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The Tederal Reserbe Act
and the Tarmer

HD-DRESS
of

JOHN SKELTON
WILLIAMS
Comptroller of the Currency
%r

CZt the Annual Contention of the
WRMERS'




NATIONAL

CONQUZSS

of the United State*

at Indianapolis

OCTOBER 20th, 1916

The Federal %eserbe Act
and the Farmer
Mr. President, Members of the Farmers' National
Congress, and Fellow-farmers:
It is fortunate for you, perhaps, that the subject
on which I am to have the honor of speaking to
you has been defined clearly as "The relation of
the new Federal Reserve System to the Farmer."
Under the terms of my agreement with your committee, I must stick to that, only stepping a little
beyond it for a few comments on the new Rural
Credits measure which is so natural a sequence to
the Reserve Act as to be considered almost part
of it or an appropriate adjunct and supplement.
As I shall endeavor presently to show you, the
farmer was by no means overlooked in the drafting of our Federal Reserve Act which has so splendidly reorganized—I might almost say revolutionized—and perfected the banking and currency
system of this country; but the Congress deemed
it just and wise to go further and pass an additional
and special law—the Rural Credits or Farm Loan
Act—to provide stimulation and protection for the
great agricultural interests which are the real foundations of our prosperity and hope as a people.




2

So I shall talk to you on these two things, or
these two parts of one thing. If I were not so
sternly limited, the temptation to give you more
or less valuable instruction on the conduct of your
own business might be irresistible, for I am an
amateur farmer, and I have noticed that farming
is the only avocation in which the beginner, the
raw recruit, undertakes to direct the veteran.
I am an experimental farmer-in-law, as we might
say. The real head work and other work on my
50 acres of somewhat difficult land in Virginia,
near Richmond, is done by the lady of the family.
But I have read something about farming, and
though born on a farm, have lived in cities practically all my life; and, like the others of my kind,
doubtless would feel fully competent, if I were allowed, to tell you all about how to get the best
results from farming and about scientific treatment
of your soil.
"The city farmer and the book farmer are notorious advisers and mentors of the plow and hoe
farmer. Maybe they persecute and bore him a
little with their attentions, but they persist, notwithstanding the fact that many of them in actual
agricultural operations have the same experience
as that announced by Henry Ward Beecher, who
calculated that the green peas he raised himself
and enjoyed so much in the spring cost him two
cents apiece; or like Whitelaw Reid who, it is said,




3

was wont to inquire of his guests whether they
would take champagne, or milk from his fancy cattle, remarking that they cost exactly the same.
While I have never taken gold medals for a
farm exhibit, I hope I may be excused for boasting
a little of a near neighbor of mine in Virginia, who
ventured to exhibit the products of his farm at the
Panama Exposition at San Francisco last year and
who was awarded fourteen gold and silver medals,
four diplomas of honor and in addition the grand
first prize for the best exhibit from a single farm
in the entire United States; and whose specimens
of corn Luther Burbank declared to be the finest he
had ever seen, or ever expected to see.
Really, however, no actual experience on a farm
or with the soil is needed to convince any thinker
that prosperous and progressive agriculture is the
basis for the prosperity and progress of any people. Several years ago a cartoon was published
in Germany. If I recollect aright, it showed the
Kaiser at the top, saying, "I rule all"; next below
him was the cabinet, "We think for all"; then the
soldier, "I fight for all"; then the merchant, "I
serve all"; at the bottom was the farmer supporting the entire weight, "I carry all."
The picture conveys a powerful and indisputable
fact. Agriculture, or as some prefer to call it, just
plain farming, is not only the oldest and the most
essential of all human occupations, but in this




4

country at least has for many years been the most
neglected by our government and thinkers. The
"down trodden farmer" is a favorite theme—especially around election time; but until quite recently
little has been done for him in a comprehensive
and practical way.
Almost inevitably we have been a wasteful and
a thoughtless people. Because through the first two
and a half centuries of our settlement on this continent, we had plenty of land and it was cheap, we
learned to have little respect for land. We acquired it easily and in vast quantities, exhausted
its virgin freshness and strength by improvident
use, and then cleared or broke up new tracts. So
we have prospered and made enormous showings
of new wealth and glory from decade to decade, as
men do who are gradually but steadily eating into
their capital.
Now we are nearing the time of change and discovery. In some parts of the country we have
reached it, as the abandoned or deplorable farms
and desolate farm houses testify. Every year we
get closer to the time when the prosperity, wealth
and growth of our country will depend not on the
original quality or on the quantity of the land, but
on the capacity, the methods and the equipment of
the men who till the land.
One of the chief difficulties hampering and obstructing the young and vigorous men who would




5

farm if they could see in the work opportunities
for success and the fulfillment of their ambitions—
and the older men anxious to extend their activities and increase their product,—has been the lack
of capital. The farmer usually finds it harder than
almost any other business man to obtain the capital he greatly needs; and when he does get it, he is
too often forced to pay for it extortionate rates.
All of us know that farming is becoming more and
more an ordered business, governed by the same
rules that apply in other business; less and less a
hap-hazard venture on the caprices and chances of
nature. Like every other business, it needs for
success capital and the just credit that represents
and secures capital. The farmer, I say, in a great
measure, has lacked these, to this time. He has
been denied the means of preparing and equipping
himself. Too often he has been in the position of
a man undertaking to open a store and lacking
money or credit to obtain a stock of goods.
We hear, from many sources, clamorous cries
of "back to the farm," and "back to the land."
Gentlemen, we can't get people back to the farms
or keep people on the farms unless we can show
them promise that the farm will give them at least
as much comfort and happiness and prospect as
they can find in towns and cities by equal effort and
labor of head and hand. Put money, or the opportunity to earn it, on the farms and the people




%

will go to them fast enough and will stay with
them.
That is precisely what the Federal Reserve System is doing in a large measure, and what we hope
and believe the Rural Credits System will do in
even larger measure. It is said of Mr. Gladstone
that he could make even statistics eloquent, and of
John Wesley that he could cause his hearers to
shed tears by his way of saying "Macedonia." I
am sorry I have no such faculty. I cannot so enunciate figures as to avoid temptations in my audience
to yawning. But I beseech your patience while I
try to show you some figures which don't lie and
which it seems to me should be interesting and
informing.
I am not going to tell you that there was really
a dearth of money in this country before the Federal Reserve Act was passed, for it would not be
true. There was plenty of money in the country.
Official statements show that on January 1, 1914,—
a week after the passage of the Federal Reserve
Act—the actual money in circulation in this country, consisting of gold, silver and paper money,
was close to Zy2 billion dollars. The total resources of all the banks and trust companies in our
country—State and National—July 1, 1913, had
been reported at over 25 billion dollars. The trouble was that these huge resources were not evenly
distributed. People in some sections were able to




7

borrow all the money they wanted and at favorable rates—4, 5 and 6 per cent—while in other
sections very much higher rates were being
charged, and many people just as honest and
capable as those in the big money centers were
unable to get money for their legitimate requirements on any terms, and others had to pay 8, 10,
15 and sometimes 50 and 100 per cent per annum,
or more, for what they got.
These unfair, unfavorable, threatening conditions developing unrest, uneasiness, unnecessary
poverty and resentments against society and government,—all the more dangerous because vague,
and because the real cause of the disease was obscure, and the remedy consequently undiscovered,—
really were results of our outworn and outgrown
banking laws and system, favoring the few, depriving the many, discriminating inevitably against
the farm and the farmer, the foundations of all.
Hundreds of millions of dollars every year were
drained away from the country banks, first to the
banks in the fifty odd so-called Reserve cities, and
then from these Reserve cities further concentrated
in the three Central Reserve cities of New York,
Chicago and St. Louis—principally in New York
City.
An investigation made by the Comptroller of the
Currency in the winter of 1914^ a few weeks after
the passage of the Federal Reserve Law, showed




8

that the National Banks in New York, Chicago and
St. Louis and in three or four other eastern cities
held 1500 million dollars of money belonging to
other banks and trust companies from every part of
the United States, and that the total amount of
money which the National Banks in these six or
seven cities were lending back to all other banks
and trust companies in the United States at that
time was scarcely 110 million dollars, or less than
7 per cent of the 1500 million dollars of money
which they were holding for the other banks, thus
concentrated in these six or seven cities.
Approximately half of this 1500 million dollars
was in the National Banks of New York City to
the credit of other banks and trust companies. A
very large portion of it was being loaned in Wall
Street at two or three per cent per annum, while
you farmers were paying in many cases two and
three per cent, a month, sometimes as high as five
and ten per cent a month. But even then, many
farmers were not able to borrow enough money to
operate their farms economically and efficiently.
The Federal Reserve Act has completely revolutionized, as I have said, the old banking and
currency system. The only wonder is that we were
able to get along as well as we did. You gentlemen of the farms know what would happen if you
stacked all of your fertilizer in one pile or even in
two or three central reserve piles. That plan




9

would not do your crops any good, except in spots,
and even where the fertilizer was heaped your land
would be over-heated. The Federal Reserve Act
has been the means of spreading the fertilizing
money evenly and equitably over the whole land.
It has established 12 great reservoirs conveniently
located for every section of the country, and since
the opening of the Federal Reserve Banks, nearly
two years ago, no member bank entitled to credit
has applied for a loan which was not promptly furnished.
Every national bank and every other member
bank of the system has the assurance that if it will
conduct its affairs efficiently and according to law,
these great Federal Reserve Banks will not only be
ready and able to help them meet any emergency
that may arise, but can always be counted on to
supply funds to help them meet the legitimate demands of their customers, far and near.
An immediate effect of the passage of the Federal Reserve Act was to inspire business men and
bankers with new confidence and to give them new
assurance that money and capital would be obtainable at fair and reasonable rates for the ordinary
operations of business, and also for new creative
and constructive work, and there was instant revival in business from the very day the Federal
Reserve System was placed in operation, as the
records clearly and abundantly show.




10

The huge increase in our money supply resulting from the imports of gold from abroad has been
greatly augmented by the money which has come
out of its hiding places, from old stockings and safe
deposit boxes and been placed in banks and in
circulation because of the new and increased confidence which everyone has felt since our Federal
Reserve System was started.
The first effect, therefore, of the opening of the
Federal Reserve Banks, as it concerns the farmer,
has been the decentralization of the huge accumulations of money which had been permitted to concentrate in the few great centers, and the transfer
of capital to these 12 reservoirs. From these 12
reservoirs the pipe lines already run to nearly 8,000
banks, where it is available for the use of every
farmer, storekeeper or business man whose fidelity
and industry and standing entitle him to credit.
This does not mean that the Federal Reserve Act
has placed money at the threshold of everyone who
asks for it, whether he is entitled to credit or not.
The trouble heretofore has been that men who
were in every way responsible, intelligent and
trustworthy, have in wide sections of the country
suffered severely, oftentimes because they could
get no accommodation from the banks or got it on
terms of interest and payment working silent ruin,
demoralization and despair. God Almighty alone
knows how many strong, capable, manly men have




11

had the strength and hope and power sapped from
them by unfair interest rates, how many promising
boys and girls have been deprived of opportunity
and driven to worthlessness and crime by the same
direful, inexorable power.
The latest official returns from the National
Banks of the United States show vividly how the
work of decentralization and distribution is progressing. I shall again impose on you a few more
figures in considering the condition of our National
Banks on September 12, 1916, as compared with
their status 4t]/2 months earlier, on May 1, 1916.
During this period the transfer of money from the
great centers to the country banks and to the interior cities has been especially noticeable. . In
these 4 ^ months, the deposits in the National
Banks of New York City were reduced 222 million
dollars, in Boston the reduction was 36 millions,
and in Philadelphia 13 millions. The aggregate reductions in seven or eight other reserve cities
amounted to 12 millions.
Coincidently with the reduction which has taken
place in the eastern money centers, the deposits in
the country banks and in the banks in other cities
in the interior and in the West and North and in
the South have shown enormous accumulations.
The growth of deposits in San Francisco since May
1st was over 35 millions; in Kansas City, 23 millions; in Pittsburgh, 21 millions; in Cleveland, 18




13

millions; in Omaha, over 14 millions; in Houston,
Texas, 8 millions; in Indianapolis, Columbus, Denver and Los Angeles, about 7 millions each. Milwaukee, Cincinnati, Richmond, Wichita and St.
Joseph show increases of about 5 million dollars
each in the deposits of their National Banks in this
brief period.
While such increases as these are shown in the
larger interior cities, the country banks in nearly
every State in the Union have increased heavily
their deposits. The figures, just compiled, tell us
that the growth in the deposits of the country
banks throughout the United States, outside the
Reserve cities, since May 1, 1916, has been such
that their deposits September 12, 1916, exceeded
by more than 294 million dollars the greatest deposits ever previously recorded.
Having shown you how the money of the country has already been brought within reach of the
farmer, has been and is being further decentralized
and distributed, I will next ask your attention to
certain specific provisions of the law which make it
practicable for the farmer to get in touch with the
money so distributed.
Section 13 of the Federal Reserve Act expressly
gives to every Federal Reserve Bank the right to
discount notes of all member banks secured by
wheat, corn, cotton and other staple agricultural
products; and although the ordinary commercial




13

notes of merchants cannot be discounted in the Reserve Banks if they run over 90 days, the notes and
bills of exchange drawn or used for agricultural
purposes or based on live stock can be discounted
at the Reserve Banks even though they should
have as much as six months to run. Any member
bank in good standing therefore can get money
from its Federal Reserve Bank, generally, at rates
lower than ever known before, for the six month
notes discounted for the farmers, whether advanced for the planting of his crops or based on live
stock or non-perishable products already grown.
Banks in different parts of the country are offering money in large sums to farmers at unusually
low rates of interest for the purchase of young cattle with the agreement that the loan shall be continued or renewed until the cattle can be fattened
and made ready for market. Every stock raiser
can understand the value of these opportunities to
get money on his cattle while they are in process
of making.
The Federal Reserve Banks, by standing ready
to discount at low rates to any reasonable extent
for their member banks the farmers' six months
paper, enormously facilitate the farmer in getting
money for the making of his crops and for raising
his live stock.
Aside from the questions of individual character and responsibility, it is hard to see why farm




u
products in the course of growth or manufacture or
finished, ready for sale, should not be as legitimate
security for loans as the merchant's goods on the
shelves waiting to be sold, or the goods in a factory in process of manufacture, or manufactured
goods awaiting orders from customers. Probably
it has happened that a farmer with his wheat or
his cotton stored, was unable to borrow on it, or
refused to pay excessive interest, while the miller
or the manufacturer on this same wheat or cotton
could borrow readily at low interest. This should
not be. It is poor business and vicious political
economy, because it is a sure fact that if the farmer
does not prosper and get his right share of the
products of his land and labor, the merchant's
goods will remain on the shelves and the manufacturer will find himself short of orders.
Beyond these, what I may call details, is the
broad general truth that the Federal Reserve Act
has assured, as I have tried to show you, a supply
of money sufficient to meet the requirements of
the country, and of every section of it, and at all
seasons, and that the proper administration of it
will protect all claims of the people against extortion; and will forbid the grasping from using for
their own advantage the necessities of their neighbors. The farmer is put on the same plane as the
business man. He is enabled to borrow according
to his industry and commercial standing because




15

his banks know exactly how and where to get the
money for him. It will not be possible hereafter
to have the money supply locked in the great centers to be used for speculation or gambling purposes, while the real producers and legitimate productive commerce are pinched or denied, perhaps
just at the time of their most important need.
The Federal Reserve System furthermore greatly benefits the farmer by providing a method by
which, when he has made his crops, he can borrow
money to enable him to hold them until he gets a
satisfactory market and can sell his products at
what he believes them to be worth. The Federal
Reserve Banks throughout the country have been
offering money to their member banks at the unprecedentedly low rate of 3 per cent on what they
term "commodity paper"—that is to say, on notes
secured by warehouse or terminal receipts for
wheat, cotton, tobacco, corn or other staple products. But this is done with the understanding that
the banks borrowing at this low rate must not
charge their customers on this paper more than 6
per cent per annum at the outside.
So it is that the Federal Reserve Act is benefitting the farmer by enabling him to borrow money
to make his crops, and then to borrow money when
he has harvested them in order to carry them until
he can obtain a satisfactory market. He is thus
enabled to use his own judgment and consult his




16

own convenience as to when he will sell what he
has made. He cannot be forced into a glutted
market or made to suffer for temporary sags in
prices. It changes him in a great measure from
the owner who must sell for the price the buyer
chooses to fix, to the owner who can hold for what
he thinks his goods are worth. It does not and
cannot interfere with the law of supply and demand. It does release the farmer of the pressure
to sell and leaves him free to study conditions for
himself and act on his own opinion.
The Federal Reserve Act now goes still further
and has given the National Banks of the country
authority to make five year loans on improved
farm property. This is the first time since the beginning of the National Banking system, half a
century ago, that the farmer has been able to borrow on the security of his farm from any National
Bank. The amount of money which National
Banks may now, at their discretion, lend on improved and unencumbered farm property is limited
to not more than one-third of their time deposits
or one quarter of their capital and surplus; but by
this provision, over 578 million dollars become
available for such loans.
The figures show the farmers of the country are
beginning to use this opportunity so recently provided for them. The total loans by National Banks
on farm property June 30, 1915, were reported at




17

25 million dollars; and on September 12, 1916, they
had increased to 48 million dollars and they grow
steadily. The character of the average American
farmer for conservatism and caution and his love
for his land are guarantees that he will try not to
use his new credit unwisely. He seems to me to
be a better investment than the speculator in stocks
whose collateral may be called gilt edged to-day
and waste paper next month. I am sorry to say
we come across relics of such shrinkages in the
banks sometimes, but happily not often.
On June 30, 1916, our National Banks were lending to their customers, on warehouse receipts secured by wheat, cotton, corn, tobacco and other
commodities, more than 124 million dollars, and on
September 12, 1916, this had increased to more
than 155 million dollars, about one-third of which
was based on cotton. Exactly how much of this
money is being loaned to farmers has not been definitely reported; but we do know definitely that the
farmers throughout the United States, as a result
largely of the operations of the Federal Reserve
Act, have been and are obtaining funds for making
their crops, for carrying their crops after they are
made until satisfactory prices are obtainable, and
also are borrowing money on their farms for development purposes or for the acquisition of new
land, on terms more favorable than ever known before in our history.




18

The Federal Reserve System does not, as I have
said, undertake to provide credit for those who do
not deserve it by character or financial responsibility, or both. It does go a long way toward assuring every business man, including the farmer,
that he shall not be deprived by any temporary or
permanent condition of the credit he has earned by
his right living, his intelligence and thought and
diligence.
The new System provides an abundant and ever
ready source for supplying money or credit to its
member banks and through them to farmer, merchant and business man. If the local member bank
should lack the funds to meet the wants of a farmer customer, it doesn't have to wait for an increase
in its deposits before it can grant the loan desired;
nor does it have to call in loans from other customers. It merely takes from its vault a batch of
notes acquired for loans made to farmers or others
and maturing in not more than six months—it
makes no difference whether these notes were
given to raise crops or to buy cattle for fattening—
and the little local bank then sends this paper to
its Reserve Bank. The Reserve Bank discounts the
paper at 3 or 4 per cent or whatever the prevailing rate may be at the time, and the money thus
received the local bank lends to its farmer client.
If the local bank lets the farmer have this money
at not over six per cent, and takes as security ware-




19

house receipts for wheat or cotton or other such
products, the local bank can have this paper rediscounted at the Reserve Bank at especially favorable rates, say 3 or 3y2 per cent.
There is no likelihood that the Reserve Banks
may not have funds to meet all needs of member
banks at any time. Whenever a Federal Reserve
Bank finds its funds running low, it can take the
paper received from farmers and merchants and
deposit it in trust with an officer connected with
each Federal Reserve Bank—the representative of
the Federal Reserve Board in Washington, known
as the Federal Reserve Agent—who is empowered
thereupon to deliver to the Federal Reserve Bank
an amount of Federal Reserve notes, which he receives under the law from the Comptroller of the
Currency, equal to the face value of the commercial or agricultural paper so deposited. As these
notes discounted for farmers or merchants are paid
off the local bank pays its Federal Reserve Bank,
and the Federal Reserve Bank deposits money with
the Federal Reserve Agent and so redeems or retires the Federal Reserve notes thus issued to it.
Each Federal Reserve note must be secured by
100 per cent, of discounted bills; and besides this,
each Federal Reserve Bank is required to keep a
supply of available gold on hand at all times equal
to at least 40 per cent of all outstanding notes. And
furthermore, the United States Government itself




20

stands behind every Federal Reserve note issued
by any one of the twelve Federal Reserve Banks.
The flexibility or elasticity of our currency is a
cardinal feature of the Federal Reserve System.
No longer do the business men dread the approach
of harvest as a time for tight money and falling
prices. The new system furnishes a volume of
money, expanding naturally to meet normal and
legitimate demands, and machinery for retiring it
when the need for it no longer remains.
As I have pointed out on other occasions, the
old, rigid and imperfect currency system which we
had long ago outgrown made our very prosperity
a danger, the diligence of the farmer and the fertility of the soil an annual threat and cause of
fright. The more abundantly kind Providence had
blessed us with great crops, the more alarm was
felt at financial centers at the drain on reserves required to move them. We had alternating chills
of fear and stagnation and deadly interest rates,
fevers of abundant and cheap money, over-confidence and desperate speculation. We had at one
time of the year gluts of money, heaped at the centers with nobody wanting or employing it; at another time such scarcity that legitimate business
was denied the means with which to move and the
best collateral went begging. The effect of that
was to increase and harden constantly and steadily
the concentration of financial power in a few places
and a few hands.




21

These unhealthy conditions which had called so
loudly and so long, but vainly, for reform were admitted by even the bankers themselves in the great
money centers. In a written statement to the Pujo
Committee just ten months before President Wilson attached his signature to the Federal Reserve
Act, Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. had claimed, to use
their exact language, that
"Such concentration as has taken place in
New York and other financial centers has been
due, not to the purposes and activities of men,
but primarily,,—mark you—"to the operation
of our antiquated banking system which automatically compels interior banks to 'concentrate' in New York City hundreds of millions
of reserve funds."
They added that, secondarily, the accumulations
in these centers were due to natural causes.
The American farmer, as a rule, deserves credit
at the banks, not only because he is the foundation
on which our entire commercial fabric is erected,
but because he pays his debts faithfully. He does it
not only because his instincts are honest, but because, more than any other class, he is tied to the
soil on which he lives and dependent on his reputation.
Some months ago I protested to a certain country bank against the rates of interest which it was
charging farmers, its sworn statement having con-




22

tained a list of 168 loans made during the preceding sixty days at rates ranging from 20 per cent, to
50 per cent. The Bank replied that the rates were
high because of the losses on that class of business.
"Practically all these small notes," said the banker,
"are chattel loans on which our loss is heavy, and
when the loss and expense of collection are deducted, our net revenue will not average over 10 per cent
or 12 per cent." I thereupon called for a detailed
statement of alleged losses, and found that his excuse was quite unfounded and that the total amount
charged off on account of losses of every kind for
the preceding five years had amounted to less than
$6,000; and that this same bank, during the preceding 15 years, had declared to its stockholders dividends amounting to an average of over 46 per cent
per annum for the entire period, on its original
capital.
I shall not weary you by enlarging at any length
upon the hardships which the farmers, especially,
have endured in the past because of their inability
to obtain loans or credit from banks on the one
hand, or because of the unjust and extortionate
rates which have been charged them over wide sections of the country for years past on the other
hand. I am happy to tell you that there have been
large sections of the country where the farmer has
been able to obtain on fair and reasonable terms
the credit which he has needed and he has pros-




23

pered accordingly. The farmers in those sections
know little of the hardships which have been endured by their fellow farmers in other regions. Of
course, those who have suffered most have been the
small farmers, the men who needed to borrow comparatively small sums of money to make their necessary crops.
I could show you from the records innumerable
cases where the small and struggling farmer in the
past has been made to pay from 25 per cent, to 100
per cent per annum for the small accommodation
he had to have from year to year. The difference
between 6 per cent and 60 per cent on a $300 loan
for one year is $162; and I do not have to explain
to this audience the comforts and blessings that just
that $162 would mean to a striving farmer with a
wife and little children to provide for. How much
in shoes, hats, school books, or food or forage. It
may represent just the margin between a grinding
privation and comfort.
While on a visit to my office not long ago a gentleman who had been Governor of the State in
which he resided, told me of an instance where a
farmer had borrowed about $100 to help raise his
crops, the loan being for less than a year; that the
bank had charged this farmer in addition to a heavy
rate of interest, $50 for the trouble of going out to
look at the land and for a few preliminaries to the
loan. I am sorry to say that instances of extortion




24

are not isolated, but that there have been thousands of them in some parts of the country.
Banks making these charges have been violating
the laws of their own States and the laws of the
United States, and it is not a surprise to me that in
trying to break up these irregular and unlawful
habits, I have incurred the wrath of some of these
violators of the law. I have been perfectly willing
to endure this unpopularity, feeling that in being
instrumental in any way in ending practices which
have been the source of so much misery and despair
to those who have deserved better treatment, I am
amply compensated.
It is with great satisfaction that I can announce
to you that as a result of the inauguration of
the Federal Reserve System and the determined efforts of the Comptroller of the Currency
to require the banks under his supervision to obey
the laws against usury and extortion, there has
been a general collapse in interest charges in those
sections of the country where the abuse was greatest, and a general disposition on the part of the
banks in all sections of the country to live within
the law.
Hundreds of banks have made perpendicular
drops from the excessive rates which they formerly
charged. Many that have been charging on some
of their loans as much as 50 per cent or 60 per cent,
are limiting their charges to the rates permitted by




25

the laws of their respective States. In other instances where 12 per cent or 15 per cent rates have
prevailed, borrowers are being accommodated at
6 per cent and 8 per cent. The reports received
from some of the small country banks in distant
districts indicate that they are adopting a conservative course, desiring to avoid the jar which might
result from too sudden a drop in rates, but that
they are moving in the right direction. One bank
testifies under oath that it has reduced its maximum from one per cent a day, or 360 per cent per
annum, to about one-third of one per cent per day,
or 109 per cent per annum! Another in the same
State reports that it has brought its maximum
rate from 300 per cent down to 30 per cent, and
other banks which heretofore have been charging
an average of from 18 per cent to 22 per cent on all
loans have come down to the legal rate of 10 per
cent authorized in their respective States.
It seems almost incredible, but one National
Bank reported to me under oath that it had been
charging an average of 36 per cent on all loans
made by it, while another declared that the average
rate which it received for all money loaned by it
was 40 per cent.
A great many farmers who had never known
what it was to borrow money below 12 per cent are
getting it at 6 per cent. The cashier of a National
Bank in the interior of Texas, which had been




26

charging excessive interest rates, recently in a letter to the Comptroller's office said:
"While it has been rather hard for us to get
down to the legal rate, I realize that you are
absolutely correct and I am sure that the
cheaper rate of interest will bring and is already bringing to this bank a large increase of
business. Your stand in this matter is entirely
commendable and we will do our best to uphold you in it."
The total loans made by all National Banks at
the time of the June, 1916, call amounted to 7679
million dollars. Despite the reduction which has
taken place in interest rates throughout the whole
country, the indications are that the earnings of the
National Banks for 1916, based on their returns for
the first six months, will be greater, both as to
gross and net, than they have been in any previous
year in their history. While the rates of interest
they are charging are lower, and while the farmers,
merchants and business men are deriving great
benefit from these reduced rates, the banks seem t o
be more than making up for the reduction in interest rates by their larger business. The National
Banks in September, 1916, were earning interest on
over $1,700,000,000 in excess of the amount they
were lending in June, 1913, before the passage
of the Federal Reserve Act. If we assume that
they are receiving for these additional loans a profit




27

of 3 per cent per annum, this interest alone would
add to their earnings over $50,000,000 a year.
The managers of hundreds of country banks have
admitted to me that their losses on loans to farmers have been strikingly small, amounting to a mere
fraction of one per cent of their aggregate loans;
and that, though he is not always punctual in meeting his notes at maturity, the farmers' loans, I am
assured, are about the safest that the banks ever
make. And yet up to this time, it has been the
farmer principally who has been paying the highest
kind of rates, and who has suffered most from excessive charges.
I think you will agree with me that wise and foreseeing statesmanship gives attention first to the
foundations, to secure their permanent stability.
While they are sound, the structure built on them
will be invincible against any storm or stress. In
this country we are beginning to be confronted by
the facts of a limited quantity of land, and much
of the land we have losing productive power annually because those who till it have not the means
to keep it up or improve it; and at the same time a
population steadily and swiftly increasing and
promising indefinite expansion by the mathematical processes of human reproduction. Let me show
you, for a moment, what land—old land cultivated
for a thousand or fifteen hundred years—can be
made to do.




28

We made last year in the United States 607 million bushels of wheat, an average of 12 bushels
per acre. If we, on our new land cultivated for an
average of probably less than 50 years, had gotten
the yield per acre which Great Britain secures on
her lands, some of which have been cultivated more
than 1,000 years, our wheat crop on the acreage
planted would have been 1600 million bushels, or
two and a half times our this year's yield. If we
had reached the efficiency in cultivation shown by
Germany in the production of oats, we would last
year have raised 2400 millions of bushels on the
same acreage from which we this year produced
1200 million bushels. Our rye crop could have
been made on 47 per cent of the acreage we planted
in rye if we had made the yield per acre that Belgium usually shows; and it can be no source of
pride to us to realize that Belgium was accustomed
to raise 120 million bushels of potatoes on the same
number of acres on which last year we produced
only 32 million bushels.
Having in mind present conditions, the probabilities of demand of the future, and the possibilities of
production, this administration has given much
thought and labor to improving the condition of
the American farmer and increasing his usefulness
to the world, while promoting his own comfort and
prosperity, by giving him every possible fair opportunity to increase his productive capacity.
You




29

have noticed that I spoke just now of the American
farmer's usefulness to "the world," not to the country. The words were used advisedly. I tell you
farmers, as I told the bankers at Kansas City the
other day, that we Americans have outgrown our
obligations to America. By force of our wealth,
our population, our enormous power—never excelled by any nation that ever lived—and our immunity from the devastation of a war that has smitten every other nation and enriched us, we have become responsible to the world, its leading and guiding influence; and all our thinking and planning
should include the entire planet. It is a responsibility that we cannot avoid if we would. For this
world work of ours, the farmer is the fundamental
source of strength. Therefore the Rural Credits or
Farm Loan measure has been added to the Federal
Reserve System.
The Federal Reserve Act enables the farmer to
get, at liberal rates, the money he needs temporarily to make his crops; and also the money he may
need to carry them for an advantageous market
after they are made. The Rural Credits measure
enables the farmer to borrow the more permanent
capital he needs to enlarge his operations or to
equip his farm with the machinery and buildings required for up-to-date operations; and furthermore
it enables him to do so at better interest rates than
he has ever known.




30

John Jones has a farm worth $10,000. He wishes
to put up a modern barn and silo, to run water
pipes into his home, establish a gasoline engine to
pump, saw wood, and churn. His efforts to borrow
in the past had been vain, though at one time
he came near getting a bank to lend him $5,000 for
20 years at 12 per cent. This man will soon be in
a position where he can get his $5,000 from the
Farm Loan Bank on a basis of paying interest at 5
per cent a year for 20 years with a small additional
payment on principal. At the end of the 20 years,
he will find his yearly payments of $80.24 per
$1,000, or $401.20 for $5,000, have not only covered
all interest costs, but that there has been accumulated a sinking fund which has also paid off his
principal, and he is entirely out of debt.
If he had taken the money originally from the
money lender at 12 per cent, he would have had to
pay $600 a year for twenty years, or a total interest
charge of $12,000; and at the end of that time
would have had to pay in addition the principal sum
of $5,000, making his total payments for principal
and interest $17,000.
The net result to this particular farmer, under
the new Farm Loan plan, is that he gets his $5,000
for new land and improvements, makes yearly payments of only $401.20, instead of $600—a saving
each year of $198.80—and at the end of twenty
years, instead of having to pay the $5,000 principal,




3.1

is handed a receipt in full and his canceled mortgage.
The Farm Loan plan is safe and profitable for
the Government; easy and most advantageous for
the farmer, giving him better opportunity than he
ever had, providing for his peculiar situation a peculiar, special and available basis for making the
money represented by his land an active and ready
force for enabling him to improve the value and
capacity of that land and of the farm.
Now, gentlemen, I have tried to cover the main
subject as comprehensively but as briefly as I could.
It is of enormous interest to us here and to every
student of our affairs and thinker on our future as
a people, and as individuals.
Published utterances of the last few days suggest
to me that I may interject here, near the close of
what I have to say, a brief statement that may be
regarded as almost personal. I see our President
in an address at Shadow Lawn tells the country
that the bankers, or certain bankers or some special
interests are after my official scalp because I, as the
Comptroller of the Currency, have enforced the
law. This is no surprise to me.
I know that I have been held up as a kind of
Ogre, a Raw-Head and Bloody Bones, a terror to
the banking and financial interests of the country.
Maybe the best answer to that may be found in the




32

records and indisputable facts, that the National
Banks of the country are to-day stronger and in
better condition than ever before; that they are
more numerous than when I became Comptroller;
are more prosperous, and show a smaller proportion of failures and losses than was ever known in
their history; and my office is receiving a steady
stream of applications for charters for new National
Banks and for permission to increase the capital of
the existing banks.
But I shall ask your permission to present here
an extract from a communication I wrote the Wall
Street Journal in April, last, in answer to certain
criticisms of my efforts to enforce the law.
In my letter referred to I said, in part:
"Probably many honest bankers had fallen
into the habit of using their own discretion as
to when the law should be twisted, evaded or
shaved a little for their own convenience or
that of their customers. Conscious of their
own good intentions, they are impatient of restraint and rigid regulations and enforcement
of the law. The obvious danger is that if men
of prudence and character are permitted to
stretch or ignore any part of the law, men
who are imprudent and of less character will
do likewise with results injurious to everybody.
As the law itself may not discriminate, so offi-




33

cers of the law are forbidden to discriminate.
When they undertake to be strict here and lax
there, they betray their trusts and take serious
chances of doing vast harm. It is like sanitary
regulations in a city. They are useless unless
applied universally. A best citizen permitted
to disregard them and intending no harm, may
infect his entire neighborhood and community."
My official scaip is not especially dear to me. My
business is to administer the law and to do justice,
and the law is justice put into words, as I understand them. I have had a somewhat stormy time
and have been an uncomfortably prominent target.
But always I have kept in mind some words spoken
by Patrick Henry in a little wooden church, on a
hill in my own town, about 141 years ago—"Is life
so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at
the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God!"
When I had recent occasion to address the bankers of the country at Kansas City, I talked along
somewhat the same lines on which I am talking to
you. I observe that some newspaper editors described my remarks as sophomoric, sounding more
like a college student than a business man appealing to hard-headed, trained business men. I do not
consider that exactly adverse criticism, however it
may have been intended. The enthusiasm, the gen-




34

erosity, the fine, clean thought and dreams and aspirations of the well bred and taught boy might become any of us and do much to enliven and electrify
and cleanse our considerations of our politics and
our plans for our country and people.
Such a boy would cherish the ideal of a time
when we here of this foremost nation of the nations
of the world may lay aside the sordid and the base
and work together faithfully to establish righteousness and justice, so that borrower and lender, producer and consumer, the people in the fields and
the people in the cities may be working and thinking together for the happiness, the peace, the prosperity and the advancement of all humanity.