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* EMBARGOED UNTIL Tuesday, March 27, 2012 at 12:35 p.m. U.S. Eastern Time and 5:35 p.m. in London, England – or Upon Delivery *

“Avoiding Complacency:
the U.S. Economic Outlook,
and Financial Stability”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Remarks at the National Institute
of Economic and Social Research
London, England
March 27, 2012

Good evening. I would like to thank the National Institute of Economic and Social Research
for hosting this event. Given the economic and financial shocks that have buffeted the global
economy in recent years, I think it is particularly important to share perspectives across the Atlantic –
on the economic outlook, but also on the risks to both the outlook and financial stability.
I am honored to be sharing the stage with Adam Posen. I have long admired Adam’s
academic work and policy perspectives, and I am looking forward to discussions with Adam and his
colleagues at the Bank of England over the next several days.

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Of course, I would like to note that the views I express today are my own, not necessarily
those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors or the Federal Open Market
Committee (the FOMC).
Today I would like to begin with a discussion of emerging economic trends in the United
States, and then move into a discussion about opportunities to bolster stability in our financial
infrastructure. My theme throughout is the need to avoid complacency.
Recently released statistics are consistent with improved financial market conditions and
continued – albeit painfully slow – progress in labor markets. At the same time, the spending data
have been very weak. How should we reconcile these differences?
Focusing only on financial and labor market conditions, one might conclude that the recovery
is undeniably gaining traction – and that spending will improve as higher personal income and wealth
contribute to a reinforcing cycle that propels us toward full employment in the U.S. Alternatively,
focusing only on the weak spending data might lead one to conclude that the improvements in labor
markets and financial conditions are going to prove temporary, because the recent improvements are
probably unsustainable if the U.S. economy continues to grow at only a 2 percent rate.
It may take several quarters before we know which of these two perspectives is actually better
reflective of the U.S. economy today.
Beyond discussing the economic outlook in the United States, I would like to make a few
observations on financial markets. I’ll state my firm view that the actions taken by central banks
around the world – for example, engaging in foreign exchange swap line agreements and using less
traditional monetary policy tools – have been both appropriate and necessary.
However, many of these actions were ultimately necessary because supervisory and regulatory
frameworks were not sufficiently macro-prudential. By macro-prudential I am referring to a focus on
risks, vulnerabilities, or dependencies that potentially could affect the financial system as a whole –
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versus just the safety and soundness of individual institutions. Ideally, central banks should not need
to take actions to support continued financial intermediation, because financial institutions should be
sufficiently resilient to ensure that even unusual financial-market stress would not impair effective
intermediation. Recent events have highlighted that we remain far from achieving that goal.

The U.S. Economic Outlook
With that preview, let me begin with some thoughts on the U.S. economic outlook.
There have been positive trends in some recent economic data. U.S. financial market
conditions are clearly improving. Some of the recent improvements reflect the moderation or removal
of some significant, imminent, downside “tail” risks. At least for now, Europe seems to have avoided
the risk of a so-called “Lehman moment” – a risk that had seriously concerned investors.
The S&P 500 has risen roughly 9 percent since the beginning of the year, as shown in Figure
1. Risk gauges, such as spreads on bonds and credit default swaps (CDSs), have improved. Bond
issuance has been strong. U.S. financial markets have gathered steam and reflect increased optimism
about likely economic outcomes.
However, my enthusiasm is tempered by the challenges still facing Europe.
Forward-looking financial markets seem to be pricing in improved economic outcomes, and
there are some brightening signs, to be sure. Figure 1 shows that auto sales in the United States have
rebounded nicely, and consumer sentiment has improved significantly since last August. In addition,
payroll employment in the U.S. has been growing at a rate of 245,000 jobs a month over the past three
months. This should mean more disposable income, which coupled with increasing household wealth
(fueled by stock market gains), should be consistent with an improved outlook for spending.
However, when we focus solely on the incoming spending data, the outlook appears less
robust. Since the start of the recovery, what we call real final sales – that is, domestically produced
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goods and services (net of inventories, which can swing significantly from quarter to quarter) – have
been growing at only 1.7 percent, as shown in Figure 2. Furthermore, my forecast for the first quarter
of this year would be for real final sales to grow at roughly 2 percent, only slightly better than the
average during the U.S. recovery to date.
Figure 3 highlights two distinctive features of this recovery – unusually weak residential
investment, despite very low interest rates; and an extended decline in state and local government
spending.
The health of the U.S. housing market has been hampered by significant declines in housing
prices, very elevated foreclosures, and a large inventory of vacant homes. As a result, residential
investment – which normally grows quite rapidly during a recovery – has not provided its customary
overall boost to the economic recovery. While some tentative signs of an improving housing sector
have emerged, for the reasons I just mentioned it is likely to be subdued relative to historical
experience.
Also, state and local government spending has been unusually weak during this recovery. The
severity of the recession, combined with the fall in home values that are the basis for many local
government tax revenues, have forced substantial cuts in state and local spending. It is worth noting
that in the U.S., state and local government spending accounts for a larger share of GDP than does
federal government spending: 11.7 percent of GDP, compared to 8.0 percent for federal spending.
State and local budgets will remain under stress as governments face increasing demands on
their resources, such as addressing significant shortfalls in certain areas (for example employee
pensions). At the same time, federal government spending is expected to be cut significantly, making
government spending as a component of GDP a challenging aspect of the economic outlook in the
United States.

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So, despite some good production data and the optimism seen in financial markets, the
spending data are consistent with real U.S. GDP growth over the course of 2012 of only 2.5 percent –
which unfortunately is only fast enough to make modest headway at reducing the unemployment in
our labor market.
Given the very modest recovery to date, it is surprising that the unemployment rate, depicted
in the recent downward trend in the line in Figure 4, has shown as much improvement as it has. The
current unemployment rate of 8.3 percent represents a decline from 9.1 percent over the past six
months, despite only modest growth in spending.
However, while the unemployment rate has declined, there has not been much improvement in
the important ratio of employment to population, shown in Figure 5.
Of course aggregate employment-to-population ratios are impacted by demographic changes –
for example the aging of the “baby boom” generation in the U.S. To explore the role that recent
demographic changes might have played on the movement of the employment-to-population series,
Figure 6 shows the same concept for particular age cohorts that are less likely to be impacted by
demographics over the short term. The employment-to-population ratio in age groups where the
attachment to working should not have changed shows a pattern very similar to that of the ratio as a
whole.
So part of the decline in the unemployment rate is resulting from workers leaving the labor
force. Furthermore, only in recent months has the employment-to-population ratio improved and the
payroll employment growth clearly exceeded the normal growth rate of the labor force. So the U.S.
remains well below the employment levels that would be viewed as consistent with the maximum
sustainable employment aspect of the Federal Reserve’s so-called dual mandate.
The other element of the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate is inflation. Figure 7 charts two
primary measures of inflation – total personal consumption expenditure inflation, and core personal
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consumption expenditure inflation (which excludes the volatile food and energy categories). Core
PCE inflation – again excluding food and energy – has remained below the Federal Reserve target of
2 percent throughout the recovery. Total PCE inflation, including food and energy, is slightly above 2
percent, but has diverged from core prices when commodity prices such as oil have spiked up or
declined substantially. As the figure shows, however, the more volatile total measure tends over time
to revert to the level of core inflation.
With the recent spike in oil prices, it is likely that total PCE inflation will rise further, but this
increase is likely to be temporary, reflecting volatile oil price movements. For 2013 my own forecast
is for both total PCE and core PCE inflation to be below 2 percent, although this forecast assumes that
Middle East tensions do not result in another sharp spike in oil prices.
Another potential inflationary concern has been raised by the swelling of the Federal
Reserve’s balance sheet that occurred as we purchased assets to advance monetary policy goals. But
Figure 8 shows that commercial real estate lending is still declining – and while commercial and
industrial lending has increased, it has yet to return to its level at the beginning of the recession. What
this means it that by and large, the expansion of the Fed’s balance sheet has not turned into a
significant increase in the supply of money, because banks have not been lending out their holdings of
excess reserves. So the expansion of reserves that occurred in 2008 as the Fed expanded its balance
sheet has not been inflationary, given the subdued bank lending environment.
Indeed, bank lending has been quite modest despite a relatively rapid improvement in bank
capital ratios in the United States. This should give some European analysts pause, as the experience
in the U.S. (as well as the earlier Japanese experience) suggests that the constraints on bank lending
due to the recent financial problems in Europe may be more long-lasting than some are expecting.
In summary, while recent financial-market and labor-market data in the U.S. have been
encouraging, spending data remain disappointing. Like many forecasters, I expect higher real GDP
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growth as the year progresses. But I would caution that I and many others held a similar view at the
beginning of 2010 and 2011.
If real GDP does not grow more rapidly and unemployment remains at its current
unacceptably high level, monetary policy may need to be more accommodative. The U.S.
unemployment rate remains well above a level that could be considered full employment, while we
are likely to undershoot our inflation targets. Together these factors provide room for flexibility in
the response of monetary policy as we receive additional information on current economic conditions.

Challenges in Bank Funding
Despite the improvements we are seeing in the U.S. economy, a number of significant risks
and challenges remain. One involves geo-political risks, which have already caused oil prices to rise
more than most non-energy commodity prices. Any further significant increase in energy prices
would be an additional impediment to faster growth. Another involves the unsustainable budget
deficits that many countries, including the United States, currently have. The challenge, I believe, is
that greater fiscal responsibility must be implemented in a way that does not threaten tentative
economic recoveries. A third risk is the continued fragility in our financial infrastructure – a situation
that can substantially amplify other economic problems. It is this third risk that I would like to touch
upon today.
The economic slowdown that began in the United States several years ago went from being a
mild event led by housing-related problems to being a much more severe and long-lasting economic
downturn. This was, in part, because of the architecture of the financial sector.1 Today I would like
to highlight one particular potential structural flaw in the financial architecture – the dependence on
short-term funding.

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This past financial crisis was a primer on vulnerabilities to short-term funding. Specifically,
wholesale funding utilized by large global banks dried up during the financial crisis. As large banks
sought to reduce their exposure to counterparties of concern, the term of loans made in the
marketplace decreased, and the cost of short-term credit spiked.
And many of the problems were occurring outside of traditional depository institutions. Bear
Stearns and Lehman Brothers were investment banks, not commercial banks. As counterparties
dramatically reduced both unsecured and secured lending to these two entities, funding was no longer
available and the firms failed.
Similarly, money market mutual funds with exposures to investment banks in many cases
required support from parent or sponsoring entities. And one fund without parental support – the
Reserve Primary Fund – sustained a credit loss that would ultimately lead to its liquidation. This led
to a run on prime funds, which in turn further impaired short-term credit markets.
As Figure 9 shows, the money market mutual fund industry held $3.5 trillion in assets under
management in mid September 2008. Prime funds, which hold a mix of Treasury and agency
securities and other short-term debt instruments (including commercial paper and large certificates of
deposit), held nearly 60 percent of industry assets, or $2.1 trillion.
When the Reserve Primary Fund “broke the buck,” outflows from prime funds totaled roughly
$500 billion over a four-week period. Although much of the outflow went into government money
market mutual funds (which hold only Treasury and agency securities, and repurchase agreements
backed by such securities), these inflows did little to ease the strains being felt in the corporate
funding markets resulting from the exit from prime funds.2
U.S. money market funds are thought of and marketed as highly liquid, low-risk investments
with many of the same characteristics as traditional bank deposits. As a result, money market fund
investors and money market fund managers should be highly sensitive to changes in underlying risks.
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The crisis in autumn of 2008 taught us that safeguarding against runs on financial entities like money
market funds – entities that do not have a large, stable, core deposit base and do not have ordinary
access to the central bank’s “lender of last resort” function – was and is important, unfinished work if
we are to have a more stable financial system.
A number of significant reforms are being contemplated by the U.S. Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC) to reduce the risks surrounding money market funds. But even with significant
reforms such as these – reforms, by the way, that I am highly supportive of and will say more about at
a conference in Atlanta in two weeks – money market funds will continue to be a potentially unstable
source of U.S. dollar funding. From a financial stability perspective, we need to recognize the
possibility of a deterioration in the ability or willingness of the money market funds to keep providing
a dependable source of funds to counterparties (for example, the issuers of commercial paper that the
funds purchase). This could occur as a result of a change in the risk profile of those counterparties.
Wholesale funding issues also played an important role in recent European banking problems.
Some European banks were too dependent on wholesale funding, particularly funding coming from
U.S. money market funds.
Figure 10 shows the European exposure of U.S. prime money market funds over the past year.
Given the changes in the risk profile of some banks, as a result of increases in sovereign debt risk,
money market funds have sought to reduce what was their large risk exposure to European financial
institutions. Most money market funds in the beginning of 2011 had already dramatically reduced
exposure to peripheral financial institutions. Over the second half of last year there was a very
significant decline in exposure to euro-zone financial institutions. (In addition, remaining exposure
was shortened in tenor, meaning time to maturity). Figure 10 highlights the declines across Europe
and Figure 11 shows the decline over the course of 2011 more specifically by certain countries.

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Because U.S. money market funds had been a significant source of short-term funds for
European institutions, money funds’ move away from short-term European debt resulted in a
significant shortage of dollar funds available to these institutions. I will show you some market
indicators of these shortages in a moment.
No money market fund encountered a problem meeting investor redemptions during the
European sovereign debt crisis3. But even without such a problem, money market funds still had an
impact on the availability of credit to financial institutions for which the perception of risk had
changed.
Problems with financial stability do not require a failure to create a significant disruption in
the flow of credit. In light of the incentives facing money market funds, financial institutions that rely
heavily on them for funding put themselves in a position where a short-term change in perceived risk
can create significant funding problems. And as we have seen repeatedly over the past several years,
funding problems at one institution can quickly spread to the financial system as a whole.
Figure 12 highlights that funding challenges for European banks were developing as money
market funds reduced their European exposures. The rise in the LIBOR to OIS spread4 indicates that
financial institutions became more concerned about lending to each other as money market funding
declined. Similarly, the sharp rise in the rates on the 3-month euro-dollar foreign exchange swap
indicates the pressure exerted by reduced dollar funding from the money market funds on European
financial institutions’ funding.
In short, the rational reaction of money market funds to perceived changes in risk – reducing
European exposure – led to various funding pressures. The issues eventually were addressed by
central bank actions that significantly expanded liquidity, both through foreign exchange swaps and
through European Central Bank (ECB) term lending to European institutions. While these actions
have been very important for stabilizing financial markets, I believe we need to get to the point of
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having a more resilient financial infrastructure that does not require central bank interventions during
times of stress.
For financial institutions and supervisors this implies thinking more carefully about stress
scenarios, and specifically about whether critical funding will evaporate when it is needed most.
While Basel Capital Accord proposals will help in this respect, I would strongly suggest that stresstesting scenarios assess how well risk-sensitive sources of short-term funding will hold up in an
environment of heightened risk. This liquidity-focused assessment would be an important
complement to current stress testing, and a prudent aspect of risk management.

Concluding Observations
In summary and conclusion, I would re-emphasize that financial-market and economic
conditions have been improving since the start of the year. Central banks have played an important
role in encouraging more economic growth. In the United States, accommodative monetary policy
has been essential to improving financial conditions, but growth remains disappointingly slow to date,
and significant downside risks remain. Should growth slow down more than is expected, more policy
accommodation could be advisable.
Even if growth should improve more than expected in the U.S., the country will likely remain
far from what anyone would consider full employment – so in my view policy accommodation should
only be removed once it is clear that the Fed’s dual mandate can be achieved within a reasonable
period of time.
As with monetary policy, work remains to be done to improve financial stability. Today I
have highlighted one area that deserves more attention – ensuring that we reduce the risk of
disruptions to credit flows that result from wholesale short-term funding problems, and that require
central bank intervention.
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Thank you again for inviting me to speak with you today.

1

For more information see prior speeches including “Global Financial Intermediaries: Lessons and Continuing
Challenges”, “Towards Greater Financial Stability in Short-Term Credit Markets”, and “Defining Financial Stability, and
Some Policy Implications of Applying the Definition” [available at:
•
•
•

http://www.bostonfed.org/news/speeches/rosengren/2011/101911/index.htm,
http://www.bostonfed.org/news/speeches/rosengren/2011/092911/index.htm, and
http://www.bostonfed.org/news/speeches/rosengren/2011/060311/index.htm, respectively].

2

For more information on this aspect of the financial crisis, see a forthcoming article in The Journal of Finance entitled
“How Effective Were the Federal Reserve Emergency Liquidity Facilities? Evidence from the Asset-Backed Commercial
Paper Money Market Mutual Fund Liquidity Facility”, by Burcu Duygan-Bump, Patrick M. Parkinson, Eric S. Rosengren,
Gustavo A. Suarez, and Paul S. Willen; and the related working paper of the same title and authorship, available at
http://www.bostonfed.org/bankinfo/qau/wp/2010/qau1003.pdf.
3

MMMF investors are shareholders, not depositors.

4

LIBOR refers to the London Interbank Offered Rate, and OIS to Overnight Index Swap rate.

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EMBARGOED UNTIL TUESDAY, MARCH 27, 2012 AT 12:35 P.M. U.S. EASTERN TIME AND 5:35 P.M. IN LONDON; OR UPON DELIVERY

Avoiding Complacency: The U.S.
Economic Outlook and Financial Stability
Eric S. Rosengren
President & CEO
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston

National Institute of Economic and
Social Research
London, England
March 27, 2012
EMBARGOED UNTIL TUESDAY, MARCH 27, 2012 AT 12:35 P.M. U.S. EASTERN TIME AND 5:35 P.M. IN LONDON; OR UPON DELIVERY

Figure 1
U.S. Auto Sales, Consumer Sentiment,
and Stock Market Indexes
August 2011 - February 2012

Index Level August 2011 = 100
140
Consumer Sentiment Index
130

Auto and Light Truck Sales
S&P 500 Composite Index

120

110

100

90
Aug-2011

Sep-2011

Oct-2011

Nov-2011

Dec-2011

Jan-2012

Feb-2012

Source: University of Michigan, Bureau of Economic Analysis, Wall Street Journal / Haver Analytics

Figure 2
Growth in Real Final Sales
Following Most Recent Recession
2009:Q3 - 2011:Q4

Percent Change at Annual Rate
5
4
3
2

1.7% Average Growth
over Recovery

1

0
-1
2009:Q3

2010:Q1

2010:Q3

2011:Q1

2011:Q3

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, National Bureau of Economic Research / Haver Analytics

Figure 3
Growth in Real Residential Investment and
State and Local Government Spending
1970:Q1 - 2011:Q4
Percent Change from Year Earlier
60

1

Real Residential
Investment

40

1

20

1

0

0

-20

0

-40
1970:Q1

0
1975:Q1

1980:Q1

1985:Q1

1990:Q1

1995:Q1

2000:Q1

2005:Q1

2010:Q1

Recession

Percent Change from Year Earlier
10

1

Real State and Local
Government Spending

1

5

1
0

0

0

-5
1970:Q1

0
1975:Q1

1980:Q1

1985:Q1

1990:Q1

1995:Q1

2000:Q1

2005:Q1

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, National Bureau of Economic Research / Haver Analytics

2010:Q1

Figure 4
Civilian Unemployment Rate
January 2000 - February 2012

Percent
12

1

10

1

8
1

6
0

4
Range of Longer-Run Projections of Federal Reserve
Board Members and Federal Reserve Bank Presidents

0

2

0
Jan-2000

0

Jan-2002

Jan-2004

Jan-2006

Jan-2008

Recession

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Federal Reserve Board / Haver Analytics

Jan-2010

Jan-2012

Figure 5
Employment-to-Population Ratio
January 2000 - February 2012

Percent of Population Age 16 Years and Older
66

1

64

1

62

1

60

0

58

0

56
Jan-2000

0

Jan-2002

Jan-2004

Jan-2006

Jan-2008

Jan-2010

Recession

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, National Bureau of Economic Research / Haver Analytics

Jan-2012

Figure 6
Employment-to-Population Ratio
for Selected Age Groups
January 2000 - February 2012

Percent of Age Group
84

1

80
1

76

Age 25-34 Years
1

72
68

0

Age 20 - 24 Years

64

0

60
56

0

Jan-2000

Jan-2002

Jan-2004

Jan-2006

Jan-2008

Jan-2010

Recession

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, National Bureau of Economic Research / Haver Analytics

Jan-2012

Figure 7
Inflation Rate: Change in Total and Core Personal
Consumption Expenditure (PCE) Price Indexes
January 2000 - January 2012

Percent Change from Year Earlier
5

1

PCE

4

1

3
1

2
0

1
Core PCE (Excluding Food and Energy)
0

0
-1
Jan-2000

0

Jan-2002

Jan-2004

Jan-2006

Jan-2008

Jan-2010

Recession

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, National Bureau of Economic Research / Haver Analytics

Jan-2012

Figure 8
Bank Lending and Capital Ratios at
U.S. Commercial Banks and Savings Institutions
2007:Q4 - 2011:Q4
Index Level 2007:Q4 = 100
110
100
90
Total Loans
Commercial and Industrial Loans

80

Commercial Real Estate Loans
70
2007:Q4

2008:Q4

2009:Q4

2010:Q4

2011:Q4

2009:Q4

2010:Q4

2011:Q4

Percent
10
Core Capital (Leverage) Ratio
9

8
7
6
2007:Q4

2008:Q4

Source: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) / Haver Analytics

Figure 9
U.S. Money Market Mutual Fund
Assets Under Management
September 12, 2006 - March 6, 2012

Trillions of Dollars
4.0
Total

3.0
Prime Funds

2.0

1.0
Lehman fails (Sep 15)
The Reserve Primary Fund breaks the buck (Sep 16)

0.0
12-Sep-2006

11-Sep-2007

Source: iMoneyNet

9-Sep-2008

8-Sep-2009

7-Sep-2010

6-Sep-2011

Figure 10
European Exposure of U.S. Prime
Money Market Mutual Funds
December 2010 - December 2011

Billions of Dollars

1,200

Other Europe
Euro Zone

1,000
800

600
400
200

0
Dec-2010

Feb-2011

Apr-2011

Jun-2011

Source: SEC Form N-MFP, Federal Reserve Board Staff

Aug-2011

Oct-2011

Dec-2011

Figure 11
Selected Country Exposure of U.S. Prime
Money Market Mutual Funds
December 2010 - December 2011

Billions of Dollars

350
Italy
Spain
France

300
250
200
150
100
50

0
Dec-2010

Feb-2011

Apr-2011

Jun-2011

Source: SEC Form N-MFP, Federal Reserve Board Staff

Aug-2011

Oct-2011

Dec-2011

Figure 12
European Exposure of U.S. Prime Money Market
Mutual Funds and Dollar Funding Pressures
December 2010 - January 2012

Basis Points

Percent

140

Prime Fund European Exposure
(Right Scale)

120
100

55
50
45

80

40

3-Month Euro-Dollar FX Swap Basis
(Left Scale)

60

35

40

30

20

3-Month LIBOR-OIS
(Left Scale)

0
Dec-2010

Feb-2011

Apr-2011

Jun-2011

Aug-2011

Oct-2011

25
20

Dec-2011

Source: SEC Form N-MFP, Federal Reserve Board Staff, British Bankers’ Association, Deutsche Bundesbank,
Financial Times, Bloomberg / Haver Analytics