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Silas Keehn: Monetary Policy Remarks
Seftember 1987 Economic Forums
9/. 5/87 -- Gaylord, Ml
91/16/87 -- Traverse City, Ml

9/4/87

Slide #1 -- Title Slide: Challenges for Monetary Policy
I.

The outlook that Karl has just given represents what I would
consider to be fairly good economic growth and inflation
outcomes, especially since we are now well into the 5th year
of the current expansion.
A. But achievement of our economic growth outlook is highly
dependent on a turnaround in our international trade
B. Moreover, the adjustment process by which that
turnaround in trade comes about necessarily means higher
import prices and upward pressure on our domestic
inflation rate.

C. This tradeoff between economic growth and inflation, of
course, represents the perennial and pivotal policy
issue faced by economic policymakers such as myself.
D. But our decisionmaking process has become more
complicated because the economy we live in today is very
different from that of just a few years ago.


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Slide #2 -- Text Slide: Globilization of U. S. Economy
II.

Perhaps the most significant change we've seen is what can
be called the "Globilization" or "Internationalization" of
the U.S. economy.
A. Over the past few years we have become increasingly
cognizant of the interdependencies between the U.S.
economy and the economies of the rest of the world.
1. This has become apparent in the growing importance
of trade flows for the health of our own economy as
well as the health of other economies.
2. It has become apparent as well in our growing
reliance on funds from abroad.
3. And with this interdependence of trade and financial
flows, the need for policy coordination between the
U.S. and other countries has never been greater.
B. In a word, U.S. policymakers simply cannot consider only
domestic issues, but


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1. Must be aware of the implications of our actions for
the rest of the world
2. Must be aware of the implications for us of actions
taken abroad

Slide #3 -- Text Slide: Leveraging of America
111.

A second major change might be called the "Leveraging of
America." Over the past few years there has been an
enormous buildup of debt across all sectors of our economy.
A. Debt of the Federal government as well as state and
local governments has grown at an extremely rapid pace.
B. Debt-to-income ratios for U.S. households are near
record high levels.
C. Corporate debt-to-net worth ratios also are historically
high.
D. And, as a nation, we are now the largest debtor country
in the world.


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Slide #4 -- Text Slide: Related Economic lmbalances / M ~ ~ ( . ] '
IV.

Related to these two major changes in the economy -- the
globilization and the leveraging of America
A. Are several important imbalances in our economy
1. Industrial Structure Imbalance:

a. Identified with a relative decline in heavy
manufacturing, and the shift from manufacturing
to services jobs
(1) An imbalance attributed, in part, to the
globilization of our economy
b. Accompanied by regional imbalances
( 1) Agriculture and oil
(2) And resulting financial stress
2. International Trade Imbalance:


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a. Large international trade deficits which are
symptomatic of the globilization process
b. Accompanied by significant international debt
problems

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Page 5

(1) Another financial stress point
3. Federal Government Budget Imbalance:
a. Rapid federal government debt growth reflecting
the many years of large federal budget deficits
b. Another example of the leveraging of America
4. Savings and Investment Imbalance:
a. A reflection of the leveraging of America, or
the rapid debt growth in our economy
b. Domestic savings inadequate to finance both our
domestic investment needs and the budget deficit
(1) Have achieved by importing capital
B. Obvious that there are many issues related to these
major imbalances
1. Can't discuss them all in detail

2. But to understand position of monetary policy


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a. Important to be aware of broad dimensions of
these imbalances

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Slide #5 -- Transition Slide (Text): Structural Imbalance
V.

To begin, let us consider the structural imbalance shift
from manufacturing to services jobs
A. In Midwest, well aware of significant restructuring

1. How affected manufacturing jobs

Slide #6 -- Chart: Employment Shares (1977-1987), Mfg. vs. Services
VI.

Over the past decade, we've seen reversal in position of
manufacturing jobs vs. jobs in services
,,2..'-f 9u
A. Manufacturing fell from ~ of nonfarm payroll
employment in 1977 to

t°l 1o
1:-8d% this past August
~~

Jq'!o 1-0

;i '-I~

B. Share of jobs in services rose
C. This shift in employment shares has raised concerns


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1. About whether our economy can prosper if "we are all
taking in each other's laundry"
1. More particularly, about our manufacturing position
a. Frequently viewed as the base for our economic
growth

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Slide #7 -- Chart: Employment Shares (1947-1987), Mfg. vs. Services
VI I.

There are several misconceptions concerning the shift from
manufacturing to services jobs that need to be recognized.
A. First, as we can see on this chart, the shift is not a
recent phenomenon
B. Rather, manufacturing' s share of total nonfarm payroll
employment has been declining throughout the post World
War II period


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Slide #8 -- Chart: Manufacturing Shares -- Employment vs. Output
VI 11.

A second misconception relates to the importance of
manufacturing in our nation's output
A. Fact of the matter, despite the declining trend in
manufacturing's share of employment
B. Manufacturing output today is roughly the same percent
of our total output as it was 40 years ago and near the
average for the past four decades.


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Slide #9 -- Chart: Productivity, Manufacturing vs. Nonfarm Business
IX.

The reason we've been able to maintain a fairly stable
manufacturing to total output ratio
A. Manufacturing productivity (output per hour) has been
steadily rising over the postwar period
B. Indeed, as is clear on this chart, manufacturing
productivity has outstripped that of the total nonfarm
business sector over the past decade
C. Result -- we can produce the same quantity of
manufactured goods with fewer people
D. But, this poses a very difficult dilemma for


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policymakers

1. On the one hand, how do we deal with the very
serious problems faced by the workers displaced in
this process
2. On the other hand, we know that improved efficiency
or productivity is a necessary ingredient for our
success in competing in today's worldwide markets

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Slide #10 -- Transition Slide: International Trade Imbalance
X.

This brings us to the second major imbalance I want to
discuss, namely our large trade deficit

Slide #11 -- Chart: U. S. Current Account
XI.

All of you are well aware of the fact that we've had
enormous international trade deficits over the past few
years
A. This chart -- showing our current account balance -demonstrates the magnitude of that imbalance
B. Until the past few years, we traditionally had current
account surpluses

1. That is, our merchandise and service exports plus
our investment income receipts exceeded our imports
of goods and services plus our investment payments
to foreigners
C. Over past 25 years


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1. Relatively small current account deficits occurred
first in 1971 ($1.4 billion) and 1972 ($5.8 billion)
2. Somewhat larger deficits in 1977-78 (both $15
billion)

3. Very sizable deficits since 1982, deficit last year
at record $141.4 billion
4. Fallen like a stone

,,

£

--~

>--

~. ~ ~-~~~ ~
~~~~s.

-

Slide #12 -- Chart: Current Account vs. Foreign Capital Inflow
XII.

There is a counterpart to our trade deficit that has to be
recognized
A. Namely, that what happens to our current account balance


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is equal to what happens to our foreign capital flows
1. If we run a current account surplus, then we are net
exporters of capital
2. On the other hand, when we run current account
deficits, we become net importers of capital

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Slide #13 -- Chart: Net International Investment Position of U.S.
XIII.

And, the magnitude of our recent current account deficits
and corresponding foreign capital inflows means that in five
short years we have gone from the largest creditor nation to
the largest debtor nation in the world
A. Now this position in not inherently wrong, if funds are
used for productive purposes which generate the
repayment capacity to service the debt
B. It is wrong to use the funds for consumption purposes --


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and unfortunately that basically is what has happened

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Slide #14 -- Chart: U.S. Net Exports, Real vs. Nominal
XIV.

Because of what's happened to the dollar over the past 2-1/2
years we are poised for a turnaround in our trade position
A. Although the official statistics are still clouded
B. Signs of improvement are emerging
1. While our net exports measured in current dollars
show little sign of improvement
2. Measured in 1982 dollars, we are seeing some

turnaround in the quantity of goods and services

~~

traded
3. Moreover, we have more reports of domestic rather
than foreign sourcing
4. And, the outlook Karl presented earlier clearly
anticipates a narrowing in our trade deficit
C. But, it is important to remember that as the dollar
falls and the current account deficit narrows
1. Our domestic inflation will rise


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2. And, savings from abroad or foreign capital inflows
will be reduced
D. And that means that savings for domestic investment and
to finance federal budget deficits will more and more
have to come from domestic sources

Slide #15 -- Transition Slide: Federal Budget Imbalance
XV.

But, if we are going to be able to do so without undue
pressure on interest rates
A. Must correct the federal budget imbalance between
spending and revenues
B. Efforts to reduce the federal budget deficit must


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continue

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Slide #16 -- Chart: Federal Deficit as a % of GNP
XVI.

Federal budget deficits of current magnitudes at this stage
of the economic expansion are unprecedented
A. Not at all unusual at the the time of recession or other
adverse events
1. Indeed, many programs are specifically designed to

ease the pain of recessions
B. But we are now in the 5th year of the current economic
expansion and until just recently we were running
deficits around 4-1/2 to 5% of GNP

1. Unfortunately, large part of recent drop is


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temporary, due to large tax payments from last
year's tax law changes
2. Deficit as a percent of GNP more likely to rise than
fall in coming years if efforts to reduce the
deficit stall/fail
3. We've never done this before

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Slide #17 -- Chart: Total Gross Public Debt
XVI I.

Federal deficits result in Treasury debt
A. Rising at an alarming rate
B. Debt level in early 1975, $500 billion
C. Surpassed $2 trillion level on April 1, 1986
D. Was $2.35 trillion at the end of August -- rising
inexorably
E. And, even with the deficit this fiscal year being "only"


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$155-$160 billion, as currently expected
1. Some $620-$640 million in new money, on average,
needs to be raised each business day
2. Some $3 billion per week

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Slide #18 -- Chart: Interest on Debt
XVII I.

Interest on the debt has to be paid
A. Growingly worried about compound interest syndrome

1. Is this an issue that has gotten beyond our control?
2. Interest on the debt is assuming a much larger
position in the annual budget -- 10% in fiscal 1976,
over 19% in fiscal 1986
3. Even on this basis alone, the need for action on the
deficit is very compelling
B. But, implications of continued high federal budget


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deficits go further
1. At stake -- whole issue of allocation of savings and
investment dollars between government and private
sector
2. Of particular concern is that interest rates are
higher as a result of budget deficit
a. Some debate on this issue

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Slide #19 -- Chart: Uses of Total Available Savings
XIX.

But when we look at how available savings have been used
A. Large proportion soaked up by Federal deficits

1. Past 3-1/2 years, total available savings averaged

10% of GNP -- historically high
2. Federal deficit as

% of GNP:

5.2% in 1983
4.5% in 1984
4.9% in 1985
4.8% in 1986

3.5% in first half of 1987
Record high percent for this stage of expansion
B. It is only logical then that there has been pressure on
interest rates from the deficit

1. And private domestic investment squeezed out by


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those higher interest rates

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Slide #20 -- Chart: Sources of Total Available Savings
XX.

Would have been worse if we didn't have foreign capital
inflow
A. Foreign capital inflow augmented our domestic savings

1. On an annual average basis, domestic savings (=
personal savings

+ undistributed

corporate profits

+

state and local government surpluses) since 1970
ranged from a low of 6.5% of GNP last year (1986) to

9.9% in 1973
a. Was only 5.2% in this year's first half
2. Domestic savings, which accounted for virtually all
of total available savings in 1982, provided only
two-thirds of total last year
3. Savings from abroad provided the remaining one-third
B. But, as I indicated earlier, the expected turnaround in
our international trade deficit necessarily means that
the amount of foreign capital coming into our country


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will be reduced

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C. Fortunately, we are finally beginning to see signs that
the federal deficit is getting smaller
1. I say this is fortunate even though this means less
fiscal stimulus for economic growth
2. It is fortunate because recent developments do not
point to an increase in our own domestic savings
relative to our investment needs

Slide #21 -- Transition Slide: Savings and Investment Imbalance

XXI.

Which brings us to the fourth imbalance that I want to
discuss, namely the troublesome disparity evolving between
our domestic sources of funds and domestic investment needs


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Slide #22 -- Chart: Domestic Savings vs. Investment (as a % of GNP}
XXI I.

As we can see on this chart, the margin or difference
between domestic savings and domestic investment has been
narrowing over the past few years
A. As measured here, domestic savings includes personal
savings, undistributed corporate profits, and state and
local government budget surpluses
1. As a percent of GNP, our domestic savings still
exceeds our domestic investment
2. But, that margin has been narrowing
a. Was less than one-tenth of one percentage point
in the first half of this year

3. And, don't forget, we still have a federal budget
deficit exceeding 3-1/2% of GNP to finance
B. As we see in this chart, the primary cause of the


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savings/investment imbalance is the fall in savings side

1. And, that largely reflects what's happened to the
personal savings rate

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Slide #23 -- Chart: Personal savings as
XXIII.

% of disp. personal income

This chart shows what's been happening to our personal
savings rate
A. Personal savings as a percent of disposable personal
income has been well below 1960-1981 average of 7-1/4%
during most of the current expansion
1. The 4.3% savings rate reported for all of 1986 was
the lowest since 1949
a. And, we've had about a 3-1/2% savings rate so
far in 1987
B. What this means is that the consumer is not providing


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sufficient savings needed for both domestic investment
and to finance the budget deficit

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Slide #24 -- Chart: Cons. Installment Debt as % of Disp.Pers.lncome
XXIV.

Rather, the consumer has been on a spending spree, and to a
large extent supported that spending spree by taking on huge
amounts of debt -- part of the leveraging of America problem
A. Consumer installment debt has risen to record levels
relative to disposable personal income
B. Although there are some mitigating circumstances which
moderate the sheer magnitude of numbers
1. Increased use of credit cards for managing cash -included in figures though fully repaid each month
2. Demographics -- higher percentage of population in
age groups that are typically borrowers
3. Longer-maturity loans imply lower monthly payments
4. More-than-offsetting increases in assets
C. Nonetheless, personal debt loads have become very heavy
1. Raises the question as to the sustainability of


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consumption and, therefore, the economic expansion

(

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2. Will consumers be able to handle this debt if
personal incomes begin to fall?
D. And yet another disturbing aspect, while recent consumer


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debt-to-income ratio has leveled off (fallen) somewhat

1. Partially due to tax law changes and resulting shift
to using home equity loans not included in the
consumer installment debt figures
2. Not sure the consumer fully aware of the risks
should economic situation turn sour.

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Slide #25 -- Chart: Funds Raised by Nonfinancial Corporate Business

XXV.

The consumer has not been alone in the increasing debt load
picture
A. Corporate debt in the U.S. also has increased sharply
over the past few years

1. In 1984, consolidated corporate debt issued by
nonfinancial corporations amounted to $193 billion
-- a record
2. At $164 billion in 1985 and $178 billion in 1986, we
saw the second and third largest amounts ever
recorded.
B. Much of that debt used to finance the extraordinary pace
of mergers, leveraged buyouts, share repurchases and
other restructuring plans of the past three years
1. In process, huge amounts of corporate equity retired
2. Such retirements far exceeded new issues offered


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3. So that net equity issues -- the difference between
new offerings and retirements -- were significantly
negative in 1984, 1985, and 1986
4. Corporate America has been decapitalizing itself

Slide #26 -- Chart: Corporate Debt to Net Worth Ratio

XXVI.

As a consequence, corporate debt relative to net worth has
increased sharply in past three years
A. From 60-64% range observed over 1970-1983 period to
about 86% in 1986 (measured on historical cost basis)
B. Debt service implications if this trend continues
worrisome
1. Increased claim on future earnings means less
internally generated funds available for investment
2. Debt service becomes more difficult if economy
falters, if interest rates rise
C. Destabilizing element -- Vulnerability


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Slide #27 -- Text Slide: Policy Implications
XXVI I.

These imbalances clearly have important implications for

U.S. economic policies
A. Implications for the broad policy set
1. Fiscal policy -- taxing and spending
2. Regulatory policy -- market and industry structure
and behaviorial restraints
3. And, for monetary policy
B. Indeed for these major imbalances -- monetary policy
cannot directly address
1. Clearly, Congressional actions determine budget and
trade policies
2. And we know that savings and investment decisions
are significantly affected by government spending
and taxing policies
C. But, these imbalances must nevertheless be taken into
consideration in monetary policy


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1. They are an important part of the environment for
making monetary policy
2. And influence what monetary policy can do in
affecting the economy
D. In the current environment
1. The twin deficits -- budget and trade -- are of


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particular importance

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Slide #28 -- Chart: Federal Budget Deficit Outlook
XXVIII. The importance of the imbalance in our federal budget is

quite obvious
A. U.S. fiscal policymakers should be seeking a better
balance between federal government spending and revenues
B. In other words, they should continue to move toward
reducing the federal budget deficit
C. Outlook for the current fiscal year is quite good
1. FY87 budget deficit is projected to be $157 billion

(CBO estimate) to $159 billion (0MB forecast), down
sharply from $221 billion in FY86
2. However, much of this year's improvement reflects
higher tax revenues from capital gains taken in late
1986 -- a one-time change due to Tax Reform
D. Without further fiscal policy changes, budget deficit is
expected to rise over the next two fiscal years

1. FY88: $161 billion (0MB) vs. $183 billion (CBO)
2. FY89: $166 billion (0MB) vs. $192 billion (CBO)


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E. And, if we get larger rather than smaller deficits
1. Additional upward pressure on interest rates since
that deficit must be financed
2. Less savings available for our private investment
3. Continued heavy reliance on savings from abroad
F. In other words, if the federal budget deficit is not


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reduced, we will continue to have a tough time dealing
with other imbalances in our economy

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Slide #29 -- Chart: Domestic Spending vs. Output
XXIX.

To a large extent, the significance of the international
imbalances for the U.S. economy can be summarized in this
chart
A. Which shows our domestic spending (Gross Domestic
Purchases) as a percent of our domestic output (GNP)
B. Over the past several years we've been spending far more
than we've been producing
1. The difference between our spending and output
reflects our net export position
2. That is, the excess of goods and services we've
imported over those we've exported
C. If we were to look at comparable data for our trading
partners

1. We'd see just the opposite situation
2. Since, by definition, our trade deficit must be


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reflected in trade surpluses of our trading partners
taken collectively


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3. This means that, in the aggregate, they've been
producing more than they've been spending in order
to meet demands for goods and services from the U.S.

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Slide #30 -- Chart: Trade weighted dollar

XXX.

With the decline in the foreign exchange value of the dollar
A. The production and spending relationships are being
changed

1. We will need to produce more and spend less
2. Foreigners will have to spend more and produce less
B. The lower dollar
1. Brings about a rise in our net exports and a fall in
net exports of our trading partners
2. This translates into higher real GNP growth for us
but lower real GNP growth for other nations
C. But the lower dollar also affects inflation
1. As prices on goods we import rise, that means that
our inflation is higher than otherwise
2. For other nations, as the price of goods we export


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to them falls, that means their inflation is lower
than it would have been

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D. A "Catch-22" or a policy dilemma for us
1. While we would all like to have more economic growth
2. Is higher inflation the price we want to pay
E. The policy dilemma for other nations

1. Lower inflation may be desirable
2. But is lower economic growth a price they can afford
F. And in turn for us

1. If other nations have lower growth, can we expand


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our exports to them

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Slide #31 -- Text Slide: Domestic Policy Goals
XXXI.

In the final analysis, the primary objective of monetary
policy
A. Is to achieve maximum growth with price stability -- to
balance these goals
1. Don't want more growth at the cost of inflation
a. It doesn't buy anything in the long run
2. But we certainly want as much growth as we can
without price escalation
B. The real question then is what growth is attainable


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1. Currently, the twin deficits -- the federal budget
deficit and the trade deficit -- are among the major
constraints to greater growth
a. They may both be declining, or we hope they
will, but their legacy is still with us
b. We are paying the costs of our excesses
2. Also, achievable growth is influenced by the other
imbalances

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a. Industrial restructuring -- our competitive
position has not fully recovered
b. Savings and investment imbalance not fully
corrected
3. Consequently, we may not be able to achieve much


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more rapid growth now

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Slide #32 -- Chart: Real GNP, Actual and Trend
XXXII.

In spite of imbalances in our economy, we are running close

to our long-term growth path
A. On this chart we show actual real GNP and its trend over
the past four decades and trend over past 20 years
1. Over 40-year period, growth in real GNP averaged 3%
a. But 3-1/2% trend growth from 1947-1966
b. And 2-1/2% trend growth since 1967
2. So, while somewhat below 40-year trend path
a. We're very close to 67-87 trend path
B. Attempts to achieve more rapid growth
1. Run some risks to long-term price stability
2. Especially since we're already under price pressures


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from imports
a. If these pass through to other products and to
wage rates generally
b. Could get a systematic increase in inflation
c. To longer-term detriment of economic growth

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Page 38
Slide #33 -- Chart: Real GNP and Inflation

XXXIII. Unfortunately, the correct policy path is not obvious
A. If the correct answer were always obvious, you wouldn't
need monetary policymakers such as myself
B. From my perspective, it's essential that U.S. monetary
policymakers remain aware that the balance between our
economic growth and our inflation is very important

1. The history of real GNP growth vs. our inflation
shown here indicates that
a. When economic growth rises too high, inflation
goes up
b. To correct that imbalance in the past has meant
recession
c. That need not be the case now
C. In the current situation we can continue to see good


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economic growth with price stability, provided that

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Page 39
1. We remain aware of the implications for our economic

growth and inflation of actions taken by other
policymakers
a. And work together to correct imbalances
2. We recognize that the rise in our inflation stemming
from higher import prices can be only a temporary
increase -- a necessary part of the adjustment
process in correcting our international imbalance
3. Provided that we remain alert to, and respond
appropriately to, the potential for these temporary
price pressures being built permanently into our
price structure
a. From domestic producers raising prices unduly
b. From wage increases that exceed productivity
gains
D. The challenges for monetary policy are great, but not
insurmountable


https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

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