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A Quarterly Review
of Business and
Economic Conditions
Vol. 18, No. 4
Monetary Policy
Government Debt
The Costs and Benefits
of Low Interest Rates
European Sovereign Jitters
Geographically Contained
October 2010
The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
C e n t r a l t o A m e r i c a’ s Ec o n o m y
®
The Dissenting Votes Are
Just Part of the Story
c o n t e n t s
10
A Quarterly Review
of Business and
Economic Conditions
Disagreement at the FOMC
Vol. 18, No. 4
Monetary Policy
Government Debt
The Costs and Benefits
of Low Interest Rates
European Sovereign Jitters
Geographically Contained
October 2010
The Federal reserve Bank oF sT. louis
C e n T r a l t o a m e r i C a’ s e C o n o m y
®
By Michael McCracken
Recently released data on economic forecasts made
by voting and nonvoting members of the FOMC
suggest that there has been more disagreement among
committee members than the voting record indicates.
The Dissenting Votes Are
Just Part of the Story
The Regional
3
president’s message
8
Economist
october 2010 | VOL. 18, NO. 4
The Regional Economist is published
quarterly by the Research and Public
Affairs departments of the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. It addresses
the national, international and regional
economic issues of the day, particularly
as they apply to states in the Eighth
Federal Reserve District. Views
expressed are not necessarily those
of the St. Louis Fed or of the Federal
Reserve System.
Please direct your comments to
Subhayu Bandyopadhyay at 314444-7425 or by e-mail at subhayu.
bandyopadhyay@stls.frb.org. You can
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Submission of a letter to the editor
gives us the right to post it to our web
site and/or publish it in The Regional
Economist unless the writer states
otherwise. We reserve the right to edit
letters for clarity and length.
4
22
17
Deputy Director of Research
Cletus C. Coughlin
n at i o n a l o v e r v i e w
After a burst of activity late last
year and early this year, the
economy hit the summer doldrums. While growth prospects
are better for 2011, businesses
remain hesitant to expand their
productive capacity and hire
additional workers.
Managing Editor
Al Stamborski
Art Director
Joni Williams
2 The Regional Economist | October 2010
E c o n o m y at a g l a n c e
Second Wind Needed
By Kevin L. Kliesen
Editor
Subhayu Bandyopadhyay
includes all of Arkansas, eastern
Missouri, southern Illinois and Indiana,
western Kentucky and Tennessee, and
northern Mississippi. The Eighth District
offices are in Little Rock, Louisville,
Memphis and St. Louis.
The Difficulty in
Comparing Income
across Countries
By Julieta Caunedo and
Riccardo DiCecio
Different currencies and different
baskets of goods—these are just
some of the problems in comparing incomes around the world.
Economists are testing new
measurements of growth, such as
the amount of light emanated at
night from a country, as seen by
satellites.
Europe’s Sovereign
Debt Woes
By Amalia Estenssoro
The rapidly mounting debts of
the governments of Greece and
other European countries caught
policymakers off guard earlier
this year. Markets panicked
amid fears of a financial contagion. But a review of who holds
the debt of these countries shows
that any contagion risk should
be confined to Europe.
Senior Policy Adviser
Robert H. Rasche
The Eighth Federal Reserve District
20
A recession, as long as it’s not
too deep or too long, may be
good for your health, recent
studies suggest.
Director of Research
Christopher J. Waller
Single-copy subscriptions are free.
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Bank of St. Louis, Box 442, St. Louis,
MO 63166.
When a Sick Economy
Can Be Good for You
By Rubén Hernández-Murillo
and Christopher J. Martinek
6
Benefits and Costs
of Low Interest Rates
By Kevin L. Kliesen
On the plus side, low interest
rates can spur spending by businesses and households. They
can also improve banks’ balance
sheets and raise asset prices.
But low interest rates discourage
saving and encourage people to
take more risks when investing.
18
23
When enough factories shut
down, this community in northeastern Arkansas sprang into
action, coming up with enough
money to lure new industrial
development.
district overview
Tax Revenue Collections
Slow Down Even More
By Subhayu Bandyopadhyay
and Lowell R. Ricketts
Tax revenue in the Eighth District
states this year has dropped
much more, percentage-wise,
than it has for the nation as a
whole. Last fiscal year, these
seven states fared better than
the national average.
c o m m u n i t y P r o f i l e
Osceola, Ark.
By Susan C. Thomson
26
re ader e xchange
Cover illustration: harry campbell
p r e s i d e n t ’ s
m e s s a g e
James Bullard, President and CEO
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
The European Debt Crisis: Lessons for the U.S.
R
ecently the key concern in world
financial markets has been the extent
to which the sovereign debt crisis in Europe
portends a global shock, possibly strong
enough to upset the global recovery.
There is no question that, in part as a
response to the events of 2008 and 2009,
many governments in Europe and elsewhere
elected to increase deficit spending and thus
to increase their debt as a percentage of GDP.
For some countries, starting from weak
economic conditions, the increase in borrowing was so large as to call into question their
ability and willingness to repay in international financial markets. Confidence lost in
such markets is difficult to regain, and for this
reason I think we can expect market concerns
to remain for months, possibly years, rather
than just days or weeks. Governments must
take aggressive action to earn credibility, and
then sustain that effort over a long period of
time. I think that a well-run fiscal consolidation can be a net plus for economic growth,
as it was in the U.S. during the 1990s.
To be sure, sovereign debt crises are not
at all unusual in the history of the global
economy. Nations often have incentives to
borrow internationally and are not always
willing to repay. Over the past 200 years,
there have been at least 250 cases of a government defaulting in whole or in part on
its external debt. While sovereign debt
restructuring or outright default is often
associated with substantial market volatility—understandably, since some parties
are not getting repaid—the events are not
normally global recession triggers. A relatively recent and prominent example was
the Russian default of 1998.
The agreement in Europe to provide funding if necessary through a Special Purpose
Vehicle backed by government guarantees
and through the IMF has provided time
for the affected countries to enact fiscal
retrenchment programs. Those programs
have a good chance of success because the
incentive for countries to keep unfettered
access to international financial markets is
substantial. Even if a fiscal consolidation
program does not go well in a particular
country, so that a restructuring of debt has
to be attempted at some point in the future,
restructuring is not unusual in global
financial markets and can be accomplished
without significant disruptions.
“Now that the U.S. economy is
about to achieve recovery in
GDP terms, it is time for fiscal
consolidation in the U.S.”
One of the persistent worries during
this crisis has been that some of the largest
financial institutions in the U.S. and Europe
might be exposed to additional losses and
that a type of financial contagion could
occur should conditions worsen. I think
this is a misreading of the events of the past
two years. U.S. and European policymakers have essentially guaranteed the largest
financial institutions. This has been the
essence of the very controversial “too big to
fail” policy. The policy has clear problems,
including its inherent unfairness and the
fact that economic incentives for institutions
that are guaranteed can be badly distorted.
But to argue that governments would now
give up these guarantees in the face of a
new shock that could threaten the global
economy seems to me to be far-fetched.
One important lesson from the European
sovereign debt crisis, well-known in emerging markets, is that borrowing on international markets is a delicate matter. There
can be benefits of such borrowing in some
circumstances, but too much can erode
credibility and lead to a crisis in the borrowing country. In short, countries cannot
expect to borrow internationally and use the
proceeds to spend their way to prosperity.
The U.S. fiscal situation is difficult as well,
with high deficits and a growing debt-toGDP ratio. The U.S. has exemplary credibility in international financial markets,
built up over many years. Now that the U.S.
economy is about to achieve recovery in
GDP terms, it is time for fiscal consolidation
in the U.S. Irresponsibly high deficit and
debt levels are not helping the U.S. economy
and could damage future prospects through
a loss of credibility internationally.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 3
c o n t a g i o n
r i s k
European Sovereign Debt
Remains Largely
a European Problem
© Günay Mutlu, Istockphoto
By Amalia Estenssoro
E
uropean sovereign debt concerns took
global policymakers by surprise early
this year. The markets panicked, fearful of
a financial contagion throughout the eurozone.1 The pressure triggered a concerted
policy action, culminating in an unprecedented European Union/International
Monetary Fund pre-emptive financial aid
package worth €750 billion ($975 billion),
announced May 9.2 The root source of the
debt problem can be traced historically—
to quote one of the main conclusions from
the recent book by economists Carmen
Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff—to the rapid
explosion of sovereign debt experienced by
expand their borrowing.6 This directly led to
the development of sovereign debt concerns
in several countries that had to rescue their
banking sector in the aftermath of the 2008
and 2009 global financial crises.7
In the eurozone economies, government
budget deficits moved from 2 percent of
GDP in 2008 to 6.3 percent of GDP last
year. This deterioration is responsible for
increasing the gross debt-to-GDP ratio
from 69.4 percent in 2008 to an estimated
84.7 percent this year, a trajectory that has
yet to stabilize. Although these numbers
are smaller than the deterioration seen in
some other advanced economies—the U.S.
The countries with the most foreign claims to the PIIGS’ debt
were (in descending order) France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. The European banking sector held
89 percent of the total direct exposure.
countries following a financial crisis that
includes a banking crisis.3
Roots of the Crisis
After the members of the EU entered
into a monetary union (common currency)
in 1999, yields on government (sovereign)
debt issued by the individual countries
began to converge.4 This development was
viewed positively by the EU members since
it meant that financial markets perceived the
risk of lending to individual countries like
Greece (never known in modern times as an
economic powerhouse) as nearly the same as
lending to Germany (which has had that reputation for decades).5 By 2007, though, it was
becoming clear that some countries had used
this financial market credibility to greatly
4 The Regional Economist | October 2010
gross federal debt to GDP increased from
69.2 percent in 2008 to an estimated 90.9
percent this year—they still pose particular
challenges to countries inside a monetary
union; that’s because such countries don’t
have their own currencies to devalue, and
any competitive gains require wage cuts and
deflation in order to export their way out of
a recession.8
These numbers also mask strong differences among EU countries. While nearly
all eurozone economies were in violation of
the union’s own deficit-to-GDP requirement
at some point, some of the countries, such
as Portugal, Ireland, Greece and Spain (the
so-called PIGS), lacked credibility with the
financial markets to correct the problem
on their own.9 In response, yields on debt
issued by the PIGS rose sharply against the
yield on German debt (perceived by markets
as a benchmark for fiscal credibility), which
not only made financing the PIGS’ existing
budget deficits more expensive, but limited
their ability to issue new debt. The European sovereign debt scare, to a large extent,
was triggered when the Greek government
could no longer find investors to purchase
its debt, forcing Greece to ask for emergency
financial assistance from the IMF on April
23, 2010.
Markets Broaden Their Focus
beyond Greece
Greece was not perceived to be an isolated
case. Markets quickly focused on Portugal,
Ireland, Spain and even Italy (now PIIGS),
and the yields on these nations’ sovereign
bonds rose sharply. In some cases, the
bonds’ term structures inverted, meaning that short-term rates rose above their
longer-term rates. Economists and financial
market analysts often view this development
as a clear sign of financial distress. Fear
spread quickly throughout the bond market
and then hit the European banking sector,
which held large quantities of sovereign debt
issued by the PIIGS on their balance sheets.
As the U.S. financial crisis demonstrated,
concerns about the health of many large
banks can rattle financial market participants. In Europe, this situation forced
European fiscal and monetary policymakers
to take concerted action to reduce current
and prospective budget deficits (and hence
stabilize debt-to-GDP by 2013). These
actions also afforded the European banking
sector some time to improve bank capital
ratios—an important buttress against any
future isolated debt restructurings.
Consolidated Cross-Border Exposure to PIIGS’ Debt
ENDNOTES
1
1,600
USD $ BILLIONS
1,200
Spain
Portugal
Italy
Ireland
Greece
800
2
400
0
Public Sector
Banks
Non-bank Private Sector
Others
This chart shows aggregate exposure from 24 reporting BIS member central banks to the debts of the PIIGS countries—Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and
Spain. Exposure to public sector debt (sovereign debt) is rather small compared with exposure to other kinds of debt.
SOURCE: Bank of International Settlements
During the European market scare, it
became apparent that financial markets
had underestimated two types of risk: (1)
the sheer size of the sovereign debt problem
of some European countries; and (2) the
sizable exposure of the European banking system to this debt. These two factors
(the latter reflecting a lack of accounting
transparency) drove up counterparty risk,
which increases as trust among financial
market operators diminishes. Cross-border
exposures to particular nations are reported
in the Bank of International Settlements’
(BIS) consolidated foreign claims data.10
The BIS data ultimately explain why contagion risk, though serious, has been limited
to the European banking sector and did not
expand globally.
According to the BIS data, total global
cross-border exposures to the five PIIGS
countries totaled $4.1 trillion at the end of
the first quarter of 2010. As seen in the chart,
sovereign debt exposure (public sector) is
rather small compared with the other categories of debt, such as nonbank private sector
debt and other indirect exposures, including
derivatives (financial insurance contracts),
guarantees extended and credit commitments. Importantly, though, the European
banking sector held 89 percent of the PIIGS’
direct exposure ($2.7 trillion). However, the
banking sector in some European countries
is much more exposed than the banking
sector in other European countries to debt
issued by the PIIGS.
According to the BIS, the countries
with the most total foreign claims to the
PIIGS’ debt were France ($843 billion) and
3
4
Germany ($652 billion), followed by the
United Kingdom ($380 billion), the Netherlands ($208 billion) and the U.S. ($195
billion) in absolute terms by the end of the
first quarter in 2010. To get a better sense
of the risks, economists often express these
amounts as a percent of the creditor country’s GDP. By this metric, French banks had
the most exposure (32 percent), followed by
Dutch banks (26 percent) and then German
banks (20 percent). The exposure of U.K.
banks was 17 percent, and the exposure of
U.S. banks was only 1 percent. These data,
thus, show why the contagion risk remained
in Europe.
5
6
7
8
9
Amalia Estenssoro is an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.
10
There are currently 16 European countries
using the euro as their national currency,
bound into monetary union by European
treaties. The countries are: Austria, Belgium,
Cyprus, Finland, France, Germany, Greece,
Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia and Spain.
Estonia will join in January.
Not to be confused with a separate €110 billion
EU/IMF package to Greece alone, formally
approved by the IMF executive board and
Economic and Financial Affairs Council
(ECOFIN, which is comprised of economic
and financial ministers of the 27 European
Union member countries) simultaneously
on May 9.
See Reinhart and Rogoff, pp. 169-171.
The euro was introduced as an accounting unit
in January 1999 and entered into circulation in
January 2002.
The convergence of European bond markets
in terms of interest rate levels mainly
reflected the anchoring of long-term inflation
expectations.
“The majority of countries (61 percent)
register a higher propensity to experience a
banking crisis around bonanza periods. …
These findings on capital flow bonanzas are
also consistent with other identified empirical
regularities surrounding credit cycles.”
See Reinhart and Rogoff, p. 157.
One such example is Ireland, where debt-toGDP jumped from 24.9 percent at the end of
2007 to 78.8 percent of GDP this year due to a
banking crisis being mopped up by increasing
sovereign debt.
This makes any fiscal adjustment far more
painful to implement, as well as politically
difficult to sustain.
The Maastricht Treaty allows for monetary
union without fiscal union under an agreement called the Stability and Growth Pact.
The pact restricts fiscal deficits to 3 percent
of GDP and debt to 60 percent of GDP. Such
rules have been systematically violated
(even by Germany and France) without
triggering any sanctions to the offending
countries to date.
By contrast, individual bank exposure to debt
issued by the PIIGS was addressed during the
EU-wide banking sector stress test released by
the Committee of European Banking Supervisors (CEBS) on July 23, 2010.
References
European Central Bank. Financial Stability
Review. June 2010. See www.ecb.europa.eu/
pub/fsr/html/index.en.html
Reinhart, Carmen M.; and Rogoff, Kenneth S.
This Time Is Different. Princeton, N.J.;
Princeton University Press, 2009.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 5
m o n e t a r y
p o l i c y
Low Interest Rates
Have Benefits ... and Costs
By Kevin L. Kliesen
I
n late December 2007, most economists
realized that the economy was slowing.
However, very few predicted an outright
recession. Like most professional forecasters, the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) initially underestimated the severity of the recession. In January 2008, the
FOMC projected that the unemployment
rate in the fourth quarter of 2010 would
average 5 percent.1 But by the end of 2008,
with the economy in the midst of a deep
recession, the unemployment rate had risen
to about 7.5 percent; a year later, it reached
10 percent.
returns for the risks borne by the
lender. Interest rates (adjusted
for expected inflation and other
risks) serve as market signals of
these rates of return. Although
returns will differ across industries,
the economy also has a natural rate of
interest that depends on those factors that
help to determine its long-run average rate
of growth, such as the nation’s saving and
investment rates.4 During times when
economic activity weakens, monetary policy
can push its interest rate target (adjusted for
inflation) temporarily below the economy’s
Some economists believe that banks and other financial
institutions tend to take greater risks when rates are
maintained at very low rates for a lengthy period of time.
The Fed employed a dual-track response
to the recession and financial crisis. On the
one hand, it adopted some unconventional
policies, such as the purchase of $1.25 trillion of mortgage-backed securities.2 On the
other hand, the FOMC reduced its interest
rate target to near zero in December 2008
and then signaled its intention to maintain
a low-interest rate environment for an
“extended period.” This policy action is
reminiscent of the 2003-2004 episode, when
the FOMC kept its federal funds target rate
at 1 percent from June 2003 to June 2004.
Recently, some economists have begun to
discuss the costs and benefits of maintaining
extremely low short-term interest rates for
an extended period.3
Benefits of Low Interest Rates
In a market economy, resources tend
to flow to activities that maximize their
6 The Regional Economist | October 2010
natural rate, which lowers the real cost of
borrowing. This is sometimes known as
“leaning against the wind.” 5
To most economists, the primary benefit
of low interest rates is its stimulative effect
on economic activity. By reducing interest
rates, the Fed can help spur business spending on capital goods—which also helps the
economy’s long-term performance—and
can help spur household expenditures on
homes or consumer durables like automobiles.6 For example, home sales are generally
higher when mortgage rates are 5 percent
than if they are 10 percent.
A second benefit of low interest rates is
improving bank balance sheets and banks’
capacity to lend. During the financial crisis,
many banks, particularly some of the largest
banks, were found to be undercapitalized,
which limited their ability to make loans
during the initial stages of the recovery.
By keeping short-term interest rates low, the
Fed helps recapitalize the banking system
by helping to raise the industry’s net interest
margin (NIM), which boosts its retained
earnings and, thus, its capital.7 Between
the fourth quarter of 2008, when the FOMC
reduced its federal funds target rate to
virtually zero, and the first quarter of 2010,
the NIM increased by 21 percent, its highest level in more than seven years. Yet, the
amount of commercial and industrial loans
on bank balance sheets declined by nearly
25 percent from its peak in October 2008 to
June 2010. This suggests that perhaps other
factors are helping to restrain bank lending.
A third benefit of low interest rates is that
they can raise asset prices. When the Fed
increases the money supply, the public finds
itself with more money balances than it
wants to hold. In response, people use these
excess balances to increase their purchase
of goods and services, as well as of assets
like houses or corporate equities. Increased
demand for these assets, all else equal, raises
their price. 8
The lowering of interest rates to raise asset
prices can be a double-edged sword. On
the one hand, higher asset prices increase
the wealth of households (which can boost
spending) and lowers the cost of financing
capital purchases for business. On the other
hand, low interest rates encourage excess
borrowing and higher debt levels.
© baur, shut terstock images
Costs of Low Interest Rates
Just as there are benefits, there are costs
associated with keeping interest rates below
this natural level for an extended period of
time. Some argue that the extended period
of low interest rates (below its natural rate)
from June 2003 to June 2004 was a key
contributor to the housing boom and the
marked increase in the household debt
relative to after-tax incomes.9 Without a
strong commitment to control inflation over
the long run, the risk of higher inflation is
one potential cost of the Fed’s keeping the
real federal funds rate below the economy’s
natural interest rate. For example, some
point to the 1970s, when the Fed did not
raise interest rates fast enough or high
enough to prevent what became known as
the Great Inflation.
Other costs are associated with very
low interest rates. First, low interest rates
provide a powerful incentive to spend rather
than save. In the short-term, this may not
matter much, but over a longer period of
time, low interest rates penalize savers and
those who rely heavily on interest income.
Since peaking at $1.33 trillion in the third
quarter of 2008, personal interest income
has declined by $128 billion, or 9.6 percent.
A second cost of very low interest rates
flows from the first. In a world of very low
real returns, individuals and investors begin
to seek out higher yielding assets. Since
the FOMC moved to a near-zero federal
funds target rate, yields on 10-year Treasury
securities have fallen, on net, to less than
3 percent, while money market rates have
fallen below 1 percent. Of course, existing
bondholders have seen significant capital
appreciation over this period. However,
those desiring higher nominal rates might
instead be tempted to seek out more speculative, higher-yielding investments.
In 2003-2004, many investors, facing
similar choices, chose to invest heavily in
subprime mortgage-backed securities since
they were perceived at the time to offer
relatively high risk-adjusted returns. When
economic resources finance more speculative activities, the risk of a financial crisis
increases—particularly if excess amounts
of leverage are used in the process. In this
vein, some economists believe that banks
and other financial institutions tend to take
greater risks when rates are maintained at
very low levels for a lengthy period of time.10
Economists have identified a few other
costs associated with very low interest rates.
First, if short-term interest rates are low
relative to long-term rates, banks and other
financial institutions may overinvest in
long-term assets, such as Treasury securities. If interest rates rise unexpectedly, the
value of those assets will fall (bond prices
and yields move in opposite directions),
exposing banks to substantial losses.
Second, low short-term interest rates reduce
the profitability of money market funds,
which are key providers of short-term
credit for many large firms. (An example
is the commercial paper market.) From
early January 2009 to early August 2010,
total assets of money market mutual funds
declined from a little more than $3.9 trillion
to about $2.8 trillion.
Finally, St. Louis Fed President James
Bullard has argued that the Fed’s promise
to keep interest rates low for an “extended
period” may lead to a Japanese-style deflationary economy.11 This might occur in
the event of a shock that pushes inflation
down to extremely low levels—maybe below
zero. With the Fed unable to lower rates
below zero, actual and expected deflation
might persist, which, all else equal, would
increase the real cost of servicing debt (that
is, incomes fall relative to debt).
Kevin L. Kliesen is an economist at the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Go to
http://research.stlouisfed.org/econ/kliesen/
to see more of his work.
ENDNOTES
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
These projections are the mid-point (average) of the central tendency of the FOMC’s
economic projections. The central tendency
excludes the three highest and three lowest
projections.
The purchase of mortgage-backed securities
(MBS) was a key factor in the more than doubling of the value of assets on the Fed’s balance
sheet. This action is sometimes referred to as
quantitative easing.
See the Bank for International Settlements
(BIS) 2010 Annual Report and Rajan.
In this case, investment refers to expenditures
by businesses on equipment, software and
structures. This excludes human capital, which
economists also consider to be of key importance
in generating long-term economic growth.
See Gavin for a nontechnical discussion of
the theory linking the real interest rate and
consumption spending. In this framework,
the real rate should be negative if consumption
is falling.
By lowering short-term interest rates, the Fed
tends to reduce long-term interest rates, such
as mortgage rates or long-term corporate bond
rates. However, this effect can be offset if
markets perceive that the FOMC’s actions
increase the expected long-term inflation rate.
The net interest margin (NIM) is the difference
between the interest expense a bank pays
(its cost of funds) and the interest income a
bank receives on the loans it makes.
This is the standard monetarist explanation,
but there are other explanations. See Mishkin
for a summary.
See Taylor, as well as Bernanke’s rebuttal.
See Jimenez, Ongena and Peydro.
See Bullard.
R e f erences
Bank for International Settlements. 80th Annual
Report, June 2010.
Bernanke, Ben S. “Monetary Policy and the
Housing Bubble.” At the Annual Meeting
of the American Economic Association,
Atlanta, Ga., Jan. 3, 2010.
Bullard, James. “Seven Faces of ‘The Peril.’ ”
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review,
September-October 2010, Vol. 92, No. 5,
pp. 339-52.
Gavin, William T. “Monetary Policy Stance:
The View from Consumption Spending.”
Economic Synopses, No. 41 (2009). See http://
research.stlouisfed.org/publications/es/09/
ES0941.pdf
Jimenez, Gabriel; Ongena, Steven; and Peydro,
Jose-Luis. “Hazardous Times for Monetary
Policy: What Do Twenty-Three Million Bank
Loans Say About the Effects of Monetary Policy
on Credit Risk?” Working Paper, Sept. 12, 2007.
Mishkin, Frederic S. “Symposium on the
Monetary Policy Transmission Mechanism.”
The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 9,
No. 4, Autumn 1995, pp. 3-10.
Rajan, Raghuram. “Bernanke Must End the Era
of Ultra-low Rates.” Financial Times, July 29,
2010, p. 9.
Taylor, John B. “Housing and Monetary Policy.”
A symposium in Jackson Hole, Wyo., sponsored
by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
(2007), pp. 463-76. See www.kc.frb.org/
PUBLICAT/SYMPOS/2007/PDF/Taylor_0415.pdf
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 7
r e c e s s i o n
In Some Cases, a Sick Economy
Can Be a Prescription
for Good Health
© AP Photo/L awrence Jackson
By Rubén Hernández-Murillo and Christopher J. Martinek
C
onventional wisdom suggests that
health improves during good economic
times and worsens during tough economic
times. When the economy is in recession,
stress arising from negative economic outcomes—such as potential job loss, stagnating wages and falling home values—can
lead to harmful health outcomes. Similarly,
health can be expected to improve when
incomes rise and social and psychological
hardships diminish. Despite this intuition,
recent economic studies suggest the opposite—a recession, as long as it’s not too deep
or too long, may be good for your health.
reduce discretionary spending in periods
of unemployment.
On the flip side, fatalities during expansions can increase because of not only
lifestyle changes but factors outside of
individual behavior. In particular, Ruhm
argues that work-related accidents are more
likely to occur during periods of expansion,
as individuals work longer hours, and
that more-hazardous conditions, such as
increased stress, may be more prevalent.
Finally, motor vehicle accidents may also
be more common during an economic
upturn because improved economic
Individuals opt for healthier lifestyles during temporary downturns because the cost of leisure time decreases. For example,
individuals have more time to prepare healthier meals at home,
to engage in physical activity and to visit the doctor.
Unemployment and Mortality
Economist Christopher J. Ruhm analyzed
the relationship between unemployment
and mortality rates in the United States over
the past few decades. His research shows
that when unemployment rates increase,
total mortality rates decrease. The effect
is economically significant: An increase
of one percentage point in the unemployment rate reduces annual fatalities by about
11,000. Why does mortality fall? Ruhm
argues that the main reason is that individuals opt for healthier lifestyles during
temporary downturns because the cost of
leisure time decreases. For example, individuals have more time to prepare healthier
meals at home, to engage in physical activity
and to visit the doctor. Alcohol and tobacco
use is reduced, too, because individuals
8 The Regional Economist | October 2010
conditions may lead to more traffic on highways and to higher alcohol consumption.
Economists Douglas Miller, Marianne
Page, Ann Huff Stevens and Mateusz
Filipski took a closer look at the data and
analyzed different groups of individuals
in terms of age and causes of death. Their
results suggest that the most plausible explanation for the negative correlation between
unemployment and mortality is not lifestyle
changes resulting from reduced work time,
nor is it a reduction in work-related stress.
The authors find that, among working age
individuals, the changes in mortality are
related to motor vehicle accidents—there
are more accidents (and deaths) during economic upturns, and vice versa. The authors
say that their results do not invalidate
Ruhm’s research; rather, the results help to
better understand the mechanisms behind
the interaction between unemployment and
mortality.
In any case, the strong negative correlation between unemployment and the mortality rate is not in dispute. This phenomenon
is not unique to the United States. A similar
association has been found in Spain, Germany and other developed countries. However, it is important to emphasize that only
temporary downturns or expansions exhibit
this behavior. The negative correlation
between unemployment and mortality does
not seem to hold during periods of sustained
or pronounced economic downturns. The
current economic downturn, which has been
unusually severe by historical standards, may
be an example of this. The chart indicates
that rising unemployment since 2007 has
been accompanied by a recent spike in mortality rates.1
Mass Layoffs and Mortality
Job loss typically has lasting economic
effects, such as decreases in lifetime earnings and persistent job instability. So, what
about the effects of mass layoffs on longterm health outcomes?
Economists Daniel Sullivan and Till von
Wachter analyzed a group of workers in
Pennsylvania during the 1970s and 1980s
and estimated that, for high-seniority male
workers, the rate of mortality increased
between 50 and 100 percent following a job
loss in periods where the employer reduced
at least 30 percent of its work force. For
example, the authors found that for workers
displaced at age 40, the effect over the long
term is a decrease of 1 to 1.5 years in life
expectancy.2 Across various age groups,
workers experienced smaller losses in life
expectancy if they were displaced near the
retirement age.
The explanation for the higher mortality
rate after displacement is that a job loss
resulting from mass layoffs produces a
decline in lifetime resources, which may
lead to reduced investment in health or
to chronic stress. A displacement during
mass layoffs may also increase the risk of
decreased future earnings.
Sullivan and von Wachter note that their
results do not necessarily contradict those
of Ruhm because high-tenure workers displaced during mass layoffs are different from
the average worker who is let go during a
recession. For the average worker, temporary declines in economic activity may
increase available leisure time for healthy
activities, as Ruhm argues, without significantly affecting lifetime resources. But for
high-tenure workers, a job loss during a
mass layoff entails a significant long-term
reduction in earnings, which offsets any
benefits from increased leisure time.
Economists Annamaria Lusardi, Daniel
Schneider and Peter Tufano document a
reduction in individuals’ use of routine
medical care during the recent crisis in
a group of five developed countries: the
United States, Great Britain, Canada, France
and Germany. They found that the declines
were proportional to the out-of-pocket
costs that individuals had to bear.3 Lusardi,
Schneider and Tufano found that the ranking of countries in terms of privately borne
costs for routine care matched the ranking
of observed reductions in the use of care.
These observations suggest that tighter
financial constraints during the recent crisis
were the main factor behind the decline in
use of medical care.
Rubén Hernández-Murillo is an economist and
Christopher J. Martinek is a research associate
at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Go to
http://research.stlouisfed.org/econ/hernandez/
for more on Hernández-Murillo’s work.
The Recent Recession
and Medical Care Usage
In contrast to Ruhm’s predictions about
increasing routine visits to the doctor
because of time availability during recessions, another line of research suggests
that during the recent economic crisis the
effect from the reduced value of time may
have been offset by the severe decline in
wealth that was observed around the world.
E ndnotes
1
2
3
It is important to note that the mortality rates
for 2007, 2008 and 2009 in the chart are
preliminary estimates.
In the study, the authors selected firms that
experienced mass layoffs that were not connected to the employees’ own health status.
In other words, workers were not displaced
because they had poor health that made them
less productive. This is to isolate the causal
effect of displacement on mortality.
The United States is the only country in the
group without universal health care coverage.
But even in the countries with national health
care systems (Great Britain, Canada, France
and Germany), individuals incur out-ofpocket costs.
R e f erences
Lusardi, Annamaria; Schneider, Daniel J.; and
Tufano, Peter. “The Economic Crisis and
Medical Care Usage.” National Bureau of
Economic Research (NBER) Working Paper
No. 15843, March 2010.
Miller, Douglas L.; Page, Mariane E.; Huff
Stevens, Ann; and Filipski, Mateusz.
“Why are Recessions Good for Your Health?”
American Economic Review, May 2009,
Vol. 99, No.2, pp. 122-27.
Ruhm, Christopher J. “Are Recessions Good for
Your Health?” Quarterly Journal of Economics,
May 2000, Vol. 115, No. 2, pp. 617-50.
Ruhm, Christopher J. “Good Times Make You
Sick.” Journal of Health Economics, July 2003,
Vol. 22, No. 4, pp. 637-58.
Ruhm, Christopher J. “Healthy Living in Hard
Times.” Journal of Health Economics, March
2005, Vol. 24, No. 2, pp. 341-63.
Sullivan, Daniel; and von Wachter, Till. “Job
Displacement and Mortality: An Analysis
Using Administrative Data.” Quarterly
Journal of Economics, August 2009, Vol. 124,
No. 3, pp. 1265-1306.
Relationship between Unemployment Rates and Mortality Rates
2
Unemployment Rate
1
0
–1
Total Mortality Rate
2009
2007
2005
2003
2001
1999
1997
1995
1993
1991
1989
1987
1985
1983
1981
1979
1977
1975
1973
1971
1969
–3
1967
–2
1965
STANDARD DEVIATION FROM MEAN
3
NOTE: Mortality rate data for 2007, 2008 and 2009 are preliminary estimates. The series are de-trended using a linear trend and normalized
to have matching scales.
SOURCES: Mortality data are from the Census Bureau’s Statistical Abstract of the United States and the National Center for Health Statistics’ National
Vital Statistics publication. The unemployment data are from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 9
m o n e t a r y
p o l i c y
10 The Regional Economist | October 2010
Disagreement
at the FOMC
The Dissenting Votes Are
Just Part of the Story
By Michael W. McCracken
I
t’s safe to say that the past few years have been interesting
for the Federal Reserve System, particularly for the mem-
bers of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). Difficult decisions have been made: The federal funds rate has been
lowered to basically zero, and money has been distributed to
various financial institutions in order to keep them solvent.
Such dramatic actions have drawn unprecedented levels
of attention to the members of the FOMC and to the Federal Reserve System more generally. Some of this attention might have been good for the Fed. Fed Chairman Ben
Bernanke was even named Time magazine’s “Person of the
Year” in 2009 because “he didn’t just reshape U.S. monetary policy; he led an effort to save the world economy.”
That’s some pretty good press.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 11
Perhaps a member is
60 percent in favor
of the policy and
40 percent against the
policy and, therefore,
does not dissent.
Should we, therefore,
conclude that he
or she exhibits no
disagreement from the
consensus view?
Most Fed watchers, however, believe that
the attention was unwanted. Recall that
in the spring of 2010—when the financial
reform act was being put together—those
who felt the Federal Reserve System was
responsible for the financial crisis were
calling for a reshuffling of the Federal
Reserve’s structure and responsibilities.
One proposal was to eliminate the supervisory role of the regional Fed banks over the
commercial banks within their districts.
Another option was to make the regional
bank presidents, who are now appointed by
their districts’ board of directors, political
appointees instead. Both of these options
were publicly criticized by the regional bank
presidents and ultimately did not become
part of the new law.
One of the arguments against making
the regional bank presidents political
appointees was that such a move could
ultimately reduce the range of ideas that
are debated at each of the FOMC meetings.
And since “thinking outside the box” is
generally considered a good thing, reducing
the range of voices in the FOMC meetings
seems unlikely to improve monetary policy.
In other words, disagreement among the
FOMC members is something we might
want to see more of and not less of.
But is there really that much disagreement
among members of the FOMC? It certainly
seems so. Read on for a simple decomposition of where some of this disagreement
might be coming from.
Measuring Disagreement
From the perspective of the public, it may
appear that there is little-to-no disagreement among FOMC members. Because
it is relatively uncommon for a voting
member to dissent, one might conclude
that the members are in agreement about
the relevant policy actions discussed at
that FOMC meeting.
While dissenting votes are an indication
of disagreement, they are a very coarse metric for evaluating how much an individual
member of the FOMC disagrees with the
proposed policy actions. By their nature,
dissenting votes are either “yes” or “no.”
There is no gray area. As such, characterizing FOMC disagreement by whether a member dissents provides very little information
about the magnitude of disagreement that
12 The Regional Economist | October 2010
an individual member has about a given
policy. Perhaps a member is 60 percent in
favor of the policy and 40 percent against
the policy and, therefore, does not dissent.
Should we, therefore, conclude that he or
she exhibits no disagreement from the
consensus view? Also, at any given FOMC
meeting, there are only four regional bank
presidents who are able to vote and, thus,
convey their opinion via a dissent. The
remaining eight regional bank presidents
may disagree with the policy, but since they
don’t have a vote, their disagreement cannot
be observed by the public.
Therefore, we take a completely different
approach to measuring disagreement—one
that is not based on whether an individual
casts a dissenting vote regarding a policy
action. We measure disagreement using
internal forecasts made by each individual
FOMC member in preparation for a subset
of the FOMC meetings that occurred from
1992 to 1998. By taking this approach, we
are able to make much finer measurements
about the degree to which a specific member
of the FOMC disagrees with other members
regarding the state of the economy and,
potentially, how much each disagrees with
a proposed policy action.
The data are based on those used for the
semiannual monetary policy report to Congress, made in February and July of each year
since 1979. Before each of these releases, each
member of the FOMC makes a forecast of
end-of-year nominal and real GDP growth,
inflation and the unemployment rate. The
February forecasts are for the current calendar year. In July, two sets of forecasts are
given: an updated forecast for the current calendar year and a longer-horizon forecast for
the next calendar year. Once these forecasts
have been collected from each member of
the FOMC, the maximum, minimum and a
trimmed range (based on dropping the three
highest and three lowest values) of each of the
four variables are included in the monetary
policy report to Congress.
Unfortunately, the individual forecasts
are not provided in the report when it
is released. However, a newly available
data set, published last year by Berkeley
economist David Romer, provides those
forecasts made by individual members of
the FOMC between February 1992 and July
1998.1 Until early summer of 2009, the only
Figure 1
Forecast Disagreement among FOMC Members
18-MONTH-AHEAD FORECAST IN 1993
PHILADELPHIA
INFLATION
RICHMOND
CLEVELAND
MINNEAPOLIS
NEW YORK
ATLANTA
GOVERNOR
SAN FRANCISCO
CHICAGO
GOVERNOR
BOSTON
ST. LOUIS
GOVERNOR
KANSAS CITY
GOVERNOR
DALLAS
VICE CHAIRMAN
GOVERNOR
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
PHILADELPHIA
MINNEAPOLIS
UNEMPLOYMENT RATE
publicly available information consisted
of the aggregated information (that is, the
maximum, minimum and the trimmed
range) contained in the report to Congress.
In contrast, this new data set provides
not only the individual forecasts for each
economic variable, but it also associates the
forecasts with every member of the FOMC
other than the chairman.
Although the data set is the richest source
of information on the FOMC forecasts that
is available to the public, the data set is
limited in its duration. Although FOMC
forecasts have been made since 1979, the
documentation of the individual forecasts
doesn’t go back that far. Very recently, the
Board of Governors constructed a complete series of the forecasts starting only as
far back as February 1992. In addition, a
10-year release window has been enacted,
limiting the most recent forecasts publicly
available. Our data, therefore, consist of
the individual forecasts for each of the four
variables, over three distinct forecast horizons, over a seven-year span, made by each
regional bank president and each governor
other than the chairman.
Before characterizing the magnitude of
disagreement and attempting to explain
why such disagreement exists, it is important to understand that the forecasts made
by the FOMC members are not your typical
forecasts. The FOMC forecasts are “conditional” forecasts.2 Specifically, they are
constructed conditional on a hypothetical
future path of monetary policy (i.e., a future
path of the federal funds rate or some other
type of monetary policy). In contrast, the
typical “unconditional” forecast makes no
such assumption about the future path of
monetary policy. Federal Reserve Bank of
St. Louis President James Bullard made this
distinction clear in a speech last year when
he said, “The FOMC members’ forecasts
are made under appropriate monetary
policy.” In this framework, “appropriate
monetary policy” is left to the discretion of
the individual FOMC member constructing his or her own forecast. This induces
disagreement among the members irrelevant of whether the members are forming their forecasts based upon the same
information—such as developments in the
economy as a whole. As such, our results
on disagreement capture not only variation
RICHMOND
GOVERNOR
ATLANTA
GOVERNOR
SAN FRANCISCO
CHICAGO
GOVERNOR
NEW YORK
GOVERNOR
GOVERNOR
VICE CHAIRMAN
DALLAS
BOSTON
ST. LOUIS
KANSAS CITY
CLEVELAND
4.5
5
5.5
6
6.5
7
7.5
FORECAST
These box-and-whisker plots show the forecasts made by the members of the FOMC at their July 1993 meeting.
The forecasts are for inflation (top) and unemployment for 18 months out. The median forecast is indicated by the
center line within the box, the first and third quartiles are indicated by the edges of the box, and the “whisker” that
stretches to the left and right provides a visual of the entire range of data.
SOURCE: Economist David Romer’s web site: http://elsa.berkeley.edu/~dromer/
in the information and models the FOMC
members are working with but also the
variation in beliefs on what appropriate
monetary policy should be, irrespective of
those features.
With that caveat in mind, we define an
individual’s forecast disagreement as the difference between his or her forecast fi and the
median forecast M among all FOMC members. Consider Figure 1. Here, we provide
two box-and-whisker plots of the 18-monthahead forecasts made by the 18 members (six
governors—one of whom is the vice chairman—and 12 regional bank presidents) of the
FOMC at the July 1993 meeting: one for the
inflation rate and one for the unemployment
rate. The median forecast is indicated by the
center line within the box, the first and third
quartiles are indicated by the edges of the box,
and the “whisker” that stretches to the left and
right provides a visual of the entire range of
data. Clearly, the inflation forecasts exhibit a
much wider range of disagreement than that
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 13
Why do some members,
such as the presidents
of the St. Louis and
Cleveland Feds, have
forecasts that differ so
drastically despite the
fact that, by and large,
these members have
access to the same data?
14 The Regional Economist | October 2010
associated with the unemployment forecasts,
but why? And among the inflation forecasts,
why do some members, such as the presidents
of the St. Louis and Cleveland Feds, have forecasts that differ so drastically despite the fact
that, by and large, these members have access
to the same data?
In our analysis, we use straightforward
regression techniques to try to parse some
of the reasons why these differences exist.
First, we ask whether the magnitude of the
disagreement, measured as the absolute
value of the difference between a forecast
and the median forecast | fi – M | , can be
explained. Second, we ask whether the
direction of the disagreement, measured as
the sign (plus or minus) of the difference
between a forecast and the median forecast,
can be explained. In each of these decompositions, we consider four factors: (1) variations in regional information, (2) the state
of the national economy, (3) voting status of
the member and (4) permanent effects that
are specific to the individual.3
We measure variations in regional
information as the difference between the
unemployment rate for the nation as a whole
and the unemployment rate for the region
associated with the FOMC member.4 For
those members who are governors, we treat
the nation as their “region” and, hence, for
them, this variable takes the value zero. With
this measure, we hope to capture disagreement effects due to differences in regionspecific information among the members.
Given the number of meetings that regional
presidents have with local business leaders, it
would not be surprising if they held different
views about the economy, based upon such
region-specific information.
For ease of comparison, we measure the
state of the national economy using the
national unemployment rate.
We measure voting status using an
indicator variable that takes the value one
if the individual is a voting member at the
time the forecast is constructed and zero
otherwise. With this measure, we hope
to capture strategic differences among
the regional bank presidents who form
their forecasts differently when they are
a nonvoting member than when they are
a voting member. The reason to consider
this predictor is based on the observation
that while the four voting regional bank
presidents have the ability to express their
disagreement by a dissenting vote, nonvoting members can only express their
disagreement vocally at the FOMC meeting.
And insofar as their forecasts express their
views, these forecasts may exhibit more
disagreement than when they vote.
Finally, we measure the permanent individual effect by defining 14 distinct indicators: one for each of the regional banks,
one for the vice chairman and one for the
remaining governors. With these indicators, we hope to capture those disagreement
factors that are specific to the individual
but not explained by observed economic
data. In our decomposition of | fi – M | ,
these indicators are designed to capture
the individual specific “aggressiveness” of
their disagreement irrespective of whether
they are above or below the median. In the
second decomposition, these indicators are
designed to capture an effect that is akin
to calling someone an inflation hawk (or
dove): terms used to characterize whether
an individual is seen as wary of increases in
inflation (or decreases) at all times irrelevant
of the flow of recent economic data.
For brevity, we focus exclusively on the
18-month-ahead forecasts of CPI-based
inflation and of the unemployment rates.
Results for nominal and real growth are
similar in spirit.
The Determinants of Disagreement
We begin by describing our results for
predicting the magnitude—rather than the
direction—of the disagreement. For the
inflation forecasts, nearly all of the predictive content came from the individualspecific permanent effects. Apparently,
those individuals who tend to be in
greater—or lesser—disagreement with the
consensus do so for individual-specific reasons. Voting status, and both the regional
and national economic conditions, seemed
to play no role in determining the magnitude of forecast disagreement.
Not surprisingly given Figure 1, we find
that on average across the available data,
the St. Louis, Cleveland and even the Dallas
Feds tended to exhibit the largest levels of
disagreement on inflation. Quite intuitively,
we also find that the vice chairman tended
to be one of the most consensus-oriented
members of the FOMC.
Figure 2
PERCENTAGE POINT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
U.S. RATE AND EACH DISTRICT’S RATE
Differences between Regional and National Unemployment
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
–0.5
–1.0
–1.5
–2.0
1990
Boston
New York
1992
1994
Philadelphia
Cleveland
1996
Richmond
Atlanta
1998
2000
Chicago
St. Louis
2002
Minneapolis
Kansas City
2004
Dallas
San Francisco
2006
2008
2010
In the study of disagreement on the FOMC during the 1990s, a connection could be seen between a region’s unemployment rate and a member’s forecasts on the economy. For example, as a given region’s unemployment rate rose above the
national unemployment rate, the regional bank president tended to have a lower inflation rate forecast than the consensus
while simultaneously having a higher unemployment rate forecast than the consensus. If that pattern still holds true today,
disagreement among the FOMC members is probably high and on the rise, given that the range of the deviation in the rates
across the country (as seen above) is larger than it’s been for the past 20 years.
SOURCE: Author’s calculations
In contrast, for the unemployment
forecasts, there does seem to be a significant effect due to the state of the national
economy. As the national unemployment
rate rises, the degree of disagreement among
the members’ unemployment forecasts
increases just a bit. At some level, this
makes sense. When unemployment is high,
there tends to be a great deal of uncertainty
in the economy. If there is a great deal of
uncertainty in the economy, it is intuitive
that there might be greater uncertainty
about policy among the FOMC members
and, thus, greater disagreement among their
forecasts. In addition, as was the case for
the inflation forecasts, the St. Louis Fed consistently tends to exhibit one of the largest
levels of disagreement and the vice chairman tends to exhibit one of the smallest
levels of disagreement.
The results for directional disagreement
tend to be a bit more interesting. In particular, the results indicate a clear tendency of
the FOMC members to treat their inflation
and unemployment forecasts as trading off
one another.
For example, those individuals who
tended to forecast lower levels of inflation
than the consensus also tended to forecast
higher levels of the unemployment rate than
the consensus. A good example of this is the
Minneapolis Fed, which had a tendency to
forecast lower inflation than the consensus
while simultaneously having a tendency to
forecast unemployment to be higher than
the consensus.
This tradeoff can also be seen in the
regional effects. Apparently, as a given
region’s unemployment rate rises above the
national unemployment rate, the regional
bank president tends to have a lower inflation rate forecast than the consensus while
simultaneously having a higher unemployment rate forecast than the consensus.
Again, the rationale for this regional effect
is intuitive. If members observe particularly
low unemployment in their region, they
would naturally expect inflation pressures
in the future as households spend more of
their income. Similarly, if members observe
higher unemployment in their region, one
might conjecture spillover effects to the
economy as a whole, implying that the
future inflation rate will be lower.
And while not nearly as strong an effect as
those already discussed, the tradeoff appears
in both the national and the voting effects.
As either the national unemployment rate
rises or members switch from being nonvoting to voting, their inflation forecast tends
to be lower than the consensus and their
unemployment forecast tends to be higher
than the consensus. Unfortunately, there
does not seem to be an obvious reason for
why such a tradeoff should exist between
the inflation and unemployment forecasts
due to voting status or the national unemployment rate.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 15
Conclusion
These historical results
beg the question:
Do we expect there to
be much disagreement
among today’s FOMC
members?
These historical results beg the question:
Do we expect there to be much disagreement among today’s FOMC members?
Because most of today’s FOMC members were not members in the mid-’90s, it’s
hard to say anything definitive. However,
even though the individual effects might be
very different now, one can conjecture that
the regional effects remain similar. If so,
then the results indicate that, as regional
variation in the unemployment rates
increases, one would expect an increase in
the directional disagreement of the FOMC
members. Specifically, one might expect
those regional bank presidents with unemployment rates higher than the national
rate may become increasingly dovish and
those with rates below the national rate may
become increasingly hawkish. As evidence
of such, in Figure 2 we plot the deviation
of each regional unemployment rate from
the national unemployment rate. As of the
June 2010 employment figures, the range of
these deviations is the largest it has been for
the past 20 years, suggesting that not only
might there be considerable disagreement
among today’s FOMC members, it might be
increasing.
Hopefully, that’s a good thing.
Michael W. McCracken is an economist at the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Go to http://
research.stlouisfed.org/econ/mccracken/ to see
more of his work. Chanont Banternghansa
provided research assistance.
For more on this subject, read the
working paper “Forecast Disagreement
among FOMC Members” by Michael
McCracken and Chanont Banternghansa. See http://research.stlouisfed.
org/wp/2009/2009-059.pdf
16 The Regional Economist | October 2010
endnotes
1
2
3
4
The data are available at David Romer’s web
site: http://elsa.berkeley.edu/~dromer/
See Faust and Wright.
For simplicity, we define an individual by
his or her position and not by name. For
example, we treat the St. Louis Fed Bank
Presidents Thomas Melzer and William Poole
as one “individual” because they were both
presidents, during this time frame, of the
St. Louis Fed.
There are no true measures of regional economic well-being where the region is defined
by the Federal Reserve bank divisions. We
follow Meade and Sheets and construct our
own measure of regional unemployment by
using population-based weights of state-level
unemployment rates. For some regions,
this is trivial because the region definition
includes full states. For other regions, like
St. Louis’, the region includes several partial
states. For these divisions, we use countylevel population figures taken from the
1990 census.
REFERENCES
Bullard, James. “Discussion of Ellison and
Sargent: What Questions Are Staff and FOMC
Forecasts Supposed to Answer?” Presented at
the European Central Bank conference
10th EABCN Workshop on Uncertainty over
the Business Cycle, Frankfurt, March 30, 2009.
Faust, Jon; and Wright, Jonathan H. “Efficient
Forecast Tests for Conditional Policy Forecasts.” Journal of Econometrics, Vol. 146,
2008, pp. 293-303.
Meade, Ellen E.; and Sheets, D. Nathan.
“Regional Influences on FOMC Voting
Patterns.” Journal of Money, Credit, and
Banking, Vol. 37, 2005, pp. 661-77.
n a t i o n a l
o v e r v i e w
The Economy Looks
for Its Second Wind
By Kevin L. Kliesen
F
ollowing a burst of activity late last year
and early this year, the recovery hit the
summer doldrums. The second-quarter
slowdown was weaker than most forecasters were expecting, and many have since
downgraded their assessment of growth over
the second half of 2010. Still, forecasters generally do not expect a “double dip” recession,
and few have significantly downgraded their
assessment of the economy’s growth prospects for next year. Still, many businesses
remain hesitant to expand their productive
capacity and hire additional workers.
To an important degree, this hesitancy
stems from weak growth in consumer
spending—despite solid growth of real
after-tax income and labor productivity.
On the one hand, lackluster consumer
spending reflects weak job growth and a
stubbornly high unemployment rate. On
the other hand, it also reflects an upsurge in
the personal saving rate and a downshift in
the demand for credit (probably stemming
from a desire by households to reduce their
debt-to-income ratio).
At the same time, business expenditures
on equipment and software have risen
sharply since the third quarter of 2009. This
upsurge reflects solid gains in manufacturing activity, which was bolstered by the
inventory cycle and a rebound in exports.
With the inventory restocking largely
complete, the economy’s dependence on
exports and capital spending will increase
in importance unless the pace of consumer
spending picks up.
Traditionally, housing construction is a
key driver of real GDP growth during the
initial stages of the recovery. But that’s not
happening this time, as housing activity
remains weak and appears unlikely to contribute much to near-term growth.
Businesses also remain reticent to expand
because some stiff headwinds have produced
higher-than-usual levels of uncertainty about
illustration: bruce macpherson
the economy’s near-term strength. This
uncertainty stems from several sources.
The first is reversing—in a timely manner—the extraordinarily stimulative policies
undertaken by U.S. fiscal and monetary
policymakers. Trillion-dollar budget deficits and near-zero short-term interest rates
are not consistent with maximum sustainable growth and price stability over time.
Second, the automotive, construction and
finance industries are undergoing significant
reorganization. These structural adjustments
have lengthened the duration of unemployment for many individuals.
Third, many firms are uncertain about the
future cost of their capital and labor because
of recent policy initiatives related to healthcare financing and financial regulation and
to the possibility of higher tax rates next year.
Concerns about the health of the global
economy and its potential effect on the
United States have also weighed on U.S.
financial markets. The source of concern
mostly stems from the tumult in European
banking and financial markets earlier this
year. Facing unsustainably large budget
deficits, several European countries, including the United Kingdom, undertook actions
to reduce spending or raise taxes. Since the
European sovereign debt crisis erupted in
late April, equity prices and interest rates
have fallen noticeably, and the St. Louis Fed’s
Financial Stress Index remains above its longrun average. In short, quelling these myriad
uncertainties will help bolster the growth of
U.S. output and employment.
Another Deflation Scare
In the minutes of the June meeting of the
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC),
some members expressed concern about
the possibility of deflation developing in
the United States. Counting this episode,
there have been three deflation “scares” in
the United States over the past decade or so;
the other two occurred in 1997 and in 2003.
Although core and headline inflation
(12-month percent change in the price
indexes) is near zero if one accounts for the
measurement biases that are still inherent in
the Consumer Price Index, most forecasters
believe that the probability of deflation this
year and next remains extremely small.
At the same time, financial markets appear
less certain about deflation. Over the next
three years, Treasury market participants
have lowered their expected inflation rate
by 1 percentage point to about 0.75 percent.
Assuming no change in food or energy
prices, this would be the smallest three-year
core inflation rate since the 1930s.
But as events over the past few years have
shown, the unexpected can happen. With
inflation at low levels, an adverse economic
shock could cause actual and expected inflation to turn negative. If this were to occur
on a sustained basis, nominal incomes would
fall relative to debt, thereby increasing the
real cost of servicing the debt and, thus,
imparting a further drag on real activity and,
thus, prices. Likewise, with an abundance
of monetary stimulus in the pipeline, an
unexpected surge in demand may cause the
opposite to occur: an unacceptable rise in
actual and expected inflation. The FOMC is
committed to avoiding either outcome.
Kevin L. Kliesen is an economist at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Go to http://research.
stlouisfed.org/econ/kliesen/ for more on his work.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 17
d i s t r i c t
o v e r v i e w
ILLINOIS
INDIANA
St. Louis
Louisville
MISSOURI
Tax Revenue Collections
Slow Down Even More
in the Eighth District States
ARKANSAS
KENTUCKY
Memphis
TENNESSEE
Little Rock
MISSISSIPPI
The Eighth Federal Reserve District
is composed of four zones, each of
which is centered around one of
the four main cities: Little Rock,
Louisville, Memphis and St. Louis.
By Subhayu Bandyopadhyay and Lowell R. Ricketts
S
tate tax revenue continued to decline in fiscal year (FY) 2010 for the Eighth District states as
well as for the combined 50 states.1 At the same time, unemployment rates have been only
gradually dropping, while assistance programs, such as unemployment insurance and Medicaid,
continue to remain in high demand. As a result, states are facing large budget shortfalls that are
becoming increasingly difficult to fill.
The 50 states will face a combined budget
shortfall of $260 billion over the two-year
period of 2011 and 2012, according to
estimates from the Center on Budget and
Policy Priorities.2 To make matters worse,
federal stimulus funding is running out,
and concerns about the expanding federal
debt may preclude states from receiving
further assistance. Consequently, states face
difficult decisions, including higher taxes
and/or further cuts to public programs.
Although still on the decline, the decreases
in the combined 50 states’ tax revenue
have leveled off in FY 2010 compared with
FY 2009.3 In FY 2010, sales tax, personal
income tax and corporate income tax
revenue were down 1 percent, 2.8 percent
and 5.8 percent respectively. In contrast, FY
2009 tax revenue dropped 6.2 percent, 11.2
percent and 16.9 percent respectively. These
three sources make up roughly 80 percent of
states’ general fund revenue.4
Figure 1 shows that the change in tax
revenues averaged over the Eighth District
states was much worse than the national
average in FY 2010.5 Sales tax, personal
income tax and corporate income tax
revenue fell 4.8 percent (1 percent for the
nation), 8.9 percent (2.8 percent) and 14.2
18 The Regional Economist | October 2010
percent (5.8 percent), respectively. These
numbers contrast sharply with the preceding fiscal year (FY 2009, Figure 2), when
Eighth District tax revenue fell 1.9 percent
(6.2 percent for the nation), 8.4 percent
(11.2 percent) and 13.5 percent (16.9 percent).
All seven of the District states experienced
a decline in sales tax revenue in FY 2010.
Sales tax revenue often falls when economic
uncertainty discourages consumers from
spending their disposable income. The
states that experienced the largest declines
were Illinois (–8.5 percent), Mississippi
(–8.1 percent) and Arkansas (–6.1 percent).
Interestingly, Indiana shifted from an 8.2
percent gain in sales tax revenue between
FY 2008 and FY 2009 to a 3.6 percent
decline between FY 2009 and FY 2010.
Mississippi’s revenue also significantly
decreased between the same two periods
with a shift from a –1.3 percent change to
a –8.1 percent change.
Personal income tax revenue continued
to decline across all seven District states
in FY 2010. Personal income tax revenue
falls when the unemployment rate is high
because unemployed workers have significantly lower income subject to taxes. The
largest declines were seen in Tennessee
(–13.8 percent), Indiana (–12.5 percent)
and Missouri (–10.6 percent). Between
FY 2009 and FY 2010, Missouri and Mississippi experienced a greater decline (–10.6
percent and –8.3 percent respectively) in
personal income tax revenue compared with
the decreases between FY 2008 and FY 2009
(–6.4 percent and –4.4 percent, respectively.)
Five of the seven District states experienced a decline in corporate income tax
revenue in FY 2010. Corporate income
tax revenue declines as business revenues
decrease due to a recessionary economic
climate, which is characterized by lower
demand and tighter credit conditions. Of
the District states, Indiana (–34.8 percent),
Illinois (–23.4 percent) and Missouri (–19.5
percent) experienced massive declines in
corporate income tax revenue. The percentage declines between FY 2009 and FY 2010
for Indiana and Illinois were much more
severe than the respective 7.8 percent and
8.1 percent declines experienced between
FY 2008 and FY 2009. In contrast, Arkansas has been a bright spot for the District
due to increases in corporate income tax
revenue both between FY 2009 and FY 2010
(7.4 percent) and between FY 2008 and
FY 2009 (1.6 percent).
Figure 1
endnotes
Fiscal Year 2010 Change in Tax Revenue Collections
0
–1.0
–2
–2.8
–4
PERCENT
1
–4.8
2
–5.8
–6
–8
3
–8.9
–10
–12
ALL 50 STATES
–14
–16
EIGHTH DISTRICT
SALES TAX
–14.2
PERSONAL INCOME TAX
CORPORATE INCOME TAX
4
5
SOURCE: National Governors Association and the National Association of State Budget Officers (2010)
6
Figure 2
R e f erences
Fiscal Year 2009 Change in Tax Revenue Collections
0
–1.9
–2
–4
PERCENT
–6
–6.2
–8.4
–8
–10
–11.2
–12
–14
–16
–13.5
ALL 50 STATES
EIGHTH DISTRICT
The fiscal year for most states, including all
of those in the Eighth District, ends June 30.
The exceptions are: Alabama and Michigan,
Sept. 30; Nebraska and Texas, Aug. 31; and
New York, March 31.
See McNichol et al.
All tax revenue data are from the National
Governors Association and the National
Association of State Budget Officers. Data for
FY 2009 represent actual revenue, while FY
2010 data are estimates of tax revenue as of
June 2010.
See National Governors Association and the
National Association of State Budget Officers.
Data for the Eighth District states pertain to
the entire respective states even though only
parts of six of these states are in the District.
(See map at top of article.)
See McNichol et al.
–16.9
McNichol, Elizabeth; Johnson, Nicholas; and
Oliff, Phil. “Recession Continues to Batter
State Budgets; State Responses Could Slow
Recovery.” Center on Budget and Policy
Priorities, July 2010. See www.cbpp.org/cms/
index.cfm?fa=view&id=711
National Governors Association and the National
Association of State Budget Officers. The Fiscal Survey of the States, June 2010. See www.
nasbo.org/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=gxz234Bl
Ubo%3d&tabid=38
–18
SALES TAX
PERSONAL INCOME TAX
CORPORATE INCOME TAX
SOURCE: National Governors Association and the National Association of State Budget Officers (2010)
Stimulus funds have helped to alleviate
some of the growing financial pressures on
state budgets experienced during and after
the recession. The American Recovery and
Reinvestment Act set aside about $135-$140
billion over 2 1/2 years to help states maintain their current budgets. The Center
on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates
that $102 billion of the stimulus funds has
already been disbursed to states over
FY 2009 and FY 2010. That leaves about
$36 billion or 26 percent of the total amount
for FY 2011 and beyond.
With the stimulus funds almost depleted,
states will have a more difficult time dealing
with budget deficits than in the past two
years, especially with the continued decline
in tax revenue. To rectify this, further
stimulus funding could be appropriated
toward alleviating the financial burden on
state budgets.6 However, concerns about
continued deficit spending and about the
growing federal debt have made federal
lawmakers apprehensive about providing
further financial assistance.
If the economic recovery continues to
progress, states will see improvements in
the three major tax revenue sources.
Indeed, for the combined 50 states, the
declines in FY 2010 were much lower across
all three major tax categories than in
FY 2009. By comparison, the combined
District states suffered larger declines in
FY 2010 than in FY 2009. The cause of this
reversal is not quite clear, nor is it certain
that it will be sustained. Regardless, Eighth
District states face a troublesome task of
reconciling falling tax revenue, assistance
programs that are in high demand and an
economic recovery that has been slower
than desired.
Subhayu Bandyopadhyay is an economist and
Lowell R. Ricketts is a research analyst at the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Go to http://
research.stlouisfed.org/econ/bandyopadhyay/
for more on Bandyopadhyay’s work.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 19
d a t a
a n a l y s i s
Shortcomings of and Improvements to
Measures of Income across Countries
© Rox ana Bashyrova, shut terstock images
By Julieta Caunedo and Riccardo DiCecio
Every man is rich or poor according to the degree in which
he can afford to enjoy the necessaries, conveniencies, and
amusements of human life.
—Adam Smith
1
T
he task of building measures of Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) that allow
for comparing standards of living across
countries presents several challenges. In
addition, data revisions can have surprising
effects. Consider two examples:
• The 2010 version of the World Bank’s
World Development Indicators (WDI)
implies that the United States was 10
times richer than China in 2005; the
previous version (2007) implied that the
United States was six times richer than
China for the same year. Also for 2005,
India was 12 times poorer than the United
States in the first version of the WDI and
18 times poorer in the latest version.
• A popular source of real GDP data used in
countless studies, the Penn World Table
(PWT),2 is not free of inconsistencies
either. For example, differences between
the latest two versions—both covering
data for the year 1996—reach a standard
deviation of 7.7 percent in annual growth
rates for countries in the bottom third of
the income distribution.3
These discrepancies are relevant for policy
decisions. For example, the European Commission uses GDP per capita, adjusted for
purchasing power parity (PPP), in deciding
how to allot structural funds; these funds—
25 percent of the EC’s total budget—are
used to smooth disparities between and
within member states.4
Also, assessing the success of policies
designed to fight extreme poverty across the
20 The Regional Economist | October 2010
world depends on the measure used
to define the poverty line.5 For example,
when the World Bank decided in August
2008 that the official poverty threshold
would rise from $1.08 of income a day to
$1.25, an additional 430 million people
around the world were automatically
classified as being impoverished.
Comparable Measures of Output:
Diagnosis
There are alternative ways to measure
output in an economy: adding up the
value added in each sector of the economy
(production approach) or adding the value
of total expenditure, i.e., consumption,
investment, government spending and net
purchases from abroad (or current account).
Most of the national accounting is done
using the latter.
One obvious difficulty in comparing
income across countries stems from the fact
that different countries use different currencies. The use of official exchange rates
would not provide an adequate comparison.
For example, if the Mexican peso were to
depreciate by 10 percent with respect to the
dollar, the GDP of Mexico would fall by the
same amount when measured in dollars.
However, if prices and incomes in Mexico
were unchanged, Mexican residents would
not be poorer by 10 percent.6 The Big Mac
Index constructed by The Economist gives us
a better comparison. As of July 2010, we can
buy a Big Mac for $3.73 on average in the
U.S. and for 32 pesos in Mexico. The burger
exchange rate is 32/3.73=8.57 pesos per dollar. At such an exchange rate, a burger in
Mexico and in the U.S. would have the same
price in dollars.7 However, the actual nominal exchange rate is roughly 13 pesos per
dollar: The dollars necessary to buy a burger
in Mexico are not enough to buy the same
burger in the U.S. This is what in economics
jargon is called the purchasing power parity
(PPP) adjustment. Still, moving from what
theory suggests as the correct measure to
the actual estimations is not without controversy. We wish people were to consume
Big Macs only!
Some of the main issues in constructing
these measures are:
1. People in different countries typically
consume different baskets of goods. For
example, the per capita consumption of
meat in Argentina is about 70 times larger
than in India, where cow meat is not usually
part of the diet. However, price indices that
allow for international comparisons should
be pricing the same basket of goods.
2. Even if the bundle is the same, its value
should be computed using relative prices
across countries (multilateral indexes). In
general, durable goods in terms of consumption goods are more expensive in developing
countries than they are in the developed
world, and, vice versa, services are relatively
cheaper in developing countries. The PWT
uses a valuation of goods that tends to
overstate the value of consumption in poor
countries.
3. It is difficult to value activities related to
the service sector (e.g., housing rental, government services, health care): What is the
value added to the economy of a teacher?
4. Measures of real GDP that are based on
2005 Gross National Income per Capita Based on Purchasing Power Parity
endnotes
1
EASTERN AFRICAN COUNTRIES, RANKING BASED ON WDI 2007
2
3
1800
1600
4
WDI2010
1400
5
WDI2007
6
1200
1000
800
7
8
600
9
400
200
10
0
12
Djibouti
Comoros
Zambia
Tanzania
Uganda
Madagascar
Rwanda
Mozambique
Eritrea
Ethiopia
Malawi
11
Burundi
CURRENT INTERNATIONAL $
2000
See Smith.
See Heston, Summers and Aten.
See Johnson, Larson, Papageorgiou
and Subramanian.
See Koechlin and Schreyer.
See Chen and Ravallion.
Mexican residents would be worse off
because imports priced in dollars would
be more expensive.
See www.economist.com/node/16646178
See Feenstra, Heston, Timmer and Deng.
See Henderson, Storeygard and Weil.
See the World Bank’s 2005 ICP Handbook.
See Feenstra, Heston, Timmer and Deng.
This is the so called “ring adjustment” that is
available in the 2005 ICP update and will be
included in the PWT 7.0 to be released later
this year.
SOURCE: WDI 2010 and WDI 2007 as reported by Nations Online at www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/GNI_PPP_of_countries.htm.
R e f erences
The ranking of Eastern African countries according to their gross national income per capita changes depending
on which version of the World Bank’s World Development indicators is used—the 2010 version or the 2007 version.
Both sets pertain to data from 2005.
Chen, Shaohua; and Ravallion, Martin. “The
Developing World Is Poorer Than We Thought,
But No Less Successful in the Fight against
Poverty.” The World Bank Development
Research Group, August 2008.
Feenstra, Robert C.; Heston, Alan; Timmer,
Marcel P.; and Deng, Haiyan. “Estimating
Real Production and Expenditures across
Nations: A Proposal for Improving the Penn
World Tables.” Review of Economics and
Statistics, February 2009, Vol. 91, No. 1,
pp. 201-12.
Feenstra, Robert C.; Ma, Hong; Neary, C. Peter;
and Prasada Rao, D.S. “How Big Is China?
And Other Puzzles in the Measurement of Real
GDP.” Unpublished manuscript, University of
California at Davis, March 2010.
Henderson, J. Vernon; Storeygard, Adam;
and Weil, David N. “Measuring Economic
Growth from Outer Space.” National Bureau
of Economic Research Working Paper 15199,
July 2009.
Heston, Alan; Summers, Robert; and Aten,
Bettina. “Penn World Table Version 6.3.”
Center for International Comparisons of
Production, Income and Prices at the
University of Pennsylvania, August 2009.
Johnson, Simon; Larson, William; Papageorgiou,
Chris ; and Subramanian, Arvind. “Is Newer
Better? The Penn World Table Revisions and
the Cross-Country Growth Literature.” Working Paper 15455, National Bureau of Economic
Research, October 2009.
Koechlin, Francette; and Schreyer, Paul.
“Purchasing Power Parities—Measurement
and Uses.” Statistics Brief, Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development,
March 2002, No. 3.
Smith, Adam. “An Inquiry into the Nature and
Causes of the Wealth of Nations.” Edwin Cannan ed., 1904. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1976.
World Bank. “Global Purchasing Power Parities
and Real Expenditures.” 2005 International
Comparison Program. See http://siteresources.
worldbank.org/ICPINT/Resources/icp-final.pdf
expenditure—the International Comparison
Program (ICP) and PWT—are highly influenced by the relative price of the country’s
imports and exports, the so-called terms
of trade. These measures tend to overstate
physical output in countries that face a high
relative price of exports.8
5. When aggregating data, it is common
practice to use fixed shares of consumption,
investment and public expenditure (the
one corresponding to some arbitrary base
year). This is problematic because changing
base years (and, therefore, the contribution
of each item in total output) may induce
movements in estimates that do not stem
from any fundamental change in value of
the components.
Improving Matters
In view of these limitations, economists
have relied on ingenious measures to approximate the actual growth of some countries.
A recent paper develops a framework that
combines measured GDP growth with
growth in lights on earth, as measured from
satellite images, to obtain a better estimate
of “true” GDP growth.9 For example, the
authors of this study found that the “true”
10-year growth rate for Tajikistan was –0.06
percent instead of –0.227 percent as reported
by WDI. The overall difference between the
official figures and what the authors claim
as the true GDP growth ranges from –0.25
percent to 0.25 percent.
More orthodox attempts aim at solving
the problem of comparable bundles of
goods. The latest PPP measures are built
upon regional data, which typically compare
groups of countries with similar economic
structures and consumption patterns. Then,
a few countries are selected as “bridges” to
allow for cross-regional comparisons. An
issue with this methodology is that the relative ranking of economies by GDP per capita
may depend on the composition of the group
of economies being compared.10
As for the treatment of the net foreign
balance, some authors point out the importance of distinguishing the expenditures
approach from the production approach
to construct real GDP.11 Real GDP constructed from the production side measures
the production possibilities of an economy
and should not take the terms of trade into
account. Even though real GDP data in
the PWT are constructed according to the
expenditure approach, the growth rates are
more similar to those of production-based
real GDP. For a sample of 151 countries,
the aforementioned authors found that for
one-third of them, expenditure-based real
GDP is above output-based real GDP. When
assessing how rich are the rich, complementing current measures with output-based
series may improve the quality of the analysis.
continued on Page 22
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 21
e c o n o m y
22 The Regional Economist | October 2010
g l a n c e
C ONSUMER PRI C E IN D EX
8
PERCENT CHANGE FROM A YEAR EARLIER
6
6
PERCENT
4
2
0
–2
–4
–6
–8
05
06
07
08
09
10
3
0
CPI–All Items
All Items Less Food and Energy
–3
August
05
07
06
08
09
10
NOTE: Each bar is a one-quarter growth rate (annualized);
the red line is the 10-year growth rate.
IN F LATION - IN D EXE D TREASURY YIEL D SPREA D S
0.45
4/28/10
6/23/10
0.35
8/10/10
9/17/10
PERCENT
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
–0.5
–1.0
–1.5
–2.0
–2.5
–3.0
RATES ON FEDERAL FUNDS FUTURES ON SELECTED DATES
5-Year
10-Year
0.25
20-Year
Sept. 10
06
07
08
09
0.15
10
Sept. 10 Oct. 10 Nov. 10 Dec. 10 Jan. 11 Feb. 11
CONTRACT MONTHS
NOTE: Weekly data.
C IVILIAN UNEMPLOYMENT RATE
INTEREST RATES
11
6
10
5
9
4
PERCENT
8
7
10-Year Treasury
Fed Funds Target
1
5
4
3
2
6
05
06
07
08
09
August
1-Year Treasury
August
0
10
05
06
07
08
09
10
NOTE: On Dec. 16, 2008, the FOMC set a target range for
the federal funds rate of 0 to 0.25 percent. The observations
plotted since then are the midpoint of the range (0.125 percent).
U . S . A G RI C ULTURAL TRA D E
F ARMIN G C ASH RE C EIPTS
75
190
60
170
BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
Riccardo DiCecio is an economist at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Julieta Caunedo is
a research analyst. Go to http://research.
stlouisfed.org/econ/dicecio/ to see more of
DiCecio’s work.
REAL G D P G ROWTH
PERCENT
It is quite unrealistic to believe that the
comparisons between poor and rich countries are so far off that the relative position
of countries would be reversed. However,
the picture gets blurry when looking at the
poorest economies. The figure depicts the
change in ranking of Eastern African countries due to the WDI update. Countries are
ranked from poorer to richer (left to right)
in 2005 based on the latest version of the
WDI (2010). The ranking gets shuffled if
one uses the 2005 figures from the previous
version of the WDI (2007).
Although a 40 percent margin of error is
allowed for countries with the lowest data
quality in the PWT, it is not plausible to
attribute all of the inconsistencies to poor
data quality. Merely changing the base year
creates standard deviations in the differences of annual growth rates as large as
5.4 percent on average.
Moreover, the current measures tend to
build price and quantity indices for baskets
of goods resembling more those consumed
in the rich than in the poorest economies.
Arguably, the most promising project
directed to partially solve this problem
seems to rely on the regional grouping of
countries.12
We also expect the issue with the treatment of international accounts to be solved
soon. If not, the user should be particularly
careful when looking at countries that are
resource-rich or that have an ample exportable base in commodities: These countries
are the ones most affected by changes in
relative prices of their exportable goods.
We should expect further adjustments in
the growth figures across countries. Hopefully, adjustment in levels and growth rates
will be smoothed along time. Common
sense remains the best way to assess results.
Robustness checking should be combined
with in-depth understanding of how data
are constructed.
PERCENT
How Much Do We Actually Know?
a
Eleven more charts are available on the web version of this issue. Among the areas they cover are agriculture, commercial
banking, housing permits, income and jobs. Much of the data is specific to the Eighth District. To go directly to these charts,
use this URL: www.stlouisfed.org/publications/re/2010/d/pdf/10-10data.pdf
BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
continued from Page 21
a t
Exports
45
30
Imports
15
0
Crops
Livestock
06
07
150
130
110
July
Trade Balance
05
06
07
08
09
NOTE: Data are aggregated over the past 12 months.
10
90
May
05
08
09
NOTE: Data are aggregated over the past 12 months.
10
c o m m u n i t y
p r o f i l e
Factory Closings
Shock Community into Opening Wallets
for Economic Development
By Susan C. Thomson
I
n Mayor Dickie Kennemore’s telling,
Osceola, Ark., had already been through a
half century of economic peaks and valleys.
Plants opened; plants closed. Good times
followed bad, and vice versa.
Then came the big plunge in 2000 and
2001. In less than two years, textile maker
Fruit of the Loom and furniture manufacturer EckAdams left town, Southwire
shuttered one of its two Osceola wire-making
plants and the Siegel-Robert Inc. auto parts
factory in tiny nearby Wilson shut down.
Kennemore calculates the four closings
together cost at least 2,000 jobs for his town,
located on the Mississippi River in the state’s
northeastern corner.
The losses shocked the city into action. It
began to pursue industrial development, using
cash generated by the city-owned electrical
distribution system to help make it happen.
Meanwhile, another big setback occurred
in 2002, this time in Blytheville, 20 miles
At the DENSO factory, air conditioning, ventilating and heating systems are made for cars. The city of
Osceola lured the Japanese company with a $3 million package, which included an improved site for the
plant and a break on electric rates. Seven years later, the company is one of the city’s major employers.
north of Osceola. Both of the towns are Mississippi County seats, with Blytheville having
about twice the residents. Blytheville’s setback occurred when it lost out to Murray, Ky.,
in the bidding for a Pella plant that makes
windows and doors.
The towns’ misfortunes were a wakeup call
for the countywide Great River Economic
Development Foundation, which had been
trying unsuccessfully to attract new industry.
“We were responding to companies’ requests
for information, praying to God that somebody would visit, and getting absolutely nothing,” says Executive Director Clif Chitwood.
Unlike the city of Osceola, the foundation
was approaching prospects empty-handed
because it had no spare funds for inducements. As a means to a nest egg, it proposed
a half-cent, county sales tax for economic
development. In a countywide election in
2003, the proposal squeaked by, 60 votes
to spare.
© Denso International America
Osceola/Mississippi County, Ark.
by the numbers
Osceola Population.............................................. 7,894 *
Mississippi County Population........................... 46,605 *
County Labor Force............................................ 20,949 **
County Unemployment Rate.....................10.8 percent **
County Per Capita Personal Income................ $30,437 ***
* U.S. Bureau of the Census, estimate July 1, 2009
** HAVER (BLS), July 2010, seasonally adjusted
*** BEA/HAVER 2008
Top Employers in osceola
American Greetings ............................................ 1,250 †
DENSO Mfg. ............................................................ 419 †
Kagome/Creative Foods Inc. .................................. 241 †
Viskase.................................................................... 230 †
Osceola School District........................................... 146 † †
† ReferenceUSAGov, Infogroup Inc.
† † Self-reported
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 23
At the Plum Point Energy Station, employees monitor
operations of the coal-fired power plant via a bank of
computer screens. photo by Susan C. Thomson
At Kagome/Creative Foods Inc., Dominique Jefferson
packages products for shipment as Larry Jacobs looks on.
The company received more than $1 million in taxpayer
money for a new water treatment plant.
photo by Susan C. Thomson
24 The Regional Economist | October 2010
The $1.2 billion Plum Point power plant went into service this summer. The city provided $3.5 million in incentives for the
project. A second power plant is planned for the same site. It will qualify for 20 years’ abatement of real estate taxes.
photo courtesy of NAES Corp., Plum Point Energy Station
That same year, Osceola’s own efforts began
to pay off. The city landed DENSO Mfg., a
Japanese maker of automotive heating, ventilating and air-conditioning systems. A $3 million package of sweeteners, including land, site
improvements and five years of below-market
electric rates, bested all bids for the plant. In
a smaller side deal, Systex Products, which
supplies injection moldings to DENSO, tagged
along to set up shop next door.
Chitwood gives Osceola “a lot of credit”
for DENSO and its other big solo win, the
Plum Point Energy Station. The city began
pursuing the $1.2 billion coal-fired power
plant in 2003 when Dynegy Inc. and LS
Power announced it as a joint project. An
offer of a 1,000-acre site with infrastructure
improvements and 20 years of real estate tax
abatement proved persuasive. The incentives
totaled $3.5 million.
Work on the power plant began in 2006.
By Kennemore’s estimate, activity during
the four years of construction peaked at
1,200 workers, 90 percent of them from out
of town. The plant went into service this past
summer. The site was designed and is ready
to accommodate a second plant of the same
size. Construction awaits only a state clean
air permit. The new plant will also qualify
for 20 years’ abatement of real estate taxes.
As the first power plant was completed,
work began on Osceola’s latest industrial
coup, this one by way of the tax-bankrolled
foundation. The foundation put up $3 million to buy and start work on a 40-acre site
where a German company will build a
$10 million, 65,000-square-foot plant for
making components for wind turbines. It’s
the first U.S. plant for the company, Beckmann Volmer. When the plant opens next
spring, about 300 will work there. Already,
there are plans for a $7.5 million addition,
which will require 200 more workers.
Alexandra Altvater, the company’s director
of business development, says it was attracted
to Osceola by “the best package” among
those offered by three Midwestern states.
Arkansas, eager for green industry, offered
$4 million toward the building; this will kick
in after the foundation’s $3 million runs out.
That $3 million is a big chunk of the $17
million in tax proceeds that the Economic
Development Foundation had committed to
two dozen development projects by mid-2010.
Chitwood calculates that the money has
secured for Mississippi County 3,000 jobs with
a total annual payroll of $90 million. In dollars and jobs, Osceola and Blytheville have by
chance benefited in rough proportion to their
populations, he says.
The foundation divides its attention and
resources between recruiting new employers and helping existing ones expand and,
thereby, keep or add jobs. “If a company isn’t
making a serious capital investment about
every 10 years, you can wave them goodbye,”
Chitwood believes.
With jobs to be gained as a result, the
foundation contributed $91,000 toward sewer
upgrades at Gilster Mary Lee Corp., a private
label foodmaker in Osceola, and $1.2 million
in a new water treatment plant at Kagome/
A truck delivers grain from nearby farm fields to Osceola’s port, already the busiest in Arkansas and being
expanded to twice its current capacity. The city is spending $3 million on the improvements.
photo by Susan C. thomson
Creative Foods Inc., which makes tomatobased sauces, margarine and other oil-based
spreads. American Greetings Corp. got
$550,000 for electrical upgrades when the
growing company was hiring.
Based in Cleveland, Ohio, the greeting card
company has a long history and deep stake in
Osceola—and vice versa. A presence in town
since 1961, it has grown into a 2.5-millionsquare-foot manufacturing and distribution
complex. In physical size and numbers of
employees, it’s the company’s as well as the
city’s largest plant. The city prizes the company not only as a reliable, mainstay employer
but also as an exemplary corporate citizen.
“Their staff lives here,” says Eric Golde,
executive director of the Osceola-South
Mississippi County Chamber of Commerce.
“They participate in the Chamber of Commerce. They participate in all the civic activities. The corporation is a major supporter
of events.”
For employers old and new, the foundation
prefers to invest in tangibles like land, buildings, access roads and utilities while allowing
for an occasional grant for training employees.
One of these training grants, for $281,000,
went to Osceola’s Viskase Corp., a maker of
casings for sausage and other food. Another
recipient of foundation money was structural
steelmaker Telling Industries, which received
$425,000 to buy and repair the vacant Southwire plant. About 50 people work at the plant,
which opened two years ago.
For all the money spent and jobs created so
far, Mississippi County’s jobless rate is stuck
A vacant plumbing supply store downtown was donated by the landlord to
the city, which hopes to renovate it for re-use. The city is asking other
absentee landlords of empty buildings to do the same. photo by Susan C. thomson
above the national average—where it’s been
historically, observes Greg Reece, a senior
vice president of the First National Bank of
Eastern Arkansas and head of its Osceola
branch. That’s because “a lot of our work
force isn’t mobile,” he says.
Despite high unemployment, it is “very,
very hard to find people to work,” says the
human resources manager at Kagome/Creative Foods, Nita Reams. In Chitwood’s view,
this is partly a case of too many undereducated, unemployable youth—“a systemic
multigenerational” problem that he says 10 to
20 years of above-average job growth will fix.
Osceola’s recent growth has been on the
outskirts, amid fields of corn, soybeans, rice
and cotton, all evidence of the strong role
that agriculture has traditionally played in
the community and still does. Grain shipments help make Osceola’s port Arkansas’
busiest, with annual shipments topping 200
million tons. The city is spending $3 million
on improvements, which will double the
port’s capacity by the end of the year.
Kennemore says it’s time now for the city
“to take a breather on industrial development
and let the new industries and new jobs come
to fruition.”
For the immediate future, the city is
concentrating on commercial development,
he says. One focus is downtown, where half
of the storefronts stand empty. He says the
12-square-block area began emptying out
in the 1970s as the mom-and-pop retailers
retired. The city has recently begun asking
absentee downtown landlords to deed their
properties back to the city, which could then
fix them up and lease them to new operators.
Kennemore imagines “a sports bar, a little
coffee shop, a sandwich shop, an old-fashioned soda bar. ...”
Over the years, Osceola’s commercial
center has shifted from downtown to the
four-mile stretch of Highway 140 between
there and Interstate 55 to the west. Kennemore says that a strip mall developer and
chain stores have shown interest and that a
tire store has bought a site there. It’s across
the highway from 15 acres Wal-Mart recently
bought for one of its “supercenters.” No
incentives were required, and construction is
to begin in January 2011, Kennemore says.
Still, the sales tax is seen as key to continued growth.
The sales tax “has exceeded what we
thought it would do,” says Steve McGuire, the
county’s “judge,” or elected chief executive.
Voters passed the tax on trust and with
a 10-year time limit. In August, with seven
years of results to show for it, backers confidently returned to the electorate with
a proposal to extend the tax for 10 more
years—to 2023.
The measure sailed through with a 77-percent favorable vote, heartening Chitwood.
“It lets us continue without having to worry
about losing momentum,” he says.
Susan C. Thomson is a freelancer.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 25
R e a d e r
e x c h a n g e
letters to the editor
The first three letters are in response
to “Unconventional Oil Production: Stuck
in a Rock and a Hard Place,” an article
that appeared in the July 2010 issue of
The Regional Economist. To read more
letters, go to www.stlouisfed.org/
publications/re/letters/index.cfm
oil prices of less than $50 per barrel, while new
via QE (2008-09) and then collecting interest
operations would require at least $70 per barrel.
on this sum is a clear moral hazard for most
We obtained this information from:
Americans ... and also a policy which promotes a
McColl, David. “The Eye of the Beholder: Oil
mentality that is not philosophically sound. The
Sands Calamity or Golden Opportunity?”
message that this policy sends to the market-
Canadian Energy Research Institute, Oil Sands
place is that our market system cannot solve its
Briefing, February 2009.
problems. Furthermore, this policy sends a message to the American people that capitalism has
Aug. 22, 2010
failed and that select sectors must be favored to
Dear Editor:
resolve the issues.
Dear Editor:
I read with great interest the article “Unconven-
The fact that the excess revenue (billions) earned
tional Oil Production” in July’s Regional Econo-
from this sum is transferred to the Treasury
This article seems correct in what it covers. But it
mist. Concerning oil sands, you may be inter-
account does not really help. Revenue is earned
is also incomplete and out-of-date because it fails
ested to know that over a year ago, my students
by creating QE via policy action, and this gives
to discuss recent successful development of oil
and I developed a method of separating oil from
the public (myself and others) the perception
shales in the Niobrara and Bakken formations
oil sand that uses no water and only 25 percent
that the Fed is playing by special and somewhat
using conventional drilling and fracturing tech-
of the energy of the conventional separation
unique accounting rules. I think that most Ameri-
niques. Accounts of operations in these two
method. Even though you might think that this
cans have viewed our central bank as indepen-
new areas have been very promising, describ-
development would be of interest to the oil pro-
dent from favor or special profits up until now.
ing potential of significant oil production being
ducers in Alberta, and even though I have written
developed over the next several years without the
and e-mailed all of the “players” that I could
environmental problems that nag oil sands and
identify (over 50), plus the Albertan government,
the mining of oil shale. This is outstanding news
my method has generated little or no interest at
for U.S. oil production. Perhaps a followup article
all by the oil sand operators. This is especially
would be in order for the benefit of your readers.
puzzling since merely investigating this waterless,
Henry Corder, investment adviser in New Orleans
low energy (shall we say “green”?) technique
Aug. 6, 2010
would address some of the most serious issues
The Fed, when acting as an umpire or coach, is
acceptable to most Americans ... but when policies are used to FAVOR select persons, sectors,
entities, then a moral hazard is evident. Has the
QE policy allowed the marketplace to rebalance? This is doubtful, in my opinion. Do the Fed
and FOMC policymakers think that favoritism is
absolutely necessary given our current situation?
Response from Authors of Article, Kristie
that the oil companies are facing in Alberta.
Engemann and Michael Owyang:
My patent application number is 20100096298,
public so that the people will support this policy.
Our goal was to give a broad overview of produc-
and I will be happy to share the lab results,
Implementing policies via the media and then
tion from oil sands and oil shale and, specifically,
machine description (the machine has only one
assuming that the public will support these poli-
the feasibility in an economic sense. We are
moving part), scale-up calculations, and more.
cies is doubtful strategy. And we all know that
aware of potentially new technology to develop
My e-mail is bdemayo223@yahoo.com.
CONFIDENCE is key to progress under our system.
unconventional oil, but due to publication lags,
Ben de Mayo, professor emeritus of physics,
Perception is important, and the soundness of
we relied on older studies for our sources.
University of West Georgia, Carrollton, Ga.
our monetary unit ($1.00) is also important. I
might add that a monetary unit ($1.00) which is
If you would like to share more up-to-date information, please send it and perhaps we can post it.
Aug. 9, 2010
The following was received after several
not grounded in physical reality is much more
articles appeared in St. Louis Fed publica-
difficult to maintain within a marketplace that
tions on the topic of quantitative easing (QE).
has lost confidence. Fiat money can work if the
people have confidence and if they view our cen-
Dear Editor:
I am curious as to your source of information as
Suncor, the Canadian company, has indicated
that it is profitable when oil is above $41/bbl
while this article indicates that the level is above
$70/bbl. Can you clarify?
John Sturges, director of investments at
Oppenheimer & Co. in New York
Response from Authors:
tral bank as independent (no favoritism). History,
July 27, 2010
however, does suggest that imaginary monetary
Dear Editor:
units ($1.00 and multiples thereof) can collapse
I would like to express my thoughts on the
quite quickly if the marketplace loses confidence.
past and current policies and philosophy of the
In the final analysis, money is a psychological
Fed and the FOMC. I do think that the use of
concept. I hope my comments will be helpful
quantitative easing (now) is a questionable policy
to those who are representing us within the Fed
which probably acts to promote a “moral hazard”
and the FOMC.
for our system. What Mr. Bernanke and the
Donald B. Swenson, philosopher in
FOMC are (were) practicing (2008-2010) creates
Marana, Ariz.
We wrote that existing Canadian oil sands opera-
a confusing use of our monetary unit (the dollar).
tions could be economically feasible even with
I would maintain that creating some $1.4 trillion
26 The Regional Economist | October 2010
If so, then this policy needs to be explained to the
ask AN economist
Adrian Peralta-Alva has been an economist
in the Research division of the Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis since May 2008. His expertise
is macro-economics. Recently, he has been
studying whether it is a good idea to spend more
on infrastructure as a way to boost the economy
now that housing construction has slowed down
so much. In his free time, he enjoys spending
time with his family, traveling and playing outdoor
sports. For more on his work, see http://research.
stlouisfed.org/econ/peralta-alva/
Fed Flash Poll Results
When a new issue of The Regional Economist is published, a new poll is
posted on our web site. The poll question is always related to an article in
that quarter’s issue. Here are the results of the poll that went with the
July issue. The question stemmed from the article “An Early Childhood
Investment with a High Public Return.”
Should society invest in high-quality early childhood
education programs for disadvantaged children?
27%
Why have Americans gained so much weight during
the past 50 years?
47%
20%
Yes, and use tax dollars because the investment
will save taxpayers in the long run.
Yes, but only if funding is provided by private
sources.
No. This is the family’s responsibility.
No. Society has higher priorities at this time.
583 responses as of 9/20/2010
The average weight of an American adult female has increased by 14
pounds since the early 1960s, going from 140 to 154 pounds. The average
weight of an adult male has increased by 16 pounds, from 166 to 182.
Obesity rates have risen dramatically as well. What is behind this increase
in weights? The quick answer is lower taxes, along with higher wages
for women.
The consensus in the medical literature is that people gain weight when
calories consumed are greater than calories expended. A switch to sedentary lifestyles in the U.S. is an important factor accounting for obesity levels.
However, the switch to a sedentary lifestyle in the U.S. occurred before the
mid-1960s. Further, estimates of the decline in calories expended in the
U.S. suggest these changes are too small to account for recent increases in
weights. It is well-established, nevertheless, that American adults consume
more calories now than in the 1960s.
Hence, Americans have gained weight because they consume more
calories than before. But why has this occurred? Nationally representative
data of food consumption by U.S. individuals suggests that this increase in
caloric intake can be attributed to a dramatic increase in calories consumed
from food prepared away from home (restaurants, fast food, snacks, frozen
pizza eaten at home, etc.), which more than compensated for a simultaneous
decline in calories consumed from foods prepared at home from scratch.
Economic theory can help us understand the changes in the food consumption patterns of American households. In fact, these changes roughly
coincide with important declines in income taxes and with a substantial
increase in the average wage of women relative to that of men. Both of
these changes increase the opportunity cost of cooking at home from
scratch. A higher opportunity cost of time can also help us understand
some of the dramatic changes in time use patterns of American households during the last 50 years. Married females devote more than twice the
number of hours to jobs outside the home while the total household time
devoted to food preparation and cooking has gone down by a factor of two.
Since high consumption of food prepared away from home may be here to
stay, policies focused on informing individuals so they can make healthier
choices when eating food prepared away from home may be useful in
controlling the obesity epidemic. If consumers demand healthier food, then
the establishments that produce it may respond by providing higher quality
food, achieving a virtuous cycle as well.
Submit your question in a letter to the editor. (See Page 2.) One question will be
answered by the appropriate economist in each issue.
6%
This issue’s poll question:
What impact, if any, have the unusually low interest
rates of the past couple of years had on you?
1. Great. I refinanced my mortgage, saving a bundle.
2. Good. I’m paying lower rates on some of my credit cards, and/or my
home equity loan rate has fallen.
3. My finances haven’t changed any.
4. What good are low interest rates if you can’t get a loan?
5. Lousy. I live on the interest on my savings.
After reading “Low Interest Rates Have Benefits...and Costs” on pp. 6-7, go to
www.stlouisfed.org/publications to vote. (This is not a scientific poll.)
more economic information that’s easy to absorb
If you like to get your economic information in relatively plain English
(as we try to give you in The Regional Economist), you might want
to check out Liber8, an economic information portal at http://liber8.
stlouisfed.org/. The librarians at the St. Louis Fed designed this site with
university and government document librarians, students and the general
public in mind. The librarians recognized that economic information can,
at times, be difficult for the noneconomist to find and understand. This
site provides a single point of access to the economic information that
the Federal Reserve System, other government agencies and data
providers have to offer. The librarians specifically selected nontechnical
sources that would be simpler to use and easier to understand.
One of the highlights of the site is an (almost) monthly newsletter,
which tackles a current economic topic, usually in only a few paragraphs.
(September’s feature: “State Pension Plans in Peril: The Need for
Reform.”) These articles are usually written by assistants to our economists. The theme of each article carries over into much of the other
information on the portal. (For example, while that September issue of
the newsletter appears on the portal page, other articles, charts and
economic indicators related to pension issues also are featured on the
home page.)
Liber8 is a free service of the St. Louis Fed. No registration or password
is required.
The Regional Economist | www.stlouisfed.org 27
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Calling All Data Junkies:
FRED Is on the Phone
FRED,® our signature database, has
gone mobile. On your phone, iPad
or other mobile device, you can now
browse the entire FRED series, view
the data and even see graphs formatted for smaller screens. Nearly 22,000
datasets are available on FRED (Federal Reserve Economic Data). Jump
in at http://m.research.stlouisfed.
org/fred/ No registration is required,
and, as always, there’s no charge.
The Bailout Crisis
How Large? How Costly?
I
n a financial crisis, shrinking liquidity and
As the economy improves, some of these
credit shortages threaten both financial and
programs are unwinding with profits to the
nonfinancial firms. During the crisis of the
government, while others remain in the red.
past several years, the federal government
Did the government do too much or too little?
and the Federal Reserve extended unprec-
And what are projections for the taxpayers’
edented amounts of assistance to banks,
final bill? Find out in the January issue of
brokerage firms and auto manufacturers,
The Regional Economist.
as well as to the broad financial markets.
© K arin Hildebrand L au, shut terstock images
© L aurent Davoust, istockphoto
economy at a
The Regional
glance
Economist
october 2010
REAL GDP GROWTH
CONSUMER PRICE INDEX
8
PERCENT CHANGE FROM A YEAR EARLIER
6
6
PERCENT
4
2
0
–2
–4
–6
–8
VOL. 18, NO. 4
|
05
06
07
08
09
10
3
0
CPI–All Items
All Items Less Food and Energy
–3
August
05
07
06
08
09
10
NOTE: Each bar is a one-quarter growth rate (annualized);
the red line is the 10-year growth rate.
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
–0.5
–1.0
–1.5
–2.0
–2.5
–3.0
RATES ON FEDERAL FUNDS FUTURES ON SELECTED DATES
0.45
4/28/10
6/23/10
0.35
8/10/10
9/17/10
PERCENT
PERCENT
I N F L AT I O N - I N D E X E D T R E A S U RY Y I E L D S P R E A D S
5-Year
10-Year
0.25
20-Year
Sept. 10
06
07
08
09
0.15
10
Sept. 10 Oct. 10 Nov. 10 Dec. 10 Jan. 11 Feb. 11
CONTRACT MONTHS
NOTE: Weekly data.
C I V I L I A N U N E M P L O Y M E N T R AT E
I N T E R E S T R AT E S
11
6
10
5
4
8
PERCENT
PERCENT
9
7
10-Year Treasury
2
6
Fed Funds Target
1
5
4
3
05
06
07
08
09
August
1-Year Treasury
August
0
10
05
06
07
08
09
10
NOTE: On Dec. 16, 2008, the FOMC set a target range for
the federal funds rate of 0 to 0.25 percent. The observations
plotted since then are the midpoint of the range (0.125 percent).
FA R M I N G C A S H R E C E I P T S
75
190
60
170
BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
BILLIONS OF DOLLARS
U . S . A G R I C U LT U R A L T R A D E
Exports
45
30
Imports
15
0
Crops
Livestock
06
07
150
130
110
July
Trade Balance
05
06
07
08
09
NOTE: Data are aggregated over the past 12 months.
10
90
May
05
08
09
NOTE: Data are aggregated over the past 12 months.
10
U.S. CROP AND LIVESTOCK PRICES / INDEX 1990-92=100
195
175
Crops
Livestock
155
135
115
95
75
August
95
96
97
98
99
00
01
02
03
04
05
06
07
08
09
10
commercial bank performance ratios
U . S . B an k s by A sset S i z e / second Q U A R T E R 2 0 1 0
All
$100 million$300 million
Less than
$300 million
$300 million$1 billion
Less than
$1 billion
$1 billion$15 billion
Less than
$15 billion
More than
$15 billion
Return on Average Assets*
0.57
0.40
0.43
0.39
0.41
0.12
0.26
0.66
Net Interest Margin*
3.75
3.92
3.94
3.81
3.87
3.84
3.85
3.72
Nonperforming Loan Ratio
5.35
3.27
3.11
3.92
3.54
4.40
3.99
5.83
Loan Loss Reserve Ratio
3.61
1.83
1.79
1.99
1.90
2.57
2.25
4.08
R E T U R N O N AV E R A G E A S S E T S *
NET INTEREST MARGIN*
0.50
0.05
0.79
0.66
3.65
3.61
Illinois
–0.26
3.45
3.46
Indiana
0.91
–0.31
–0.74
–.40
1.19
.00
0.24
Missouri
3.49
3.30
0.24
Tennessee
3.46
3.23
.80
1.20
1.60
PERCENT
Second Quarter 2010
2.40
1.90
1.70
Arkansas
1.89
1.90
1.36
1.30
Illinois
4.24
Indiana
2.25
2.66
1.49
1.27
Mississippi
3.51
1.58
5.28
.00 .50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.00 4.50 5.00 5.50 6.00
1.88
2.28
2.01
Missouri
4.54
2.70
2.03
Kentucky
2.92
Second Quarter 2010
2.21
2.06
Eighth District
2.92
3.22
Second Quarter 2009
L O A N L O S S R E S E RV E R AT I O
3.21
2.90
1.90
0.0 0.50 1.0 1.50 2.0 2.50 3.0 3.50 4.0 4.50 5.0
Second Quarter 2009
N O N P E R F O R M I N G L O A N R AT I O
1.64
3.80
3.76
Mississippi
.40
Second Quarter 2010
4.23
4.08
Kentucky
0.33
–0.06
–.80
4.07
3.97
Arkansas
0.97
1.13
–0.69
3.73
3.59
Eighth District
3.58
3.74
Tennessee
PERCENT
Second Quarter 2009
NOTE: Data include only that portion of the state within Eighth District boundaries.
SOURCE: FFIEC Reports of Condition and Income for all Insured U.S. Commercial Banks
* Annualized data
.00
.50
1.00
1.50
Second Quarter 2010
2.00
2.50
3.00
3.50
Second Quarter 2009
For additional banking and regional data, visit our web site at:
www.research.stlouis.org/fred/data/regional.html.
4.00
regional economic indicators
nonfarm employment growth / second Q U A R T E R 2 0 1 0
year-over-year percent changE
United
States
Eighth
District †
Arkansas
Illinois
Indiana
–0.5%
–0.4%
–0.5%
–1.0%
–0.6%
2.6
–2.1
–5.9
1.0
4.5
–3.6
1.2
–7.8
NA
Construction
–7.9
–8.5
2.5
–9.7
–5.4
–7.1
–9.1
–14.6
NA
Manufacturing
–2.1
–1.5
0.1
–3.2
0.8
–0.4
–3.1
–2.4
–1.6
Trade/Transportation/Utilities
–1.0
–0.7
–3.4
–1.0
0.6
0.8
–0.5
–1.2
–0.6
Information
–3.4
–3.6
–8.3
–2.9
–5.3
–3.7
–3.9
–1.6
–4.3
Financial Activities
–2.2
–2.4
–0.3
–2.1
–2.2
–3.3
–2.2
–2.9
–2.8
Professional & Business Services
0.7
1.8
–2.5
–0.3
9.4
8.3
–1.2
–1.7
3.0
Educational & Health Services
1.9
1.4
2.1
2.1
–1.2
1.8
1.8
1.3
1.7
Leisure & Hospitality
–0.1
–1.1
–1.7
–1.9
0.4
–1.3
–3.1
1.2
–2.1
Other Services
–0.6
–0.6
1.3
–0.8
–2.0
–2.3
0.2
1.2
–0.5
0.6
0.9
1.6
0.1
0.7
0.9
0.7
2.1
1.2
Total Nonagricultural
Natural Resources/Mining
Government
Kentucky
Mississippi
Missouri
Tennessee
–1.1%
–0.8%
–0.3%
0.5%
† Eighth District growth rates are calculated from the sums of the seven states. For Natural Resources/Mining and Construction categories, the data exclude
Tennessee (for which data on these individual sectors is no longer available).
U nemployment R ates
II/2010
eighth district real adjusted gross casino revenue*
I/2010
II/2009
900
9.7%
9.7%
9.3%
800
Arkansas
7.7
7.7
7.2
700
Illinois
10.8
11.4
10.0
Indiana
10.0
9.8
10.6
Kentucky
10.3
10.8
10.6
Mississippi
11.3
11.4
9.3
300
9.3
9.4
9.3
200
10.3
10.7
10.7
Missouri
Tennessee
MILLIONS OF DOLLARS
United States
600
500
400
Mississippi
Indiana
Illinois
Missouri
2002Q1 2003Q1 2004Q1 2005Q1 2006Q1 2007Q1 2008Q1 2009Q1 2010Q1
* NOTE: Adjusted gross revenue = total wagers minus players’ winnings in
2003 dollars. Recession bars are determined by the National Bureau of
Economic Research.
SOURCE: State gambling commissions.
H ousing permits / second quarter
REAL PERSONAL INCOME* / second QUARTER
year-over-year percent change in year-to-date levels
year-over-year percent change
13.7
–47.0
United States
8.4
–24.2
Arkansas
29.7
–65.6
Indiana
7.8
–43.3
10.3
28.0
–25
0
25
2009
All data are seasonally adjusted unless otherwise noted.
PERCENT
0.0
–1.7
0.0
–1.6
Tennessee
50
1.5
0.0
Missouri
–37.6
2010
0.5
–2.6
Mississippi
–43.7
–50
–0.4
–2.4
Kentucky
–41.1
–31.8
–75
0.8
–1.0
Illinois
22.6
–36.6
0.3
–1.7
1.2
–1.8
–3.2
–2.4
2010
–1.6
–0.8
0.0
0.8
1.6
2009
*NOTE: Real personal income is personal income divided by the PCE
chained price index.
2.4
