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For use upon delivery

at 8 p.m. MST (10 p.m. EST)
Wednesday, A p ril 7, 1976




Remarks of

PHILIP C. JACKSON, JR.

Member

BOARD OF GOVERNORS

FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM

to the

Joint Meeting of

Board of D irectors of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
and the El Paso Branch

El Paso, Texas

April 7, 1976

The signing last month by President Ford of the amendments to the
Equal Credit Opportunity Act adds another chapter to the lengthening book
on consumer credit legislation in our country.

Because of the substantial

depth and breadth of that A ct, I think it is time to review the purposes of
consumer credit legislation, to chart our progress toward those purposes,
and to project the results to which our present course will likely lead.
Consumer credit legislation has grown naturally from our root
stock belief in the dignity of the individual, the equality under law of
every citizen, and the right of everyone to strive toward securing for
oneself a better earthly existence.

It has been nurtured by our commit­

ment to an econom ic concept of free enterprise and by our convictions
in the benefits of competitive markets.

It has become politically possible

in recent years because of the growth and development of a new type of
organization, the specialized consumer advocate group.

These groups

have changed a large heterogenous but disorganized mass of concerns
into a focused and powerful political fo rce .
The first consumer credit legislation was basically a unit
pricing and a packaging requirement. An identification on the label of
the ingredients contained in food, drugs and clothing had led to better
discretion on the part of the buyer.

Many had become convinced that

the price ceiling approach to credit under state and federal usury




-2-

laws was not working.

Even well educated users of credit did not under­

stand the subtle but important differences in how the rent for the use of
money could be expressed.

So Congress passed the Truth in Lending

A ct which required that credit be priced in uniform term s and that the
total cost be disclosed so buyers could comparison shop among various
alternatives.
As the use of credit became more widespread, the techniques
fo r keeping accurate records on hundreds of millions of accounts became
m ore difficult. The credit history of one custom er sometimes became
confused with that of another.

T o give protection to borrowers against

this possibility of e rro r, the Fair Credit Reporting Act was enacted.
The more widespread use of computers in businesses made it
possible to keep large quantities of individual account data more accurately
and less expensively. Yet, the automation of recordkeeping produced a
new problem. Once an e rro r was made, due to the dependence on
mechanization it became more difficult to secure corrections and adjust­
ments. Since errors influenced not only the amount a debtor owed and
the quantity of a possible finance charge, but also the reputation of the
custom er for repayment, the Fair Credit Billing Act was enacted. This
statute provides for a minimum standard of customer relations policy by
all creditors which is sim ilar to that already practiced by a large number
of firm s.




-3-

The computer's capacity to store large amounts of information,
to sort it, and to compare it, had led to its use as a partial substitute
fo r human judgment. The com puter's capacity fo r factual analysis made
it possible to more accurately predict that customers with sim ilar
characteristics would act in sim ilar ways. Thus, we have seen develop­
ment of systems which try to express human qualities in finite arithmetic
term s.

Credit scoring systems have been an example of these attempts.
The new capacity for analysis did something m ore.

It put to

the test many old credit analysis practices which had been developed in
e a rlier years based on past econom ic and social conditions.

False

assumptions became exposed to new factual evidence. The rapid changes
in the habits and customs of our society could be m ore quickly and
accurately identified.
All of these changes and breakthroughs have occurred at a time
when people have become m ore aware and concerned with the unique
character of every individual.

No one wants to be an impersonal number

in a computer's data file, but to be recognized as a God-created special
creature.

The logical extension of this public attitude has taken the

legislative form of the Equal Credit Opportunity Act.

While the Act

has not come to final fruition, I think it will be the basis of a great
deal of future public debate, in ways sim ilar to that produced by the
civil rights statutes to which it is so closely related.







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This Act prohibits any creditor from discriminating against any
applicant in any aspect of a credit transaction due to the applicant's sex,
co lo r, marital status, age, race, religion, national origin, receipt of
public assistance or use of benefits of the consumer credit protection
statutes.

On its face that appears to be a straightforward proposal.

But

let's discuss it in some detail.
What do we mean by the term "discriminate against"? The
dictionary defines "discrim inate" as showing any difference.
is defined as meaning hostile or adverse.

"Against"

You might then assume that the

statute prohibits the showing of any difference which is hostile or adverse
to the applicant.

Sounds simple doesn't it? But let's go further. Does

this interpretation mean that it is perm issible to treat any applicant with
special fa vor?
Let me use some examples based on the sex of the applicant. Can
a bank, wishing to accommodate an expectant mother, defer payments on
her debt during the period she takes maternity leave? Or can a savings
and loan association encourage a new pro football team to com e to town by
offering the men on the team special home mortgage loan rates and term s?
Some would say this would be permitted.
Others would disagree. They would assert that the showing of
favorable treatment to one results in the hostile or adverse treatment of all
others, the very thing prohibited in the law. This point of view feels that

every applicant must be treated identically in every respect affected by
the criteria rccited in the statute.

They feel that the showing of any

difference is hostile by its very nature.
A third viewpoint emphasizes that the purpose of the statute
was to require that creditors judge each individual applicant on his or
her own merits and disregard in this judgment any experience the creditor
may have had with other customers of the same age, sex, race, or other
prohibited characteristic.
A fourth position in the discussion would claim that the whole
statute defies implementation. The whole purpose of credit evaluation
is to show a difference and to discriminate between applicants. The
final discrim inatory decision is a blend of conclusions based on every
human trait. It is impossible to eliminate any of these human attributes
from the decisional process and come to a proper conclusion.
In case you think that this type of discussion is too specialized, I
want to remind you that the law applies to any and every credit transaction
for which exemption is not provided. Thus, the doctor who sends you a
bill at the end of the month or the lawyer who bills you at the final con­
clusion of a case could be covered.

The law could also extend to those who

receive social security benefits, veterans benefits, unemployment or
welfare payments, medicare payments, or maybe a tax credit for buying
a new home. The law will cover every family in a large number of events







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that take place nearly every day. So a clear understanding of the purpose
of the law is most vital to us all.
This is among the reasons why the Board of Governors, as the
regulator under the statute, has called for a special hearing to be held
on April 27 prior to the writing of any further regulations, even in proposed
form .

At this hearing, we will be seeking to learn from citizens in every

part and circumstance in the country and from creditors in all aspects of the
business and com m erce of the nation.

We need advice about the ways in

which these discriminatory practices occur; the least costly and disruptive
way they can be prohibited; the fairest way enforcement can be accomplished;
and those facets of our complex credit system which should be exempt.

I

invite all of you to participate in these hearings either orally or by letter.
The amended law goes into effect on March 23, 1977.

We are most anxious

not only to create an effective regulatory implementation, but to do so in
time to allow for orderly implementation without disruption.
The willingness of the American consumer to express confidence
in the future by borrowing and buying has led our country and indirectly the
western world back to economic health.

If by our efforts to protect the

consum er, his or her confidence is inadvertently destroyed, the results
would be tragic indeed.

We cannot afford to risk the econom ic consequences

of tactical mistakes in pursuing a goal of equal credit opportunity sim ilar
to those which have been experienced in our push for equality of civil rights.

-7-

Now lot me turn to some speculation about the future
fruits which our present plantings of consumer credit legislation are
likely to bear.

These are personal guesses and not official predictions.

The wide variables of public reaction, social and political change, and
econom ic developments make exact projections foolish.

Yet, the result

of projecting now may well assist in avoiding or minimizing some future
mistakes.
The first result has already been mentioned.

I think that a

broader, deeper, and more intense public discussion of proper consumer
credit policy is about to occur.

The addition of sexual, ethnic, racial,

age and the other prohibitions correspond to a number of organizations
already in the business of pushing forward the special interests of that
segment of the population whom they represent. Some of these organiza­
tions have long felt that their constituents have been uniquely dis­
advantaged. The new legislation will be seen as a means to right these
wrongs.

The result will be claims of arbitrary discrimination and

counter claims of factual bases of differentiation. Through all of the
discussion will run the underlying question of how a creditor determines
who gets credit and who does not.
Unfortunately, this type of public discussion can result in a
distorted view of the attitude of most creditors.

Even now one occasionally

hears claim s that some creditors are engaged in a conspiracy to deny







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credit to a group that should be entitled to it. As I have said publicly before,
I do not think this is so.

Most progressive creditors today are anxious to

provide credit to the largest number of consumers whom they can profitably
and safely serve, within the limits of the creditor's resou rces.

Their

business is making loans, not turning them down.
Another future development alluded to earlier may be a greater
sensitivity to changes in social and economic patterns.

If the law requires

that a creditor's decision be based on factual evidence, then there is likely
to be a growth of understanding in the types of factual evidence on which
credit decisions can be based. This process does more than eliminate
discrimination; it opens up new ways to market goods and services not
previously perceived.

For example, if an elderly widow has access

to 30 year mortgage repayment term s, she becom es a viable prospect
for purchase of a condominium or a home.
It is too early to know to what extent these new bits of marketing
knowledge will expand total consumer credit.

I believe it is more certain

to expect that whatever consumer credit is extended will be done at higher
future cost of operation to the creditor. Requirements for written reasons
on denial, the submission of a statement of borrow ers' rights, or any other
new procedures imposed as a consequence of the statutes are going to cost
money to administer. These increased costs will ultimately be borne

-9-

by borrow ers and consum ers.

In some ca ses, this will be reflected in

higher interest rates on consumer loans; in other cases, it will be
reflected in higher cost of goods and services purchased.
One type of cost which we all should seek to avoid is the
mountain of litigation which has grown from the Truth in Lending Act.
In fiscal 1972 there were 415 cases filed under this statute. The number
grew to 743 cases in 1973, to 1,682 in 1974, and last year to 2,237 ca ses.
In 1974, a Federal district court for the northern district of Georgia
stated that 28 percent of its current case load consisted of Truth in
Lending cases.

Most of the cases filed have been over technical non­

willful violations of the A ct involving very nominal rem edies to the
borrow er.

Several approaches to remedying this situation and eliminating

this obvious non-productive public cost are being discussed.

One is a

search for a better way to secure individual enforcement through the
courts.

Another is the possible major simplification of the statute to

eliminate many of the technical requirements over which contention
can a rise.
The greatest cost to the public Which can be produced by consumer
legislation is the possible reduction in the number of sources of credit.

As

the requirements of the laws and regulations become m ore complex, a small
creditor is less and less able to afford to maintain the level of expertise
necessary to comply with all the requirements. This leaves the small







-1 0 -

creditor a choice of evils:

run the risk of loss through violation of

some rule; o r cease extending the type of credit to which the rules
apply. All too often the latter choice will be the conclusion. The
result is that the consumer suffers a loss of sources of credit and
must endure the results of a more concentrated market with its
reduced competitition. Even among larger creditors the same
principle will apply.

If the risks and costs of consumer lending

push the net returns from this activity below that realized from
alternative uses of resou rces, then either the price must be raised
or consumer credit cut back.
F or these reasons, part of the public discussion alluded to
ea rlier should include a determination of whether the additional benefits
provided to the public at large outweigh the increased cost of assuring
equality.
One possible future development causes me a good bit of personal
concern.

If the expansion of our anti-discriminatory features continues,

is it not likely that we will ultimately reach the point where most creditors
feel that they are not able to exercise personal judgment between applicants ?
Should this come about, then the consequences of pursuing the goal of
non-discrimination could be that all extensions of credit will be based
purely on a collateral basis.

If a creditor is unable to exercise his personal

judgments about the qualifications of the applicant, then the creditor will
likely rely only on the sufficiency of the collateral in an extension of credit.
(The three C's of crcdit will be reduced to one.) If this comes about even
partly in our economic system, it will be a sad day indeed.
The biographies of too many of our most successful people show
that a dramatic turning point in their lives occurred when some creditor
agreed to extend credit to that individual on a most irrational basis.

None

of the em pirically sustainable aspects of the individual's creditw orthiness
would have entitled him to a loan.

However, the cred itor's personal

intuition that the individual was worthy of faith, trust, and confidence
turned that life into a new direction.
I believe that it is most important that we assure preservation of
this right on the part of creditors to make affirmative decisions about the
future capacity of any applicant.

If we abolish this right, we will have

taken away something of value to a great many people.
Sometimes we forget that the passage of a law which assures the
rights of one group at the same time limits or takes away the rights of
another. Thus, it is necessary that we withdraw part of the right of an
individual or firm to allocate its resources among its various customers
in order to assure that all of its potential customers have access to those
resou rces without biased discrimination by the creditor. There are many
in our country who feel that this pendulum of exchanging one right for




-12-

another can swing too far and thus discourage the willingness on the part
of one portion of our society to save and invest if they have too little
discretion over how their savings or investments may be employed.
Regardless of how many of these speculations about the future
materialize, I think there are a few things that every creditor can and
should do today in order to improve the environment in which creditors
and debtors serve the needs of each other.
continuing need to communicate effectively.

The first is the ancient and
In my own business experience

I found that we very seldom had disagreements with customers who totally
understood the problem.

Every creditor needs to make sure that its

borrower customers, to the extent possible, are told why some action takes
place in non-technical terms which the customer can understand.

This

attitude on the part of creditors is not only good public relations, designed
to encourage a customer to do business again, but also effective from the
cost of administration point of view.

Too many times a disagreement with

one customer costs the creditor the profits which are realized out of
twenty happy ones.

A customer with whom you don't do business, or is

unhappy about the way in which you have done business, is never a
profitable one.
Finally and most importantly, creditors can realize now that a
non-disc rim inatory business practice is a good and profitable business




-13-

attitude.

It is not only the best public policy, but the most profitable long

range policy from the stockholder's viewpoint.

Discrimination not only

brings down the wrath of regulators but blinds us to future opportunities
for profitable expansion.
o r customer.

It keeps us from getting the incremental sale

It is the nightmare situation where everybody loses.

The

opposite policy — an open door to all — produces the realization of the
dream where everybody wins.