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For release upon delivery
Tuesday, April 22, 1975
2: 15p.m. E .D . T .

SPECULATION ON FUTURE INNOVATION:
IMPLICATIONS FOR MONETARY CONTROL
Robert C. Holland*

*Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System




PREPARED FOR THE "CONFERENCE ON FINANCIAL INNOVATION"
April 22, 1975

Salomon Brothers Center for the Study
of Financial Institutions
Graduate School of Business
Administration
New York University

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pase
Basic Types of economic innovation

1

Limitations on financial innovation

3

Useful distinctions among financial innovations

5

Circumventive innovation

6

Transcendental innovation

8

Internal financial changes
The information revolution

11
12

Prospective external innovations by banks

17

Impact of innovations on geographic limits
of banking

20

Implications for international monetary
control

22

Implications for domestic monetary controls

26

Concluding observations

31




Innovation in the financial system has, as the
discussions this morning underlined, a long history of
important contributions to the growth of our nation's
prosperity.

Furthermore, there is every reason to believe

that innovative efforts to improve our financial system
will continue to play a key role in maintaining this
country's economic well-being.

Such innovation is needed

in a vigorous society in order to insure continued progress
in providing an adequate economic base for meeting national
goals and aspirations.

Its existence is, I believe, actually

a sine qua non for the nation's satisfactory economic progress.
Basic types of economic innovation
When we look at innovative contributions to such
economic progress, two types of innovation are readily
distinguishable.

The first has been a consequence of changes

in scientific knowledge and its applications, changes that
have produced the strong technological forces that have
reshaped human life during the twentieth century.

In the

economy, these new technologies have given us the capacity
Mr. Paul Metzger, the Board's chief long-range planner, has
assisted me in the preparation of this paper. The views herein
expressed are my personal responsibility, and should not be
taken as official Federal Reserve positions.




- 2 to produce goods in volumes that were not conceivable
before.

Such alteration in our productive capacity can

be termed process innovation.

It has introduced a new era

in history, typified by the capacity of industrialized
societies to move away from the chronic goods scarcity
that characterized all of prior history.
The second type of innovation has come about as
a result of individuals' and corporations' desires for new
and better goods.

These desires both encourage, and are

fostered by, technological changes and resulting process
innovations, but are distinct from them.

The innovations

flowing from these changes in people's wants can be termed
product innovation.

This second type of innovation is

abundantly displayed in the economic history of the more
affluent industrialized societies during this century.
Many sectors of our society have generally
relied with considerable success on market processes to
stimulate both of those broad types of innovation.

But

this has not been entirely true in the case of the financial
sector, on which society has placed governmental controls




- 3 of various types in order to achieve purposes that go
beyond the progress achieved through innovation.
Limitations on financial innovation
To make an effective contribution to sustained
economic progress, the financial system needs not only to
be innovative but must also be reasonably strong and
healthy.

Innovations in other sectors of the economy

cannot promote economic progress when the financial sector
is unable to provide a flow of monetary resources adequate
to nurture the growth of the economy.
My remarks today will focus primarily on recent
developments and possible future innovations in the nation's
banking system, since it lies at the heart of our financial
system and insuring its continued safety and soundness is
critical to the well-being of that financial system.

As

you know, the banking system has recently been undergoing
significant strains, due in significant part to the current
adverse conditions in the economy generally.

That our

banking system is, by and large, weathering this period of
difficulty well is a good measure of its resiliency and of
the flexibility and competence of most bank managements.




- 4 The continued vitality of the banking system,
especially during periods of stress, is dependent not
only on its capacity for innovation, but also on the prudent
conduct of bank managements and their continuing awareness
of the need to promote.public confidence in our banks.

In

times of economic uncertainty, concerned customers are
particularly likely to scrutinize closely their banks'
financial condition.

Should signs of weakness multiply,

uneasy money could decide to seek haven elsewhere, further
increasing pressures on banks and on the entire financial
system.

If such pressures should exceed the limits of

safety, the financing of economic activity in general could
be disrupted.
The financial sector--and its keystone, banking,
in particular--has therefore been subjected to monetary,
regulatory and supervisory limitations far more stringent
than those typically applied to other sectors of the economy.
In a sense, prudent banking conduct is deemed necessary to
permit healthy innovation to flourish.

There is thus a

kind of dynamic tension between forces impelling the
innovative activities of banks on the one hand, and on the




- 5 other, the compelling need for prudence and the avoidance
of actions that would result in weakening the public's
confidence in our banking system.

While a measure of

entrepreneurial aggressiveness by bank managements has
helped make our banking system a progressive one, in the
final analysis only a prudent management can assure that
system's continued well-being.

It is the overriding aspect

of the public interest in banking, and in the financial
sector in general, that establishes necessary limits on
the scope of permissible innovations in this area.
Useful distinctions among financial innovations
The recognition that financial regulation
constrains at least some financial innovation leads to a
useful categorical distinction for the next stage of our
analysis.

While I apologize for introducing still another

classification scheme for innovations, I believe the focus
of decision of financial innovations can be sharpened by
this division.

Following the tradition that a label gains

respect as it adds syllables, I shall term these two cate­
gories circumventive innovation and transcendental innovation.




- 6 -

Circumventive Innovation.

This is the sort of

innovation that comes about when free market forces and
institutions seek to circumvent the monetary and regulatory
controls imposed in the name of those public policy consid­
erations to which I have referred.

As a result, services

and processes are invented that work around the rules, for
example, those imposed for monetary policy purposes.
This process entails both benefits and dangers.
The beneficial innovations tend to impel

governmental

decision-makers to reassess their initial policies that
have been partially circumvented.

Through this process,

policies that are not in fact serving their original or
justifiable purposes come to be more closely reviewed to
see whether their elimination or modification might better
serve those same ends.

And indeed, sometimes the underlying

rationale for a policy itself needs to be reexamined in the
light of changing circumstances to determine whether the
policy and its objectives continue to be worthy.
Various such innovations have, for example,
sprung up over the years seeking ways around Regulation Q
concerning maximum rates payable on time deposits.




- 7 In the course of examining these innovations in order to
strengthen that Regulation, the policy on which it rests
has come under close scrutiny.

As a consequence of this

review, over 20 per cent of the dollar amount of all
commercial bank time deposits has been exempted from
interest rate ceilings.

Furthermore, there now appears

to exist a greater willingness among banks, bank customers,
and banking regulators to consider the possibility of
significantly altering or even removing the remaining
limitations this Regulation imposes at the appropriate time.
Dangers can also arise, of course, whenever there
are efforts to circumvent regulatory actions taken to promote
the public interest.

In several instances, timely steps

have needed to be taken to insure that desirable regulations
are substantially complied with and that any loopholes in
those regulations are effectively plugged.
Those who innovate circumventive processes thus
have a significant responsibility to attempt to insure
that those processes will not tend to weaken the financial
system, either in the near future or over the longer-run.




- 8 They can do this best, I believe, if they examine carefully
whether their actions are more likely than not to promote
their own long-run interests.

It seems to me that most

institutions will find their long-run interests are best
served when they are least likely to be seen by influential
segments of the public as being antithetical to the best
interest of society as a whole.

Not to examine possible

circumventive innovations from this longer viewpoint seems
to me to invite substantial risks to future profitability.
Regulators, on their part, need to have the
capacity to reassess the public interest objectively in
the light of significant efforts to circumvent the policies
they have initiated.

In short, the public interest will be

served best when financial innovators bear their own longerterm interests more fully in mind, and regulators strive to
retain the ability not to view actions that tend to thwart
their policies as necessarily inimical to the public good.
Transcendental innovation.

Let me turn now to

the second category of financial innovation, which I have
called transcendental innovation.




This occurs when changes

- 9 are sought by customers and financial institutions of a
kind essentially unrelated to regulatory control.

To be

sure, such changes might so alter banking performance as
to call forth some new regulations to constrain their
effects, but they are impelled basically by reasons that
transcend the existence of regulatory handicaps.
Looking back over the past decade or so, a
number of very significant such innovations come to mind.
(I understand Professor Meigs will be addressing this area
in more detail, and this brief glance back at the thrust
of recent innovations may serve as an introduction to his
remarks.)

It has frequently been said that over the last

ten to fifteen years a virtual "revolution" has been
underway in the very nature of banking, as compared with
Depression-era banking.

I would agree with those observers

who have noted that banking is taking on a strikingly new
pattern, a pattern that is a key part of the evolution
that the entire financial system is undergoing.
To appreciate this rather dramatic change more
fully, we need only think about a few of the more salient
developments that have been taking place in banking.




- 10 These would include:

widespread bank utilization of

certificates of deposit and other money market instruments
in order to raise funds; the growing reliance of banks on
services for a fee to offset increasing customer economi­
zation on demand deposit balances; the spread of floatinginterest-rate assets and liabilities among banks; the
increasing integration and interdependence of financial
systems throughout the world, particularly among the highly
industrialized nations; and the growth and diversification
of bank holding companies both in the United States and
a b road.
These very significant changes have required most
leading banks to develop a different style of management-more sophisticated, frequently internationally oriented,
even to some extent entrepreneurial.

It should be noted

that all of these developments are by no means fully
integrated as yet into banking or the broader financial
system, but rather are gradually becoming assimilated,
and so the full impact of these changes has perhaps still
to be felt.




- 11 Aside from a few noteworthy innovations such as
the floating-rate note, it seems to me that transcendental
innovation has slowed both absolutely and relative to
circumventive innovation during the current period of
economic difficulty.

As the economy recovers and business

conditions stabilize, we can anticipate that changes will
be promoted which are now being held in abeyance due to
the uncertain economic climate.
Internal financial changes.
With these classifications of innovation added
to our tools of analysis, let us proceed to speculate
about some current and prospective financial innovations
and their implications.
No discussion of financial innovations can be
complete, of course, without mention of the substantial
internal changes that are underway in our financial and
banking institutions.

These changes have already exerted,

and will in the future even more, I believe, exert a
significant impact on the capacity of these institutions
to develop innovations under the two broad categories
I have described.




- 12 I am referring hera to the heavy reliance upon
computer technology that has developed both within and
between financial institutions.

This shift to electronics

has permitted not only the innovations in internal production
processes that are most frequently noted.

It has also,

perhaps even more significantly, enabled decision-makers
to interact with computers in a manner that carries sub­
stantial implications for the future of the financial system.
The information revolution.

Let me dwell a bit

on this particular aspect of innovation in order to illustrate
the breadth of the effects that can flow therefrom.
What has occurred constitutes what might be
termed an "information revolution".

Although it has had,

and will continue to have, a major impact on all sectors
of the economy, I will focus on its effect on the financial
system.
The computer has permitted us to assemble and
retrieve raw data in tremendous volumes that could not
previously have been handled.

More important, it has

enabled raw data to be manipulated and presented in a form




- 13 that makes them usable as "information" that tells us what
we previously did not, and perhaps otherwise could not,
know.

Thus, information that previously did not exist has

been created, prepared in a manner that makes it useful
to decision-makers, and made available to them as it may
be needed.
Corporate treasurers, as well as bankers innovating
new services, have already taken advantage of the information
capabilities of computers to keep a closer watch on their
firms' cash positions than was previously possible.

This

new sophistication has, for example, in large part been
responsible for the increased ability of corporate depositors
to reduce their demand balances to minimal working cash
requirements with significant consequences to the liquidity
needs of the banking industry.
Just as bankers, treasurers, and many other
decision-makers in the private sector have benefited from
the informational capabilities of the computer, so have
policy-makers in government.

Through the use of computers,

monetary policy-makers have been able to prepare financial
statistics which permit us to develop information essential




- 14 to the formation of monetary policy.

By employing

econometric models that utilize computer-manipulated
economic and financial data, monetary policy makers
have been able to increase significantly the sophistication
of the policy formation process.

This is not to say, of

course, that the information to which the Federal Reserve
now has access is complete.

On the contrary, much remains

to be done to improve the scope, quality and timeliness of
the statistical series we employ; however, we believe that
while substantial improvement in the information base of
monetary policy is possible, we would obviously be in far
worse straits without the information-generating capability
the computer has given us.
What we and our banker friends may be most laggard
in now is in conceiving the full scope of helpful questions
which this new information technology can help answer.

Our

imaginations seem to me slow to grasp the full impact of
what can be illumined by electronic information systems,
and so we still depend basically on hunch and preconception
in many areas where they represent an inferior substitute
for obtainable knowledge.




- 15 There are, of course, caveats to be observed in
developing and utilizing computer technology correctly.
First, the effort to develop data for monetary, or indeed
other public policy, purposes must be made consistent with
the right of privacy of individuals and institutions.

The

preservation of this right is vital to the maintenance of
a free society.

Appropriate legal and technical safeguards

must be designed to insure that the high value our society
places on the right of privacy is not unwittingly undermined
by the informational needs of public policy making.
A second caveat is that excessive reliance on
computer-derived information for monetary policy can present
certain dangers.

The selection and development of signifi­

cant data series and the construction of econometric models
are both processes that entail the exercise of sound judgment
at many critical points.

That same exercise of judgment

must necessarily be applied in evaluation of the economic
and financial projections that these computerized models
produce.

The use of the critical faculties cannot be

supplanted because we employ computer technology.




- 16 -

To rely wholly on computer output would be to elevate
a helpful policymaking tool to the level of a deus ex
machina♦

The consequences would, I believe, be to

distort the monetary policy-making process in the most
serious fashion.

Thus, while computer technology offers

us considerable benefits in public policy formation, care
must be taken that it is correctly employed and that its
very real limitations are clearly understood.
The use of electronic technology has thus brought
about in the financial system both an information revolution
and a production process revolution.

These two transforma­

tions, of course, tend to be mutually reinforcing.

Together

they expand considerably the capacity of financial institu­
tions to develop new products in the form of services that
better meet the needs of their corporate and individual
customers.

This capacity for innovation seems to me likely

to continue to grow throughout the financial system at an
accelerated pace.




- 17 Prospective external innovations by banks
Let me turn now to some possible changes we are
likely to see in what the banking system offers its customers.
To change the pace of my presentation, let me set forth a
number of changes which I foresee in brief and assertive
fashion.
Banks with the wherewithal to do so will probably
continue to press to expand the number and nature of the
financially-related services they can provide.

They may

also seek broader geographic scope for their expanded
services, with some chance of success particularly through
their near-bank corporate affiliates.
We can anticipate that additional efforts will
be made to create instruments attractive to investors and
rewarding to banks.

As a consequence, variable-interest-

rate instruments may be expected to proliferate, and the
use of "equity kickers" may also grow.
Yet another consequence that may follow from the
production process transformation I have described is the
gradual emergence of an electronic payments system that
would carry forward computer-linkages among financial
institutions and between them and their customers.




- 18 Such a means of transferring funds will offer many new
opportunities for banks to develop innovative methods
of meeting their customers1 demands for more convenient
and comprehensive services.

But just as the banking

industry will seek to utilize an electronic funds transfer
system as a source of greater profitability, so too will
other institutions which may also be afforded access to
such a system.

Thus, the electronic payments mechanism

will no doubt become a source not only of heightened
profits for those institutions which utilize it successfully,
but also of heightened competition among them across a broad
spectrum of both new and old services.

It should also prove

a source of benefits to customers, in the form of quicker,
broader, and more integrated services.
In short, most banks (except those which, for
reasons of size and market scope, are relatively insulated
from the pressures I have examined) will have to be innova­
tive and responsive to their customers' needs in order to
perform adequately their basic function— gathering funds
from saver-investors and disbursing them in an inventive
manner and at a reasonable profit to the borrowers who
seek them.




- 19 Both the information revolution and the emergence
of an electronic funds transfer system seem likely to lead
to still greater minimization of idle cash, not only by
corporate treasurers, but also by a growing number of more
sophisticated consumers.

Corporate and individual customers

will tend to expect and to demand an adequate return for
money held for them by banks and other financial institutions.
They will probably also come to rely more heavily on temporary
extensions of credit to cover short-term variations in their
own cash needs.

Financial institutions, in their turn, can

be expected to become even more reliant than today on fees
derived from the performance of a wide array of diversified
financial services.

They will do this in order both to

offset the decline of demand deposit balances and to insure
enhanced profitability.
We can anticipate that as a broader array of
allied financial services are offered by more financial
institutions seeking to provide one-stop, multi-purpose
services, banks will experience increasing competition
from a broader range of competitors. T h u s , while the
forces for change that I have outlined will enable banks




- 20 to be more responsive to the demands of their customers,
other institutions will increasingly provide services
similar to those banks will offer.
This scenario of likely future developments
in the financial system has, as you can imagine, signifi­
cant implications for monetary controls.

I will elaborate

on those implications in a moment.
Impact of innovations on geographic limits of banking
As substantial innovations in production
processes, products and attendant information capabilities
transform the services and procedures of our banking and
financial system, they also expand the geographic limita­
tions within which those systems function.

Those limita­

tions have become, and I believe will continue to be,
progressively less important in the changing environment
I have described.

Although the physical structure of our

banking system in particular remains oriented to limits
imposed by local and State boundaries, these are becoming
less and less meaningful.

Most larger banking organizations

have already effectively expanded services to encompass
regional and national markets.




This expansion can, in part,

- 21 be attributed tc the d r a s t i c changes in production process
and information capability which wo have witnessed over the
past decade.

These changes can be expected to gather

momentum as we move towards implementation of an electronic
payments mechanism.

Such innovations should continue to

exert powerful pressures on local and State restrictions
on bankirg.
Moreover, the geographic limitations being
circumvented or transcended by these financial innovations
are not solely those within our own country.

As I indicated

earlier, we hfve witnessed a growing interdependence among
the various national economies and financial systems.
Barring unforeseeable social or political disruptions, I
believe this trend will continue to gain strength, particu­
larly among the industrialized nations.
This broad pattern of change has been transforming
major corporations generally, and the banks that serve them
have also been part of this trend.

Banks and bank holding

companies have expanded their international operations
significantly, partly in response to the need to better serve
the U.S. firms that have greatly enlarged their own overseas
operations.




- 22 In the future, as more foreign corporations
enter this country to operate from U.S. locations,
American banks will no doubt have further reason for
diversified foreign activities, since they will want to
serve directly the overseas head offices of their foreignowned clients here.

Some major American banks and bank

holding companies have already earned, and more will earn,
a substantial portion of their profits from dealings with
foreign customers both in the United States and abroad.
In so doing, they will need to be able to compete with
foreign banks in the United States and overseas on an
equitable basis.

Competitive pressures among banks from

various countries will undoubtedly push the different
national limitations on banking services toward greater
and greater harmonization over time.
Implications for international monetary control
The world-wide economic and financial integration
that has been proceeding apace has significant implications
not only for the structure of our financial and banking
systems, of course, but also for world-wide monetary control.




- 23 The vast amounts of investible funds that are now accruing
to key oil-producing nations generate enormous problems
of readjustment for the international financial system
and for nations attempting to maintain adequate monetary
control over their own economies.

In a world in which

chronic shortfalls can be expected to continue in the
capital funds available to meet nations' wants, capital
from such sources as the oil-producing nations should be
welcomed.

But the possible volatility and volume of such

capital flows cannot help but increase the difficulties
inherent in the conduct of national monetary policy.
For example, a policy of monetary restraint in
the United States could become less effective if key
borrowers had ready access to major overseas sources of
credit to finance activities in the United States over
which the Federal Reserve had little effective control.
By the same token, a policy of monetary expansion here
might have less predictable effects on expanding credit
in the United States and might be rendered less effective
if U.S. banks utilized available resources to expand their
overseas activities rather than for loans which might expand
business activity here in the United States.




- 24 Smaller countries than ours in which international
trade and payments are a much larger relative share of their
total activity have already experienced the above phenomena,
sometimes to a painful extent.

It seems reasonable to

forecast a gradually increasing intrusion of that consid­
eration in U.S. affairs as well.

Furthermore, there is one

respect in which such effects on the U.S. might be accelerated.
I refer to the growing dimensions of the offshore Eurodollar
market, which is free of reserve requirements and most other
monetary cont r o l s .

Funds borrowed in that market can pay

for U.S. goods and services (or products in any other country
in which the holder can transfer assets for dollars.)

It

therefore seems important to me that central banking
authorities consider the desirability of some extension
and coordination of their reserve requirement and other
monetary regulations so that this comparatively unregulated
and reserve-free market in banking services does not evolve
to such an extent that it threatens the ability of individual
countries to pursue their domestic monetary policies.




- 25 This sitution calls, I believe, for renewed
and persistent efforts, particularly by monetary
authorities in the leading industrial and financial
nations, to achieve an increased level of mutual un d e r ­
standing.

If this can be done in a spirit of cooperation

based on recognition of the interdependence of all nations
in today's world, fears of the possible adverse consequences
for individual nations of the continued free flow of inter­
national capital might be substantially allayed.

This

might do much to improve the climate in which needed
socio-political agreements could be negotiated on a basis
of mutual respect and amity.
We should remember, however, that the possibility
of reaching understandings with respect to capital flows
is limited by the level of mutual confidence that can be
attained.

Such confidence can be much impaired or enhanced

by the nature of each nation's legal institutions and the
extent to which they assure that foreign capital receives,
and is likely to continue to receive, nondiscriminatory
treatment.




- 26 Implications for domestic monetary controls
Let me elaborate further now on the implications
of these speculations about financial innovations for the
future of domestic monetary controls in the United States.
As I intimated earlier, the noninterest bearing deposits
that have been the anchor of monetary policy are likely
to dwindle relatively, to a significant extent as a conse­
quence of the innovations that are taking place in the
banking and financial systems.
As this process moves forward, the helpfulness
of various measures of the money supply should decrease.
This effect has already been noted with regard to the
monetary aggregate, M-p made up as it is of noninterestbearing currency in circulation and demand deposits.
time,

In

may come to play a role similar to that presently

filled by currency, or even by subsidiary coin.

That is,

M-^ may eventually provide a satisfactory reflection of
small routine transactions taking place in the economy,
but it will neither affect nor reflect dependably the
extent of the discretionary spending that is occurring.




- 27 As this transformation of the role of

takes place—

possibly over several decades— it will become a less
and less meaningful base upon which to predicate either
monetary expansion or contraction.

In contrast, the

measure of liquidity most directly related to discretionary
spending would probably come to be some amalgam of at least
all deposit-type holdings, perhaps plus some fraction of
the immediately convertible debt paper of others, with
possibly even some allowance for the credit lines immediately
available to borrower-spenders.
From the viewpoint of monetary policy makers,
it seems likely that the magnitudes of such monetary or
liquidity aggregates would continue to be important as
ingredients of economic stimulus.

In this environment,

central bank actions would need a broader base in order
for monetary policy to maintain some effectiveness.

Since

a growing variety of interest-bearing deposits and credit
instruments may come to satisfy the economy's liquidity
needs, and affect its saving-spending decisions, it may
become advisable to extend monetary reserve requirement
to more of such instruments as well.




In my view these

- 28 reserve requirements could be effective monetarily even
if set at a relatively low percentage level.

While

substantially broadening the base of monetary policy,
such new reserve requirements would have the additional
advantage of countering some of the pressures for circumventive innovations.

As more nonbank institutions provide

credit and deposit-type liabilities to corporations and
consumers alike and come to approximate the functions of
banks, it becomes increasingly inequitable, as well as
decreasingly useful, to rest the full weight of monetary
policy controls on the n a tion’
s commercial banks.

A

movement toward broader reserve requirements on such
interest-bearing liquidity instruments might eventually
be perceived as both a rational and equitable step to
meet the growing need to strengthen the nation's capacity
to execute better its monetary policy.
I am aware of a good deal of academic literature
that argues that monetary reserve requirements are ineffi­
cient and unnecessary.

But to me, such analysis too

conveniently assumes that banks and other financial
intermediaries will always want to hold some kind of




- 29 central bank liability.

I do not believe that necessarily

follows in the kind of world toward which we are moving.
I can even conceive of a system in which the payments
mechansim has moved outside the central bank; and in
that eventuality, without reserve requirements to provide
it a fulcrum for its reserve-altering operations, the
central bank's open market transactions might come to
have a monetary effect not too different from those of
the Social Security trust fund or the Mint-

For assured

monetary effectiveness at all times, the central bank
needs to be able to control the available total of some
asset which the financial system (or at least a key part
of it) feels it has to have.

Explicit monetary reserve

requirements seem to me the most dependable means of
providing that essential ingredient for monetary control.
There is one overriding evolutionary tendency
in the financial system that I should underline before I
finish.

In the future, we can anticipate that more

technically perfect markets will develop as the financial
system evolves.




These markets will be taking advantage

- 30 of both process and product innovations to better serve
increasingly sophisticated saver-investors and borrowers.
In such markets, the price of money reflected in the
rates of interest will tend to have relatively even more
influence than now on the discretionary spending decisions
of consumers and corporations alike.

To state the same

point in reverse, nonprice rationing devices and similar
market imperfections will fade, and a larger and larger
share of the total implementation of monetary ease or
restraint will have to be accomplished by means of interest
rate ch a n g e s .

It also follows that the amplitude of

interest rate changes which the financial system can stand
will in effect set the outer limits for what monetary policy
can contribute to economic stabilization.
It might be noted, incidentally, that reserve
requirements fit well into such a financial system.

One

of their effects is a kind of internal interest cost to
the affected parts of the financial system.

Adjustments

to the price effects of reserve requirement changes can be
accomplished smoothly in the kind of financial system we
are envisaging.




- 31 Concluding observations
I hope these remarks concerning possible future
financial innovations and their implications for monetary
control have proven stimulating to you.

The forces shaping

the broad categories of innovations I have delineated, are,
I believe, long-term ones that should prevail unless stemmed
by the vulnerabilities of the financial system itself or
excessively hampered by the public policy constraints
under which our financial and banking institutions operate.
The transformations that have been taking place
have, in my view, generally contributed to the national
economic welfare.

It therefore seems to me an important

part of the responsibility of financial regulatory authorities
to continue to provide a climate in which sound innovations
that strengthen the financial system and improve its services
to the public can flourish, while less well-considered efforts
at change receive appropriate remedial attention.




•k

/V