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For release upon delivery
Thursday, October 10, 1974
11:00 a . m . , E.D.T.




SAVING:

A N OLD-FAS H I O N E D VIRTUE

IN A NEW-FANGLED W O R L D

Summary of Remarks by
Robert C. Holland, Member
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Systei
before the
A n n u a l Meeting of Stockholders
of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Boston, Massachusetts
October 10, 1974

I a m pleased to be able to join w i t h you in
this annual stockholders' meeting.

In the past these

meetings have often been the occasion for some reflection
u pon one or more of the important issues facing the banking
system and the nation.

I shall try to continue that

precedent.
New England is the traditional home of some of
the sturdiest virtues of our citizenry.

It seems particu l a r l y

appropriate, therefore, for me to be talking about one of
those virtues today.
Saving is a characteristic that has stood
A mericans in good stead since the days of the Pilgrim
Fathers.

It has enabled families to build u p some protection

against the uncertainties of the future, a n d it has often
financed a better life tomorrow.
Rarely, however, have savings-minded people
faced as troublesome an economic outlook as we face today.
Our e c o nomy is being ravaged by inflation, upsetting plans
and clouding the future.

Consumer prices have risen more

For assistance in the preparation of this paper, I a m
indebted to Mr. Christopher Taylor and Ms. Merphil Kondo
of the Board's staff. The views expressed herein, however,
are m y personal responsibility and are not a reflection of
the official views of the Board.




- 2 t h a n 12 per cent over the past year, and wholesale prices
have risen even faster.

The prices of such key items

as petroleum and food have leaped upward.

The devaluations

of the dollar, poor grain harvests, and simultaneously
rapid economic expansions in the major industrialized
nations have all contributed to the raging inflationary
pressures in our economy.
As a result of the inflation, the purchasing
power of c o n s u m e r s 1 income and savings has been seriously
eroded.

The real value of savings deposits, pensions, and

life insurance policies has declined.

Ev e n the reported rapid

rise of business income turns out to be rather anemic w h e n
one takes account of how much less of ongoing business
needs those inflated profit dollars will pay for.
Public spokesmen from President Fo r d on down
have identified inflation as "Public Enemy Number One" of
our economy.

What is more gratifying is the apparent

groundswell of public determination to do something about
it.

That feeling was manifest in the several summit and

pre-summit conferences on inflation, and it has been
reflected also in the first reactions to the President's
p r o g r a m to quell inflation w h i c h he announced on Tues d a y




- 3 afternoon.

Those comments also made clear, of course, that

there are disagreements as to the v a riety and stringency
of public and private actions called for.

One theme that

has seemed to reappear often in public comments, however,
is

the need for somebody--be it the Federal Government,

private business, or individual citizens--to save
more.
It is in the nature of our competitive enterprise
s ystem that it tries to offer greater incentives for those
economic actions it most needs.

It should be no surprise,

therefore, that even before the summit conference various
financial institutions and markets were being extraordinarily
creative in trying to attract savings.

This stronghold of

Yankee ingenuity gave us the NO W account.

A few miles to

the west, in N e w York, Citicorp produced a variable-rate
note tailored for the more imaginative, middle-size saver.
Some mutual funds are doing a land-office business in
buying up high-yielding m o ney market instruments and
packaging them in ways that permit participation b y the
smaller saver.
Meanwhile, all around the country, financial
markets and institutions are offering some of the highest




- 4 interest rates ever paid on traditional savings instruments
in an endeavor to attract funds.

To be sure, the top

rates payable to savers by depository institutions are
held down by ban k regulations like the Federal Reserve's
R e gulation Q.

But Regulation Q ceilings are not aimed

pr imarily at keeping the small saver from receiving an
equitable return.

Rather, those ceilings--whether one

favors them or not--ought to be recognized for wha t they
are:

an effort to protect the v i ability of the thrift

institutions.

T h e present asset-liability mix of these

institutions limits what they can afford to pay for
funds during periods of escalating interest rates.
Nonetheless, one hears talk these days that
raising the rate of return paid on savings as m u c h as
feasible will help to fight inflation.

High interest

rates on savings are expected to encourage consumers to
save more and spend less.

While this may sound plausible,

I must tell you that many of m y economist friends are
very skeptical of this conclusion.

To a w e l l - t r a i n e d

economist--and there are an impressive number of them
here along the banks of the Charles--this kind of theory




- 5 -

lacks v a l i d i t y unless and until it is well supported by
facts drawn from actual experience.

A n d such persuasive

proof, to date at least, does not exist.
Plenty of factual studies have been made of
people's spending and saving behavior.

It is easy to

prove that sizable amounts of savings are attracted from
one saving outlet to another w h e n the latter offers higher
interest.

But studies of the effects of higher interest

rates in increasing the total of all forms of personal
saving combined are either unencouraging or a m b i g u o u s .
Typically, economists have tried to measure
this behavior in reverse, that is, by testing whether
changes in total consumption are affected b y changes in
interest rates.

In two studies of this type in w h i c h

an interest rate was us e d explicitly, one author found
a positive relation between consumption a n d the rate
of interest while the other author found a negative
1/
relation.
Perhaps out of respect for these unpromising
findings, none (so far as I know) of the w e l l - k n o w n
l/C. Wright, "Some Evidence of the Interest Elasticity of
Consumption," A m e r i c a n Economic R e v i e w , September, 1967 and
W. Weber, "The Effect of Interest Rates on Aggregate C o n ­
sumption," A m erican Economic R e v i e w , September, 1970.




- 6 econometric models being used today to forecast the
short-run economic future allow for any direct effect

2/
of interest rates on total saving or consumption.
W h a t is the logic behind these conclusions?
T o the economist, the answer is simple.

Both in theory

a nd in proven fact, b y far the most powerful influence on
h ow muc h people spend is how mu c h they make.

2/

In other

words, consumption is dependent upon income, present,
recent, and/or anticipated; and that means the residual
--saving--is also.

By the time one allows as we l l for

the leads and lags in consumption changes that can
occur either as a matter of deliberate family choice
or consumer inertia there is little or no systematic
u nexp l a i n e d residual in saving patterns left to attribute
to interest rate influences.

Millions of A m e r i c a n families,

of course, are busy reacting in millions of different ways
to their v a rying circumstances, but those differences so
average out in the overall data that the imperfect
2/There are models that provide for an indirect effect
of interest rates on consumption through induced changes
in the value of household w e a l t h (e.g., holdings of
securities).
3/A. And o and F. Modigliani, "The 'Life Cycle' Hypothesis
of Saving: A g grega te Implications and Tests," A m e r i c a n
Economic R e v i e w , M a r c h 1963; J.S. Duesenberry, I n c o m e ,
Saving and the Theo r y of Consumer Behavior, 1 9 4 9 ; M. Friedman,
A T h eory of the Consumption F u n c t i o n , 1957.




- 7 analytical tools of present-day economists cannot d i s ­
tinguish an average effect of interest rates on total
p ersonal spending and saving.
Furthermore, most families save at least in
good part in order to pay for some antic i p a t e d future
outlay.

But to finance any given future expenditure,

the higher the rate of interest earned by savings, the
lower the total amount of principal that has to be saved.
Thus, higher interest rates tend to offset some savings
needs, unless prices rise or p e o p l e ’ aspirations change
s
in the interim--which admittedly they often do.
Is this another case of economists telling
bankers and others that their common-sense instincts are
wrong?

Is it a mistake to try to promote savings by

o f fering high rates of interest?

Might we better order

savers to be paid low interest rates, an d save borrowers
the burdens of high debt service cost?

Do high interest

rates serve no good purpose?
M y answer to all of these questions is, "No."
H i g h interest rates serve useful functions in periods of
inflation.




First, they promote efficiency in the alloca-

- 8 tion of the available pool of savings among competing
uses.

M a r k e t - determined interest rates, h i g h or low,

are the best m e c h a n i s m we have for allocating savings,
so long as we intend to a l low savers to put their money
w h e r e v e r they think best.

The alternative of having

regulators allocate credit directly is unlikely to be
w orkable for v e r y long.
Second, interest rates, if essentially marketdetermined, can serve the cause of equity.

T h e y reward

savers for the relatively u n common and valuable act of
forbearance from buying in time of inflation, and they
can also offset in part the eroding effects of inflation
on accumulations of past saving.
Finally, I believe also that--notwithstanding
everything I have said heretofore--interest rates that
are hi g h enough can probably coax some expansion of total
saving out of the economic system.

It is not that I

r e gard the various factual studies of saving as wrong.
I surmise they were focused on periods wit h interest
rates and inflation rates muc h lower than at present, and




-

9

-

hence there was too little effect on aggregate saving to
4/
be detected by the measurement techniques used.
It is w o rth remembering that two of the pathbreaking theories of consumption behavior a r ticulated in
the years since W o r l d W a r II each provide for an influence
5/
of interest rates on consumption and saving.
Given the
ava i lability of today's superhigh levels of interest
rates, and w i t h inflation rapidly eroding the buying
power of past savings, I find it reasonable to conceive

6/
that current saving is showing a positive response.
If there is merit in this line of thinking,
then 1974 and its surrounding years will prove a v e r y
fruitful period for retrospective analysis by students
of interest rates and economic behavior.

K e y policy

4/See, for example, Duesenberry, op. c i t ., p. 111.
5/Friedman, A n d o and Modigliani, o p . c i t . W i thout going
into detail, bot h these explanations of c o nsumption behavior
ess entially contend that individuals try to even out their
c onsumption s t r e a m over their lifetimes even though their
income streams may vary greatly during the same period.
Interest rates are regarded as influential because ind i v i d ­
uals wi l l need to borrow and lend in order to even out
their consumption streams.
6/ln this connection, one consideration to w h i c h I w o u l d give
an unconven t i o n a l amount of weight is the aspirational effect
of the return available on saving; that is, I believe earning
a higher interest rate tends to increase a s a v e r ’ aspirations
s
for products that he can buy in the future w i t h the proceeds
of his saving.




- 10 decisions in the inflation fight, however, cannot wait for
the reassuring results of such studies.

Both public and

private decision-makers are faced, as is so often the
case, w i t h the need to act n o w despite the handicap of
insufficient knowledge.
There is one other economic finding, however,
that can assist any inflation-fighter debating how much
emphasis to place upo n achieving even modest increases in
total saving.

Economists have long m a i n t a i n e d that slim

marginal changes in amounts supplied can have major market
impact.

Whe n it comes to enlisting more saving in the

battle against inflation, every little bit helps.