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Statement by

Arthur F. Burns

Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

before the

Committee on Banking and Currency

House of Representatives

March 30, 1973

I am pleased to appear before this Committee in my capacity
as Chairman of the Committee on Interest and Dividends.

In that

capacity, I have certain responsibilities under the Economic
Stabilization Act.

Let me therefore state at the outset that I strongly

support extension of the Act for another year.
Our economy is experiencing at present a robust upsurge
in production and employment.

Over the past year, industrial

output has risen by 10 per cent, and 2-1/2 million additional persons
have found employment in our nation's factories, shops, service
enterprises, and governmental offices.

These gains in employment

and production have reduced substantially the margins of unused
labor and capital.

Skilled labor is already in relatively short

supply in some lines of activity, and many manufacturing plants
are now operating at or near their practical capacity.

Increasing

numbers of business firms are experiencing delays in the delivery
of raw materials or component parts; and in some industries,
inventories of finished goods have been reduced below desired
levels by surging customer demands.
We may reasonably expect the expansion of real output to
continue over the months immediately ahead, in response to the
rapid pace of consumer spending and to business demands for
additional inventory and for increased long-term capital investment.

A continuing expansion in output and employment is needed if we are
to make further progress, as I believe we will, in reducing unemployment.

Nevertheless, a major objective of monetary and fiscal policies

in 1973 must be to slow down the growth of real output to a pace that
is sustainable over the longer run.

If the rate of real expansion does

not moderate relatively soon, pressures on wage rates and prices will
intensify, imbalances will develop, and conditions will be fostered that
could lead in time to a downturn in economic activity.
I am convinced that our battle to curb inflation, and to establish
the basis for a lasting prosperity, can be won.

Prudent monetary and

fiscal policies are essential to achieving that objective, and signs are
multiplying that such policies will in fact be followed.

The pace of

monetary expansion has moderated significantly in recent months,
and the President has just reaffirmed his determination to keep
Federal spending within targeted budget levels.

In dealing with the

current inflationary problem, it would be inappropriate, however, to
rely exclusively on governmental efforts to moderate the pace of
aggregate demand.
A significant part of the rise in wage rates and prices over
recent years has stemmed from sources other than the pressures
of excess demand.

The structure of our modern economy —in

particular, the power of some large corporations and trade unions
to raise prices and wage rates above the levels that would prevail

under conditions of active competition--exposes us to inflationarytroubles that cannot readily be solved with monetary and fiscal
tools alone.

This problem is not confined to the United States.

Other nations are experiencing similar and, in many cases, more
pronounced difficulties with cost-push inflation.
The best way to combat inflationary forces that are structural
in origin is to improve the functioning of labor and product markets,
so that wage rates and prices of commodities and services behave
more nearly as they would in a freely competitive system.

Such

improvements in our economy are badly needed, but the path to
meaningful reform is long and arduous.

I reluctantly conclude,

therefore, that there is need for continuing legislative authority
to permit some direct controls over wages and prices.
Our efforts to curb upward wage and price pressures
through direct governmental intervention have undergone a natural
evolution since August 1971.

First came the shock therapy of a

virtually complete wage-price freeze; next came a phase in which
most sectors of the nonfarm economy were subjected to mandatory
controls and explicit requirements with regard to prenotification,
reporting, and policing; finally, the program was altered to allow
greater freedom in private decision-making and to place more
reliance on self-discipline in abiding by rules of appropriate
behavior.

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A gradual move towards greater flexibility was, I believe,
a necessary and desirable characteristic of the control program, and
the Congress acted wisely in providing the broad legislative authority
that would allow the program to respond to changing economic
conditions.

With the passage of time, any rigid system of controls

leads to some economic inefficiency and distortion, to some misallocation of resources, to increasing administrative burdens, and
to growing inequities.

In the end, incentives to constructive

innovation and enterprise are damaged, and the basis for economic
prosperity may be seriously weakened.
Recent sharp increases in major price indexes have given
rise to concern that the move to Phase III in early January was
inappropriately timed and perhaps unjustified.

A careful reading

of recent price movements, however, indicates that much of the
recent worsening in the rate of inflation is not really connected with
the transition from Phase II to Phase III.

By far the most disturbing

development has been the skyrocketing cost of meats, grains, and
other food products.

These increases have reflected special factors.

The demand for foodstuffs has expanded sharply both here and abroad
during the past year, while supplies have been adversely influenced
by weather conditions.

Similarly, the sharp rise over recent months

either at the consumer or wholesale level--over the next month or
two.

The critical questions about Phase III are these: Will it

succeed in holding down wage gains in major bargaining contracts
to reasonable amounts this year?

Will the pace of wage rate

increases in nonunionized industries conform to the guidelines?
Will increases in the prices charged by large firms be held within
limits that are clearly justified by rising costs?

These questions

cannot be answered confidently at present.
I would urge the Congress, therefore, not to write into
the Economic Stabilization Act a specific form of control for this
or that sector of the economy in which price behavior is most
troublesome at the moment.

It would be wiser to maintain

flexibility in the legislative mandate, so that new factors and
conditions may be dealt with administratively as they emerge.
I believe also that administrative flexibility is by far the best
course in the field of interest rates, which up till now have been
subjected to restraints under the voluntary program supervised
by the Committee on Interest and Dividends.
Since its inception, the efforts of the Committee to hold
down interest rates have focused on institutional lending rates,
often termed "administered" rates.

These interest rates are

in. prices of internationally traded commodities, especially industrial
materials, stems from world-wide shortages of supply relative to
burgeoning world demand.

The recent devaluation of the dollar will

undoubtedly bring some further increases in the prices of imported
goods.
The Administration has already taken a number of steps to
relieve upward price pressures on strategic commodities, and further
measures are being considered by the Cost of Living Council.

Import

restrictions have been eased for meats and fuel, substantial sales from
the government's stockpile of materials are being planned, and farmers
have been encouraged to expand their plantings of crops and their
grazing operations.

The production of wheat, soybeans, and feed

grains should, therefore, be substantially larger this year, and once
prices of animal feeds ease, meat supplies will also tend to expand.
Meanwhile, the ceiling on meat prices announced last evening by the
President will help tremendously in curbing the rise in food prices.
The index of food prices will therefore taper off, although some increases
in the prices of consumer foods may still occur over the next few months.
In my judgment, the doubts that are now being expressed
about Phase III cannot be resolved by focusing attention on the
behavior of prices during the past two or three months.

Nor will

the effectiveness of Phase III in moderating cost-push pressures
on prices be indicated conclusively by the behavior of prices--

administered in the sense that they change on the basis of
institutional decisions.

Traditionally, they have been less volatile

than market interest rates.

One reason

for the smaller fluctuation

of institutional rates is that to some degree they reflect relatively
inflexible costs—items such as overhead, advertising, and rates
of return paid on some types of funds.

Another reason is that the

policies of institutional lenders commonly reflect longer-run
considerations, such as the maintenance of favorable relationships
with their borrowing customers,
Institutional lending rates must be distinguished sharply
from the interest rates that are set in the open and highly competitive
market for securities.

In this market, interest rates change

continuously in response to the shifting needs, preferences, and
attitudes of large numbers of individual lenders and borrowers.
In the upward phase of the business cycle, market interest rates
usually tend to rise as credit demands grow, particularly when
inflationary expectations are being generated by advances in costs
and prices.

In a weakening economy, on the other hand, market

interest rates tend to fall.
Short-term market interest rates, after rising about 2
percentage points in the course of 1972 from their early-year lows,

have increased from 1 to 1-1/2 percentage points further thus far
in 1973.

These increases reflect the vigor of the recent expansion

of our economy and the greatly increased demand for money and
credit accompanying this expansion.

Longer-term market interest

rates--those on corporate, State, municipal, and Treasury
securities--have shown a much less marked upward movement;
they were essentially stable during 1972, on balance, and have
risen by less than one-half percentage point so far this year.
Moreover, interest rates of all types--short as well as long,
market as well as institutional--are still well below the peaks
reached in 1969 and early 1970.
The Committee on Interest and Dividends realized from the
start that it would be both fruitless and counterproductive to attempt
to interfere with market interest rates.

Any effort to keep such

rates artificially low in a strong economy could have disastrous
inflationary consequences,

For the only means of balancing supplies

of lendable funds with the demands for them, in such an environment,
would be to keep creating additional supplies of credit through
monetary expansion.

Hence, the Committee has not sought to

influence market interest rates in any way.

The Committee has,

however, devoted close attention to institutional interest rates, and

has worked energetically to see to it that the rates set administratively
by our lending institutions are kept at the lowest practicable levels
consistent with the movements in market rates generally.
The Committee's initial objective was to encourage financial
institutions to reduce lending rates more promptly than in the past
as the cost of funds to the institutions declined.

This was consistent

with the philosophy of the economic stabilization program, which
called on all segments of our society—business firms and wage
earners alike--to forego for the sake of the general welfare some of
the earnings that they might otherwise have realized.

More recently,

as short-term market rates have surged upward, some institutional
lenders—particularly the larger banks—have found the cost of the
funds that they acquire, as well as the general cost of their operations,
going up sharply.

But the main principle that needs to be observed

by the financial institutions in the new situation remains unchanged:
any increase in interest rates on their loans should be fully justified
by the costs that the institutions incur in obtaining lendable funds.
The Committee has stressed from the beginning the importance
of holding down the interest rates that matter most to American
families--that is, the rates paid for home mortgage loans and
consumer credit.

The Committee has also urged banks to exercise

-10-

restraint in adjusting the interest rate charged on loans to prime
business customers, since this rate tends to influence — especially
in the larger banks--the entire lending rate structure,

On

February 23 the Committee specifically suggested that increases
in interest rates on business loans should be decidedly less than
for open market rates; that adjustments should be delayed until it
became clear that the increase in open market rates was not merely
a temporary phenomenon; and that, if any rise in the prime rate
occurred, special moderation should be observed in any adjustments
of interest rates charged to small businesses and farmers as well
as to homebuyers and consumers.
The Committee on Interest and Dividends recognizes, of
course, the need to take account of changes that occur in the underlying circumstances of financial markets.

In the last week of 1972

and in February 1973, the prime loan rate charged by many banks
was lifted, first to 6 and then to 6-1/4 per cent.

But short-term

market interest rates were rising still more rapidly, under the
pressure of strong short-term credit demands from business.
With the prime rate lagging behind, virtually all of the enlarged
credit demand fell on banks.

Business loans at banks rose at an

extraordinarily rapid rate during the first two months of this year.

-11-

A sizable part of this increase represented a diversion of borrowing
from the commercial paper market,

Still, the basic strength of the

demand for business credit is indicated by an annual rate of expansion
approximating 30 per cent in the combined total of business borrowing
from banks and the commercial paper market.
The fact that the prime rate has recently been below openmarket rates, therefore, has been encouraging an excessive and
potentially unhealthy expansion of bank credit.

The upsurge in bank

lending, moreover, has involved a subsidy to large business borrowers,
who have been calling upon banks to honor previous loan commitments
tied to the prime rate.

This has the effect of funneling credit to the

sector that is especially able to afford higher interest rates in a period
of surging economic activity.

And if the increase in bank lending to

large corporate customers lasted many more months, it could lead
to a diversion of bank credit from other groups--homebuyers,
consumers, small businesses, and State and local governments.
My discussions last week with the banks that had just
announced a 6-3/4 per cent prime loan rate led to a suggestion that
would correct this inequitable situation--namely, the establishment
of a dual prime rate.

One rate would be applicable to large, widely

known corporations which have access to the national money and
capital market, and this rate could respond flexibly to changes in

-12-

open market rates.

Thus, large businesses would sustain interest

costs on bank loans commensurate with their costs on alternative
sources of funds.

The prime rate and the entire structure of rates

charged to smaller businesses, on the other hand, would not move
with the prime rate for large customers.

Special moderation could

thus be observed with respect to loans to smaller businesses which
rely principally on local banks and have only limited access to other
sources of credit.
As you may know, I have urged bankers to give prompt
consideration to this suggestion as a way of enabling the credit
markets to function efficiently while still maintaining effective
restraint on the interest rates charged for small business loans.
I have also reaffirmed the great public importance of continuing to
practice moderation in interest charges to farmers, homebuyers,
and consumers.
Banks appear to be in the process of developing policies in
the spirit of the proposal for a split prime rate.

Some banks are

y

considering plans to offer different prime rates on loans of different
sizes, with one rate for smaller loans--$350, 000 or less, for
example--and another more flexible rate for loans above that amount.
Other banks are considering the introduction of a graduated prime

-13-

rate, under which some stated amount of a business loan would be
subject to a specified interest rate and the excess above this amount
would be at the higher rate generally charged by money-market banks.
And still other banks are proposing that one rate apply to their local
customers and the other, higher rate be charged to customers
outside their community.
The Committee on Interest and Dividends is looking into
these various plans, and its staff is studying the criteria by which
large and small business borrowers might be differentiated.
is still too early to judge what can work well in practice.

It

In the

meantime, the banks that had announced a prime lending rate of
6-3/4 per cent have, at our urging, rolled back their prime rate
to 6-1/2 per cent.
I am hopeful that a way can be found in the near future that
will permit more flexibility in the rates charged to large borrowers
while maintaining effective restraint on interest rates for smaller
businesses.
in mind.

An additional principle, of course, must also be kept

Regardless of the rates that are charged on very large

loans, considerations of equity will require that the banks and other
institutions continue to extend adequate credit to homebuyers,
smaller businesses, consumers, and farmers.

-14-

On balance, I can report to you that the Committee thus far
has had a good deal of success in restraining the upward movement
of institutional lending rates.

New data, collected as a part of the

Committee's surveillance program, show that the rates charged on
consumer loans by banks and finance companies have changed little
or actually declined since January 1972.

Rates on bank loans to

small businesses and farmers have increased by less than one-half
per cent over the same period.

And rates on new home mortgage

loans, although they have drifted gently upward in recent months,
remain slightly below their pre-Phase I levels and substantially
below their highs reached in late 1969 and early 1970.
I can report also that adherence to the dividend part of the
Committee's program of voluntary restraint has been nearly perfect.
In November 1971 we issued a guideline allowing no more than a 4
per cent increase per annum in dividends per share; this percentage
limitation has been extended to cover dividend payments in 1973.
The guideline applies to approximately 7, 000 of the larger corporations.
The excellent--indeed, truly extraordinary--record of
compliance with our voluntary program on dividends was a major
factor in limiting the increase of total dividend payments by domestic

-Incorporations to 3. 6 per cent last year—a percentage substantially
below the increase in most other categories of income.

One of the

by-products of this reduced dividend pay-out has been a significant
reduction in business needs for external financing--by some $2
billion last year.

As a result, the dividend program has reduced

somewhat the upward pressures on interest rates over this period,
to the benefit of business and other types of borrowers alike.
In view of the exuberant pace of economic expansion which
we are now experiencing, I cannot assure you that interest rates
will not move upward in the months ahead.

As I indicated earlier,

it would be very dangerous to try to prevent increases in those
interest rates that are freely determined in highly competitive
markets.

Any attempt to do so would, in present circumstances,

simply result in excessive monetary expansion and an escalating
pace of inflation.
I can and do assure you that the Committee will continue
to do everything in its power to see to it that substantial restraint
is practiced by lending institutions with respect to the interest
rates that bear most directly on our families and small businesses.
I must, however, draw your attention to the fact that institutional
interest rates are, by and large, also competitively determined,

-16-

so that there is less to be accomplished by governmental intervention
than in the case of various product and labor markets.

You therefore

should not expect more from the Committee on Interest and Dividends
than it, or any similar group, can usefully accomplish in practice.
In that context, let me counsel strongly against mandatory
controls or ceilings on institutional lending rates.

The inflexibility

imposed by a mandatory program could have the most serious
consequences for the American economy.

First, it could easily

lead to a renewed large outflow of dollars to foreign money markets,
where higher interest rates may be obtained.

Second, artificially

low interest rates could lead to a drastic reduction in lending by
our financial institutions, to the detriment of all businesses, homebuyers, and consumers needing credit.

Third, a drying up in

institutional sources of credit would lead to the development of
black markets for credit, where the interest rates demanded may
far exceed the highest we have experienced at any time in the postwar
period.

In short, the financial and economic distortions that could

be caused by interest rate ceilings far exceed any possible benefits
that might be gained.
In conclusion, the Committee on Interest and Dividends has
played, and can continue to play, a supportive role in our current

-17-

effort to contain inflation.

In waging war against inflation,

sacrifices

must be spread as evenly as possible over the whole of society-including financial institutions.

The Committee can see to it that

financial institutions understand the need to avoid disproportionate
profits at a time when governmental policy is striving to restore
general price stability to our troubled economy.

It can see to it

that American families, small businessmen, and farmers do not
pay excessive rates of interest relative to the costs of financial
institutions.

It can see to it that dividend recipients share in the

moderation of income growth that is necessary to put our economy
back on a noninflationary footing.
But the role of the Committee and, for that matter, the
whole effort of the Cost of Living Council, should not be
exaggerated.

Success in dealing with our nation1 s stubborn infla-

tionary problem depends fundamentally on frugality in government
expenditures, on appropriate restraint in the conduct of monetary
policy, and on prudence in the spending behavior of the private
sector.

Early extension of the Economic Stabilization Act will

help buttress these fundamental policies and seems to me an
essential need in the current environment.

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