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CLEMENCEAU AND FRENCH P O U C Y * SPEECH OF HON. ROBERT L. OWEN OF O K L A H O M A IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES NOVEM BER 27, 1922 W A S H IN G T O N G O VER N M EN T P R IN T IN G O F F IC E 1029 21508— 23341 I - .............. i m i SPEECH O P HON. ROBERT L. OWEN. 1 9 CLEM ENCEAU AND FRENCH P O L IC Y . Mr. OWEN. Mr. President, M. Clemeneeau is a greatly hon ored former Premier o f France. He comes evidently with the approval o f the French Government and with world-wide pub licity announcing his coming. He has arrived in New York and been received with great cordiality by citizens of the United States on a mission of importance. He comes making an appeal to America. He thinks we left Europe without sufficient cause and that we left too soon. He desires the American Government, with the backing of the American people, to take part in restoring distracted Europe, and says that he does not know what he wants us to do, but he wants our help, and he wants it at once, and lie thinks we may have an armchair at Lausanne if we ask for a seat at that conference. It seems worth while to submit an observation upon this visit of M. Clemeneeau and to call his attention and the attention of the French people and o f the people o f Europe to what I believe to be the principal causes of the present disturbed condition of Europe and the only practical remedies by which their pros perity can be promptly restored. The visit of M. Clemeneeau may be of great value if it shall lead to the discussion of these matters frankly, honestly, and fearlessly. We keenly and deeply sympathize with the French people, with their great sufferings. We have deplored the wanton invasion of France by the German military dynasty in 1871 and the more cruel invasion by the same forces in 1914. We know how cruelly they have suffered from the German invasion. We have walked over many places in the devastated areas. We have seen the ruined cities and villages and are very sympathetic with them in promoting their future security, peace, and prosperity, and if mistakes in judgment are made by leaders of French opinion it should be remembered that similar mistakes are made by other leaders of all the nations of the earth and that such mistakes should be considered with patience and moderation. The French people, like the people of other nations, should not be made responsible for the error of their leadership if there be error, as we think there has been, and Clemenceau’s visit will help to clear the atmosphere because now we can discuss these questions more serenely than when the differences occurred. 21508— 2334J 3 * ( 4 We make a wide distinction between the German people and the military dynasty which governed the German people regard less o f the consent of the governed. We do not mean by this that there was any open revolt of the German people against this overwhelming, dominating governing power, because there was little or none, but we can not help but think of the utterly help less attitude of the young men of Germany when they were called to the colors by the order of mobilization of Wilhelm II. A young German had his option of responding to this call promptly, efficiently, faithfully, or facing a German court-mar tial and a firing squad. A German boy had no option except to come, and when he came he had his choice of coming singing or weeping. He chose to sing and to come and do his utmost to win a victory under the German flag which he had been taught to love and to revere as the badge o f a happy, honorable fatherland. He answered the voice o f patriotism; he followed the only leadership he knew, and with infinite pathos went to his young death. Seven millions of the German youth fell in battle, and the Imperial Government finally met with a crush ing defeat at the hands of those who loved justice and liberty throughout the world. With the young soldiers o f other lands—o f France, o f Britain, of Italy— it was the same. The Fatherland called; they came, they fought, they died for what they believed to be their duty to Fatherland. Clemenceau senses correctly that American opinion has been slowly growing to be unsympathetic with the leadership of France. There is a profound cause for it which ought to be explained to the French people. For this reason these observa tions are submitted to the public records in order that French leaders may realize why the United States has withdrawn from Europe and does not wish to return until the European leaders exhibit a heartfelt respect for the opinions of America. The American opinion was expressed in the address o f the President o f the United States of April 2. 1917, when he advised the Congress o f the United States that the time had arrived to enter the orld War. This address to the Congress of the United States was the culmination of German aggression and of conferences which had taken place between the representa tives of the Entente Allies and the authorities of the United States and the principles for whichwe entered this war were then acquiesced in and applauded by the leaders of the Entente Allies and they are bound morally anil ethically and under the principle of right to support these doctrines upon which we entered the war in cooperation with them, they declaring at the same time that they were moved by the same principles. What were these principles, Mr. President? Woodrow Wil son stated them in his message o f April 2, 1917, when he said ( C o n g r e s s i o n a l R ecord , vol. 5 5 , p. 103) : Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of neace and justice in the life of the world as against seldshnc's and autocratic power and o set up amongst the really free and "eirgovern in g pJople of the world such a concert of purpose and of action a s willh o n c t f o r t h assure the o b se rv a n t of these principle., •* . henctforth We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that sh«nSaJ°e standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of several states 21508— 23341 o We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feelin® toward them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, un happy days when peoples were nowhere considered by their rulers’ and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little g oups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as piw ns and tools. Woodrow Wilson pointed out the impossibility o f friendship with the Prussian autocracy, its secret methods, its spies, its intrigues, its ambitious and greedy purposes, and he said • i W e are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend ; and that in the presence of its organized power, alwavs lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic governments of the world We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the Nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. W e are glad now that we see the tacts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included ; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their wav of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracv Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. W e have no selfish ends to serve. W e desire no conquests no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material com pensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. W e are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. W e shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom, of nations can make them. We spent $40,000,000,000 and we asked no indemnities what ever. A e asked no territory. We lost tens of thousands of \ our best beloved youth to establish these principles, and we only asked justice for all peoples, Germans as well as French, Turks as well as British. We have been disappointed. We are not content to see them disregarded by the Entente Allies in any respect. We had a right and we have a right now to expect and to demand recognition of these broad prin ciples of justice as a condition of the further cooperation which Clemeneeau now desires. There should never be forgotten the conditions upon which the armistice of November 11, 191S, was sought and obtained. These conditions represented the views of the Government of the United States, voiced by the President of the United States, not only with the approval of the American people and of Con gress but approved by the British Government and the French Government and the Entente Allies. These conditions were transmitted to the German Government and the German people through the Swiss minister by Robert Lansing, the Secretary of State of the United States, on the 5th of November, 1918, which I ask to have printed in the R ecord in 8-point type. There being no objection, the matter was ordered to be printed in the R ecord in 8-point type, as follow s: “ Sir : I have the honor to request you to transmit the follow ing communication to the German Government : “ In my note of October 23, 1918, I advised you that the President had transmitted his correspondence with the German authorities to the Governments with which the Government of the United States is associated as a belligerent, with the sug gestion that, if those Governments were disposed to effect peace 2 1 5 0 8 — 2:5341 * upon the terms and principles indicated, their military advisers and the military advisers of the United States be asked to submit to the Governments associated against Germany the necessary terms of such armistice as would fully protect the interests of the peoples involved and insure to the associated Governments the unrestricted powT to safeguard and enforce er the details of the peace to which the German Government had agreed, provided they deemed sueh an armistice possible from the military point of view. “ The President is now in receipt of a memorandum of ob servations by the allied Governments on this correspondence, which is as follow s: “ ‘ The allied Governments have given careful consideration to the correspondence which has passed between the President of the United States and the German Government. Subject to the qualifications which follow, they declare their willingness to make peace with the Government of Germany on the terms of peace laid down in the President’s address to Congress of January, 1918, and the principles of settlement enunciated in his subsequent addresses. They must point out, however, that clause 2, relating to what is usually described as the freedom of the seas, is open to various interpretations, some of which they could not accept. They must, therefore, reserve to them selves complete freedom on this subject when they enter the peace conference. “ ‘ Further, in the conditions of peace laid down in his ad dress to Congress of January 8, 1918, the President declared that invaded territories must be restored as well as evacuated and freed, and the allied Governments feel that no doubt ought to be allowed to exist as to what this provision implies. By it they understand that compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the civilian population o f the Allies and their property by the aggression of Germany by land, by sea, and from the air.’ ” Mr. OWEN, The allied governments gave careful consider ation to this correspondence between the President and the German Government, and they declared to the President of the United States that they were willing to make peace with the Government o f Germany on the terms of the peace laid down in the President’s address to Congress o f January 8, 1918. and the principles of settlement enunciated in his subsequent ad dresses. Some of the 14 points and principles they did carry out, but in many instances and in details they failed to carry them out and pursued a contrary policy, a policy calculated to injure the German people commercially and financially, and violated the agreement to permit Germany to have “ a place of equality among the peoples of the world.” It was this address of the President of the United States o f January 8, 1918, and the 14 points w hich appealed to the Ger ’ man people as people, and we took infinite pains to have this address of the President of the United States scattered by air planes behind the German lines and to give for it publicity among the German people, and these German people had a o £ ? L t0 re y’ no* on1y upon the faith of the United States J. ernrpent and the good faith of the people of the United Stat- , : ut< ‘ ey had a right to rely upon the good faith of the “ - * — 23341 e*» A 7 G o v e r n m e n t s o f tlxe E n t e n t e A l l i e s a n d o f t h e p e o p l e o f t h e E n t e n t e A ll i e s to c a r r y o u t th e p r in c ip le s u p o n w h ic h th e a r m i s tic e w a s b a se d . T h e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t a n d th e G e r m a n p e o p le a c c e p te d th e s e c o n d itio n s a n d la id d o w n t h e ir a r m s . I t b e ca m e a b in d i n g c o n t r a c t o f h o n o r m a d e u p o n t h e b a t t l e f ie ld , b i n d i n g F r a n c e a n d th e E n te n t e A ll ie s a n d G e r m a n y a lik e . A fa ilu r e to c a r r y o u t th e te r m s o f th e c o n tr a c t h a s b een fo llo w e d b y e v il c o n s e quence. T h e P r e s id e n t ’s a d d r e s s to C o n g r e s s o f J a n u a r y 8 is o f s u c h i m p o r t a n c e in c o n s t r u i n g t h i s a g r e e m e n t o n t h e p a r t o f t h e U n ite d S ta t e s a n d th e E n te n t e A llie s w ith th e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t th a t I th in k i t is p r o p e r to p r e s e n t it a g a in , a n d I a s k to h a v e it p r i n t e d in t h e R ecord in 8 - p o i n t t y p e . 1heie being no objection, the matter was ordered to be printed in the R ecord in 8-point type, as follows: P R E S ID E N T W IL S O N ’ S AD D RESS TO CO NGRESS JAN U ARY 8, 1918. G e n tle m e n o f th e C o n g r e s s , o n c e m o r e , a s r e p e a t e d ly b e fo r e , th e s p o k e s m e n o f th e C e n t r a l E m p ir e s h a v e in d ic a t e d t h e ir d e s n e to d is c u s s th e o b je c t s o f th e w a r a n d th e p o s s ib le b a s e s o f a Pe a c e ‘ F a r l e y s h a v e b e e n in p r o g r e s s a t B r e s t r-d tw<^e n R u s s i a n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f th e C e n t r a l P o w e r s , to w h ic h th e a t t e n t io n o f a l l th e b e l lig e r e n ts h a s b een in v ite d fo r th e p u r p o se o f a s c e r ta in in g w h e th e r it m a y b e p o s s ib le to e x te n d th e s e p a r le y s in to a g e u e r a l c o n fe r e n c e w ith r e g a r d to t e r m s o f p e a c e a n d s e ttle m e n t, lh e R u s s ia n r e p r e s e n t a t iv e s p r e s e n te d n o t o n ly a p e r fe c t ly d e f in i t e s t a t e m e n t o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s u p o n w h i c h t h e y w o u l d b e w illin g to c o n c lu d e p e a c e , b u t a ls o a n e q u a lly d e fin ite p r o gram o f th e c o n c r e te a p p lic a tio n o f th o s e p r in c ip le s . The r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s o f th e C e n t r a l P o w e r s , o n th e ir p a r t, p re se n te d a n o u t l i n e o f s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h , i f m u c h l e s s d e f in i t e , s e e m e d s u s c e p t i b l e o f l i b e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u n t i l t h e i r s p e c if ic p r o g r a m o f p ra c tic a l te rm s w a s a d d e d . T h a t p ro g ra m proposed n o c o n c e s s io n s a t a ll, e it h e r to th e s o v e r e ig n t y o f R u s s ia o r t o t h e p r e f e r e n c e s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n s w i t h w h o s e f o r t u n e s it d e a l t , b u t m e a n t , in a w o r d , t h a t t h e C e n t r a l E m p i r e s w e r e t o k e e p e v e r y f o o t o f t e r r it o r y t h e ir a r m e d f o r c e s h a d o c c u p ie d — e v e r y P r o v in c e , e v e r y c ity , e v e r y p o in t o f v a n ta g e — a s a p e r m a n e n t a d d it io n to t h e ir t e r r it o r ie s a n d th e ir p o w e r . I t is a r e a s o n a b le c o n je c t u r e t h a t th e g e n e r a l p r in c ip le s o f s e t t le m e n t w h i c h t h e y a t f ir s t s u g g e s t e d o r i g i n a t e d w i t h t h e m o r e l i b e r a l s ta te s m e n o f G e r m a n y a n d A u s t r ia , th e m en w h o h a v e b eg u n to fe e l th e fo rc e of th e ir ow n p e o p le s ’ th o u g h t and p u rpose, w h ile th e c o n c r e te te r m s o f a c tu a l s e tt le m e n t c a m e fr o m th e m ilit a r y le a d e r s , w h o h a v e n o th o u g h t b u t to k eep w h a t th e y h a v e g o t. T h e n e g o tia tio n s h a v e b een b ro k e n o ff. T h e R u s s ia n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s w e r e s i n c e r e a n d in e a r n e s t . T h e y can not e n te r ta in su c h p r o p o s a ls o f c o n q u e s t a n d d o m in a tio n . “ T h e w h o le in c id e n t is f u ll o f s ig n ific a n c e . I t is a ls o fu ll o f p e r p le x ity . W i t h w h o m a r e Che R u s s i a n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s d e a l in g ? F o r w h o m a r e th e r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s o f th e C e n tr a l E m p ir e s s p e a k in g ? A r e th e y s p e a k in g fo r th e m a jo r it ie s o f th e ir re s p e c tiv e p a r lia m e n t s o r and im p e r ia lis t ic 2 1 5 0 8 —-2 3 3 4 1 fo r th e m in o r ity p a r tie s , th a t m ilit a r y m in o r ity w h ic h has so fa r d o m in a te d th e ir w h o le p o lic y a n d c o n tr o lle d th e a ffa ir s o f T u r k e y a n d o f th e B a l k a n States w h i c h h a v e f e l t obliged t o b e c o m e t l i e i r a s s o c i a t e s in th e w a r ? The R u s s ia n r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s have in s is te d , very j u s t l y , v e r y w i s e l y , a n d in t h e t r u e s p i r i t o f m o d e r n d e m o c r a c y , \ t h a t th e c o n fe r e n c e s th e y h a v e b een h o ld in g w ith th e T e u t o n ic a n d T u r k i s h s t a t e s m e n s h o u l d h e h e ld w i t h i n o p e n , n o t c l o s e d . doors, and all the world has been audience, as was desired. To w hom th e have w e been lis te n in g , t h e n ? To th o se w h o sp eak s p i r i t a n d i n t e n t i o n o f t h e r e s o l u t .o n s o f t h e G e r m a n R e i c h s t a g o f t h e 9 t h o f J u l y l a s t , t h e s p i r i t a n d i n t e n t i o n o f t h e li b e r a l le a d e r s and p a r tie s of G erm an y, or to th o se w ho r e sist and d e fy th a t s p ir it a n d in te n tio n a n d in s is t u p o n c o n q u e st an d s u b ju g a tio n ? O r a r e w e l i s t e n i n g , in f a c t , t o b o t h , u n r e c o n c i le d a n d in o p e n a n d h o p e l e s s c o n t r a d i c t i o n ? T h e s e a r e v e ry s e r io u s a n d p r e g n a n t q u e s tio n s . U p o n th e a n s w e r to th e m d e p e n d s th e p e a c e o f th e w o r ld . “ B u t, w h a te v e r th e r e s u lts o f th e p a r le y s at B r e s t-L ito v s k , w h a t e v e r t h e c o n f u s i o n s o f c o u n s e l a n d o f p u r p o s e in t h e u t t e r a n c e s o f th e s p o k e sm e n o f th e C e n t r a l E m p ir e s , th e y h a v e a g a in a t t e m p t e d t o a c q u a i n t t h e w o r l d w i t h t h e i r o b j e c t s in t h e w a r a n d h a v e a g a in c h a lle n g e d th e ir a d v e r s a r ie s to s a y w h a t th e ir o b je c ts a r e a n d w h a t so rt o f s e ttle m e n t th e y w o u ld deem ju s t an d s a tis fa c to r y . T h e r e is n o g o o d r e a so n w h y t h a t c h a lle n g e s h o u ld n o t b e r e s p o n d e d to , a n d r e s p o n d e d to w ith th e u tm o s t y can dor. W e d id n o t w a i t f o r it . N o t o n c e , b u t a g a in a n d a g a in , w e h a v e la id o u r w h o le th o u g h t a n d p u r p o s e b e fo r e th e w o r l d , n o t in g e n e r a l t e r m s o n l y , b u t e a c h t i m e w i t h s u f f ic ie n t d e fin itio n to m a k e it c le a r w h a t s o r t o f d e fin itiv e t e r m s o f s e t tle m e n t m u s t n e c e s s a r ily s p r in g o u t o f th e m . W it h i n th e la s t w e e k M r . L lo y d -G e o r g e h a s sp o k e n in a d m ir a b le * s p ir it fo r th e w ith a d m ir a b le c a n d o r a n d p e o p le and G overnm en t of G reat B r ita in . T h e r e is n o c o n fu s io n o f c o u n s e l a m o n g th e a d v e r s a r ie s o f th e C e n t r a l P o w e r s , n o u n c e r t a in t y o f p r in c ip le , no v a g u e n e s s o f d e ta il. of fe a r le s s m en t of th e a llie s . The tio n s. No o b je c ts is s u e s ought tr a g ic a l and th e of of sta te sm a n s p o n s ib ility th is T h e o n ly s e c r e c y o f c o u n s e l, t h e o n ly la c k fra n k n e ss, o n ly th e fa ilu r e w ar, life and d e a th who has th e fo r a m om en t a p p a llin g to m a k e lie s to d e fin ite w ith G erm an y hang upon le a s t o u tp o u rin g th e s e c o n c e p tio n p e r m it of sta te and of her d e fin i h is re h i m s e lf to c o n tin u e b lo o d and tre a su re u n l e s s h e is s u r e b e y o n d a p e r a d v e n t u r e t h a t t h e o b j e c t s o f t h e v ita l sa c r ific e are part and parcel a n d t h a t th e p e o p le f o r w h o m im p e r a tiv e a s h e d o e s. “ T h e r e is , m o r e o v e r , of th e v ery life h e sp e a k s th in k th e m of so c ie ty , r ig h t a n d * a v o ic e c a llin g fo r th e se d e fin itio n s o f p r in c ip le a n d o f p u r p o s e w h ic h is . it s e e m s to m e . m o r e t h r illi n g a n d m o r e c o m p e llin g th a n a n y o f th e m a n y m o v in g v o ic e s w ith w h i c h t h e t r o u b l e d a i r o f t h e w o r l d i s f ille d . I t is th e v o ic e o f th e R u s s ia n p e o p le . T h e y a r e p r o s t r a t e a n d a l l b u t h e l p l e s s , it w o u ld s e e m , b e fo r e th e g r im p o w e r o f G e r m a n y , w h ic h h a s h ith e r to k n o w n n o r e le n tin g a n d n o p it y . T h e ir p o w e r, a p p a r e n tly , is s h a t t e r e d . A n d y e t t h e ir s o u l is n o t s u b s e r v ie n t . They w i l l n o t y i e l d e i t h e r in p r i n c i p l e o r in a c t i o n . T h e ir co n cep tio n o f w h a t is r ig h t, o f w h a t it is h u m a n e a n d hoi a b le f o r th e m to a c c e p t, h a s b e e n s ta te d w ith a fr a n k n e s s , a la r g e n e s s o f v ie w , a g e n e r o s ity o f s p ir it, a n d a u n iv e r sa l hum an sy m p a th y 2 1508— 23341 I 9 which must challenge the admiration of every friend o f man kind : and they have refused to compound their ideals c desert others that they themselves may be safe. They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if in anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond with utter simplicity and franknesss. Whether their present leaders be lieve it or not, it is our heartfelt desire a id hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the peo ple of Russia to attain their utmost hope o f liberty and ordered peace. “ It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone b y ; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the in terest of particular governments and likely at some unlookedfor moment to upset the peace o f the worid. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the ob jects it has in view. “ We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made tit and safe to live in ; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institu tions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world’s peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this: “ I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. • “ II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. “ III. The removal, so far as possible, o f all economic barriers and the establishment o f an equality o f trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating them selves for its maintenance. “ IV. Adequate guaranties given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic needs. “ V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjust ment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions o f sov2 1 5 0 8 — 2 3 3 4 1 ----------2 10 ereignty the interests o f the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims o f the Government whose title is to be determined. “ VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settle ment of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions o f her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also o f every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension o f her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelli gent and unselfish sympathy. “ VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. “ VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. “ IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be ef fected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. “ X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be ac corded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. “ XI. Rumania. Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality ; and international guaranties of the political and economic independence and terri torial integrity o f the several Balkan states should be entered into. “ X II. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationali ties which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested oppor tunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and com merce o f all nations under international guaranties. “ X III. An independent Polish State should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and ecouomie independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international cove nant. 21508— 23341 11 “ XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guaran tees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. “ In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and asser tions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the imperialists. We can not be separate in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. “ For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; hut only be cause we wish the right to prevail ami desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provo cations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to asso ciate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fa r dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equal'ty among the peoples of the world— the new world in which we now live— instead of a place of mastery. “ Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination. “ We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the prin ciple of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms o f liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this prin ciple be made its foundation, no part o f the structure of inter national justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test.” Mr. OWEN. By every principle of common honesty the United States and the Entente Allies were bound by the 14 points, which were not carried out in good faith. Clemenceau himself was quoted as deriding the 14 points after the fruits of this g gantic declaration of principle had been obtained through the armistice and the German Government had sur rendered and was disarmed. After the Germans were disarmed. Clemenceau was quoted in the public press as saying that “ Moses only laid down Ten Com2 1508— 23341 mandments and Woodrow Wilson laid down 14 commandments.” How witty and merry. How thoughtless and destructive. Moses led the Children of Israel out of the wilderneas with the Ten Commandments, and the American people would have led the children of Europe out of the wilderness with the 14 points if leaders like Clemenceau, Lloyd-George, and others had. in perfect good faith, carried out these principles and covenants on which the surrender of the Germans was obtained. But the Entente leaders have not carried them out. They wrote a treaty of victory and imposed conditions some of wh.ch are now believed to be impossible of fulfillment, and others which contain the seeds o# future war and which were and are in fiat violation of various o f these pledges o f the 14 points. It is not necessary to regard Clemenceau and Lloyd-George as being willfully unfaithful because of this breach of faith in carrying out the 14 points. They are merely human beings, with human frailty, controlled by their environment, represent ing the leaders behind them and voicing the language o f the old diplomacy o f Europe, the diplomacy o f strategic boundaries, of brute force, and o f commercial advantages on land and sea. Blind leaders of the blind, piling up disaster and war from their failure to recognize the fundamental principles o f justice between nations, every one of whom is equally entitled to life, liberty, the pursuit o f happiness, the right to manage its own affairs in its own way, and the right to international under standing and good will and the means to make these rights effective. We have no sympathy with the abuse of the German people, the Russian people, the Turkish people by Clemenceau anv more than of the British or French people by the Germans The 14 points represented the new order of reliance on justice and international good will rather than the old order, a reliance alone upon brute force. The group behind Clemenceau put their faith in brute force, and therefore at Paris and Versailles they carried on a vigor ous, strenuous campaign for the purpose of building up material forces which would strengthen France and weaken Germanv regardless o f the principles o f justice, in carrying out the 14 points to which they were so solemnly pledged. Against these gigantic forces of self-interest movin** the leadership of the Entente Allies in so large a measure Wood row Wilson stood isolated and alone at Paris, the most pa thetic, the most tragic figure the world has ever seen in the most gigantic crisis o f all time. Woodrow Wilson went as the advocate o f principles of international good will and un derstanding and justice and righteousness and self-government among men. He not only had to meet these great forces o f the old order at Paris and Versailles, but even in this gigantic struggle in which he was engaged—and which has been so graphically portrayed by Ray Stannard Baker in his recent volumes of Woodrow Wilson and the World Settlement__Woodrow Wilson failed to receive the support from his own c o u n try which might have made it possible for him to have fully established the new order in writing this treaty His failure was not due to his lack of effort, for his efforts brought him even at Paris to the point o f physical collapse. At Paris his hands were weakened by attacks from America 21508— 23341 13 In order to hold up the hands of the President in his great struggle for justice on earth I offered the following Senate Con current Resolution No. 17, which, without reading, I ask to have printed in the R ecord in 8-point type as an appendix. The VICE PRESIDENT. Without objection, it is so ordered. ( S e e A p p e n d i x .) Mr. OWEN. The Senate and the House of Representatives acquiesced in the address of the President o f January 8, 1918, with “ prolonged applause.” Clemenceau and Lloyd-George and the Entente leadership wrote the treaty of Versailles, ignoring some of the important principles of the 14 points. They broke faith with the world and occupy in America the attitude now of asking America to come to Europe again to relieve them o f the results of their own unwise conduct. What do they want of America? We have a right to know. Clemenceau and Lloyd-George wrote the treaty of Versailles in such form and of such substance that it did not secure rati fication by the Senate of the United States. The concessions which they wrongfully extorted from Woodrow Wilson brought on a violent attack on the treaty itself in America, and Ameri can leaders asked themselves, Are we to pledge the powers of America to carry out this treaty of greed and fear and force framed in contravention o f the 14 points, in contravention of the principles in which America believes? Are we to be made the instruments by which the wrongs done the conquered peoples shall be made permanent and effective? No, Mr. President; Clemenceau, or rather the powers behind Clemenceau, have made a bed of thorns for themselves, and. the end is not yet. Mr. President, we are more than anxious that America and the American people, both for their own sakes and for the sake of the people of Europe, should do everything in their power to restore the European people to a condition of perfect peace and happiness, but America can not make wrong right. Amer ica can not be of great service to Europe until the statesmen of Europe are willing to recognize the fundamental principles upon which the peace and welfare of the people of the world must be founded. The evil consequences which have been brought upon Europe are largely due to the obsession of fear of the French people which was used by the French leaders to build up a program o f French security by force and intrigue as against the program of Woodrow Wilson—of international justice and good will and the mutual guaranties of the cove nant of the League of Nations. The French policy as opposed to the 14 points may be briefly summarized as follow s: (1) French military control of the Rhine. (2) A permanent alliance o f the great powers to help France to hold it. (3) A group of smaller allies to menace Germany from the east. (4) Territorial revision of the German Empire. (5) Crippling o f the German political organization. (6) Disarmament o f Germany but not of the Allies. (7) A crushing indemnity. 21508— 23341 14 (8) Deprivation o f economic resources. (9) A set o f commercial agreements preferential to France, prejudicial to Germany. (10) Germany not allowed to enter the League of Nations. (11) Cutting off German markets, and so forth. The French people undoubtedly have been profoundly affected by a fear of future German aggression, and they are proposing to make sure their future defense by breaking Germany down by the above program, by going heavily armed, and by promot ing the same spirit and policy in Poland, Rumania, Greece, Belgium, and so forth. The British and the French have been regarded as the real force behind the Greek-Turk war. They have failed to carry out the treaty entered into at Washington between the nations to reduce competitive naval armaments. The French leadership is slowly isolating from the French Government the sympathy of the world in spite of the fact that the American people have felt a great and sentimental friendship for the people of France. A wide distinction must always be made between the people of a country and the govern ing forces of a country. France is pursuing a policy which threatens Europe with war or Bolshevism, or both, and the sooner the French statesmen realize the error of this short sighted policy, the better it will be for the world, and the better it will be for the happiness and prosperity of the French people. If Europe receives American help it will be upon the basis of absolute international justice, o f international understand ing. of nternational good will. Perhaps Clemenceau’s visit may open the door. I wish this venerable statesman a welcome to Amer ca, and hope h's visit will be pleasant and agreeable and that it may be useful in leading to a better understanding be tween the people of America and the people of France. America is not going to support a policy of greed and brute force and in justice between nations. America is going to stand for the new order upon the face of God’s footstool. Clemenceau is believed in America to have extorted much from Woodrow Wilson in the treaty of Versailles in exchange for the League of Nations, but he has not made the American people agree to the extortions, although because of the covenant o f the League o f Nations a large body of American opinion was willing to give support to the treaty of peace, believing, as Woodrow Wilson seemed to believe, that the principles o f the covenant would in time correct the unjust features which had been written into the treaty, as they did do in regard to Shantung and naval armaments. Mr. President, every human being, I suppose, is a product of his training and environment and it is easier for an Ameri can—living in the United States, where 48 sovereign States live side by side in peace and happiness under a just and gen erous Government, a Government o f the people, by the people, and for the people— to see the value o f such forces as are at work in America than it is for Clemenceau or the French leaders to believe that peace on earth can be maintained by moral force and that moral force is greater than physical force and that moral force can produce physical force which will be triumphant even in war, and yet if they should reflect upon it they would at last be driven to concede that it was the 21508— 23341 15 moral forces behind the Entente Allies that brought bayonets from the ends of the earth in defense of liberty and justice and actually won the late war. The old order of European diplomacy believed alone in military force, in strategic bound aries, in secret covenants, in intrigue, in balances of power, and so forth, and this doctrine has been so ground into the mind of Cleinenceau it is difficult indeed, if not impossible, for him to understand the conquering power of the new forces which are going to govern and make safe the world and which have been written in the covenant of the league under the in spiration, leadership, and sacrifice of Woodrow Wilson, whose name, as time goes on, will rise in greater and greater dignity and honor. Cleinenceau believes in balances o f power, in alliances versus alliances. He tells us the hope of the world is France, Great Britain, and the United States versus Germany, Russia, and Turkey. l\'ot so, my dear Cleinenceau. The peace of the world is jus tice to all nations alike, great and small, and a recognition of the doctrine “ Turkey for the Turks, Russia for the Russian, as well as France for the French.” Political independence and terr.tor al integrity for every nation. Let Great Britain and France and Greece get out of Turkey and stay out. Over oO nations are now members of the League of Nations. The injustices of Versailles should be corrected at once. Ger many and Russia should be brought into the league. The United States should enter the league or declare an approval of its principles. The principles of the 14 points should be written into the Ver sailles treaty as agreed— and especially disarmament—down to the limit of domestic needs, should be speedily accomplished. The budgets should be balanced. A Federal reserve system of Europe adopted. Gold enough to supply the system should be advanced by the European countries with the aid of $.">00.000,000 of American gold. An international conference of business men should be annually assembled with a view to increasing pro duction and distribution o f commodities and teaching men of all nations to know and trust each other. The economic barriers should be removed between nations. You can not hate a man you really know and who really knows you. The need of the world is mutual understanding, mutual faith, and good will. It will lead to peace and to prosperity of all men. The doctr ne o f Christ is the true doctrine. “ Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” If dear Cleinenceau could teach his people to turn their backs on fear and hate, even the Germans would respond to these sentiments and America could then do much to help Europe. Mr. President, one of the most remarkable appeals for peace has come with the signatures of the representatives of the organization of European War Veterans after their participa tion in the last annual convention of the American Legion. Among these resolutions are the following: T h a t a ll in t e r n a t io n a l a g r e e m e n t s a m o n g G o v e r n m e n t s a ff e c t in g e n t i r e p e o p le s h a ll b e o p e n a n d a b o v e b o a r d , w it h f u l l p u b li c i t y . T o o p p o se te r r ito r ia l a g g r a n d iz e m e n t. T h a t a n in te r n a t io n a l c o u r t b e e s ta b lis h e d to o u tla w w a r . 21508— 2.'5341 th e 16 To proceed as r a p id ly as c o n d itio n s o f ,su. ? h , co,u r t s b e c o m e o p e r a t i v e a n d t h e ir fo r c e s a n d d e s t r o y th e ' "( th e decrees e n t ir e ly d is a r m a n d d is b a n d im p le m e n ts o f w a r fa r e . p e r m it, and w hen a r m ie s The organizations of the soldiers of the late World War can do more to teach sanity to public leaders than, perhaps, any other force, and I rejoice in these resolutions. They reflect the principles o f the 14 points, and go further to outlaw war. There should be international treaties by which the invasion of the territory o f another country should be denounced as an international high crime, punishable with death for the leaders guilty of it, and the world ought to inflict this penalty and teach by personal penalties stupid officials who bring about war that they are responsible for the death of the men whom they lead into aggressive, wrongful war, and they should suffer the penalty of death as a righteous judgment. The time has come for the new order, and if Clemenceau really represents the better sentiment in France in saying, Let us be good and let us be free,” the American opinion might support America participating in the councils of Eu rope for the reconstruction of Europe— but when Clemenceau talks about “ Turkish barbarism, German revenge, and Russian anarchy” as the problems he wishes America to help him to solve by an alliance with Great Britain and France to stop the menace of a Moslem war, the reply of America will be unsympa thetic. We are not astonished nor shocked at the Turks driv ing the aggressive Greeks out of their country. We are in favor of Turkey for the Turks, o f Russia for the Russians, of Germany for the Germans, and o f France for the French, and opposed to any one of them invading the territory or the rights o f any other. We are in favor of the principles o f the cague and the 14 points, which are binding on Clemenceau and on the 1 rench leadership, and until they recognize these princiop^nioin W* * *mve £reat difficulty in conciliating American M i. President, we believe that the people of Europe are deeply 8^m°tU 0 f Peaf , Jt *8 the leadership o f Europe that does not S ceseem to understand the conditions upon which peace mav be obtained. They are pursuing policies which are stirring up hate. If Clemenceau s visit to this country can make that perfectly cl®ai‘ n , the IeadershiP of Europe, if they will be advised from what Clemenceau is able to learn in the United States with regard to the true principles of government which should obtain between nations, his visit will not have been in vain We hope his visit will accomplish that result. A P P E N D IX . S e n a te C oncurrent R e s o lu tio n 1 7 . s u b m itte d 28, 1918. by S e n a to r Owen- Jan u ary Resolved by the Senate ( the Rouse of Representatives con curring), The Lmted States declared a state of war existing between the Imperial Government of Germany and the I m n o r i a l and Royal Government o f Austria and the United States beS^nle °nf S y T f S willful violations of the rights of the people of the Lnited States under the acknowledged principles of international la w ; the sinking of unarmed merchant vessels and of hospital and Red Cross ships; the destruction of the lives of unoffending American citizens on their lawful business on the 21o08— 23341 17 high seas on many occasions; filling the United States with spies and secret agents; conspiring the wholesale destruction of American industries by arson, by explosions, and murder; sys tematically promoting sedition and treason among our citizens, and the criminal violation of our laws by the German and Aus trian aliens residing in the United States; endeavoring to incite the hostility and aversion of other nations against the United States, and to persuade Mexico and Japan to make war upon the United States, and many other wrongful acts contrary to the laws of nations and in violation of justice and of humanity; and for the further reason that it had finally become known to the United States from indisputable evidence that the military mas ters of Germany and Austria had deliberately and secretly con spired to bring about an elaborately prepared offensive war by which and through which they intended, first, to dominate Europe, nation by nation, and then to dominate the other unpre pared nations o f the earth and establish a military world dominion. For many years past the governing powers of Germany and Austria have by world-wide intrigue carried on a systematic attempt to disorganize public opinion in the United States and in the other nations of the world for the purpose of breaking down the powers of resistance of other nations against this con spiracy for world dominion by exciting nation against nation and internal disorders among the nations that might oppose this sinister design. The United States has not forgotten that the military rulers of Germany and Austria deliberately prevented international agreements at the various Hague conventions for arbitration of international differences, abatement of armaments, and world peace. The United States recognizes this was as an offensive war o f the completely prepared German and Austrian military autocra cies against the unsuspecting and inadequately prepared democ racies of the world in pursuance o f the policy laid down in the first and second articles of the secret treaty of Verona of No vember 22, 1922, in which the autocratic rulers of Prussia and Austria solemnly pledged their powers to each other to over throw all “ representative ” governments on earth, the consum mation of which design the Prussian and Austrian autocratic group has steadily and secretly kept in view, and that this war had for its objects the premeditated slaughter and robbery of the innocent peoples of other nations for the sordid and base purposes o f annexation, indemnity, robbery, and commercial profit by military force and terrorism and ultimate world dominion. The United States finally recognized the unavoidable necessity of meeting the forces o f this military conspiracy on the battle fields of Europe in order to prevent the military rulers of Ger many and Austria succeeding in the first step o f mastering Europe as a means to mastering and robbing America. The United States can not be deceived by those military leaders of Germany and Austria who now, before their own people, pretend to be waging a war o f defense and to desire an honorable peace, but whose every act has clearly demonstrated to the whole world that they deliberately planned and are still 21508— 23341 18 persisting in this unspeakably brutal war, with their sinister purposes unchanged, and which they are still attempting to carry out by terrorism, intr.gue, and systematic falsehood and deceit at home and abroad. The United States can not confide in any statement or prom ise emanating from such a perfidious source until the .German and Austrian people in fact and in sober truth can control the conduct of their agents and compel them to observe the rules o f morality and good faith. The Un ted States did not enter this war for material advan tage or for any selfish purpose or to gratify either malice or ambition. The United States will not approve of forcible annexations or mere punitive indemnities, even on the misgu ded people of Austria or of Germany, but demands the complete evacuation of all territory invaded during the present war by the German and Austr an troops and the restoration and indemnity of Belg'um, Serbia, Rumania, and Montenegro. The United States believes that righting the wrong done to the French people by the Prussian Government in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine will remove long-pending grievances due to previous military aggression and vv.ll promote future world peace. The United States believes that a readjustment o f the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognized lines of nationalilty; that an independent Polish State should be established over territory indisputably occupied by Polish people; that the peoples of Austria-Hungary, o f the Balkans, and of the Ottoman Empire should have the right of autono mous development. The United States will favor recognizing and protecting by an international alliance the territorial integrity o f all nations, great and small; the maintenance of the right of unembar rassed self-determination of all nations, and the right o f such nations to manage their own affairs by internal self-govern ment; and safeguarding the rights of backward peoples by international agreement. The United States will favor extending international credits for the restoration of all places made waste by war. The United States will insist that the oceans and high seas and international waterways and canals shall be open on equal terms to the citizens o f all nations; that all nations shall have the untaxed right of access to the sea of their goods in bond, through any intervening territory to the seaports of other na tions, with equal access to shipping facilities. The United States will favor the removal, as far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment o f equal trade conditions among all the nations of the world consenting to peace and associating themselves for its maintenaee, without interfering with the right of any nation to govern its own im ports and exports. The United States will insist that adequate guaranties shall be given and taken to the end that national armaments on land and sea should be reduced to the lowest points consistent with domestic safety. 21508— 23341 The unbounded ambition and deceit of the Prussian military autocrats are again exposed in shameless nakedness before the German and Austrian people, their allies, and the world at large in their present demands of annexation of adjacent Rus sian territory and other demands contemplating the domination of the Russian and Polish people in flat violation o f their own Reichstag’s recent pledges against annexation and indemnity. The United States feels for the Russian people the liveliest sympathy in their great losses in life and property at the hands of the German and Austrian autocrats, as well as their mag nificent and glorious struggles in behalf of freedom and demo cratic world peace. Having passed through many severe tests and trials in estab lishing popular government in America, the people o f the United States, through their own directly elected representa tives, desire to extend to the Russian people the cordial hand of fellowship in their new-found freedom and to assure their democratic brothers in Russia that we earnestly desire to render them, so far as possible, every assistance they may need and which they themselves desire. The United States will favor an open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims based upon a strict observance o f the principle that in determining all such ques tions of sovereignty the interests o f the population concerned must have equal weight with the claims of the Governments whose titles are to be determined. The United States recognizes that a general association of civilized nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guaranties of political inde pendence and territorial integrity to nations, great and small alike, and of maintaining world peace, and believes that under such a system dissatisfied peoples now held under subjection to dominating nations for strategical purposes could be safely given their liberty and autonomy, as the rights of the dominant nation would be made safe by the general association of na tions and the subject nation would cease to be a coveted asset against future wur. The United States believes that under such general associa tion of nations it should be a violation of international law and the highest international crime for any nation, on any alleged ground, to invade by military power the territorial limits of another nation, and that the penalty for such invasions should be the immediate international blockade o f the invading and offending nation, an embargo on all mail, express, and freight to and from such nation, and the suppression of such invasion by the combined forces o f the general association of nations organized for the protection o f world peace. The United States believes that all future international treaties should be made in the open, where all the world may know of the proceedings in the framing o f such treaties, and that secret diplomacy and international intrigue should end. The United States desires to be on friendly terms, political, commercial, and social, with the people of every1 nation, includ ing those now under the control of the German and Austrian military autocracies, and to restore as speedily as possible these 21508— 23341 20 friendly relations with the German and Austrian people as soon as they organize a Government responsible to the will of the people of Germany and Austria and whenever they shall them selves demonstrate a willingness to deal with the other nations of the world on a basis o f equality, justice, and humanity and are willing to abandon the atrocious and detestable doctrine of making war for annexation, indemnity, and profit. The United States entered this war to protect the rights of its own citizens to life and liberty, to protect its own future, to make the world safe from the future menace of military despotism, dynastic ambitions, or competing armaments, to establish permanent world peace on a basis o f international justice, righteousness, and humanity, and, in cooperation with the self-governing belligerent nations, will maintain these prin ciples, whatever the cost, with firmness and resolution until these ends are fully accomplished. 21508— 23341 o