY

Dr. TROSKE. Thank you, Senator Kaufman.
I would like—also like to start by thanking all of the witnesses
for appearing before our panel today. I recognize that all of you are
very busy people with a number of other responsibilities, so I appreciate you taking your time to travel here and to help us with
our oversight responsibilities.
As we are all aware, the issue before us today—examining the
government’s efforts to regulate how firms compensate executives,
particularly firms who have received bailout money—remains one
of the more controversial issues to arise out of the recent financial
crisis. Taxpayers remain incensed about the large bonuses received
by executives at firms that received enormous government bailouts.
Much of the recent discussion of executive compensation on these
issues has focused on several issues about executives: Should executives of bailed-out financial firms receive bonuses? Do bonuses
cause managers to focus on short-term gains as opposed to the
long-term growth of a company? And have boards of directors of
large financial firms been captured by management so that they
simply rubberstamp managerial decisions instead of engaging in
the appropriate amount of oversight?
While I recognize that there can be instances in which the way
firms compensate executives is not always perfectly in line with the
interests of shareholders, I believe that, in a free market, these
problems can and will be corrected. However, in my opinion, the
fact that for the past 40 years the Federal Government has made
it clear that it would use taxpayer money to insure large financial
firms against failure creates a distortion that actually exacerbates
the problems mentioned above—mentioned previously. In other
words, the financial sector is not a free market, and if we could
simply return it to a free market—that is, if we could simply get
rid of all of the government guarantee that has created too-big-tofail firms—then many, if not most, of these problems would largely
disappear or would no longer be of concern to taxpayers. It also
means that by focusing on these ancillary problems, we fail to fix
the true problem that is producing so much anger.
In regard to the specific issue of executive compensation, recent
research from the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis shows
that, in almost every setting, shareholders of firms will choose to
pay workers in an efficient manner. The one exception to this rule
is when the government provides an implicit or explicit guarantee
of the firm’s debt and does not charge the firm for this guarantee.
In this case, shareholders will choose to incentivize workers in
ways that encourage them to take an excessive amount of risk.
After all, if the risky investment pays off, shareholders reap all the
rewards, but if the investment bankrupts the company, then it is
the taxpayers who are left holding the bag.
One obvious solution to this problem is to simply let firms fail,
in the too-big-to-fail phenomena, or at least charge firms for the insurance that they’re being provided by the taxpayers.
Regardless of what one thinks is the optimal solution, I think we
can all agree that these issues remain important, and I am interested in hearing what the witnesses have to tell us about the chal-

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lenges involved in having the government regulate how firms pay
their employees.
So, once again, I would like to thank all of the witnesses for
agreeing to appear before our panel today.
Finally, I would like to extend a special welcome to our new
chair, Senator Kaufman. For me, having Senator Kaufman join us
is especially exciting, since I am no longer the newest member of
the Congressional Oversight Panel. And, Senator, I want to assure
you that I empathize with what you have been going through during the past few weeks, trying to catch up on all of the fine work
that the Panel has completed. However, burdensome as your work
has been, I want you to know that you’re getting off easier than
me, since the first hearing I participated in was the Panel’s marathon hearing on AIG which lasted for 6 hours.
The CHAIRMAN. Oh, God.
Dr. TROSKE. I am fairly confident that our hearing today will be
much shorter.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Superintendent Neiman.

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STATEMENT OF RICHARD NEIMAN, SUPERINTENDENT OF
BANKS, NEW YORK STATE BANKING DEPARTMENT

Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
I, also, want to start by welcoming Senator Kaufman. I’m thrilled
that you have been able to join us, and I want to congratulate Majority Leader Reid for such an exceptional appointment.
When I first started as a bank regulator, almost 4 years ago in
New York, one of the first things that became clear was that the
misaligned compensation incentives in the mortgage origination
process, particularly of those around mortgage brokers, was harming consumers and poisoning the mortgage market. As my colleagues on the Panel and our witnesses know, too many new homeowners were steered into inappropriate subprime products because
of the higher profits those products provided to loan originators.
Worse, such misaligned compensation incentives permeated
throughout the entire securitization process as the default risk of
these products was consistently offloaded onto others.
The entire financial system is rife with potential for similar conflicts between short-term profits and long-term sustainability. I
hope to focus, this morning, on the best ways we have, collectively,
learned to align risk with compensation so that we do not again
need another TARP, or possibly yet another special master position, for Mr. Feinberg. [Laughter.]
The guidance issued by the Federal regulators, in June, takes a
principle-based approach to assuring that insured institutions and
their holding companies appropriately balance risks and rewards
and do not encourage imprudent risk taking.
I hope to draw on Mr. Feinberg’s experience with TARP, and the
other witnesses’ experience, to explore the pros and cons of a rulesbased versus principle-based approach to compensation. It seems to
me that it is clearly difficult to draw effective rules for all situations before the fact, but, at the same time, the enforcement of
principles requires vigilance and discretion.
An additional area worth considering is if compensation and misaligned pay incentives are not just a concern for those generating
revenue within institutions. The independence and incentives of
those whose job it is to manage risk and assure legal compliance
is arguably just as important. The mindset that considers risk
managers as merely a cost of doing business is one we can no
longer afford.
I am pleased that the Panel is exploring this topic of executive
compensation. And I do very much appreciate Mr. Feinberg’s attendance with us today, as well as the other experts. Compensation
issues are an unfinished business in building a more resilient financial sector, and this is an important hearing for our Panel.
Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
I’m pleased to welcome our first witness, Kenneth Feinberg, who
served as special master for TARP Executive Compensation from
June 2009 to December 2010 and who has demonstrated his support for tough assignments and for—as a great public servant. And
Ken and I go way back when we both were—he was involved with
Senator Kennedy and I was involved with Senator Biden, primarily

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on the Judiciary Committee. So, I want to thank you for your service and I want to thank you for joining us.
We ask that you keep your oral testimony to 3 minutes so there
will be adequate time for questioning, but, as you well know, your
written statement will be printed in the official record for the hearing. Please proceed.

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STATEMENT OF KENNETH R. FEINBERG, SPECIAL MASTER
FOR
TARP
EXECUTIVE
COMPENSATION,
JUNE
2009
THROUGH SEPTEMBER 2010

Mr. FEINBERG. Thank you. It is an honor to be here, Mr. Chairman. It’s been about 30 years since we first met, and it’s great to
be back here again, with you on that side and I’m the witness this
time.
I want to emphasize I’m the ‘‘former’’ special master. The acting
special master, Patricia Geoghegan, is right here, along with deputy special master Kirk Slawson. He is still on the front lines doing
this. I also note the presence of Professor Murphy, who was of
great assistance to us as a consultant during our work.
I just want to emphasize a couple of points. This whole issue of
causation was sort of preempted by Congress, when it came to my
role. Congress delegated, to the Secretary of the Treasury, who delegated to me, the legal responsibility for linking executive compensation to regulation. Professor Murphy and others can talk
about whether it’s a good idea for government to get involved in
this.
I’ve emphasized, repeatedly, that my role was very limited to just
seven top recipients. That’s all the statute conveyed to me. Even
as to those seven, my role in actually regulating pay was limited
to the top 25 officials, as a mandatory matter. I had other voluntary discretionary regulatory authority, limited somewhat by the
statute and by the regulations. So, in effect, to some extent—to
some extent—my role is a sideshow, as the New York Times pointed out, because if you really want to get answers to questions of
causation, linkage, executive pay, what is appropriate regulation,
look to the Federal Reserve, the SEC, the FDIC, the G20, the new
Dodd-Frank legislation that’s now the law of the land. My role was
rather limited.
Now, within that context, we did find some prescriptions that we
invoked and implemented tying pay to performance. Very limited
guaranteed compensation. Cash. Very limited guaranteed cash
compensation. Tie the rest of an executive’s compensation to stock
in the company for which she or he works. Do not allow that stock
to be easily transferred too early. Compel the executive to keep
that compensation in the form of equity. Nontransferable, except
over a period as long as 4 years, a third after 2 years, a third
transferable after 3, a third transferable after 4.
The law required the statute immediate vesting of that compensation, but we decided, in a move that I think was important,
that the long-term compensation of any individual top official in
these seven companies should be deferred, as much as possible, so
that the long-term success or failure of that company will be tied
to the long-term compensation of the executive. I think it’s sort of
elementary. I’m not sure everybody agrees with me on this, but
this is what we concluded.
We wanted to try and minimize risk. We wanted to maximize
taxpayer return. We wanted to make sure that there was an appropriate allocation between cash and equity. We wanted compensation tied to performance. We wanted to look to the compensation
of these seven companies and see how competitive our pay packages would be, relative to other companies that are in the market-

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place that we had no authority to regulate. And, finally, we wanted
to make sure that, as I say, the top officials were paid based on
what they contributed to the overall performance of the company
and its shareholders.
Finally——
The CHAIRMAN. Can you wrap up?
Mr. FEINBERG [continuing]. Finally, two quick points. We heard,
over and over again, that if we didn’t provide competitive pay packages, those top officials would leave and go elsewhere. And we were
told by these companies, they would go elsewhere, they might even
go to China. Everybody was going to go to China to work if these
companies lost these officials. They’re still there. Eighty-five percent of the specific individuals whose pay, by statute, we regulated
are still there.
The second final point is in response to panelist Silvers. Why did
the special master conclude, at the end of his tenure, that—as to
officials at 17 top recipients—not just the 7, but as to 17 top recipients—why did I conclude, at the end of my tenure, that, although
certain compensation practices led to compensation that was inappropriate and not justified—why didn’t I demand—even though I
had no enforcement authority—why didn’t I demand that that
money be returned to the taxpayer?
Answer?
The CHAIRMAN. No, let’s hold the answer, when Mr. Silvers asks
the question, because you’re——
Mr. FEINBERG. I’m done.
The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. Out of time.
Mr. FEINBERG. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You wield a tough
gavel.
The CHAIRMAN. Oh, yeah, right. [Laughter.]
[The prepared statement of Mr. Feinberg follows:]

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The CHAIRMAN. How did you—overall, how did you evaluate your
success? I know it was kind of inside, and it was internal, but how
did you judge your success as special master?
Mr. FEINBERG. I think, I would view, if I must say so—Ms.
Geoghegan might have a different view, but I don’t think so—I
think we did exactly what the statute, Congress, and the Treasury
regulations asked us to do. We were confined by those legal regulations in the statute. And I think, overall, in a very limited way—
seven companies we did exactly what we were trying to do. And
frankly, Mr. Chairman, we now see other Federal agencies adopting many of the prescriptions I’ve mentioned in their own effort to
rein in executive pay.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, you stated that 85 percent of the people are
still there. Are there other numbers you use? In other words, at the
end of the thing, you looked at it, and you said, ‘‘There are some
numbers here, some metrics that I feel good about or I feel bad
about’’?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, that’s the most important. I also look at the
metrics that demonstrate that we did—if you look at the statistics,
we substantially reduced what we thought was inappropriate largesse on the part of these top 25 officials. I think the executive pay
that we set, mostly consensual with the companies, demonstrates
a drop in that overall executive pay, something that I think was
important to do.
The CHAIRMAN. Well, how much of it, do you think, though, people stay because they thought, when you were gone, it was going
to go back to what it was before?
Mr. FEINBERG. Oh, I think there’s something to that. Now,
whether or not that will happen, I don’t know.
The CHAIRMAN. Oh.
Mr. FEINBERG. I draw two conclusions from that question. One,
it’s a bit premature to say whether companies will go back to business as usual. I’ve only left a couple of months ago. The 2010 prescriptions and pay prescriptions, we’ll watch, I think, and this
panel and the Congress will watch and see. Second thing I would
say is, don’t paint with too broad a brush. I think what I’ve learned
is, you’ve got to look at each individual company and see how that
company reacts to criticism, when it comes to pay. I don’t think you
can just assume all companies adopt these prescriptions, all companies don’t adopt these prescriptions. You got to go case by case by
case.
The CHAIRMAN. But you do have some views about whether, in
fact, that worked. You do have views about specifically what happened, and—in terms of the metrics, in terms of the math—of what
happened, case by case. And the other thing that you were looking
for, you were looking for long-term effect.
Mr. FEINBERG. That’s right.
The CHAIRMAN. So, it isn’t just—looking at the seven companies
really will not tell us what happened with that, right?
Mr. FEINBERG. That’s right.
The CHAIRMAN. We’re looking for something broader than that,
right?
Mr. FEINBERG. That’s right. And the two ways you’ll find out
about a broader impact is, one, what the agencies are doing with

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a much broader cohort of companies than what I would—dealt
with; and, secondly, it’ll be interesting, in the next few years, to see
whether companies that weren’t under my jurisdiction voluntarily,
on their own, adopted the prescriptions. Many did, right now. We’ll
see, over the next few years, whether they adhere to those prescriptions.
The CHAIRMAN. Right. And you used—you kept track of what the
pay was before you got involved, and when you got involved. Do
you have that? Can we have a chance to view——
Mr. FEINBERG. Final report.
The CHAIRMAN. Final report.
Mr. FEINBERG. If you look at our final report and the accompanying materials that are submitted that are part of the public
record, you will see: what the companies submitted; how we responded; how we engaged that data and companies, anecdotally
and empirically; and how we disagreed with those companies.
The CHAIRMAN. Okay.
Mr. McWatters.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Thank you.
Mr. Feinberg, you were charged with the interpretation and implementation of certain statutory and regulatory provisions regarding executive compensation. What’s your assessment of those statutory and regulatory provisions?
Mr. FEINBERG. I think that it—they worked. It was a very limited role. I doubt that Congress or the Treasury want any expansion of that role. I think, in the limited area that I was asked to
regulate, we did it, we did it pursuant to law, we did it effectively.
I do not hear, anywhere, in Congress or in this administration, suggesting that the degree of micro management that I was obligated
to be engaged in should be replicated or expanded.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. If you were presented with the opportunity—asked to draw these provisions again, de novo, how would
they differ?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, clearly we would want to change some of
the language of the statute that prevented—that required that
compensation, in an annual year, vest immediately—the so-called
Dodd Amendment. I think that the problem we ran into is that, for
the top 25 officials, vesting was required immediately, cash bonuses were severely curtailed—cash compensation was severely
curtailed. I think that we would want to tinker with the—some of
those incentives—or, some of those requirements. But, I think,
overall, those were the major areas of tinkering.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. I’ll ask the same question I asked in my
opening statement. And, again, in answering the question, don’t be
constrained by the current rules, okay? This is just, again, de novo
question. And that is: How does an employer structure a compensation program so as to identify risk, but also minimize any unnecessary and excessive risk, but still permitting the executive to take
sufficient risk so the company prospers? How do you balance that?
Mr. FEINBERG. Very, very difficult. My first answer is a hedge by
saying: every company has a culture and a environment that is different. I’m not sure you can answer that very legitimate question
by saying that GM and automobile companies should invoke the

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same prescriptions as AIG or Bank of America. I think they’re very
different.
But, I would say that the fundamental conclusion we drew is
that you want to set up a compensation package that provides competitive cash to that employee, but in a limited amount—a competitive amount—we said, under $500,000 annually—and that the appropriate balance should be struck by giving the remaining compensation in a given year in stock in that company, but over a relatively lengthy period of time so that you are undercutting any incentive for quick turnaround, quick flip, making the stock, in effect,
cash. And, instead, you’ve got to hold a—as nontransferable, a good
share of that stock, over as long as 4 years.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay, thank you. My time’s up.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Silvers.
Mr. SILVERS. Mr. Feinberg, before I let you continue in what you
were about to say before, let me express my view that I think that
your work has undoubtedly significantly improved compensation
practices in the financial sector and in the specific companies that
you were—that you had authority over.
Mr. FEINBERG. You’re setting me up, Mr. Silvers. [Laughter.]
Mr. SILVERS. I am, indeed, but I’m trying to be nice first. And
I want to express the absolute sincerity of my—of what I’ve just
said, before I get to the tougher part of it.
Now, I’d like you to tell me why you found, in your final report,
that a significant amount of the compensation paid to the 17 firms
you referred to who were TARP recipients that were paying, I believe, over half a million dollars to their executives—why you found
a significant amount of that compensation during the period after
the enactment of TARP, during a 4-month period after the enactment of TARP, to be inappropriate. Why was that?
Mr. FEINBERG. It was inappropriate because they were taking
taxpayer money and feathering their own nest.
Mr. SILVERS. Well, that’s an extraordinarily helpful lead-in to
where you left off, because what I want to know is, not the question of how much or should you have clawed it back—all right?—
but, How do you reconcile that finding with your statutory obligation around the notion of the public interest?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, it’s a very close question, I admit. I debated
this for many, many weeks. And I concluded, for the following couple of reasons, that it would be inappropriate to claw back the—
or seek to claw back the money.
First, 90 percent of that money that was inappropriately paid to
those executives on those 17–90 percent of it was paid to companies, like Citigroup, that had already repaid the taxpayer every
dime of TARP. We——
Mr. SILVERS. Now——
Mr. FEINBERG. We found——
Mr. SILVERS. Mr. Feinberg, Citigroup has not repaid every dime
of TARP——
Mr. FEINBERG. Under my jurisdiction—they were out from under
my jurisdiction—they had repaid——
Mr. SILVERS. But, they have not repaid every dime of TARP, as
we sit here today.
Mr. FEINBERG. That is correct. But, under my statutory——

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Mr. SILVERS. I——
Mr. FEINBERG [continuing]. Jurisdiction over Citigroup——
Mr. SILVERS. I—yes. No, I understand that. But, the public-interest mandate was not confined to special aid.
Mr. FEINBERG. I understand. I——
Mr. SILVERS. It seems—Mr. Feinberg, it seems to me that what
you were really—what you really did—and I would like you to
deny—if it’s not true, if I have—misunderstand what you were
doing, then tell me—but, what you really did was, you concluded
that—I—it can’t be true that feathering your own nest, when
you’re a—when you’re holding the public’s money, is in the public’s
interest. That can’t be true. It seems to me, what you just said is
the key thing, that you felt that it was not in the public’s interest
to have an accurate finding here, because it would trigger a process
of recapture that you felt was not in the public interest to trigger.
Mr. FEINBERG. You——
Mr. SILVERS. Is that——
Mr. FEINBERG. You say it well. You say it well. But, let me go
on and remind me you, as you well know, better than anybody, I
also recognized I had no authority to force that money back. All I
could do under the statute was seek, beseech, request, urge. I
couldn’t guarantee that that money would be repaid, in any event.
Mr. SILVERS. Right.
Mr. FEINBERG. And, my final point, at the time that that money
was inappropriately paid to those executives, as you well know,
they violated no law at the time, they hadn’t violated any regulation at the time. I thought it was overkill.
Mr. SILVERS. But, that wasn’t your standard. Your standard was
not, ‘‘Did they break the law?’’ Your standard was ‘‘the public interest.’’ And I understand that you made a judgment about what was
in the public interest, in terms of the consequences; but, that was
also not your mandate. Your mandate was—and I think you’ve determined it—I think the irony here is that, in your own way, you
have determined that that compensation violated the public interest. And, it was Congress’s determination that, if it did, it should
be—every effort should be made, within the fact that you didn’t
have the power, to claw it back.
Mr. FEINBERG. Don’t——
Mr. SILVERS. My time is expired.
Mr. FEINBERG. Don’t pooh-pooh that fact, that I didn’t have the
power to claw it back.
The CHAIRMAN. Dr. Troske.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
Mr. Feinberg, I thought you made a very good point about the
limited role that you had—Congress—and it’s something that we
should all keep in mind. Having said that, you’ve got a lot—gained
a lot of experience in this issue, so, you know, we would like to
draw on some of your broader experience.
One question I have is, in some such—you—as you correctly said,
you’re supposed to look at what would be competitive and, you
know, what are comparable firms and what you’d expect these executives to get paid. Of course, many of these executives that you
were dealing with were executives that—at firms that, in the absence of a government bailout, would have been bankrupt. And I

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don’t think CEOs of bankrupt firms get paid a lot. So, I mean, did
you take that into account? Is that something that you considered
when—you thought, What would these people have been paid, had
they been out looking for a job, having been just the CEO of a firm
that they drove into bankruptcy?
Mr. FEINBERG. Yes, we looked at any and all of these variables
to try and come up with a pay package that we thought was appropriate, in light of competitive pressures.
Dr. TROSKE: Okay. You mentioned that 85 percent of executives
were still there. What would we have expected? I mean, what was
the—I guess, in some sense, I’m trying to get a sense of what a
competitive pay package would have been. And you would expect
a normal amount of turnover at these firms. Did you investigate
what turnover was like before they implemented TARP and sort
of—in some sense, maybe you paid them too much; maybe the turnover—you know, saying that 85 percent of them are still there, I—
that seems like a high number to me. So, can you—do you have a
sense of what that is? Did you do any looking at that?
Mr. FEINBERG. Yes, we looked at that. I must say, I always
viewed this whole issue of pay as only one variable as to why people stay where they are. This argument that was presented to us,
that pay, and pay alone, is ‘‘the’’ variable that will determine
whether we’re competitive or not, I found it dubious at the time,
and I still find it dubious, and I think that the statistics bear me
out on this. People stay at jobs for a lot of reasons, only one of
which—important, but one of many reasons—is their pay.
Dr. TROSKE. As a college professor who probably—you get paid
more, as a consultant—I’m certainly going to agree with you, because I—and you’re right that that is a common finding, is that pay
is not the sole determinant of whether people are happy and stay
at their job.
Talk a little bit about AIG. I guess it’s—it was reported, or at
least I’ve read reports in the New York Times, that AIG received
some sort of special consideration, in terms of the value, you know,
that they were not—their compensation—the executives—they
were not based on the value of their—the stock—AIG stock—but of
some derivative of that stock. Is that the case? And, if so, why?
Mr. FEINBERG. I don’t believe that is the case. That was the
case—that was proposed.
Dr. TROSKE. Okay.
Mr. FEINBERG. And we tried to work something out, in conjunction with AIG’s suggestion that the stock—the common stock
wasn’t worth enough to appropriately compensate top officials. But,
we worked out a compromise with the Federal Reserve, with AIG,
with the Office of Financial Stability. It turned out, at the end of
the day—I believe—that, at the end of the day, AIG did agree that
its common stock, under our formula, would be appropriately used
as a compensation device.
Dr. TROSKE. Your 500—again, your $500,000, you know, seemingly, line in the sand of—that’s what they should get as cash—
I—you said that you tried to come up with a competitive amount.
How did you come up—where did the $500,000 come from?
Mr. FEINBERG. First, it wasn’t a line in the sand. We allowed
variations from the 500,000. And, in some cases, there were quite

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a few variations from the 500,000. We concluded, based on the
packages that were submitted to us, based on evidence that we
took on our own, anecdotally—empirical evidence that we got on
our own—and also based on our sense of what Congress and Treasury intended in their statute and regulations—at the end of the
day, we exercised our discretion and came up with that number,
based on these variables.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Superintendent Neiman.
Mr. NEIMAN. Yes, thank you.
Just, really, following up on that, because, you know, it’s clear
there’s—a fundamental question and debate on executive comp is:
What is the proper role of government insuring that incentive comp
arrangements don’t encourage excessive risktaking? And, as I mentioned in my opening statement and you referenced in yours,
there’s a lot of work already being done by Federal bank regulators. The guidance put out by the bank regulators, as you know,
in June, took a principle-based approach. I’d be interested in your
experience. And, you certainly set out, in your opening, that—the
six principles that guided you. Do you see the proper role for government in a principle-based or in a rule-setting framework, or a
combination of the two?
Mr. FEINBERG. Combination of the two. The one thing I had to
do, that nobody else had to do, of course, was actually put pencil
to paper and come up with the dollars. And coming up with the
dollars, I would have thought, at the outset of this assignment, it
wouldn’t have been—there wouldn’t have been much interest. Only
175 people I’m dealing with, here. Turns out that principles plus
rulemaking—that’s fine; but asking government to then translate
that into, ‘‘You will make 1 million or 800,000 or 5 million,’’ that
is government intervention, which I think should be very, very limited and should not be expanded upon.
Mr. NEIMAN. So, what are the specific pay issues that are more
susceptible to principle-based versus rules? I mean, you said one
clear rule, with respect to the 500,000, and now we’re hearing it’s—
it clearly wasn’t a line in the sand. Are there other specific pay
issues that you think a rule-based is appropriate?
Mr. FEINBERG. Very important that compensation be spread and
not be guaranteed and be tied to the overall performance of the
company where the official works. We made sure—I think perhaps
our most important prescription—and Professor Murphy and others
can comment on this—is, we concluded that compensation should
be in the form of stock, but stock which cannot be transferred. It
may vest, by law, but it should not be transferable, except over a
lengthy period of time, so that long-term performance of the company will determine the total pay package of the corporate official.
Mr. NEIMAN. So, that, let me understand, is a principle as opposed to——
Mr. FEINBERG. A rule.
Mr. NEIMAN [continuing]. A rule of mandating a——
Mr. FEINBERG. Right.
Mr. NEIMAN [continuing]. Specific vesting period.

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Mr. FEINBERG. A rule might be: you should transfer, over a
lengthy period of time. The principle is: a third, a third, a third—
2 years, 3 years, 4 years.
Mr. NEIMAN. So, now, what—we hear one of the—some—many of
the commentators to the Fed’s guidance said, principle-based are—
give rise to vagueness, ambiguity with respect to compliance. And
I think it’s also clearly tied to enforcement. What is the enforcement regime on a principle-based?
Mr. FEINBERG. I’m—I’d want to debate the Federal Reserve more
on that. It seems to me that what we found is that the rule delegated to the special master the ability to provide more detailed
principles that would be used to effectuate the rule. The danger, I
think, with pay is that you’ll come up with vanilla rules: Pay
should be performance-based. Well, I mean, who will disagree with
that? But, what’s the underlying detail behind that rule that is a
principle that will be adopted? And I think—I’d debate—maybe it’s
semantic, but I think it’s an important difference.
Mr. NEIMAN. Before my time runs out, I would like your view on
the guidance put out by the Federal bank regulators as getting at
the issue of misaligned incentives.
Mr. FEINBERG. Again, it remains to be seen. I want to—to me,
the only test here, with these rules put out by the agencies, What
impact do they have in practice? And I think it’s too early to comment, other than to say that vigorous enforcement—your point, Mr.
Neiman—vigorous enforcement, I think, will determine the effectiveness of these rules or principles.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Useful—when you talk about a ‘‘useful model’’
and ‘‘for reasonable pay,’’ do you think your work has led to more—
an idea of what ‘‘reasonable pay’’ is?
Mr. FEINBERG. Yes, I do.
The CHAIRMAN. And what were the main elements of it?
Mr. FEINBERG. The main elements, as I said—and I think the
agencies are adopting some of what we prescribed the main elements of pay should be, without mentioning numbers: Low guaranteed base-cash salary; the remaining compensation in X stock, in
that company, which cannot be transferred, except over a lengthy
period of time; and, I should point out, more effective corporate—
corporate regulation of golden parachutes, perks, end-of-career severance payments and pension plans. I think our final report pretty
much lays out the blueprint that we think is a pretty good model.
The CHAIRMAN. Can you comment on—and this goes beyond
your—you know, specifically this thing, but I think it has real impact, especially when you’re talking about a reasonable model. My
experience has been, over the years, that using stock as an incentive—and the price of stock has—you know, sometimes it works,
sometimes it doesn’t. I mean, you’re executive, you got a good market going, Dow Jones goes up 3,000 points, you’re king, and you’re
making a fortune, and you had nothing at all to do with that; you
just happened to be there when the wind was blowing. And then,
conversely, what we see, time and time again, when the market
turns down, the compensation committees say, ‘‘Well, wait a
minute, we didn’t cause the downturn. We shouldn’t be taking the

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hit on that. Our company’s doing just what it was doing the last
3 years.’’
And therefore, they don’t get the reduction in compensation. Can
you comment on that?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, that’s the argument. My response will be a
couple of things. Two points.
One, there’s got to be some diversity in compensation. I agree
with that.
The CHAIRMAN. Right.
Mr. FEINBERG. It can’t be all stock. It can’t be all cash. We went
back and forth on this discussion. Frankly, we concluded that if the
market improves and corporate officials get a windfall because the
stock soared: win-win. I mean, if the corporate—if the corporation
benefits to that extent, so its shareholders benefit, hopefully the
country benefits, that’s the free market. That’s all right.
The CHAIRMAN. Except that, in order to do that, then when it
goes down, they should take the hit for that.
Mr. FEINBERG. They should take the hit.
The CHAIRMAN. And you do agree that, in most cases, they don’t.
And then, for this—in many, many cases——
Mr. FEINBERG. I——
The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. The compensation committee meets,
and they say, ‘‘Well, you know, it wasn’t our fault, let’s—we’re not
going to reduce that. We’ll give more stock or we’ll change the stock
options, or whatever.’’
Mr. FEINBERG. That’s right. Now, that’s a corporate governance
issue, too.
The CHAIRMAN. No, no, I got it. I understand it. But, I’m saying—but, I’m just to get—again, I understand it’s a corporate governance issue, but when you’re dealing with the issue of, you know,
what is reasonable pay, then that’s clear—you know, a clear concern.
Mr. FEINBERG. Mr. Chairman, I agree completely that, in a vacuum, what I’m suggesting as principles might work just fine. But,
if you’re not going to have enforcement, and you’re not going to
have the type of corporate—internal corporate regulation to make
the principles meaningful——
The CHAIRMAN. Right.
Mr. FEINBERG [continuing]. It’s all about enforcement in the corporate culture.
The CHAIRMAN. But, it would be fair to say that, in a reasonable
model—a reasonable pay model, it would be incentives—stock can
be one of those incentives, but it should be taken into account that
stock is not the only determinant of whether an executive does a
good job.
Mr. FEINBERG. Absolutely.
The CHAIRMAN. Good. And I know you said that the school’s not
out yet on how Wall Street’s going to pay, but I think—again, it’s
always risky to refer to newspapers, but the Wall Street Journal
says, ‘‘Wall Street pay is on a pace to reach a record high in 2010.’’
William Cohan, writing in the New York Times, October 7, 2010,
said, ‘‘The incentives on Wall Street have not been changed one
iota.’’ Now, if that, in fact, is the case, how do you feel about your
tenure and the ability to actually change cultures?

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Mr. FEINBERG. Hey, if that’s the fact, and it’s broad brush across
Wall Street and includes not only Bank of America and Citigroup,
companies that were under my jurisdiction, but also includes Goldman, who professed to follow the prescriptions last year that we
had imposed, voluntarily, then I think that our work has not been
successful and it’s not being followed and it is a problem.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Mr. FEINBERG. But, I think that, if that’s the case, there are
other agencies that profess to rein in executive pay, like the SEC
and the Federal Reserve—I think that the mandate falls to them
to pick up the slack.
The CHAIRMAN. Although, I really do think everyone agrees that
it would be better if we didn’t turn to that. It would be better if
we could come up a reasonable pay package, if we did have incentives, if we did have a model, if people did go ahead and control
it. And it’s very disturbing, if, in fact, given the opportunity to do
this, that—an opportunity that, as bad as this financial crisis is,
people don’t take advantage of it, you’ve got to wonder about where
the answer is.
Mr. FEINBERG. Right. I think that’s right.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. McWatters.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Thank you, Senator.
Mr. Feinberg, if a company pays a portion of the compensation
in the form of stock—okay?—at a point when the stock prices are
at historic lows, will executives have an incentive to engage in
risky behavior, due to the potential for large upside gains and the
limited downside loss?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, that—we had to debate that. That’s the argument. Now, we concluded that the way to minimize that likelihood—two ways: One, diverse pay packages that include cash, to
a certain extent. And, secondly, have that stock transferable only
over a relatively lengthy period, so that whatever short-term gain
that corporate official might try and be incentivized to do—over the
long-term life of that company, we thought it less likely that that
type of risky behavior would be maximized, because over the longterm, especially with corporate governance in place, we thought
that that would make it more likely that the long-term interest of
the company would be aligned with the corporate official.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Sure. I mean, if you talk to employees of Merrill, Lehman, Bear—Citi, I think, is trading around $4 a share—
B of A, and a number of others, who had incentive stock—a lot of
incentive stock, coming into the fall of 2008, and—I can’t say they
were all wiped out, but they lost a lot. But, nonetheless, they created this mess with those compensation programs in place. So, if
we now have these new and improved compensation programs that
are dependent upon long-term incentive comp, aren’t we, in effect,
copying what was in existence in ’05, with the exception, perhaps,
of a meaningful clawback?
Mr. FEINBERG. I’m not sure about that. I tend not to agree with
that. I tend to look at Lehman and the debacle of the last few
years—and I’m not an expert on this, I have a statute to enforce—
but, to what extent would those executive pay packages, the cause
of that debacle, as opposed to capitalization requirements and other
institutional flaws in these companies—I think that, by requiring

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that compensation in the form of stock be transferable only over a
number of years, you minimize, somewhat, the likelihood of that
type of risktaking. May be wrong about that, but that’s the conclusion we reached.
Mr. MCWATTERS. No, I understand. As I said in my opening
statements, I’m not necessarily wedded to the idea of compensation
packages causing the problem. In other words, the ‘‘show me the
money’’ theory, as I called it, I’m not confident that works. But, a
lot of people are. And so, they’re proposing deferred comp, incentive
comp as a way to solve the problem. But, my fear is—I mean, we
may be solving the wrong problem, or at least not solving the correct problem.
Mr. FEINBERG. Yeah. What is the alternative? We concluded that,
if you really want to promote risky behavior, tell a corporate official
that he or she is guaranteed 5 million in cash—win, lose, or draw,
in terms of the future performance of the company. And we concluded that that, as a relative matter, would be more risky, in
terms of the company’s long-term growth and success, than the
method that we adopted.
Mr. MCWATTERS. See, I would think to the contrary. I would
think, ‘‘If someone’s going to pay me $5 million cash a year, I want
to keep this gig going.’’ That’s a good one. It’s hard to come by, unless you can play first base for the Yankees or something like that,
which I can’t. So, I’m just not sure.
Okay, my time’s up.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Silvers.
Mr. SILVERS. Yeah.
Mr. Feinberg, I’m—in a way, I want to continue Mr. McWatters’s
line of questioning, but in a somewhat—maybe from a somewhat—
a little different angle. Although, let me just take one case study,
in what Mr. McWatters is talking about, that haunts me, which is:
Angelo Mozilo. All right? $400 million-plus in comp taken out of
Countrywide during, essentially, one leg of the business cycle. The
up leg. All right? Securities fraud settlement, giant headlines. So,
he paid—he had to pay back, I think, 67 million of the 400. What’s
the externalities of that little adventure? Seven million foreclosed
families, a destroyed—apparently, a deeply damaged property-loss
system that’s been a foundation of our economy for 300 years.
The—all of them—all of the work of this panel and the TARP and
all that sort of thing—seems to have been substantially—Countrywide seems to have been a substantial contributor to it. And the
net of that circumstance is—well, let’s say he had to pay his lawyers $30 million. The net of that circumstance is a pretax income
of $300 million to Mr. Mozilo. That would appear to speak very
strongly to executive pay as a contributing factor, would it not?
Mr. FEINBERG. Oh, I think so. I mean, it gets to the point—you’re
using a summa cum laude example. Don’t forget that, as to the 175
officials that we dealt with——
Mr. SILVERS. Right.
Mr. FEINBERG [continuing]. We did—by statute, legally obligated—we did cap everybody’s packages. All of the compensation.
I don’t think that we approved—I could be wrong; Patricia would
know—but, I don’t think we approved anybody’s pay package—
maybe one or two people—that were $10 million.

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Mr. SILVERS. The Mozilo example, though, goes to the time horizons issue. Right? If you—you’ve got pay set up so you can take out
$400 million—right?—in one leg of the business cycle. The incentives are obvious.
I want to come, then, to the—to, sort of, the big question here.
We, as a—we—this panel has found, repeatedly, that TARP functions as an implicit guarantee of the major financial institutions.
And it’s my opinion that there’s kind of a linger—it’s kind of always been an implicit guarantee of the very largest financial institutions. And the certainty of that guarantee has grown with the—
with their size. Why does it make sense, if the—if that’s the truth
of the matter, to have incentive pay be equity-based, for those institutions?
Mr. FEINBERG. What’s the alternative?
Mr. SILVERS. I mean——
Mr. FEINBERG. I mean, in—you talk about what’s implicit. What
is the alternative? I mean, I guess one alternative is: don’t bail out
these companies. If—let the free market really control——
Mr. SILVERS. Well, I mean, I know that my fellow panelist, Professor Troske, would like to have that happen. I think history suggests that, with these very large financial institutions, despite all
of our desires, it doesn’t, that there is an implicit guarantee operating, and as long as we have institutions of that size, it will operate. And so, the question is—I mean, this is not a—I’m not being
critical of your work in—in a respect, because you applied, I think,
very—you know, in a very thoughtful way, the prevalent thinking
around long-term equity-based compensation. But, if these institutions have a government guarantee behind them, doesn’t that suggest that we ought to be looking at measures of performance that
are: (a) more risk-based; and (b) maybe tied more to debtholders,
as I think we’re going to hear from witnesses, following you.
Mr. FEINBERG. You may be right. I think, really, your question
is better directed to the Chairman and the Congress, in terms of
an overview as to what the appropriate role of government is. Congress had already spoken and delegated to me, through the Treasury, certain limited function and——
Mr. SILVERS. But, Mr. Feinberg, they didn’t delegate to you, specifically, equity-based pay.
Mr. FEINBERG. I understand that. But, I don’t really think—
when you talk about the type of meltdown you’re discussing, Mr.
Silvers, I’m not sure what the pay package would be that would
minimize the likelihood of that type of meltdown. You’re talking
about a meltdown that maybe should have resulted in these seven
companies not being protected by the government.
Mr. SILVERS. Well, a larger question. My time’s expired.
The CHAIRMAN. Since I’ve been asked, I have spoken: I think
‘‘too-big-to-fail’’ should not be too big to fail. And I’ve worked mightily to do it. I didn’t succeed in all the things I wanted to, but I’m
very interested to hear Dr. Troske’s questions.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you. And I do—you know, as Mr. Silvers has
indicated, I do have somewhat of a preference for that, but I do recognize the problems of allowing large financial firms to fail in the
midst of a financial crisis. But—and it does bring up the issue, I
think—and maybe you can talk a little bit about that—is—I mean,

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is—when you have these guarantees, you really don’t—there aren’t
a lot of people around, involved with the company. In some sense,
it allows them to ignore really bad risk, right? Large level—what’s
known as black swans, now. The—just—you don’t have to worry
about it. If—once it gets so bad, after a certain point, well, the government’s going to step in. And so, given that, it’s hard for me to
imagine an incentive-based compensation structure that is going to
be created that gives an executive a lot of incentive to worry about
that.
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, you may say that. I must say, one thing I
learned in this job is the desire of these companies to get out from
under any government regulation. I mean, Citigroup and Bank of
America, as I understand it, borrowed money to get out from under
TARP and my restrictions.
Again, I go back, I guess, to the question that—my role was so
limited, all I could do, under the statute and regs—and Mr. Silvers
thinks maybe I could have done more—but, all I could do was try
and tinker with ways that might be a model to deal with these
seven companies. And I think, within that limited framework, we
did what we were supposed to do.
Dr. TROSKE. So, let me ask you a little bit about that, because
I think, while you are right—your description is, obviously, correct,
that your—you were limited in what you could do. You clearly
scared these people. And it is the case—I mean, I think, you have
described it as—that in order to get out from under you, they paid
back TARP funds quickly. Do you think that’s a good thing?
Mr. FEINBERG. Congress certainly did. Congress felt that the single most important thing I could do is get those seven companies
to repay the taxpayer. That was the number—Secretary Geithner
made that clear, Congress made that clear, the administration
made that clear; and we succeeded, with three of those companies
already repaying.
Dr. TROSKE. And so, let me ask—build on that again a little. And
I want to be clear, I—you know, the companies that went bankrupt, I think, deserve almost anything they got, and then took the
money. I’m not a big sympathy—I’m not very sympathetic. But,
there were companies that were requested to take TARP funds,
that were not in the same financial situation, and yet they came
under your purview. And it also does seem to be the case that the
rules of the game changed over—I mean, I think, the final rules regarding what you were allowed to do, many of them were adopted
after the original TARP legislation, in October of 2008.
Do you think that they were aware—many of the executives were
aware, when they took the original TARP money, what they were
agreeing to? And——
Mr. FEINBERG. No.
Dr. TROSKE. And do you think it’s, in some sense, fair to them
to change the rules of the game in the midst of it? And I know I’m
asking you to expand on what—that’s not part of your——
Mr. FEINBERG. It really isn’t part of my mandate.
Dr. TROSKE. Yeah.
Mr. FEINBERG. I—you’d have to ask each company, and each corporate official who made these decisions, what they knew and when
they knew it. But, I do agree with the argument that, once Con-

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gress provided substantial taxpayer assistance to these companies,
I was, in effect, a surrogate creditor for the taxpayer. And I’m
hard-pressed to accept the argument that it was inappropriate for
us to change the rules or to modify the rules. The taxpayers were
creditors, the government had a right, I think, especially under the
congressional legislation, to influence pay practices, at least to a
limited extent, with those companies. And I think we did that—exactly what Congress wanted us to do.
Dr. TROSKE. Okay. I would agree with you. I think they learned
a valuable lesson about what comes with taking money from the
public trough.
The CHAIRMAN. Superintendent Neiman.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thanks.
Well, we talked about what should be the regulatory governmental regime principle, versus rules, regarding incentive comp.
But, another key question is the scope of the institutions that
should be subject to these standards. My question is: Where should
we draw the line? Your line was pretty clearly drawn, with respect
to TARP recipients, the seven you referenced. But, I’d be interested
in your views as to—in expanding that out. Should it be—should
it cover only insured banks? What about other financial institutions, like security firms and insurance companies? Should we only
be focusing on those systemically significant institutions; you know,
beyond the explicit guarantees of insured banks, but to those with
implicit guarantees?
Mr. FEINBERG. I’m not the expert, there. I mean, I must say,
you’re asking a very legitimate question to somebody who had just
seven institutions to worry about, and we worried, at 3 a.m., what
to do with those seven. Whether or not the Federal Reserve and
the FDIC should expand their authority to encompass prescriptions
on pay for others and other agencies, you’re asking the wrong witness, on that.
Mr. NEIMAN. Well, you know, maybe I’ll take it—you know, I’ll
come at it a different way, because I think your experience and
learnings are helpful. What should be the principles that we should
be guided by in determining the scope? Is it simply protecting the
taxpayers, whether through explicit—as a result of explicit guarantees or implicit guarantees? Is it financial stability?
Mr. FEINBERG. Well, financial stability protects the taxpayers. I
think that—in my situation, I had—you’re right, I had a rather explicit mandate tied to the fact that the taxpayer cut a check to each
of these seven companies, and that made us a creditor. I’m not suggesting that that’s the way to do it next time, but I do think that,
in terms of prescriptions, there ought to be some rule tied to taxpayer protection and financial stability in the marketplace. So, how
that translates, you’ll have to ask others.
Mr. NEIMAN. Okay. And—also, in your experience—you know,
we’re talking about—to the extent it even should extend to the
shadow banking system, to the extent that controls that we put in
place in regulated entities may shift some of these riskier activities
and compensation programs into less regulated entities.
Mr. FEINBERG. I think that’s right. I also think—be careful
about—in my experience, be careful about looking only at the issue
of scope, because I think what we learned, in the special master’s

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office, is: every bit as important, if not more important, than scope
is enforcement. And, at the end of the day, who are in the front
line enforcing these regulations and the scope of regulatory effort
is every bit as critical as what, on paper, looks to be a fairly sensible regulatory regime.
Mr. NEIMAN. Yeah. And, I—you know, where we left off, in principle versus rules—I think the first time a regulator takes a significant enforcement action under a principle-based regime, the industry will first say, ‘‘Give me the rules. We can’t live with this ambiguity. Give us the rules and we will comply.’’ So, it—there really
is the balance.
I’m also interested in your views on culture, because you’ve seen
very different institutions and—with the large investment banks
converting to bank holding companies, with trading mentalities. I’d
be interested in your views as to how much culture really plays
in——
Mr. FEINBERG. Oh.
Mr. NEIMAN [continuing]. These kinds of organizations.
Mr. FEINBERG. We found cultures critical. Goldman, Morgan—
they’re different. One fascinating aspect of what I learned in this
is the relative lack of interest in the public when it came to GM
and Chrysler. I mean, almost all of the media and public attention
was addressed to Bank of America, Citigroup, and AIG. There was,
relatively speaking, much, much less interest in General Motors
and in Chrysler, in GMAC and Chrysler Financial. Part of that, I
think, was driven that—if you look at the pay packages of these
Wall Street firms, relative to GM and Chrysler, it was like Earth
and Mars. I mean, I think, if I remember correctly, the top three
people of the 25 at Citigroup got more compensation before we arrived than all 25 people at GM, which was, to me, a little bit astounding.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. I think, I can answer that question. I think that
people in America believe that they were the people that brought
this thing down, they’re the people that caused the unemployment,
they’re the people that caused foreclosure, they’re the people that
did all that, number one.
Number two is, they came through this thing and started making
money faster than any other economic entity in the country, and
got back to where they were, when all the others were floundering.
So, I think—it’s very obvious to me that that was the cause-effect.
I want to thank you for your testimony. Illuminating, as usual.
And thank you for your public service.
Mr. FEINBERG. I just want to thank the Panel for—this is the
third opportunity I’ve had to meet, formally or informally, with the
panel, although not with the distinguished Chairman. And I want
the panel to be—rest assured that the acting special master, Patricia Geoghegan, who’s right here, will continue the fine work of the
special master’s office. So, thank you very much.
The CHAIRMAN. Great. Thank you.
And can the second panel come forward? [Pause.]
Very good.
I’m pleased to welcome our second panel, a truly distinguished
group of academics and industry experts who will help us evaluate

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the TARP’s executive compensation restrictions and the work of the
special master, Feinberg.
We are joined by Professor Kevin Murphy, from University South
Carolina’s Marshall School of Business; Professor Frederick Tung,
from Boston University School of Law; Rose Marie Orens, a senior
partner at Compensation Advisory Partners; and Ted White, strategic advisor from Knight Vinke Asset Management and the cochair of the International Corporate Governance Network, Executives Remuneration Committee.
We’ll believe with—we’ll begin with Professor Murphy. Please
keep your oral testimony to 3 minutes, as we know, and we’ll put
the whole record—everything you—your total testimony in the
record.
Thank you.

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STATEMENT OF KEVIN MURPHY, KENNETH L. TREFFTZ CHAIR
IN FINANCE, UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA, MARSHALL SCHOOL OF BUSINESS

Mr. MURPHY. Good afternoon, Chairman Kaufman and Panel
members.
I have been asked to address a set of 11 very provocative questions, and I want to begin by commending the Panel for asking exactly the right questions, even though they are very hard questions.
I have 3 minutes to summarize my responses, so my challenge
is to figure out what to do with my remaining time. [Laughter.]
Seriously, I’ve offered a 25-page report detailing my responses to
these questions and could spend the full semester talking about
these issues; and, in fact, intend to, when I get back to Southern
California. I’ll refer you, in part, to my report and wait for the Qand-A for specific responses to specific questions, but I would like
to summarize several general themes and conclusions emerging
from my responses.
First, when the pay restrictions were enacted in February 2009,
Congress was angry at Wall Street and its bonus culture, and suspicious that this culture was the root cause of the financial crisis.
By limiting compensation to uncapped base salaries, coupled with
modest amounts of restricted stock, Congress completely upended
the traditional Wall Street model characterized by low base salaries coupled with high bonuses paid in a combination of cash, stock,
and stock options. One interpretation of Congress’s intentions was
to punish the executives at firms alleged to be responsible for the
crisis. More charitably, Congress may have decided that banking
compensation was sufficiently out of control that the only way to
save Wall Street was to destroy its bonus culture. Whatever the intent, it is my opinion that the restrictions were misguided and not
in the interest of protecting taxpayers.
Second, while ostensibly designed to implement the pay restrictions, Treasury’s interim final rule circumvented Congress by
blending the enacted restrictions with the, frankly, more sensible
restrictions proposed earlier by the Obama administration but dismissed by Congress. In particular, Treasury circumvented the intentions of Congress by allowing salaries to be paid in the form of
nontransferable stock and by imposing more severe pay restrictions

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on firms requiring exceptional government assistance. In my opinion, these changes benefited taxpayers, relative to the strict adherence of TARP.
Third, the special master, guided by a well-intentioned but ill-defined public-interest standard, was forced to navigate between the
conflicting demands of politicians, who insisted on punishments,
and taxpayers and shareholders, who were legitimately concerned
about attracting, retaining, and motivating executives and employees. Too often, the politicians won.
Overall, the pay restrictions for TARP recipients were valuedestroying. Ultimately, the most productive aspect of the restrictions was the pressure they put on TARP recipients to escape the
restrictions by repaying the government sooner than most anticipated. In retrospect, the TARP experience is a case study in why
the government should not get involved in regulating executive
compensation within the financial sector or more broadly.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Murphy follows:]

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69
The CHAIRMAN. Professor Tung.

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STATEMENT OF FRED TUNG, HOWARD ZHANG FACULTY RESEARCH SCHOLAR AND PROFESSOR OF LAW, BOSTON UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW

Mr. TUNG. Good day, Senator Kaufman, Panel members. Thank
you for the opportunity to allow me to testify.
My name’s Fred Tung. I’m a law professor at Boston University.
I teach and research in the areas of corporate and bankruptcy law.
Among my research interests, I have been doing work on corporate
executive compensation and am currently investigating the incentive structure of banks, executive compensation preceding the financial crisis, and its potential role in the crisis.
For today’s hearing, I’ve been asked, among other things, to draw
on my recent academic work to suggest executive pay structure reforms that might help curb executives’ incentives toward excessive
risktaking. I have a few suggestions, all of which come under the
general themes of: number one, one size won’t fit all; and, number
two, a light regulatory touch may be best. So, I’m taking something—more of a prospective approach to these issues than maybe
some of the other panelists.
So, number one, I think it would be useful to focus more on portfolio incentives and less on annual pay. The current discussion of
financial executives’ compensation structures has missed what I believe to be a very critical issue, the issue of portfolio incentives.
There’s been an almost singular focus on annual compensation
structures, to the virtual exclusion of any consideration of executives’ existing portfolio incentives. Most executives at large financial institutions hold large portfolios of their own firms’ securities,
primarily stock and options and other claims on the firm. Because
these portfolios typically dwarf the value of executives’ annual pay
packages, their existing portfolios exert much stronger influence on
their risktaking tendencies than does annual pay.
So, for example, at the end of 2006, just before the financial crisis, the average large-bank CEO held an equity-based portfolio
worth over $92 million. By contrast, the average annual compensation then was a mere 5 million. So, the composition of the portfolio—the stock, the options, and potentially other claims against
the firm—has a far greater influence on CEO decisionmaking than
the composition of the pay portfolio—the annual pay. We should be
thinking about using the structure of annual pay to tailor portfolio
incentives, as opposed to looking just at annual pay, thinking that’s
the only incentive that matters.
The other important idea I want to raise is, we should think
about paying financial firm executives with something other than
just their equity interest in the firm. One suggestion is the use of
inside debt. Recent theoretical and empirical work outside the
banking context suggests that when executives hold debt claims
against their own firms, what academics call, ‘‘inside debt,’’ their
appetite for risk declines.
I see I’m running out of time. Let me just say that I also believe
that, when we think about reform of executive pay, we need to
think of it as part of an integrated piece of a multifaceted financial

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regulatory system. It’s not a substitute, but a complement to existing financial regulation.
And thank you for the opportunity to testify.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Professor.
Mr. White.

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STATEMENT OF TED WHITE, STRATEGIC ADVISOR, KNIGHT
VINKE ASSET MANAGEMENT; COCHAIR, EXECUTIVE REMUNERATION COMMITTEE, INTERNATIONAL CORPORATE GOVERNANCE NETWORK

Mr. WHITE. Good afternoon, Chairman Kaufman, panel members. I would also like to express my gratitude for the opportunity
to be here with you today.
My background is that as of an active manager. I have a tremendous amount of experience with the institutional community; in
particular, in engaging companies on matters of corporate governance and executive compensation.
What I would like to do is get right to the point it—with some
of the very significant aspects of executive comp, particularly with
the financial sector, which we have identified through some of our
work with companies—and some of those in the TARP, in fact—
where I think that the most significant differences of opinion on
alignment of interests come from.
In many ways, the matter of executive comp is actually quite
simple. The implementation of it, I find to be extremely complex.
And I have a fair amount of sympathy for the special master in the
task that he had before him; in general, give him good marks for
taking on—you know, for climbing that mountain, but I think
there’s very significant aspects of comp that were, frankly,
unaddressed in this.
Let me get right to some very significant aspects of comp where
I think you should pay particular attention.
First is in disclosure. Disclosure is obviously important to investors, in that we—that’s how we understand plans. But, I think that
it also has a very significant role in making companies go through
an extremely rigorous process in justifying the—not only the design
of comp plans, but also their implementation. All right.
There is a certain amount of rigor that goes into a plan when you
know that you have to justify it.
Term structure, which I think would be consistent with the issue
that the previous panelist just got to, is another area where I think
there’s very significant disconnect. By ‘‘term structure,’’ I mean a
number of elements of a plan that lead to an alignment of interests
along a horizon, so not only annual pay versus long-term pay, but
also the mechanics of long-term pay, the types of metrics that are
encompassed in that. There’s an all-encompassing equation that
you look at to try to determine whether or not a plan is well
aligned with your interests as a long-term investor. And I think,
in the cases of financial institutions, in particular, there’s a big disconnect between the cycle of that industry and where the alignment of interest is driven, from the comp plans. They are way too
short-term.
The metrics and mechanics. There are several metrics that I
would point to. One, in particular, the use of ROE, which is preva-

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lent in the industry. That metric is not risk-adjusted and, I think,
probably had a role in emphasizing a certain risky behavior, and
it missed an opportunity for comp plans to mitigate risk taking behavior.
Realizing that I’m out of time, I’m going to—I’m just going to list
the other areas where—I’ll talk about later, under questions—is:
the mechanics of the plan; the role of the committees—in particular, whether or not they use the subjective or a formulaic-type
process; risk, as a category; and, in employment contracts, severance change of control.
[The prepared statement of Mr. White follows:]

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81
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much.
Ms. Orens.

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STATEMENT OF ROSE MARIE ORENS, SENIOR PARTNER,
COMPENSATION ADVISORY PARTNERS, LLC

Ms. ORENS. Good afternoon, and thank you, Mr. Chairman and
Panel, for inviting me.
My background is a bit different. I’m actually executive compensation consultant to boards of directors, primarily compensation
committees, of course, and have been for over 25 years. In the last
15, I have spent most of my time with financial institution companies. So, I’m pretty well—pretty knowledgeable about TARP and
their—those issues, as well as those who have not been involved
in TARP.
So, I thought that would—might be a helpful perspective.
I have spent the last several years being heavily involved in the
issue and the question that has come up among many committees:
To what degree has incentive compensation brought on the financial crisis? My view is that is has not helped, but it was certainly
not the primary cause. And I think we’ve started to talk about that
today. It was a plethora of things. Incentive compensation will not
be the solution to the problem, but it is something that we need
to fix.
The debate and the—what I’ll call ‘‘the intervention,’’ by the government in the United States and Europe, that is going on is probably positive, in terms of getting us thinking about this. But, we
really have to now move on to where we—it is that we want to go.
And that’s, I think, the objective.
When we look back in 2008 and ’09 at TARP, aside from the special master, there were a number of aspects of TARP that have actually been very positive. We don’t spend that much time talking
about them. It was TARP that brought up risk assessment for the
first time. And if I say one thing that’s come out of TARP, in terms
of compensation and for companies overall, the word ‘‘risk’’ is heard
on everyone’s—in everyone’s mouth, in every program, in every
committee that I go to—every comp committee. This is a real and
very sincere effort that is taking place today, that did not exist
prior to 19-—to 2008. Didn’t exist. Nowhere near where we are
today.
Also, the other issues that TARP brought out and required as
part of the other TARP participants was a mandatory ‘‘say on pay,’’
which is—as you know, is now being required by the SEC for everyone; an end to ‘‘golden parachutes,’’ as we knew them, and
‘‘gross-ups.’’ These were all practices that we had tried to get away
with for a long time, to get companies used to giving them up; and
TARP put us in a position to be able to do that. And they’ve been
broadly accepted now by all other companies, and they’re now part
of the Dodd-Frank bill in the SEC. And so, besides pay, there were
a lot of practices and mentality that has changed tremendously in
compensation over the last few years that probably doesn’t get as
much press.
As we go forward, I think the one thing we really should take
away from today, and continue to, is that risk is not a fact in companies. All right? It was not front and center, as it ought to have

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been. It certainly was not front and center in compensation, mostly
because companies didn’t know how to manage it or what it—how
to determine it. They are all wrestling with that. They’ve done that
because of regulation. They will continue to get better at it. There
is an integrated process that exists today, between risk management, HR, and finance, in the development of compensation programs, that was never there before. It’s very positive. It will continue. Compensation committees are committed to it and required
to by the Treasury and the other regulations.
I think, in terms of where we’ve been, I do not really call the special master’s program a pay-for-performance structure. I think it
was pay-for-stock. And I think ‘‘pay in stock only’’ is a really frightening concept. As you know, people had millions of dollars of stock;
it didn’t change anything. I think it’s an easy way to think you’re
paying for performance, but you’re not. It’s much more complex.
The CHAIRMAN. Could you begin to wrap this up?
Ms. ORENS. Yup. Only one thing.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Ms. ORENS. I would leave you with one last thought, which is,
there is no size-fits-all. An investment bank and a regional bank
have very little in common, in their pay programs, risk, or their
culture. All right? So, we focus so much on Wall Street, and, as a
result, all these other banks—regionals and communities—have to
live with the outcomes. And I would ask you to think about—there
was a huge difference there in how we do things and how compensation is administered.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Orens follows:]

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88
The CHAIRMAN. Great. Thank you.
Mr. White, would you comment? In your experience now, recently, has risk become more and more important, in terms of executive compensation? Have you noticed a difference?
Mr. WHITE. I completely agree with that. I think one of the—
probably the most significant lasting impact from TARP and the
special master’s work is in the area of risk and the recognition of
the interaction of risk and executive comp. I would say, though,
that I think the work is somewhat in its infancy, and there’s greater emphasis right now on what I would call ‘‘micro risks’’ within
the company, and less emphasis on ‘‘macro risks.’’
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Can I—I’d like each of the panel—we’ll start at the other end,
Ms. Orens, with you, and—how do you think the special master
did? Did he do a good job, an appropriate approach of balancing
fairness and competitiveness?
Ms. ORENS. I think that the special master had a thankless job.
[Laughter.]
It’s extremely difficult. I can only imagine what it—how difficult
it was, when you looked at the variety of companies and the situation. I think that he did implement the program, as it was put in
place——
The CHAIRMAN. Okay.
Ms. ORENS [continuing]. With little choice. But, I don’t think it’s
a model for the future.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. White.
Mr. WHITE. I have a tremendous amount of sympathy for the
role; I think, incredibly difficult, under the circumstances. There’s
a number of areas where I would give the work of the special master positive marks. I do think there’s some nuances to particularly
what I’d reference as ‘‘term structure’’ within the industry, which,
frankly, was, to my knowledge, not addressed, as well as some of
the underlying drivers in performance metrics, where I think there
was probably an opportunity to bring those things out, debate those
with the companies, and maybe set some structures that were more
appropriate for long-term performance.
The CHAIRMAN. Professor Tung.
Mr. TUNG. I have a tremendous amount of respect for Ken
Feinberg and the work that he’s done with TARP and some of his
other activities. I think that the salary-stock approach was a useful
way to generate a longer-term perspective than what came before.
I think there are other approaches that could do that as well. I
think it’s a hard task.
We don’t know, really, very well how to limit risk through executive comp. As Kevin Murphy’s memo points out, for 20 years we’ve
been trying to get executives to take more risk, because we thought
that—remember, back in the ’90s, companies were big, they were
run like bureaucracies; we wanted to incentivize them to be leaner
and meaner, and came up with this, you know, performance-based
pay. And now we’re essentially trying to do the opposite, trying to
figure out how to sort of cabin the beast. And I think it’s a tricky
task.
The CHAIRMAN. Professor Murphy.

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89
Mr. MURPHY. Yeah. Now, as Mr. Feinberg himself recognized, he
had a very limited set of tools available to him. And so, what he
was doing, at most, was constrained by—he had base salaries to
work with, he had restricted—some amounts of restricted stock to
work with, and then this new construct of salarized stock to work
with. What—within those concepts, I was disappointed that he
didn’t take more of a taxpayer perspective. In other words, how do
we maximize taxpayer return, how do we protect taxpayers, or
maximize shareholder return while protecting taxpayers? I don’t
think that protecting taxpayers meant punishing executives by lowering the competitive compensation. I would have liked—I’d like to
see large potentials for upside gain, large potentials for downside
losses, and relatively small base compensation. And I don’t really
quarrel with Mr. Feinberg in the structure of pay that he established.
The CHAIRMAN. Good.
Mr. McWatters.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Thank you.
I’d like for each of you to respond to a question that I asked in
my opening statement. And I’ll go ahead and read the question
again: How does a TARP recipient—a too-big-to-fail TARP recipient, let’s specify that—such as Citi, Bank of America, Goldman, or
AIG—structure a compensation program so as to identify and minimize unnecessary and excessive risktaking while encouraging managers to assume sufficient risk so as to ensure the long-term profitability of the enterprise?
We’ll start with Professor Murphy.
Mr. MURPHY. Unnecessary and excessive risks are always something that’s easy to detect in hindsight, but something that is very
hard to identify ex ante. And I share your concern that the implicit
too-big-to-fail guarantee is certainly the cause of a lot of concern,
much more concern than direct investment—government investments into companies where we actually can measure what the return are—is on those investments. The—then I believe that the
best way—the best way to encourage executives to not take unnecessary and excessive risks is to make sure that their longrun
wealth is tied to the longrun prospects at the firm, which is not
only the shareholder wealth, but also penalizes them highly if they
rely on the government for assistance.
Mr. MCWATTERS. But, wasn’t that true with respect to Merrill,
Lehman, and Bear a few years ago? Didn’t they have long-term
compensation packages?
Mr. MURPHY. I——
Mr. MCWATTERS. And they were wiped out. So, I mean, there
was a—there was an implicit clawback there. They gave the money
back.
Mr. MURPHY. They—we can look, in retrospect, and—when we
uncover all the causes of the financial crisis, I suspect that we’ll
find that compensation played some role, but a fairly minor role
compared to housing policy, monetary policy. And clearly, these executives were punished by—for their actions.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. And so, it sounds like it’s just difficult
to do this, difficult to look into a crystal ball and figure out what
the—what is excessive and unnecessary risktaking today.

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90
Mr. MURPHY. Absolutely. It’s easy after the fact, when something
happens and we can say, ‘‘Hey, that looks like an unnecessary
risk.’’ I think, if you go back 3 years ago, no one thought Mr.
Mozilo, at Countrywide, was taking unnecessary risks; we were
celebrating the fact that he was getting—helping to get so many
people into housing that could have not afforded it before.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Absolutely.
Professor Tung.
Mr. TUNG. I—sir, let me go back to my earlier suggestions. I
think, number one, we have to look at portfolio incentives. Number
two, to the extent that we can pay executives, at least in part,
with, for example, debt securities issued by their own firms—debt
securities are more sensitive to risk than equity—that may be a
way to make executives at too-big-to-fail firms a little more concerned about risk—gives them a little bit more skin in the game,
because the bond—the market pricing of the bonds would, to some
extent, reflect risktaking by the company.
Now, having thrown out those two ideas, I do think the devil’s
in the details. We don’t know how much debt is the right amount.
We don’t know what the right proportion is. The research on inside-debt incentives is relatively new. Conceptually it seems to
make sense. But, I think, whatever we do, it’s going to involve a
lot of tinkering, and we should be cognizant of the fact that we’re
really going down a road of experimentation, to some extent.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay, well, taking some debt as compensation,
does that make the executive overly conservative? And is that in
the best interest of the equityholders, who may want the executive
to take more entrepreneurial risk?
Mr. TUNG. That’s exactly the problem. Sir, the question, ‘‘Will the
executive be too risk-averse?’’ really depends on the proportion of
debt-to-equity compensation. Certainly, shareholders would be less
excited about executives taking debt, because their interest is in
the stock price. To the extent that we have government subsidy of
the risks that financial institutions are taking, it seems to me that
it’s not just the stockholders’ return we’re concerned about. We’re
concerned about preserving the deposit insurance fund. We’re concerned about the costs of too-big-to-fail and other sorts of implicit
government subsidies.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay, thank you.
My time’s up. We’ll continue next time.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Silvers.
Mr. SILVERS. Professor Tung, I—in a way, Mr. McWatters took
my question, and your answer, away from me, but I want to push
you a little further on it. Do you think that, in relationship to your
ideas, that there is a difference between, say, the stress-test institutions, which we should use as perhaps a proxy for too-big-to-fail,
and, say, the typical bank that’s subject to FDIC insurance?
Mr. TUNG. Do I think there’s a difference in what——
Mr. SILVERS. In terms of the suitability or the need for your type
of compensation.
Mr. TUNG. Okay. So, right—by the way, I have to say to Mr. Silvers, I was gratified that you knew what was in my paper. And we
don’t get many—we don’t get high subscription volume for the academic papers we write, so I’m grateful.

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Mr. SILVERS. Thank the staff. [Laughter.]
Mr. TUNG. Thank you.
So, I do think one important facet of sub-debt compensation, you
have to worry about the depth of the market in the securities that
you’re using as compensation, because if the market is in a deep
one, where you don’t have a lot of analysts following a lot of institutions involved with it, you can’t be as confident that the market
price is going to reflect risktaking, because there’s not enough folks
paying attention to that particular institution. The smaller the
banks get, the less volume you have in their debt trading, the more
that’s going to be a problem.
Mr. SILVERS. Now, you heard, I assume, my exchange with Mr.
Feinberg about the sort unique circumstances of a implicit—or, in
certain respects, explicit—guarantees, and the position of the government as both holder of preferred stock and guarantor of the balance sheet. What are your reflections on that circumstance, which
is really, in a sense, what we’re about here?
Mr. TUNG. You mean, how do we fix that?
Mr. SILVERS. No. I’m not going to task you with that. I’m interested in the—so, the government is in that position, as we continue
to be at AIG, at Citigroup, perhaps at all of them—perhaps at all
of the stress-test institutions, we continue to be in that position.
What’s the appropriate public policy, in relation to pay, at institutions that—where the government has that combination of interests?
Mr. TUNG. Well, I guess, one of the things—I mean, it seems to
me that, because of the large taxpayer investment in those institutions, we want to worry about getting the taxpayers’ money out. At
the same time, we’re worried about the safety and the soundness
of those——
Mr. SILVERS. Yes, we do—there’s been a lot of talk about how
much we want that money back. Do we want the money back at
the expense of destabilizing those institutions?
Mr. TUNG. Absolutely not. No.
Mr. SILVERS. All right.
Mr. TUNG. We don’t want them to lever up to buy off the taxpayer. I mean, it’s——
Mr. SILVERS. Right.
Mr. TUNG. And I think the point’s been made that, to the extent
we make the compensation constraints too onerous, that provides
incentive for those companies to try to get out from under—they
don’t want the government being an investor if the government
is——
Mr. SILVERS. Although, that’s only true if we let them——
Mr. TUNG. Right.
Mr. SILVERS [continuing]. Right? Isn’t—that’s only true if Treasury or the regulators allow them to lever up recklessly. Professor
Tung, if you don’t mind, my—I want to stop you there.
Mr. White, you talked about, essentially, I think, an issue you
had about the construction of time horizons in the work of Mr.
Feinberg. Can you expound on that?
Mr. WHITE. Yeah, sure. The point that I would make is that one
of the things that we examine very closely when looking at executive comp across any industry, and certainly applies here, is wheth-

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er or not the incentives that are inherent in the compensation plan
are consistent with the cycle that the industry finds itself in, with
its opportunities, its challenges. It is very circumstantial, and I
agree with all the comments from the panelists, including earlier,
that it is a case by case scenario.
In the situation with the financials, I think the disconnect is
probably larger than most other industries, in that I believe that
the cycle that they operate in is multiyear—right?—and it—and
they’re, effectively, leverage plays on the economy. But, their comp
programs are heavily weighted towards annual performance. I
think there is a very significant macro risk, encompassed in that
disconnect, that simply wasn’t addressed. Right? The—some of the
micro risk with whether or not, you know, they understand a VAR
model or—there are some things that are very programmatic, I
think are—they’re coming up the scale very fast. But, at the same
time, I think we’re missing what is an elephant in the room.
And the potential implications, in my mind, are this, that an industry that is so short-term-oriented may overcompensate for risk,
wherever it happens to be on that slope. If my vision is only a year
long and we’re on a downward slope, I’m going to manage with that
in mind; same on the upward slope. And I think that probably has
the potential to make them overemphasize behaviors in each one
of those aspects of the term.
Did I cover it—does that——
Mr. SILVERS. Yes. And, my time is expired. You’ve covered it admirably.
The CHAIRMAN. Dr. Troske.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
I thought the point that Professor Tung made is an important
one to remember. I do recall being in graduate school and hearing
and seeing papers by Professor Michael Jensen and George Baker,
and then a very young Professor Murphy at the time, telling us
about the fact that executive pay was not closely enough tied to the
risk of the company. And I think it’s had a major influence.
Professor Murphy, first I’d like say I agree with your claim in
your report that one of the primary effects of the special pay master was to push firms to pay back their TARP funds very quickly.
I guess I consider that a pretty big success of the program. I think
he indicated he did, as well. Do you agree? Do you—couldn’t we
view the work of, sort of, the special pay master as a way to sort
of push firms, to punish them, in some sense, for taking this
money, and maybe that was a good outcome?
Mr. MURPHY. I believe it’s a good outcome, although I share the
potential concern, by Mr. Tung and Mr. Silvers, that, to the extent
the companies borrowed money from the private sector in order to
escape those regulations, they haven’t really escaped the problem,
but they’ve certainly gotten off the taxpayers’ dime. I think that
was very beneficial.
But, when we’re talking more broadly about regulating pay, this
was a case where regulating only a couple firms and—who could
escape the regulations by taking particular actions. If we regulate
more broadly, we won’t have that opportunity.
Dr. TROSKE. So, let me ask you—I’m sort of—I’m going to put
you on the spot a little. There’s a proposal—I think it’s—as my

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opening statement indicated, I think one of the problems that—inherent in all of this is just the fact that firms are insured against
failure; they’re too big to fail. There’s been a proposal floated by the
Narayana Kocherlakota, the president of the Minneapolis Federal—the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, to essentially float
bonds against these companies. So, there’s a Goldman Sachs bond
that pays off if the government has to—had to step in and bail out
the firm. And then, simply, the price of that bond will be what we
charge Goldman Sachs for the insurance that we’re providing them.
Presumably, the price will reflect the riskiness that the executives
and the firm are engaging in, both investment decisions and executive—and their compensation. And once firms are forced to pay for
this insurance, then they make the appropriate decisions.
I know I’m putting you on the spot a little. I don’t know whether
you’ve seen Narayana’s—or——
Mr. MURPHY. I think it’s——
Dr. TROSKE [continuing]. His plan.
Mr. MURPHY. I think it’s an intriguing idea. I think that then
AIG will create some synthetic CDOs that are associated with
these bonds, then we’ll see what—we’ll see how that works out.
The—there—it has always—it’s just going to be a fact of life that
we can reward executives on the upside all day long, but we’re
never going to be able to penalize executives efficiently for huge
downside occurrences, whether they’re buying insurance or not.
We’re—we can’t—we’re never going to be able to punish them sufficiently for huge downside occurrences to eliminate this problem.
Dr. TROSKE. Professor Tung, I’d like your thoughts on that, because it seems like Dr. Kocherlakota’s plan seems, certainly, related to yours; it’s an alternative way of getting to the same outcome. You want to provide these executives—force them to hold
debt. Dr. Kocherlakota wants them to just sort of pay for the insurance. Either way, they have to—that cost becomes part of something they have to take into account. What are your thoughts?
Mr. TUNG. I mean, it sounds plausible. You know, I’d want to
read the paper. I guess you’d have to find some private institution
or group of institutions to take the—essentially, the failure risk of
Goldman Sachs or whatever entity you’re trying to insure. And
then, of course, you’re essentially putting—shifting the credit risk
to those institutions that are selling the insurance, which is—basically, we’re back to CDS and CDOs. Right? So, it’s just sort of more
bets—more side bets on the solvency of a particular institution.
Dr. TROSKE. Okay, thank you.
My time’s up.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Neiman.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
You know, we’re talking about using bonuses and long-term
awards to reward performance and discourage excessive risktaking.
I’m intrigued by Professor Tung’s use of sub-debt. Mr. White was—
I think, also referenced that a return on equity is not a risk-adjusted measure and misses an opportunity. But, both of those are
corporatewide and—or are at least bankwide measurements, and
may not necessarily reflect the risk taken by an individual business
unit or executive. So, two executives, both generating $1 million in
revenue, or even earnings, may have very different risk profiles.

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And, in a bonus award program, issuing the same bonus to both
really misses the boat.
I’d be interested in some of your reaction as to what are the appropriate metrics to use to distinguish and change behavior under
those regimes.
Ms. Oren’s just nodding, so it seems like——
Ms. ORENS. Well, I do this for a living, so I can certainly opine
on it. What is going on in a—on a broad scale in most financial institutions, both the large ones and the regionals, is an assessment
of where their risk is, where is their greatest level of risk within
their organization. And you can start with the credit risk, but they
also look beyond that. There is credit, market, operational—there’s,
obviously, the whole area—there’s a variety of risks that we
wouldn’t relate to the kind of problems we’ve had, but are still certainly within that risk umbrella and need to be considered. And if
you start with the theory that you’re—you can begin to allocate
capital to businesses, which they are trying to do, and can now look
at each of those—major business units and ultimately the lower—
the smaller ones, and assess where the greatest risk is, then you
can begin to really charge the costs of capital, you can calculate the
risk-weighted assets——
Mr. NEIMAN. Right.
Ms. ORENS [continuing]. And you can assess that as part—that
has become, in a sense, a metric.
So, two businesses that may each bring in $20 million, on the
bottom line, one that takes a lot of capital and is risky beside—taking capital alone, is not a negative, it—you’ll get charged for it, but
if, on top of it, this is viewed to be a particularly risky but appropriate business for the company—that’s already been decided—
then you’re charged even more—versus the other business.
And then, secondarily, to, I think, this gentleman’s point is
where you say, ‘‘What’s the time horizon, then? If this is such a
risky type of business to us, how do we pay this?’’ And we don’t
have to pay it the same as we do another business unit.
Mr. NEIMAN. And then, is this where, whether you’re using
clawbacks or longer-term vesting periods comes into effect to
change——
Ms. ORENS. Absolutely. The clawback is actually being put in,
across the board, because you don’t know where that issue is going
to arise. And you want to—you don’t want people to feel, ‘‘Well, in
this business unit, I’d have to have a clawback; in another one, I
wouldn’t.’’ So, they’re really being very broadly put into programs.
But, absolutely, the time horizon, the balance of cash and other
forms of compensation, even though it might be cash, but it’s
longer-term in nature, is being determined, if you will, business by
business.
Mr. NEIMAN. I’d like to——
Thank you.
I’d like to give any other witnesses a chance to comment on that,
as well.
Mr. MURPHY. I agree that there’s going to be two ways to charge
executives for the risk, and one is up front, with how we measure
their performance, whether we adjust that performance for risk.
And I have—certainly endorse what Ms. Orens says. More gen-

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erally, though, we need to hold—to the extent possible, we need to
hold executives and employees accountable for the downside, as
well as the upside.
Ms. ORENS. Uh-huh.
Mr. NEIMAN. Great. Thank you very much.
The CHAIRMAN. I’d like to go through each panel member, starting Ms. Orens, and—one of the objectives of the special master was
to have some impact on executive compensation down the road. Do
you think there’s been a long-term effect of what the special master’s done?
Ms. ORENS. I think there is an effect from what TARP and all
the government intervention and the public outcry has been. I
think that’s been actually enormous. I think that’s been a huge impact on compensation committees, on management understanding
the level of scrutiny, and in the fact that the Treasury, clearly, and
now the regulators, as they’ve gone around to the horizontal reviews, how serious and, you know, different the environment is
than it used to be.
So, if you say that, ‘‘Yes, there was lots of press and people understand all that,’’ and whatever, I think the aspect that has really
gotten more important is the issue of, really, governance. You
know, there’s just a whole lot more attention to, and there’s a
whole different way of looking at compensation than I think there
was prior to the crisis. And that’s——
The CHAIRMAN. So, you——
Ms. ORENS. A positive.
The CHAIRMAN [continuing]. Do you think it’s actually affected
executive compensation?
Ms. ORENS. I’m sorry?
The CHAIRMAN. Do you think it’s actually affected executive compensation?
Ms. ORENS. I think it has, today. I have the same concern that
Mr. Feinberg offered, which is: Can we stay the course. I—let’s not
just start this process, let’s keep at it. I’d like to believe we will,
because of—back to the question of enforcement. We need the regulations. We need them interpreted and implemented appropriately.
You know—there’s a lot of education that needs to occur on that
side, if you will. I can’t take an examiner seriously who doesn’t
know anything about compensation and tells me the same three
things they’ve told every bank. So, it’s going to take a while, but
I think there’s an enormous willingness today to say, ‘‘Look, you
know, we get it. We want to do the right thing. We understand
what happened.’’ You know, we’ve all been extremely hurt by it——
The CHAIRMAN. Right.
Ms. ORENS [continuing]. Both, you know, the public as well as
the employees. And right now, it resonates; it resonates broadly.
The CHAIRMAN. Great, thank you.
Mr. White.
Mr. WHITE. I think the area with the most long-lasting impact
is likely to be in the sensitivity to risk. And I think that’s a very
positive thing. I think the second most significant implications will
be in areas around the periphery of contractual arrangements, severance change in control, some of those. I suspect those will be

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longer-lasting. I’m anticipating some companies will unwind some
of the restrictions that have been placed there.
And then, I think the work will also be somewhat foundational
for how the Fed, in particular, picks up its oversight role; hopefully, with nuances toward the things that we’re bringing out
today, which are actual drivers of performance, in terms of structures and things like that. I would agree with Dr. Murphy, that
just outright restrictions on incentive are ultimately not going to
be that—you know, from an equityholder’s perspective that’s a tool
that we need.
The CHAIRMAN. Got it.
Professor Tung.
Mr. TUNG. I agree with the comments of the other two panelists.
Certainly, the process of crafting TARP, the process of crafting ESA
and then ARRA and then the Fed guidelines, have all focused public, congressional, executive regulatory attention toward the role of
executive compensation in financial institutions. And that, I suspect, would be long-lasting. How it plays out, in terms of actual behavior of corporate boards and executives, I think there’s going to
be a—you know, an interaction between regulators and the regulated that will be interesting as it unfolds.
The CHAIRMAN. Great.
Professor Murphy.
Mr. MURPHY. I think we can connect the dots directly from TARP
to the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act. And that Act included
in it the most sweeping reforms of executive compensation applicable to all firms, not just financial institutions, in U.S. history. That
is going to have implications for executive compensation for decades to come.
The CHAIRMAN. Thank you.
Mr. McWatters.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Thank you.
Ms. Orens, I read your opening statement. And I want to read
a sentence to you and see what your response is.
You say, on page 2, that, ‘‘While delivering compensation in stock
reinforces long-term focus’’—okay?—‘‘it does not guarantee the existence of pay-for-performance programs or a culture that properly
evaluates individual risktaking.’’
Ms. ORENS. Uh-huh.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Well, this just sort of blows a lot of stuff out
of the water. So, what do you mean?
Ms. ORENS. Be happy to answer that. I think this goes back to
some of the comments that were made by Mr. Feinberg. Stock is
an important vehicle in executive compensation. It’s a very important vehicle. But, when we think about stock that’s just given to
you as restricted stock—all right?—which has been the TARP type
of stock or the deferred stock—we call it all-you-have-to-do-isbreathe stock. All right? I stay employed, I get this. I thought we
didn’t want guarantees. It’s a guarantee. The risk is, the stock
might go up and stock might go down, but I still have a great
chance of getting something.
On the other hand, we dislike options intensely, because, we say,
‘‘Oh, they create risk. They create people who want to just, you
know, blow through and get all these huge numbers.’’ Well, at least

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they don’t pay unless there’s some performance above a certain
level. So, that’s a contrast there, between performance and not performance, to me.
If you go back to the point of—to me, the company develops the
culture of risk, or it doesn’t. From everything I’ve seen, there are
companies who, at their heart, were willing to take enormous risk.
How much they were taking, they didn’t even know. Go back from
2005. All right? It’s——
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay.
Ms. ORENS. They——
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. That’s helpful.
Ms. ORENS. Yeah.
Mr. MCWATTERS. What if an employee, one employee, runs a division, and that division does very well, that employee makes a ton
of money for the company, but the company, overall, does poorly.
What happens to that employee?
Ms. ORENS. Mr. McWatters, that’s actually a philosophic question that, as a designer of programs, you start with the committee—compensation committee—and you say, ‘‘What kind of program do you want to have?’’ In true pay-for-performance—I’ll take
away the risk of this individual and all that, for the moment—but,
if I even had a salesperson who was extraordinary sales performance in this year, and the rest of us are not getting bonuses, do
you want to pay, or don’t you? That’s part of your philosophy and
design. People might very readily say, ‘‘No, you’re a part of the
team. We will not structure compensation that way. That’s the way
it is. Salesperson, join the company, don’t join the company. You
know the facts.’’
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. Okay. But, if that made the media, the
employee that walked away with the big bonus even though the
company is doing poorly might not be well received.
Ms. ORENS. But, I would say to them, ‘‘Are you willing’’——
Mr. MCWATTERS. Sure. I——
Ms. ORENS [continuing]. ‘‘To have that published?’’
Mr. MCWATTERS. Absolutely.
Ms. ORENS. That’s how you have to answer it.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Professor Murphy, also reading from your
opening statement, on page 2, you say, ‘‘It is my opinion that the
TARP pay restrictions were ultimately destructive and designed to
meet political objectives rather than their legitimate purpose of
protecting U.S. taxpayers.’’ That’s very interesting to me. What do
you have to say?
Mr. MURPHY. Now, remember, when I’m talking about the TARP
restrictions there, I’m talking about the TARP restrictions actually
in the February 2009 bill——
Mr. MCWATTERS. Yes.
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Which, of course, were changed in
the——
Mr. MCWATTERS. Yes.
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Treasury restrictions. The elimination,
the exclusion, of any kind of bonuses, stock options, signing bonuses, severance bonuses, any kind of incentive pay, except for
modest amounts of restricted stock, coupled with no restrictions on

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the level of base salaries, would run counter to virtually any concept of best practices in compensation design.
Mr. MCWATTERS. And it sounds like we’ve moved away from
that.
Mr. MURPHY. Excuse me?
Mr. MCWATTERS. Sounds like we have moved away from that.
Mr. MURPHY. That if—well, we heard the special master talk
about his own vision for pay. It was the opposite. It—his vision of
pay was low base salaries coupled with high longrun pay for performance.
Mr. MCWATTERS. Okay. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Silvers.
Mr. SILVERS. Okay. Professor Murphy, you say that—and you
just said that—you said you thought that pay ought to be more
aligned with common equity through—and should have been in the
amendment to the TARP statute. Did I hear you right?
Mr. MURPHY. I believe the pay should be aligned with the
longrun value of the firm, which is not equivalent to the common
equity.
Mr. SILVERS. Well, you just talked about options as something
that you thought should’ve—there should’ve been an ability there
to award more stock options.
Mr. MURPHY. I included, in the arsenal of tools, the compensation practitioners use, includes stock options, restricted stocks,
salarized stock——
Mr. SILVERS. Okay, stop.
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Performance bonus plans——
Mr. SILVERS. Stop. What instrument did the Federal Government
hold in the firms at issue at the time that that statute was passed?
Mr. MURPHY. The Federal Government held preferred stock and
warrants.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. And, the preferred stock was the dominant instrument, was it not?
Mr. MURPHY. The——
Mr. SILVERS. Economically dominant. I mean, I refer to our February 2009 report, where, in general, the warrants were a small
fraction of the value of the preferred, were they not?
Mr. MURPHY. That’s correct.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. And was the government not, effectively,
the guarantor of these firms?
Mr. MURPHY. That is—well, that’s correct.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. So, in what sense was the government’s
interest the same interest as the same common stockholder’s?
Mr. MURPHY. I was not insinuating what they were.
Mr. SILVERS. Okay. Now——
Mr. MURPHY. If you read my report——
Mr. SILVERS. Now that——
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. I——
Mr. SILVERS. No, but—stop.
Mr. MURPHY. Okay.
Mr. SILVERS. What was the public interest in this circumstance?
Was it to maximize the financial payout, risk—on a risk-adjusted
basis—to the public of its investment in these firms? Is that an
adequate description of the public interest?

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Mr. MURPHY. Yes.
Mr. SILVERS. Yes, it is.
Mr. MURPHY. In general terms, yes.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. So then, are you aware of this committee’s February 2009 report finding that we underpaid, by 30 percent, roughly, for the securities we purchased, in the capital purchase program, from the nine major banks and AIG?
Mr. MURPHY. Not the details, but, yes, the finding.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. So, would you agree that we started off
on the wrong foot by doing that, that we should have taken 100
percent?
Mr. MURPHY. It’s beyond the scope of my testimony.
Mr. SILVERS. Well, doesn’t it flow logically, from your proposition,
that it’s all about that narrow interest? How can it be that we
should be structuring executive pay to achieve this narrow financial interest? And we start off, essentially, throwing that financial
interest to the wind and acting in a manner precisely contrary to
the way that any financial actor would act in this circumstance.
Why does one not flow completely from the other?
Mr. MURPHY. Taxpayers had a legitimate interest in the compensation policies to protect their interest and to maximize the return on their interest.
Mr. SILVERS. So—but, not in the interest to get full value for
their money when they made the investment?
Mr. MURPHY. They should have received full value for the money
when they made the investment.
Mr. SILVERS Okay, good.
Now, here’s my second question. You said, earlier in your testimony, that you thought folks had been punished—what was my
quote? You said, you thought that the executives involved in these
firms have been adequately punished or severe—I forget the quote
exactly. I’m trying to find my notes. ‘‘Clearly, they were punished
for their actions,’’ that’s a quote from your earlier testimony.
Mr. MURPHY. The——
Mr. SILVERS. Am I quoting you correctly?
Mr. MURPHY. Yes, that was in——
Mr. SILVERS. Okay.
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Regard to the people——
Mr. SILVERS. Do you know——
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. At Bear——
Mr. SILVERS. Do you know—well, you—you made a broad statement. Let’s take Bear Stearns. To your knowledge, is any executive
of Bear Stearns homeless today as we sit here?
Mr. MURPHY. Not to my knowledge.
Mr. SILVERS. Is any executive of Bear Stearns drawing unemployment?
Mr. MURPHY. Not to my knowledge.
Mr. SILVERS. Is any executive of—has any executive of Bear
Stearns had to take their children out of college——
Mr. MURPHY. Not to my——
Mr. SILVERS [continuing]. And put them to work——
Mr. MURPHY [continuing]. Knowledge.
Mr. SILVERS [continuing]. To support their family?
Mr. MURPHY. Not to my knowledge.

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Mr. SILVERS. Has any executive of Bear Stearns lost their
healthcare and had to go to an emergency room to get it?
Mr. MURPHY. Not to my knowledge.
Mr. SILVERS. All right. Has any executive of Bear Stearns had
to—has any executive of Bear Stearns suffered in any respect, comparably, to that of the millions of Americans whose lives they destroyed?
[Pause.]
My time is expired.
The CHAIRMAN. Dr. Troske.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
Ms. Orens, I guess I’ll ask you a similar question that I asked
Mr. Feinberg. You’ve worked with these TARP companies. Do you
think they, in essence, scrambled to get out from under his purview
by—because they were concerned about the impact that he was
going to have on their pay?
Ms. ORENS. I think it’s more—a little bit more complex, Dr.
Troske. From the moment that anyone became a TARP participant—and I think this was part of that unknown aspect of TARP
and—you know, it was one thing in October, and it changed a bit
later—you became a tainted company. Companies felt that they
were just being looked at as if they were, you know, severely at a
disadvantage and in terrible shape, when some of them thought
that they’d actually taken the money and been patriotic. So, you
had a number of companies who really felt like, you know, they
were tainted. It wasn’t even the—the compensation just exacerbated it, but they felt—TARP became just very negative. Their—
you know, their share price, everything was affected. And so, I
think they acted, those that went, about July—a number of them
paid back, in the first big group. They did it for both reasons. But,
I will tell you, they did it more for the taint than they did it for
the comp, initially.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
I want to ask a question. So, recent article in the New Yorker
magazine claims that capital had become accustomed to saying yes
to talent, even in cases where talent does not end up being all that
talented. I guess the implication seems to be that executives are
overpaid and they’re not worth what they’re—the value that they
bring is less than the compensation that they’ve received. Is that
your opinion? Do you think that there’s any evidence——
Ms. ORENS. I think they’re——
Dr. TROSKE [continuing]. That suggests that?
Ms. ORENS [continuing]. Just like athletes and actors and actresses, some points people are definitely not worth the money that
they’ve been paid, but they’ve convinced someone or have been good
enough for a long enough period of time. I think, unfortunately,
companies don’t do a good enough job of determining that people
are really worth their contribution, not just on a market basis, but
that if I’m going to pay somebody several million dollars, they’re
really—they really are very good. I don’t think they do a good job.
Dr. TROSKE. Mr. White, I like to—your response to that.
Mr. WHITE. It’s an excellent question. I agree there’s—that it is
a complicated issue in determining the value in—from an investor
standpoint, I think the problem is, is that companies don’t view

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that with a return-on-investment type of perspective. And it comes
up in a number of facets of our discussion with them; for example,
when they ask the market for equity. When they come for approval
for equity, their question is always raised in, ‘‘What’s your limit?’’
In other words, ‘‘How much can we get? What’s—how much dilution will you allow?’’ instead of, ‘‘This is the amount of investment
we need to make in the management team, and this is the return
we expect on it, and this is how we’re going to measure it over
time, and adjust, if our approach to this is incorrect.’’ So, I think
that the philosophy of how they pay doesn’t lend itself well to making that evaluation.
Dr. TROSKE. Okay. Let me ask you another question. We talked
a little bit about ‘‘say on pay.’’ Mr. White, from investors—is that
something meaningful? I mean, a nonbinding vote—is that—do you
think that that’s—has any impact?
Mr. WHITE. I think it has tremendous potential to bring
equityowners—long-term equityowners more into the discussion
and more into a role of oversight. If there’s anything that, you
know, I would have to say is—been missing in the issue of executive compensation, is a greater scrutiny from long-term owners.
Right? We care about the issue, but we simply haven’t done
enough. And I think that is one vehicle that will facilitate that.
Dr. TROSKE. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. Superintendent Neiman.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
Most of the focus and discussion so far has been on the compensation of sales and revenue generators within our large firms.
But, what about the risk-and-control functions? And, while I’ve
seen instances of senior risk and credit folks being attracted away
with big comp packages, overall I think the surveys will show that
they are compensated at significantly less levels. There’s a recent
IIF, Institute International Finance, study out on compensation in
wholesale institutions. So, I’m interested in—on your views on both
the level of compensation and the incentives—and really, it does relate to the independence, as well—with respect to risk and control
and compliance folks.
Who’d like to start?
Ms. ORENS. I’ll be happy to start.
Mr. NEIMAN. Go ahead. Ms. Orens.
Ms. ORENS. It’s an excellent point, Mr. Neiman, another area we
would look to what went wrong, historically. It’s—particularly
within the Wall-Street-type firms, I think, as you well know, risk
management was not a particularly attractive function, and you
tended to report within the business unit, which meant that you
really weren’t going to criticize, to a large degree, what was going
on. And maybe you had a dotted-line relationship to the head of
risk on a corporate basis. And now that’s all changed.
Mr. NEIMAN. And are there incentive programs out there for
risk?
Ms. ORENS. Yes. You—it’s part of, obviously, the Treasury regulations, as well, to determine how best to do that. But, they are no
longer compensated within their line of business, nor—typically
would those leaders—have final say about how they’ve done their
role. The determination will be done by the head of risk. It will

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normally be a more corporate-style payout—you know, less shortterm, more long-terms; actually, an attractive salary, because it’s
a very professional-type position. It’s being compensated, as it
should be, to the type of perspective that person needs to have.
Mr. NEIMAN. I want to shift onto some international global competitiveness issues. You know, there are a number of areas where
the U.S. has been a first mover on many issues in regulatory reform. But, I’m interested in the impact. And you hear the feedback.
If we are the first mover in areas of compensation, what impact
will that have on where individuals—will they shift to jurisdictions
with less constrictive compensation schedules? You know, we heard
Mr. Feinberg say that, despite the rules he put into place, 85 percent were still there after that—a year after. Any thoughts on
these issues—the international issues? Should there be anything
restraining the U.S. from proceeding with a stringent regime?
Mr. MURPHY. I’ll start, if I may.
Mr. NEIMAN. Mr. Murphy.
Mr. MURPHY. This is—the United States is still the place you
want to be if you’re an executive, even given the current restrictions. If we look at what’s going on in Europe in the financial institutions, they have adopted more of a rule-based system and not a
principles-based approach. They’re—I think, will be much more restrictive, in years to come, than anything I anticipate out of the
United States.
Ms. ORENS. Yeah. I think we’re having pressure, obviously, from
Europe to adopt similar-type programs. And, the U.K. is currently,
kind of, in between, also. They don’t totally want to go the full
route of the European Parliament.
Mr. NEIMAN. Then my—I think—my recollection, after London
bank tax, is that what they feared was a big shift. There—it—I
don’t think there was a—any major impact on movement of employees outside of——
Ms. ORENS. It was a 1-year event. You have to watch it about
1-year events. If there’s sustained view that the U.K. doesn’t want
to have people there, U.S. companies will—you know, their employees will say, ‘‘I don’t want to go to the U.K. if I’m going to be subject to those types of restrictions.’’ So, I think coordination is important. And I—but, I do think that the U.S. should keep to a more
principled—even if there’s some clear—you know, clearly some
guidelines, but principles rather than fiats. And the Europeans
now are just saying, ‘‘They’ll pay X in cash, X in stock, some of it
will be contingent, et cetera.’’ And, again, it’s a one-size-fits-all approach, assuming everybody in the world is exactly the same kind
of company, and they’re not.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
Ms. ORENS. And I think it makes us uncompetitive, which is a
problem right now. I don’t think we want to lose those jobs.
Mr. NEIMAN. Thank you.
The CHAIRMAN. I want to thank the panelists for doing a great
job. I want to thank you for coming. I want to thank you for what
you had to say.
And, with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 1:10 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

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