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Toward a More Inclusive Economy

Loretta J. Mester
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Economic Equality Webinar
African American Chamber of Commerce of Western Pennsylvania
Pittsburgh, PA
(via videoconference)
September 28, 2020

1
Introduction
I thank Doris Carson Williams and the members of the African American Chamber of Commerce of
Western Pennsylvania for the opportunity to speak with you today. As you may know, Doris is a member
of the board of directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland. In the best of times, the valuable
insights provided by Doris, her fellow directors, and all of our contacts help us assess economic
conditions and formulate monetary policy. But these are not the best of times. And I cannot overstate the
importance of the information that Doris and our other contacts are providing – real-time, on-the-ground
reconnaissance on how businesses and households are faring during the evolving pandemic. While the
outlook remains uncertain, one thing I am certain of is that we have a better understanding of the
economic impacts of the pandemic because of the public service of our directors and contacts. So, thank
you, Doris.

It is clear that the adverse effects of the pandemic have not been evenly distributed. They have been
borne by the most vulnerable in our economy: lower-income and minority workers and communities;
those who do not have the opportunity to work from home; those who do not live in areas with reliable
telecommunications and internet services or access to adequate healthcare; and the smaller of small
businesses. 1 Indeed, the results from a recent Fed survey show that between March and July, a larger
percentage of low-income workers, less educated workers, and Black and Hispanic workers were laid off
compared to higher-income, more educated, and white workers. Rehiring by employers has been slower
for lower-income workers than for higher-income workers. 2 In addition, from February to April, the

In these remarks, I will use the term “race” to refer to race and ethnicity, and “Hispanic” to refer to Hispanic and
Latinx.
1

2

Results from the recently released Board of Governors survey on the economic well-being of households (Table 1,
p. 3 of Board of Governors, September 2020) show that between March and July, 28 percent of workers in families
making less than $40,000 a year were laid off (including being told not to work any hours), considerably higher than
the 13 percent of workers from families with incomes over $100,000 a year. Furthermore, a quarter of workers in
low-income families who experienced a layoff reported that they had returned to work for the same employer, while
nearly 40 percent of high-income workers did so. Twenty-three percent of workers with a high school diploma or
less were laid off between March and July, compared to 13 percent of workers with a college degree or more, and 22
percent of Black workers and 23 percent of Hispanic workers were laid off compared to 18 percent of white
workers.

2
number of active small business owners dropped by 3.3 million, a record 22 percent decline. 3 Compared
to small firms overall, Black-owned businesses have been twice as likely to close and Hispanic-owned
businesses have been one-and-a-half times as likely to close. It is distressing to see the disparate impact
of the pandemic, but the differences in economic outcomes did not start with COVID-19. There were
already long-standing economic disparities in our economy.

In my remarks today, I will step back from the effects of the pandemic per se and examine the differences
in economic opportunity that so many in America still experience at every phase of their lives. I will
conclude with some thoughts, based on the research, on where we might focus in order to reduce these
gaps and promote economic inclusion. As always, the views I will present are my own and not
necessarily those of the Federal Reserve System or of my colleagues on the Federal Open Market
Committee.

Why Economic Inclusion Matters
The Federal Reserve System’s mission is to promote a healthy economy and stable financial system in the
United States. Our monetary policy decisions, our actions as supervisors and regulators of banks, our role
in the payments system, and our efforts to promote community development in low- and moderateincome areas all contribute to achieving a well-functioning economy and financial system in which
everyone can participate. Opportunity and inclusion are important for achieving a strong economy, and
the recently announced revision to the Fed’s strategy for setting monetary policy explicitly states that we
view maximum employment, one part of our statutory mandate, as a broad-based and inclusive goal.

Unfortunately, today, the U.S. economy does not offer the same opportunities to all. There are racial
disparities in educational attainment, labor market outcomes, and access to credit. People born into areas
3

See Fairlie (2020). Researchers at the New York Fed point to a number of contributing factors, including these
firms’ weaker financial cushions, weaker bank relationships, and funding gaps that existed prior to the pandemic,
plus less access to federal relief funds . See Mills and Battisto (2020).

3
of concentrated poverty or predominantly minority areas are disadvantaged over their entire lifetimes, and
so are their children. Unless actions are taken to promote an inclusive economy – one in which people
have the chance to move themselves and their families out of poverty, one in which systemic racism does
not limit opportunities, and one in which all people can fully participate – the U.S. economy will not be
able to live up to its full potential and the country will suffer.

Upward Mobility
[Figure 1] All parents want to know that their children will be better off financially than they are. An
important part of the American Dream is the idea that anyone can climb up the ladder through hard work
and perseverance. But upward mobility – the probability that a child will be better off economically than
his or her parents – has fallen sharply in the U.S. since World War II. At last year’s Cleveland Fed Policy
Summit, Harvard professor Raj Chetty presented some of his seminal research on income mobility. 4
Around 90 percent of children born in 1940 earned more at age 30 than their parents did. 5 By the mid1980s, only about 50 percent did. And, although not shown in the figure, the largest declines have been
in the middle class.

[Figure 2] Many factors have contributed to this decline. One contributor is rising income inequality,
which leads to advantages in terms of education and other social factors for those in the higher-income
groups compared to those in the bottom. Since the 1960s, the median level of income, adjusted for
inflation, has risen over time, from about $48,000 in 1967 to about $69,000 in 2019. But those in the top
10 percent of the income distribution have enjoyed sharper gains than those in the bottom 10 percent.
The U.S. has one of the lowest rates of intergenerational mobility among advanced economies and more
pronounced income inequality. 6

4

Chetty and Williams (2019).

5

Chetty, et al. (2017).

6

Corak (2013).

4

[Figure 3] To get the full picture, we need to look at disaggregated data. 7 Research by Chetty and his coauthors shows that upward mobility depends not only on the family’s characteristics but also on
neighborhood characteristics such as neighborhood income, racial integration, the quality of schools, and
access to social services. 8 On this map, areas of relatively high intergenerational mobility are shown in
shades of blue-green. Children who grew up in these places earn higher average income in their midthirties than their parents did at the same age. Shades of red indicate areas of low intergenerational
mobility: places where children have not progressed very far in terms of income relative to their parents.
An important insight is that even areas with fairly good economies in terms of stronger output growth and
job growth, like some places in the South, have not necessarily produced high levels of upward mobility
for the children growing up there. Strong economic factors certainly help, but they are not a panacea.

[Figure 4] In Pittsburgh, mobility differs quite a bit across the city, and if you were to drill down even
further, you would see differences even within neighborhoods.

In fact, research shows that moving a child from a low -mobility neighborhood to a high-mobility
neighborhood can have profound effects on his or her future economic outcomes.9 This is true not only in
the U.S., but also in countries, like Australia, where income inequality is lower than it is here. 10

So place matters. But so does race. Research by Chetty and co-authors has found that there is a gap in

7

Maps showing income mobility at the zip code level for different levels of income, race, and gender are available
at https://www.OpportunityAtlas.org, a collaboration between the U.S. Census Bureau and Opportunity Insights.
The map shown here is based on the average income at age 35 of a child whose parents earned in the 25 th percentile
of the income distribution, in other words, in low-income families.
8

See Chetty and Hendren (2018), Chetty, et al. (2018, revised 2020), and Chetty an d Williams (2019).

9

The effect is found for children who move by the age of 13; it does not apply to adults. Each year of exposure to a
better neighborhood has a greater benefit for the child. See Chetty, et al. (2018, revised 2020) and Chetty and
Hendren (2018).
10

One study of Australia found that where a child grows up, especially in his or her teenage years, has a causal
effect on adult outcomes. See Deutscher (2020).

5
earnings between Black males and white males even if their parents were at the same income level and
they grew up in the same neighborhood. 11

[Figure 5] The research also shows that even conditional on where a child grows up, Blacks have a
significantly lower chance of moving up in the income distribution than whites or Hispanics and a higher
chance of moving down in the distribution. Strikingly, Blacks who happen to have been born to parents
in the highest income quintile are almost as likely to move down to the lowest quintile as to stay in the
highest one.

Gaps in Income and Net Worth
[Figure 6] According to the most recent Federal Reserve triennial Survey of Consumer Finances, in 2016,
median income for white households was about 1-3/4 times that of Black families and 1-1/2 times that of
Hispanic families. 12 Earnings are an important driver of family net worth (financial and nonfinancial
assets, like homes and autos, minus debt). 13 Racial gaps in net worth are much larger than income gaps:
the median net worth of white families in 2016 was almost 10 times as high as that of Black families and
about 8 times as high as that of Hispanic families. 14 These gaps are not a recent phenomenon: they have
been around for decades.

11

Controlling for parental income, in adulthood, Black males end up having lower earnings than white males in 99
percent of Census tracts in the U.S. For those who grew up in neighborhoods of low poverty and higher rent, both
Black and white males have better outcomes, but the gap between them is greater than in high poverty areas. The
gap is smaller when fathers are present and when measures of racial bias are lower. See Chetty, et al. (2020).
12

See the Federal Reserve System 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) (2017). In 2016 dollars, the median
income in 2016 for white, Black, and Hispanic families were $61,000, $35,000, and $38,000, respectively .
13
14

For further discussion of racial net worth disparities over time, see Aliprantis, Carroll, and Young (2019).

According to the SCF data, in 2016 dollars, the median net worth in 2016 of white, Black, and Hispanic families
were $171,000, $17,600, and $20,700, respectively.

6
Gaps over the Life Cycle: Early Years
[Figure 7] Many factors play a role in these gaps in income and net worth; in fact, if we look over a
person’s life, racial gaps exist every step of the way. From the beginning of life, Black children have only
half the chance of reaching their first birthday compared to either white or Hispanic children. These gaps
in infant mortality have existed over many years, and even if you control for the educational level of the
mother, the gaps remain.

Black and white children tend to grow up in different neighborhoods, and this racial stratification leads to
other risks that can affect longer-term economic outcomes. One example is children’s lead toxicity – the
amount of lead in one’s bloodstream – which at elevated levels causes brain damage and has significant
adverse effects on a child’s ability to learn. A study of Chicago neighborhoods found that even though
lead poisoning in children has fallen significantly over time as a result of public health policy, it is still
the case that those neighborhoods with the highest levels of toxicity are predominantly Black
neighborhoods. 15

[Figure 8] While lead poses one significant disadvantage to learning, lack of internet connectivity poses
another. Well before the coronavirus pandemic, access to the internet was an important avenue for
education, as well as for healthcare and job access. Usage of broadband at home is comparatively higher
for whites, those with higher incomes, and those in urban and suburban areas.16 Blacks and Hispanics are
less likely to have a computer or broadband at home than whites, and when they do have a computer, they
are less likely to have broadband service at home. 17 This puts Black and Hispanic families at a

15

See Sampson and Winter (2016).

16

According to Pew Research Center survey data, in 2019, usage of broadband at home was 79 percent of whites, 66
percent of Blacks, and 61 percent of Hispanics; 92 percent for those earning $75,000 or more per year and 56
percent for those earning less than $30,000 per year; 75 percent for those in urban areas, 79 percent for those in
suburban areas, and 63 percent for those in rural communities. See Pew Research Center (2019).
17

Estimates for 2019 from the U.S. Census Bureau indicate that about 2 percent of Asian households, 4 percent of
white households, 4 percent of Hispanic households, and 7 percent of Black households do not have a computer at
home. About 95 percent of Asian households, 90 percent of white households, 88 percent of Hispanic households,
and 84 percent of Black households have a computer and broadband at home. See U.S. Census Bureau, American

7
disadvantage, especially now, given the pandemic, when remote in-home learning is the norm rather than
the exception.

[Figure 9] In fact, during the spring, students in lower-income areas completed significantly fewer math
courses online than those in higher-income areas. 18 If these differences continue, there could be lasting
effects on students’ earning potential throughout their lives, leading to further inequality.

Gaps over the Life Cycle: College Ages
[Figure 10] Indeed, the accumulation of human capital via education is an important path to economic
inclusion and opportunity, resulting in better economic outcomes for individuals, households, and the
country at large. The median income for families whose head has a college degree is more than twice as
high as that of a family whose head has only a high school diploma. Similarly, median net worth is
considerably higher for those with a college degree. 19

[Figure 11] While our workforce as a whole has become more educated over time, educational attainment
differs by race, as does the likelihood of completing a degree. In the Fed’s Survey of Consumer Finances,
39 percent of white heads of household held a college degree compared to 23 percent of Black heads of
household and 17 percent of Hispanic heads of household. 20

Cost can be an important barrier to entering college, particularly for those coming from lower-income
families. The average cost of tuition and fees at four-year institutions is now over $16,000 a year, and

Community Survey, Subject Table S2802, 2019 1-year estimates. (Note: These estimates on broadband are higher
than those from Pew, cited in footnote 16, which pertain to usage.)
18

See the Zearn math platform data at Opportunity Insights: Economic Tracker, and Chetty, et al. (2020).

19

According to the Federal Reserve System 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances, in 2016, the median income of
families whose head has a college degree was $90,000 compared with $40,000 for families whose head had only a
high school diploma. See Federal Reserve System (2017).
20

See Dettling, et al. (2017).

8
adjusted for inflation, it has more than doubled over the past three decades. 21 According to the Fed’s
survey on economic well-being, as of late 2019, over 40 percent of those who went to college had taken
on debt for their education and about half of those people still owe money on this debt. 22 New York Fed
analysis shows that compared to borrowers in majority white areas, those in majority Black areas have
higher student loan balances and those in majority Black and majority Hispanic areas have higher rates of
default on those loans. 23 These defaults can follow a person over time, making it harder to access credit
in the future.

[Figure 12] For those students who do find the financial means to enter college, the likelihood of
completing a degree differs by type of institution and by race. The completion rates have remained
particularly low at for-profit institutions. At both public and nonprofit private institutions, the graduation
rates for whites, Hispanics, and Asians have all risen over time, but those of Blacks remain well below
those of these other groups and have shown no progress over time.

Satisfaction with college also varies by race. About 70 percent of white recipients of bachelor’s degrees
felt that their education was worth the cost, but only slightly more than half of Black recipients did. 24

Gaps over the Life Cycle: Earning Years – Labor Markets and Credit Markets
[Figure 13] The differences in educational attainment across races follow people as they enter the
workforce. There are significant racial disparities in labor market outcomes. Unemployment rates among
Blacks and Hispanics have been chronically above those of whites and Asians, and Blacks and Hispanics
are more likely to lose their jobs during recessions. Although some progress had been made over the long

21

See Digest of Education Statistics.

22

See pp. 43-46, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (May 2020).

23

See Chakrabarti, Nober, and van der Klaauw (2020).

24

See Figure 28, p. 39, in Board of Governors (May 2020).

9
economic expansion that ended in February, racial disparities remained. Research from Fed economists
indicates that while lower educational attainment explains much of the difference in the unemployment
experience of Hispanics, this is not true for the Black-white gap. In fact, observable characteristics, like
education, age, or marital status, cannot fully account for the higher and more cyclical unemployment of
Blacks relative to whites. 25

[Figure 14] These long-standing labor market disparities spill over in other ways that limit Black
households’ ability to fully participate in the economy. Worse and more volatile labor market outcomes
make it harder for nonwhite families to build assets and achieve sound financial health.

For those families that are able to get a mortgage, job insecurity makes the household less financially
resilient and raises the risk that the household might fall behind on its mortgage or even default, putting
the family’s longer-term financial health at risk. Housing continues to be an important way for families to
build wealth, but even controlling for income and other factors related to creditworthiness, there is a
rising gap between the homeownership rate of whites and Blacks. This indicates that systemic racial
differences in access to credit have persisted well after enactment of fair housing and lending legislation
in the 1970s meant to address the scourge of redlining and discrimination in credit markets. 26,27

[Figure 15] In terms of access to financial services, Blacks and Hispanics are less likely to have a bank
account and more likely to rely on alternative financial services such as money orders and check cashing
services than whites. Being unbanked or underbanked makes it harder for these families to build a credit
history. 28

25

See Cajner, et al. (2017).

26

See also Choi (2020).

27

For documentation and discussion of the racial gaps in homeownership rates, see Haughwout, et al. (2020).

28

See Table 11, p. 28, in Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (May 2020). Unbanked is defined as
not having a checking, savings, or money market account. Underbanked is defined as having a checking, savings, or

10

The use of bank financing by small businesses also varies significantly with the race of the owner.
According to the Fed’s Small Business Credit Survey, compared to small firms with white ownership,
those with Black ownership were half as likely to have obtained financing from a bank in the past five
years, relying more on online lenders, which, according to survey respondents, provide less satisfactory
service. 29

Much Needs to Be Done to Address Economic Disparities and Promote Economic Inclusion
Eliminating racial and economic disparities, which have lasted over generations, is no easy task. It will
take concerted action at the individual, professional, and institutional level to change structures and
systems that perpetuate these gaps. But this work needs to be done so that all people have the opportunity
to fully participate in the U.S. economy. The research I discussed today points to four priorities.

Investing in neighborhoods and communities must be a priority. Place matters and at smaller
geographical divisions than might be expected. Localized, neighborhood-based community development
work and investments aimed at reducing poverty rates, improving school quality and housing choices, and
revitalizing neighborhoods can offer families more stability. Focusing on improving neighborhoods can
have results. In 2016, the Cleveland Fed convened all those interested in contributing to the efforts of the
Lead Safe Cleveland Coalition and the city of Cleveland in preventing lead poisoning in the city. 30 And
last July, Cleveland City Council passed an important piece of legislation requiring, among other
provisions, that landlords pay for private inspections and certifications that their occupied units are lead-

money market account but having used one of these alternative financial services: money order, check cashing
service, pawn shop loan, auto title loan, payday loan, paycheck advance, or tax refund advance.
According to the Fed’s most recent Small Business Credit Survey of firms with 1-499 employees, 46 percent of
firms with white ownership, 32 percent of firms with Hispanic ownership, and 23 percent of firms with Black
ownership had obtained financing from a bank in the past five years; 19 percent of firms with white ownership, 22
percent of firms with Hispanic ownership, and 27 percent of firms with Black ownership had obtained financing
from an online lender in the past five years. See Federal Reserve System (2020), p. 9.
29

30

See Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland (2016).

11
safe, with penalties for noncompliance. 31

Closing the digital divide must be a priority. Among communities with a population of 100,000 or more,
the city of Cleveland has among the lowest home broadband access in the nation. 32 Business leaders
through the Greater Cleveland Partnership are working with the city’s governmental leaders and other
organizations to ensure that all residents in the Greater Cleveland area have access to in-home highquality broadband and devices to access it. Similar work is being done in Pittsburgh by the Allegheny
Conference on Community Development.

Increasing access to high-quality education at all levels must be a priority. Education is a significant
avenue to economic opportunity. Recognizing that a higher-skilled workforce benefits communities,
Ohio has a project underway to try to increase educational attainment. 33 Issues with cost and preparation
need to be addressed. Respondents to recent Fed surveys said that the cost of college and family
obligations are among the reasons they did not complete their degree. 34 Low grades were also cited as a
reason. Adequate preparation for college has an impact on completion rates and likely on satisfaction.
Research is increasingly pointing to the fact that children who fall behind have difficulty catching up. 35
Tutoring and mentoring throughout a student’s elementary, high school, and college years can support a
student through to earning a degree.

31

See Dissell and Zeltner (2019).

32

The data are available in Table GCT2801, U.S. Census American Community Survey (2019). In the city of
Cleveland, 69.3 percent of households have a broadband internet subscription. Only Lakewood Township, Ocean
County, N.J. has lower internet connectivity, at 58.9 percent. The numbers for the U.S. and for the city of Pittsburgh
are 86.4 percent and 86.5 percent, respectively.
33
Ohio Excels, partnering with the Complete to Compete Ohio Coalition, has developed a statewide action plan to
increase postsecondary educational attainment in the state. See Ohio Excels (2020) and Wright -McGowan (2020).
34

According to the Fed survey of economic well-being, of those respondents who could not complete their
associate’s or bachelor’s degree, among other reasons, 56 percent said it was because it was too expensive, 52
percent said it was because they needed to earn money to take care of their family, and 22 percent said it was
because of low grades. Respondents could choose more than one reason. See Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System (May 2020), Table 23, p. 41.
35

See Mester (2015).

12

In addition, financial literacy should be included in elementary and high school curricula. Such courses
will give students the skills to evaluate the various options for financing their education, determine which
types of educational institutions offer a good return on their investment, and lead to better savings,
investment, and credit decisions throughout their lives. The Cleveland Fed actively supports economic
and financial literacy programs, and this year we will be hosting the Council of Economic Education’s
National Personal Finance Challenge, a competition for high school students that encourages
development of financial management skills.

Eliminating systemic inequities in access to credit and financial services must be a priority. The racial
disparities that still exist in banking and credit markets mean institutions need to reassess their business
practices and change those that are found to be sources of such disparities. Similarly, policymakers need
to strengthen policies meant to address such inequities. The Federal Reserve is currently working to
strengthen the regulations that implement the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA). The act, passed in
1977, was intended to help address concerns about disinvestment in low- and moderate-income
neighborhoods and the impact of illegal practices such as redlining. The CRA reaffirmed that insured
depository institutions must serve the communities in which they are chartered to do business. Evidence
shows that the CRA has provided tangible benefits to low- and moderate-income neighborhoods. With
the many changes in banking since the 1970s, it is time to modernize the regulation so that it can help to
address systemic inequities in access to financial services and credit for low - and moderate-income and
minority communities and individuals. 36

36

The Board of Governors issued its Advance Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPR) to strengthen, clarify, and
tailor the CRA regulation, and other materials summarizing the ANPR on September 21, 2020. See Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System (September 21, 2020) and Brainard (2020).

13
Of course, much more needs to be done. But if we have focus, perseverance, and a shared commitment to
eliminating systemic racism and increasing the breadth of economic opportunity, then together we can
ensure that instead of being a pipe dream for some, the American Dream is available to all.

14
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15
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Board Rates Charged for Full-Time Students in Degree-Granting Postsecondary Institutions, by Level and
Control of Institution: Selected Years, 1963-64 through 2018-19.”
(https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d19/tables/dt19_330.10.asp)
Dissell, Rachel, and Brie Zeltner, “Cleveland City Council Passes Historic Lead Poisoning Prevention
Law,” The Plain Dealer, July 24, 2019.
(https://www.cleveland.com/metro/2019/07/cleveland-city-council-passes-historic-lead-poisoningprevention-law.html)
Fairlie, Robert W., “The Impact of Covid-19 on Small Business Owners: Evidence of Early-Stage Losses
from the April 2020 Current Population Survey,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper
27309, June 2020. (https://www.nber.org/papers/w27309)
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, “Addressing the Impacts of Lead: Moving Toward Prevention,”
November 18, 2016.
(https://www.clevelandfed.org/en/newsroom-and-events/events/2016/addressing-the-impacts-oflead.aspx)
Federal Reserve System, 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances (2017).
(https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm)

16

Federal Reserve System, Federal Reserve Small Business Credit Survey: 2020 Report on Employer
Firms, 2020.
(https://www.fedsmallbusiness.org/medialibrary/FedSmallBusiness/files/2020/2020-sbcs-employer-firmsreport)
Haughwout, Andrew, Donghoon Lee, Joelle Scally, and Wilbert van der Klaauw, “Inequality in U.S.
Homeownership Rates by Race and Ethnicity,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York Liberty Street
Economics, July 8, 2020.
(https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2020/07/inequality-in-us-homeownership-rates-by-raceand-ethnicity.html)
Mester, Loretta J., “Community Development and Human Capital,” remarks at the 2015 Policy Summit
on Housing, Human Capital, and Inequality, Federal Reserve Banks of Cleveland, Philadelphia, and
Richmond, Pittsburgh, PA, June 19, 2015.
(https://www.clevelandfed.org/en/newsroom-and-events/speeches/sp-20150619-communitydevelopment-and-human-capital.aspx)
Mills, Claire Kramer, and Jessica Battisto, “Double Jeopardy: COVID-19’s Concentrated Health and
Wealth Effects in Black Communities,” Brief, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, August 2020.
(https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/smallbusiness/DoubleJeopardy_COVID19andBlackO
wnedBusinesses)
Ohio Excels, “Bridging Ohio’s Workforce Gap,” August 2020.
(https://completetocompeteohio.org/wp-content/uploads/Bridging-Ohios-Workforce-Gap-AttainmentPlan-August-2020.pdf)
The Opportunity Atlas.
(https://www.OpportunityAtlas.org)
Opportunity Insights: Economic Tracker.
(https://tracktherecovery.org/)
Pew Research Center, “Internet/Broadband Fact Sheet: Who Has Home Broadband?” June 12, 2019.
(https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/fact-sheet/internet-broadband/#who-has-home-broadband)
Sampson, Robert J., and Alix S. Winter, “The Racial Ecology of Lead Poisoning: Toxic Inequality in
Chicago Neighborhoods, 1995-2013,” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13 (Fall 2016),
pp. 261-283. (https://doi.org/10.1017/S1742058X16000151)
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, Subject Table S2802, “Types of Internet
Subscriptions by Selected Characteristics,” 2019 1-Year Estimates.
(https://data.census.gov/cedsci/table?q=S2802)
U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, Geographic Comparison Table GCT2801, “Percent
of Households with a Broadband Internet Subscription,” 2019 1-Year Estimates.
(https://www.census.gov/acs/www/data/data-tables-and-tools/geographic-comparison-tables/)
Wright-McGowan, Margie, “The Stakes Are High and There're No Second Chances When It Comes to
Preparing Students for Success,” remarks at Aim ‘Hire’: Workforce and Education Symposium and Fall
Series, Ohio Excels and the Governor's Office of Workforce Transformation, Columbus, OH, September
22, 2020.

17
(https://www.clevelandfed.org/en/newsroom-and-events/speeches/sp-20200922-wright-mcgowan.aspx)

Charts for
“Toward a More Inclusive Economy”
Loretta J. Mester*
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Economic Equality Webinar
African American Chamber of Commerce of Western Pennsylvania
Pittsburgh, PA
September 28, 2020
* The views expressed here are my own and not necessarily those of the
Federal Reserve System or my colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee.
1

Figure 1. Children will not necessarily be better off
financially than their parents:
Income mobility has declined in the U.S.
Percent
100

Percent of children earning more than their parents,
both at age 30, by year of birth,
adjusted for inflation

90

80

70

60

50

1940

1950

1960

1970

Child's Year of Birth

2

Source: Chetty, Grusky, Hell, Hendren, Manduca, Narang (Science 2017);
Chetty and Williams (Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland Policy Summit 2019)

1980

Figure 2. Income inequality in the U.S. has been rising
Ratio of household income at
percentile limits

Household income at percentile limits

2019 dollars

13.0

300,000

12.0

250,000

95th

percentile

90th/10th percentile

11.0

200,000

95th

percentile

150,000

10.0

100,000

9.0

95th/20th percentile

50th percentile: median
50,000

8.0

20th percentile
2019

2017

2015

2013

2011

2009

2007

2005

2003

2001

1999

1997

1995

1993

1991

1989

1987

1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
2015
2017
2019

7.0

0

Source: Table A‐4. Selected Measures of Household Income Dispersion, U.S. Census
Bureau; Last obs. 2019
3

Figure 3. Upward income mobility varies over the country:
Place matters
Average Income at Age 35 for Children Whose Parents Earned $25,000 (25th percentile)
Seattle
$35.8k

Salt Lake
City $37.9k

Dubuque
$46.1k Cincinnati Cleveland
$27.8k
$30.0k
Boston
$37.1k
New York City
$36.6k Pittsburgh

San Francisco
Bay Area
$37.9k

$36k
Washington DC
$34.5k

Los Angeles
$34.8k

Note: Blue‐Green = More Upward Mobility, Red = Less Upward Mobility

Charlotte
$26.3k

<$27.3k

Source: Chetty, Friedman, Hendren, Jones, Porter (NBER WP 25147);
4 Chetty and Williams (Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland Policy Summit 2019)

$33.8k

>$45.7k

Figure 4. Place matters at the local level
Average Household Income at Age in Mid‐30s
for Children of Low‐Income Parents in Pittsburgh

Note: Blue‐Green = More Upward Mobility, Red = Less Upward Mobility
5

Source: OpportunityAtlas.org

Figure 5. Blacks have less upward and more downward
income mobility than whites or Hispanics
Blacks born to high‐income parents
have about an equal chance of falling to
low income as staying in high income

Percent of children
50%
Black Hispanic White
40%

Downward
Mobility

Upward
Mobility

31%

Axis Title

30%

41%

20%

18%

17%
11%

10%

12%

9%

7%
3%

0%

Low‐income parents 
High‐income child

Axis Title

High‐income parents  High‐income parents 
Low‐income child
High‐income child

2020)
6 Source: Table 1, Panel B, Chetty, Hendren, Jones, Porter (QJE th
Low income refers to 1st quintile and high income refers to 5 quintile

Figure 6. There are long‐standing racial gaps in
income and wealth
2016 dollars

Median Family Income, 2016$

Median Family Net Worth, 2016$

70,000

2016 dollars
225,000

60,000

200,000

White

50,000

150,000

Hispanic

100,000

30,000
20,000

Black

10,000

75,000
50,000

Black

25,000

Hispanic

0
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
2015
2017
2019

0

7

125,000

1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
2015
2017
2019

40,000

White

175,000

Source: Federal Reserve System 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances

Figure 7. Blacks are disadvantaged right from the start
with higher infant mortality in the first year of life,
irrespective of the mother’s education
Infant deaths per 1,000 births

14

Black Hispanic White

12
10
8
6
4
2
0
High school graduate or GED

Bachelor's degree

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), National Center for
Health Statistics (NCHS), Division of Vital Statistics (DVS), Linked Birth/Infant
8 Death Records 2007‐2018

Doctorate or Professional
Degree

Figure 8. There is a digital divide
Black Hispanic Asian White

20%

16%

15%
12%
9%

10%
7%

5%

5%

4%

4%
2%

0%
% without computer

9

% without broadband

Source: U.S. Census Bureau: American Community Survey, Table ID S2802,
2019: ACS 1‐year Estimates

Figure 9. Low‐income students have not performed well
with remote learning during the pandemic
Percent Change in Completed Math Lessons Relative to Jan 6 – Feb 2, 2020
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
‐10%
‐20%
‐30%
‐40%
‐50%
‐60%
1/12/2020

High‐income zip codes

53.0%

Middle‐income zip codes
6.1%

National emergency declared
3/13/2020

–28.7%
Low‐income zip codes

2/9/2020

3/8/2020

4/5/2020

Source: Chetty, Friedman, Hendren, Stepner, and Opportunity Insights Team
(2020); Data from Opportunity Insights.org Track the Recovery based on data from
10 Zearn online math platform

5/3/2020

Figure 10. Income and net worth rise with
educational attainment
Thousands of 2016 dollars
300
Median
250
200

income of household, by
education of head of household
Median net worth of household, by
education of head of household

150
100
50
0

11

No high school
diploma

High school
diploma

Some college

Source: Federal Reserve System 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances

College degree

Figure 11. Educational attainment for nonwhites
lags that of whites
Percent of households,
by race of head of household
40

Black Hispanic

White

35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

12

No high school
diploma

High school diploma

Some college

Source: Federal Reserve System 2016 Survey of Consumer Finances

College degree

Figure 12. Graduation rates for Blacks are lower than those for
other groups and have not improved over time
Graduation rates for BAs six years from start

Percent
80

Asian
Black or African American
Hispanic or Latino
White

70
60
50
40
30
20
10

1996

Starting dates

Public
institutions
13

2012 1996

Starting dates

2012 1996

Starting dates

Nonprofit
institutions

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics,
Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS), Table 326.10

For‐profit
institutions

2012

Figure 13. Even after 10+ years of expansion, the unemployment rate
of Blacks remained higher than that of whites
Percent, SA
20
18
16
14

Overall
Asian
Black or African American
Hispanic or Latino
White

12

10.7
10.5

10

8.4
7.3

8
6
4
2
0
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020

14

13.0

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics
Monthly data: Last obs. August 2020

Figure 14. The gap in homeownership rates between
whites and Blacks is growing

75%

Gap between homeownership rates
32%
31%

White

30%

65%

29%

60%

28%

55%

27%

Hispanic

26%

45%

White ‐ Hispanic

25%

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey/Housing Vacancy Survey,
March 10, 2020.
15

2019

2017

2015

2009

2007

2005

2003

2001

1999

1997

2019

2017

2015

24%
2013

2011

2007

2005

2003

2001

1999

1997

1995

2009

Black

40%

2013

50%

White ‐ Black

2011

70%

1995

80%

Percentage of homes occupied by the owner,
by race and ethnicity of householder

Figure 15. There remain racial gaps in access to credit
Percent of households that do not
have a bank account or use alternative
financial services, like check cashing services
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%

32%
22%
14%

11%

10%
3%

Unbanked

Percent of small firm respondents
who received funding from
these sources in the past 5 years
50%
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%

Underbanked

Black Hispanic

46%
32%
23%

Bank

White

Source for unbanked/underbanked: Table 11, p. 28 in Board of Governors, Report on the
Economic Well‐Being of U.S. Households in 2019, Featuring Supplemental Data
from April 2020 (May 2020)
Source for small business funding: Federal Reserve System Small Business Credit Survey:
Employer Firms, 2020
16

27%

22%

19%

Online Lender

Charts for
“Toward a More Inclusive Economy”
Loretta J. Mester*
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Economic Equality Webinar
African American Chamber of Commerce of Western Pennsylvania
Pittsburgh, PA
September 28, 2020
* The views expressed here are my own and not necessarily those of the
Federal Reserve System or my colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee.
17