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T HE U.S. F INANCIAL S YSTEM AND
M ACROECONOMIC P ERFORMANCE
James Bullard
President and CEO
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

Day with the Commissioner
119th Annual Arkansas Bankers Association
1 May 2009
Any opinions expressed here are mine and do not necessarily reflect those of other Federal Open Market Committeee members.

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T HE CLAMOR

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FOR REGULATORY REFORM

Historically important crises have resulted in regulatory reform.
The Panic of 1907 led to the founding of the Federal Reserve.
The Depression led to the enactment of Glass-Steagall in 1933,
creating the FDIC, and separating commercial from investment
banking.
The Thrift Crisis in the late 1980s led to the enactment of FDICIA
and “prompt corrective action.”
The collapse of Enron and Worldcom led to the enactment of
Sarbanes-Oxley.

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R EFORM LEGISLATION LIKELY

This look at history tells a clear story:
The current crisis is likely to lead to new, reform-oriented
legislation.
But ...
... what should the new legislation do?

T HE F ED ’ S R OLE

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A REFORM AGENDA

We are clearly in the middle of the largest financial crisis in a
generation.
First ask: Which aspects of the current regulatory system are
working well?
Learn from these.
Then ask: Which aspects are working poorly?
There are many suspects here!

Then: Design reform based on successful parts of the regulatory
system.
Keep in mind: Where can unintended consequences intrude?
... and there will always be unintended consequences.

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P LAN FOR THIS

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TALK

The nature of the crisis.
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A failure of financial engineering.
“Bank runs” on non-bank financial institutions.

Parts of the regulatory system work well.
Parts of the regulatory system work poorly, especially with
respect to large financial institutions.
How can we apply the lessons from the parts that work well?
The role of the Federal Reserve.

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A FAILURE OF FINANCIAL ENGINEERING

Securitization markets are in principle a good financial
innovation.
The initial success of mortgage-backed securities (MBS) masked
underlying problems.
By the time of failure, large quantities of MBS and related assets
were held globally.
Few major players escaped unscathed, suggesting few knew the
dangers.
Some parallels with other types of engineering failures.

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M ORE ON FAILED FINANCIAL ENGINEERING

The resulting shock to the global macroeconomy is large and
real.
There is no escaping the adjustment that must occur.
Government intervention cannot offset this large shock
completely, only mitigate some of the effects.
The design of the securities was the core problem: They did not
perform well in some states of the world.
Most reforms being discussed would do little to address this.

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“B ANK RUNS ”

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ON NON - BANKS

Bank runs have been a macroeconomic hazard for hundreds of
years.
Conceptualized as simultaneous withdrawal of deposits from a
depository institution.
Policy intervention:
Deposit insurance ...
... plus prudential regulation.

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M ORE ON “ BANK RUNS ”

This crisis has instead produced “runs” on non-bank,
non-depository institutions.
There was no regulation in place for this hazard, because it was
not generally viewed as a hazard.
Bear-Stearns, for instance, borrowed short-term, but against
collateral.
Deposit insurance does not solve this problem.
What to do?
Most reform suggestions do not address this problem either.
“Keep a closer eye on these guys” does not work.

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P ORTIONS

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OF THE REGULATORY SYSTEM WORK WELL

Bank regulation outside the largest financial institutions has
worked well during the crisis.
We do not see the small bank panic that characterized the
Depression, even though this is a big crisis.
The system of deposit insurance plus prudential regulation
solves that problem.

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M ORE ON SUCCESSFUL REGULATION

There are bank failures in the system, but they have not caused
market disruption.
Why the success?
The first component is good monitoring.
A fairly clear rating system is in place.
The monitoring system means that the regulator is aware of
which banks may fail and can prepare accordingly.

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M ORE ON SUCCESSFUL REGULATION

The second component is a clear and credible resolution regime.
Credibility means that all parties understand what will happen
in the event of bank failure.
The U.S. has a system for closing banks in a way that does not
damage others in the industry.
Conclude: Good regulation is good monitoring plus a clear,
credible resolution regime.
We can learn from the success of this system.

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W HAT THE SUCCESSFUL REGULATORY
STRUCTURE DOES

The system is not designed to “keep banks in business at all
costs.”
Nor is the system designed to tell owners how to run their
business.
The system in fact allows some failure to occur.
What it is designed to do is to turn potentially disorderly failures
into orderly failures.
The system succeeds here.

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L ESS - SUCCESSFUL REGULATION
The key problem areas in this crisis have been with large banks
and large non-bank financial firms.
These are often global enterprises.
The monitoring problem for these institutions is more difficult.
The bank component of the firm may be only a smaller piece of a
large conglomerate.
As a result, it was difficult to discern how these firms were
coping with the financial engineering failure.
Firms near failure might alert authorities only days before the
event.
So the first part of good regulation was missing: monitoring was
poor.

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RESOLUTION REGIME

In addition, the resolution regime is unclear.
So the second part of good regulation, a clear, credible resolution
regime, was also missing.
These firms are often considered “too big to fail” because of the
market disruption that might be caused.
The correct phrase is “too big to fail ... quickly.”
No firm is literally too big to fail.
Regulators may encounter fraud—for instance, as with Enron.
Some plan has to be in place to shut down the failed institution
in that case.

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D EFINING TOO BIG TO FAIL

What is meant by “too big to fail quickly”?
We want an orderly resolution regime that will close down the
failed firm without creating problems for the remaining firms in
the industry.
Ronald Feldman and my colleague Gary Stern emphasize that
this resolution regime must be credible.
Credible means that all parties understand what the regime is
and that it will indeed be employed in the event of failure.
The resolution regime then affects the entire equilibrium pricing
structure.

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C ORE PROBLEMS

What are the core problems relative to the successful part of the
regulatory structure?
Monitoring of large banks and non-bank financial firms is
difficult.
This has led to sometimes sudden revelation of problems at
major institutions.
Very disruptive.
Lack of a clear resolution regime has kept all parties guessing
what will happen next.
In the face of the financial engineering failure, the Fed has been
forced to improvise to try to work around these deficiencies.

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RESOLUTION REGIMES

Given the discussion, you may be surprised to learn that the U.S.
actually has a resolution regime for large non-bank financial
firms.
It is called “bankruptcy court.”
It often means reorganization instead of liquidation.
This has been considered inadequate for certain types of large
non-bank financial firms.
A simple reform would be to rewrite the bankruptcy code to
allow for special considerations that apply to financial firms.
This would not help us with the monitoring question: the filing
may still be “sudden.”

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S IZE LIMITATIONS
One simple approach that has been suggested might be to limit
the size of firms.
This would bring large financial institutions within a regulatory
framework which is robust and is known to work well, even in a
crisis.
Still, it is questionable whether size restrictions could be
adequately enforced.
The global aspect of these firms might also make this idea
difficult to implement.
A version of this would be to place a tax on firm size.
A tax does not seem to help either with monitoring or with
resolution.

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WITHOUT A RESOLUTION REGIME

The most common response to the situation has been that we
need more monitoring of large financial firms.
It is unclear what monitoring by itself can accomplish. We need
the resolution regime.
Monitoring can help authorities track which firms are likely to
fail.
It cannot do very much about poor business decisions.
Regulators are not going to have a better idea than business
leaders themselves as to which direction the firm should go in
order to be profitable.

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T HE LENDER OF LAST RESORT

The Fed is the nation’s lender of last resort.
If the Fed may be lending to institutions, it will need to have a
role in regulating those institutions.
Otherwise, the Fed will be unable to make a judgement on
whether to lend and under what terms.
The role of Fed lending in mitigating the current crisis has been
substantial.

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MONETARY AUTHORITY

The Fed also runs the monetary policy of the nation.
To perform this function effectively, the Fed needs to know the
condition of the financial system.
This also argues for a substantial Fed role in the regulation of
these firms.
The need to know the status of financial markets has been
underscored by recent events.

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RISK REGULATION

Should the U.S. have a systemic risk regulator?
Widely discussed in the wake of financial market turmoil.
The Fed has been the de facto systemic risk regulator.
Many financial market problems, whether under the official Fed
purview or not, have come to the Fed during this crisis.

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DEBATE

The debate on systemic risk regulation needs to be sharpened
substantially.
The definition of systemic risk regulation is far from clear.
A macro-prudential view: does the Fed already do this?
A narrower, institutional view: what new powers to assign?

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A MACRO - PRUDENTIAL VIEW

A macro-prudential view often emphasizes a regulator that
“takes everything into account.”
Coupled with monetary policy, it means taking everything into
account when setting interest rates.
I think the Fed already does this.
Certainly, policy debates in the last twenty years have discussed
bubbles in technology stocks and in housing prices.

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S YSTEMIC R ISK

Three important systemic calls by the Fed:
William Poole on GSEs.*
Gary Stern on “Too Big to Fail.”**
Ned Gramlich on subprime.***

*“Financial Stability,” 2002; “Housing in the Macroeconomy,” 2003; and “Reputation and the Non-Prime Mortgage Market,” 2007.
**Gary H. Stern, Ron J. Feldman, Too Big To Fail: The Hazards of Bank Bailouts, Brookings Institution Press, 2004.
***Edward M. Gramlich, Subprime Mortgages: America’s Latest Boom and Bust, Urban Institute Press, 2007.

T HE F ED ’ S R OLE

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VIEW

A narrower view would contain the idea that certain market
practices may need to be curtailed.
Alternatively, business practices at certain firms might need to be
discouraged, should they be viewed as systemically risky.
What is unclear is what powers a new regulator would need to
carry out these tasks.
How would firms operate, knowing that a particular practice
might be found “too risky” at some point in the future?
I do not think the answers are clear at this point.
The debate needs a much sharper focus.

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C ONCLUSIONS
For smaller banks, the U.S. regulatory system works well and is
robust during a crisis.
That system includes deposit insurance, high-quality monitoring
of banks, and a clear, credible resolution regime.
For large banks and non-bank financial firms, monitoring is
more difficult and the resolution regime is unclear.
Key improvements would be to develop a credible resolution
regime for large financial institutions, and to upgrade
monitoring.
The Fed’s lender of last resort and monetary policy functions
mean that it will have to remain closely involved in the
regulatory structure.
Systemic risk regulation has been widely discussed, but the
debate strikes me as too broad and unfocused at this point.