The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.
"^^ \ V. *• ./^.'^^'\ ^> 4 /.tS^^-^ ..**\.i;^.V "^^^0^ 0^^ /.i ^-^9^ ^-^ <#'^ .5>^>. .^' ^^^ -.^^Ji^" ^^'% °-TO^^/ -o.*" ,0 V ^- * Ay <,_ 1^ .ILf* '^'?' ,o* "^-t.. V ' , A TvT* /.i^'V /.^'^^A .-^*\c:,^%\ "V^'^V^ \J'^?^V^ "v*^"**^^^ V<^^ K* ^^ ^0^ "a>V ^^ 0-., ^^^•c.o-'\/ -^O ~V^^7^'\^^' "^^^^'^-S^' "^^^ q,. ^^^ V. VAo^ 7 «<*'S ^-,. *'^^'\.^ ^-1 O^ *.. . 'av<b- -^.^ "^^rr*' A PROCEEDINGS AT A PUBLIC BlWilflER m ALBEinARLE COUl^TY, YIR«I1¥I^ GIVEN TO MR. WILLIAM C. RIVES, LATE A SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES FROM THAT STATE. \ — PROCEEDINGS PUBLIC DINNER IN ALBEMARLE COUNTY, VIRGINIA. A public dinner was giyen to William C. Rives, Esq. on the 19th of the jiresent instant, at the Eagle Hotel, Charlottesville, as had been previously determined on by a meeting- of a portion of the citizens of Albemarle county, (which has been already made known, with a publication of the letter of invitation, and its acceptance,) in consideration of their personal regard towards liim, and of their decided appiobatlon of the course he had pursued as a member in the Senate of the United States, and in the discharge of the various duties which had been assigned him. At about 3 o'clock, P. M. the company, consisting of 87 gentlemen that being as large a number as could conveniently be accommodated with their distinguished guest, together with Captain Par'.ridg-e; Judge Irvin, of Michigan Territory, and Col. Wilson of Botetourt, who had been invited to partake of the festivities of the occasion, took their seats at a sumptuous and elegant dinner, prepared in the very best style, by Mr. John Vowles, the proprietor of the Hotel. Thomas W. Maury, Esq. acted as President, assisted by Henry White, and Martin Dawson, Esqs. as Vice Presidents. After the cloth had been removed, the following toasts were drank: 1- Our Country: "The Und of the free, and the home of the brave. " "It needs no bulwark," whilst the people hold the purse and the sword. 2. The memory of George Washington: By wisdom and valor, he won an empire, but refused a diadem. He chose Liberty in its stead, and bequeathed the rich heritage to man. eye-witnesses and near observers of my conduct iu all the relations of life, public and private. With a knowledge of my character and principles thus acquired, you have generously stepped forward, at a moment when a sentence of political ostracism has been passed upon me by others, to assure me of your undiminished confidence, to cheer me with your approbation and regard, to welcome me hack to your society, and to tlie communionof kindred pursuits and kindred feel- wuh — — 3. The memory of Thomas Jefferson: He fell on the anniversary of his political meridian, and (like a falling star,) has left a train of hght behind to guide the benighted pilgrim in ]iursuit of " his long-lost liberty." 4. Our Guest and Fellow -citizen, Wm. C. EiVEs: Alike distinguished for his firm, consistent, and unwavering exertions, to protect the Government of the United States from the ravages of Nullification, and to rescue it from the gulf of Consolidation the interpreter of the Constitution — and powers, as construed by the Republicans of '98, the immort&l Jefferson ami Madison. Let him be fairly tried by the People. Mr. Rives arose and addressed the company in substance as follows: Gentlemen: 1 should be either more or less than a man, if I were not moved, deeply moved b}' the manifi. station of aiFectionate kindness .-md regard, with which you have greeted m)' return among you, on the present occasion. You are all, gentlemen, my countrymen, neighbors tlie .and its — companions or patrons of my eaily years —the This is a testimony, on which I can repose consoling and triumphant consciousness^ amid all the denunciations and revilings to which I have been so unsparingly subjected. I shall cherish it, gentlemen, with grateful recollection, and transmit it to my children as the most unimpeachable muniment of that inheritance of character and public esteem which I desire, above all earthly possessions, to leave to them. The great public question, in which the part borne by me, has called forth this kind and flattering expression of feeling from you in my behalf^ is one of the most momentous character which was ever submitted for the consideration of a free people, wisely jealous of their rights and liberties. It involves, in fact, the whole question of free Government. The issue it presents is nothing less than this Shall the Pes>ple of these United States, in the true spirit of their institutions, govern themselves by their own agents freely chosen and responsible to them, animated with common sympathies and common interests, and amenable at all times, to the control of public opinion; or, renouncing the precious inheritance conferred upon by tiie valor and wisdom of their ancestors, tamely submit to be ruled and lorded over, by a sordid and selfish aristocracy, in tke form of a great moneyed corporation, without response bility, without sympathy, without check of anj sort, legal or moral? The Bank of the U. States has abundantly shewn by its conduct, that, though nominally established for commercial purposes, its ruling passion (in conformity to the example of all great moneyed associ.itions, of which history has recorded the existence,) is that of political domination. To secure itself against opposition in the pursuit of its schemes, it seeks to command the public councils, and by an influence, both external and internal, to control and supersede the Nor is it difficult to action of the Government. conceive, that an institution, like the Bank of the United States, wielding an immense capital, penetrating with its branches every ])ortion of the Union, connecting itself by the fearful extent of (nmouiiting annually to between its operations three and four hundred millions of dollars,) with. ings. I j | * the business and concerns of every individual in the community it is not difficult to conceive, I say, that such an institution, if unchecked in its career, should be able to make itself virtually the Sjiould it unhappily trimaster of the country. umph in the daring struggle it is now maintaini.ig with the constituted authorities of the nation, the forms of the Constitution may still remain, but, as a system of popular Government, its substance of embarrassment and distress shall continue," (as continue it must, according to the committee, till the Bank is rechartered,) "an adjournment of Congress is a thing not to be thought of." and Under the duress of this pre ^ ^ure the People will, it is expected, "in order to ru lieve" their pockets, compromise their principle." and call upon their Representatives for a rechai j ter of the Bank. While these extorted insti'ui tions of the People are pouring in, the Senate \ to lay siege to the House of Representatives, aw prevent, an adjournment of Congress; and tlii grand operaiion is to terminate only only with i surrender, at discretion, of the People and thei Representatives, to the coercion of the Bank Here is a bold and frank avowal, at least, of botl the end and tiie mean of the great struggle whicl is now convulsing the country. That end is open ly proclaimed to be, a recharter of the Bank and the means relied on for success, is tlie new " species of /oz-^ure, by the infliction of pecuniar) distress, operating first on the People, and through them on their Representatives. — be gone forever. We shall be henceforward, in fact, the vassals and slaves of a heartless moneyed power, whose despotic sway will only be rendered the more intolerable by the bitter mockery of the still subsisting forms and semblance of free Government. Let it not be supposed, gentlemen, that the object of this struggle on the part of the Bank, is a mere restoration of the public deposites to its ieeping. Its aim is far higher and deeper nothing less than the renewal of its charter, and the perpetuation of its power. I foresaw, from the vitality will — commencement of the controversy, and declared place in the Senate, that these two great questions were indissolubly connected inseparaIt was impossible ble parts of the same system. \ to conceive that the restoration of the deposites for tlie brief space of two years, could be so urgently sought, or that it could be expected to afford any valuable relief from the pecuniary pressure produced by the winding up of the Bank, unless it were regarded as the certain means and immediate precurser of a renewal of its charter. What was opinion then, is now fact; prediction has been converted into history. The Chairman of the Committee on Finance, in the Senate, has, as we have seen, given notice, that by direction and authority ^f the committee, he would, on the 17th iust. (the day before yesterday,) bring forward a measure, deemed by them the only one of effectual relief for the distresses of the country, to wit: a measure "for the restoration of the deposites and the rechartering of the Bank;" thus associating the tw» objects, (as they now stand by their own natures,) in indissoluble connection. ' The chairman of the committee exposes, at the same time, with a, frankness, for which, in these times, he merits no small praise, the whole plan of operations on which the friends of the measure rely for success. With a view to "unite different opinions," as he informs us, the Bank is proposed to be rechartered " for a short period, " as if, in point of principle, the constitution would not be as much violated by a recharter for a single day, as for twenty years, and as if, too, a recharter for four or five years, (the term probably projiosed,) woidd not certain Ij put it in the power of the Bank to secure hereafter an indefinite extension of its existence. He then tells us, that, "considering the present state of opinion witliin the walls of Congress, and with the Chief Executive Magistrate, the measure is to be submitted to the People in a more direct and emphatic manner than is usual in ordinary cases;" expressing, at the same time, his b.'lief, that "in in my — vrdir to relieve themselves whichihey labor, the People, not from the distresses under the question were now put to less than three-fourths of them would give an affirmative response." arc, then, finally told, that, "while the present stata if We What, gentlemen, is the obvious interpretation, the plain English of all this? The distresses the People being relied on as the cogent instr' ment of persuasion, the Bank is to go on to aggr* ^ vate, by every means in its power,the pecuniary di tress of the country. i ' ; .. , If I have not greatly misunderstood my counJ trymen, this scheme of operations is founded on s i total misconception of their character. Every new oppression of the Bank, will but confirn: them in their resolution to put down the oppress sor. Every additional instance of embarrassmen' and distress produced by it, will be but an argument the more against the existence of an institution, capable of inflicting such wanton and gratuitous mischief on the country. It has been justly said by an eloquent and philosophical writer, that "men are often hardened by their very pains, and the mind, strengthened even by the torments of the body, rises with a strong defiance against So will it be with the free and its oppressor." enlightened people of this country, in regard to the oppressions of the Bank. They will hurl back defiance in the teeth of the oppressor. Instead of the submissive and " affirmative response" which has been anticipated, they will answer in the proud spirit of freemen: " We know too well the blessings of liberty, to permit any paltry consideration ot money to weigh against them. know too well how much, both of blood and treasure, the establishment of our institutions cost our gallant ancestors, not to be ready and willing to bear the small sacrifice, (insignificant, indeed, compared with that they manfully encountered,) which may now be thrown upon us in their maintenance and defence. We shall glory in the opportunity, if the Bank so will it, of showing our devotion to those institutions, by meeting, not only with fortitude, but with disdain, all the rfistrcsses it can inflict upon us, in the utmost extremity of Its vengeance; and, far from indulging the unworthy thought of deprecating its wrath, by instructing our representatives to yield to its demand of a rechater, we will enjoin it upon them to redouble their opposition, and not to relax iu We — their efforts, till this unconstitutional and sordid tyranny has been finally put down." The arguments with which it has been attempted to alieuate the people from the support of their government in this vital struggle, have no less underrated their intelligence and sagacity, than the scheme of operations relied on to overcome their principles, has underrated their patriotism and They have been told tliat tlie President has united in his own hands the power of the sword and of the purse--that, by the Constitution, he holds the one, and by his own arbitrary and lawless act, he has grasped the other— that the separation of these two powers is a ftmdamental ma.xim of free government, and that their union the same hands forms an unmitigated despotism. Now, gentlemen, in the first place, the enlightened people of this country know full well, tliat the virtue. objects for which the money so raised is to be expended, this power is, in like manner, confided by the Constitution to Congress, the Immediate Representatives of the people, and has neither been claimed nor exercised, in any way whatever, by "Will it be pretended that he has the President. raised, or attempted to raise, by his authority, a solitary cent from tiie pockets of the people; or that he has, by his authority, a solitary cent ofthe public authorized by Congress^ undertaken to expend money And for objects not he has not, what ground is tliere for the accusation tliat he has and lawlessly usurped the power ofthe public purse? Can any color be found for such a charge in the circumstance that, under the Constitution and laws, the E.xecutive Department beyet, if arbitrarily m ing intrusted with the collection, keeping, and accountability ofthe public moneys, the President, maxim so pompously and frequently cited, with as the responsible head of that department, and ia regard to the fundamental importance of a sepa- execution of a power to that effect expressly ration ofthe powers of the purse and the sword, is a granted by Congress, had thought it necessary and maxim of monarchies, and Is consequently wholly proper, that the unexpended balance ofthe pubinapplicable to our republican institutions. In mo- lic moneys should be removed from one place of narchical systems, the power ofthe sword, to wit, keeping, where the trust had been shamelessly that of raising armies, equipping fleets, making abused, to another, where such abuse was not apwar, Sec, being the hands of an hereditary prehended? I think, gentlemen, you will amwer Chief Magistrate, holding his power independent- with one voice, No. ly of the people, it is indispensable to The people also have been told, that the Presithe preservation ofthe public liberties, that the power of dent had broken into the public Treasury, seized the purse should be separated from it, and placed the public money, and th.it he now controls the in other hands. But, in our free, republican whole public revenue of the country. These de- m sys- tem, this reason for a separation of the powers of the purse and the sword has no application what ever, and they are both lodged, where only they can be safely lodged, in the hands of the "representatives of the people. Our Constitution, therefore, does not recognise, but expresslv repudiates this monarchical maxim; for, the fundamental principle of American liberty, as vou have so well declared by the sentiment embodied in your first toast, is, the union the sword and purse of 1 nunciations have been made, as if, by the mere ofthe public deposltes from one set of Banks to another, the ])ub!ic moneys have been taken out of that official and responsible custody, which alone constitutes the Tieasury and, as If they were now at the unlimited disjjositl.m ofthe President, to be used by him for his private purposes, or to be bestowed in largesses on his favorites, just as he may think proper. Are not reprein the sentations such as these an insult to the underhands of the people. But yet, under color of an standings of the people? Is it supposed thit the antiquated maxim, borrowed from the English citizens of this enlightened Republic are wholly and other European monarchies, and entirely in- ignorant ofthe laws and institutions under which applicable to our free institutions, attempts have they live? The people know full well, gentlebeen made to alarm the jealousies of the people men, that the public moneys are as much now unwith regard to the security of their liberties in der the responsible guard of the public Treasury this respect. as they ever were that not a dollar has been, or The President, gentlemen, holils neither the can be, drawn out and expended for any purpose power of the purse, nor tliat of the sword. They which has not been expressly authorized and are both, as you have justly and properly snid, in sanctioned by their Representatives in Congress the hands of the people by their representatives. and that the President cannot get a cent even of The circumstance of the President being by the his own salary, without passing thnjugh all the Constitution commander of the Army and Navy, precautionary forms and checks of a warrant when raised, and ofthe militia, when called forthi drawn by the Secretary, countersigned by the does not give him the power ofthe swoi-d; but it Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and oristhepowerofmsiVi^q- the Army and Navy, of dered to be paid by the Treasurer, which the law calling forth the militia, of declaring the war In has prescribed. which they are to be used, and of directing To sustain these charges against your patriotic for what objects they may be employed; it is these Chief Magistrate, gentlemen, novelties of the powers which form the power of the sword, and most startling character have been advanced in every one of them has been expressly confided by regard to the administrative and constitutional the Constitution to Congress, the immediate It has been contendrepre- theory of the government. sentatives of the people. As commander-in-chief, ed, that the Treasury Department is not an Exthe President is but an instrument ofthe powers of ecutive Department that the Secr&tary of the Congress. So, in regard to the power of the Treasury, though from the first organization of purse, which consists in that of raising money from the government to the present day, he has, as the the pockets ofthe people, and of designating the 'lead of an Executive Department, held a seat in I transfer — — — _ I — the Cabinet of the President, and has been, both sive system of taxation, for the protection and by the usiiages of the Government and the pro- advancement of sectional interests, was steadily visions of law, placed in ihe same relations with increasing its burthens, to the almost entire annithe President i.s the other Secretaries or Heads hilation of tlie freedom of industry and that the of Depaitments are; yet, unlike them, he is Bank of the United States, with the favor it then wholly independent of the President: in short, enjoyed, seemed likely to perpetuate for ever its that th. ugh the power of removal and con- triumph over the prostrate constitution of the trol on the part of the President, with regard to land. These were the lliree grent, and, as we deemed all the Secretaries, was fully considered and settled in the most solemn manner, by the first Con- them, pernicious and unconstitutional systems of gress which assembled under the Constitution, national policy, against which the efforts of Virgiand has ever since remained undisputed; yet that nia had been zealously and perseveringly exerted that, and all subsequent Congresses, to the pre- through a long course of fruitless opposition. sent day, mistook the principles of the Consti rluy seemed, at that time, to be so fixed in ti\e tulion in this respect, and that, while by its the- affections of a majority of the nation, and in the ory, the P'esident, as the- Executive head, is habits of the public administration, that the preresponsible for the ccnduct of all his Secretaries, sent Chief Magistrate was called to the head of he is to have no power to control the conduct of the Government, more, perhaps, in the confiThese dence that he would restrain their abuses, tlian those for whom lie is thus responsible! novel and extraordinary doctrines will be appre- with tiie hope of his waging, as he has done, a ciated as they ought to be, by those whom it most war of uncoTiipr.imising opposition to them, on concerns, and to whom it riglitfullv belongs to principle. But this he has manfully done; and, The same enlightened and in- by the courageous exertion of his constitutional appreciate them. corruptible tribunal, too, will not fail to see, that power, or by the moral influence of his great and in the actual position of the great question, they deserved popularity, he has razed each one of are now called on to decide, there can be niD these systems of gigantic corruption to the ground. neutrals. A vital issue is joined between a dar- Nothing can be more conclusive than the testimoing and unconstitutional moneyed power, strug- ny of one of the most zealous of his adversaries, gling for supremacy on the one hand, and be- and a leadlngmember of the administration which tween tlie delegated and responsible government he succeeded, on this point. That gentleman has of the people seeking to vindicate and maintain told us, on a recent occasion, that " If the pi-ethe powers which have been committed to it in sent Chief Magistrate should go on in the course trust lor the public good, on the other. In such of innovation, (or, as we should call it, salutary a contest, he who, by exaggerated or unfounded reform,) he had coinmenced, hardly a vestige of charges against the government, contributes to the policy of the government, as it was on the deprive it of the public confidence and support 4th of Miircii, 1829, would remain on the 4th of necessary to sustain it in so momentous a strug- March, 1837." Now, gentlemen, tliisis precisely gle, as efiectually aids the bank and subserves the mission whicli we, of Virginia, at least, intendits triumph, as he who should come forth openly ed by our votes, to confide to him; and if he has as the champion and advocate of the bank. * gone farther in its successful accomplishment Nor can the People of Virginia forget, that tlian we had ventured to h.ope, it surely furnishes the firmness, moral courage, and constitutional no matter for reproach or complaint with us, howprinciples of the present Chief Magistrate, have ever natur.tllj' it may do so to those who have been formed the great dyke, which has protected the opposed alike to him, and to the policy and docpolitical doctrines so long cherished by her from trines of Virginia. On what ground of principle the swelling tide of federal encroachment. Break or honor is it, then, thst Virginia is now to unite down that dyke at the present moment, by cause- with those who have been her steadfast political lessly and rashly undermining the foundation of adversaries, in making war on an administration popular confidence and aflection on which it of her own choice, which has faithfully and trirests, and the united currents which are now umphantly carried out her doctrines, and n-ore setting in from so many difierent points, will than fulfilled her most sanguine expectations' sweep from the public administraiion every vesBefore I close the remarks, gentlemen, which tige of the principles and doctrines of Virginia. stemed cilled for on the present occasion, I shall It may be asserted, without fear of contradiciion, find in your kindness and ])artiality an apology for that no President of tli« United Stales has ever a single observatioii on a subject relating to mydone more for the ascendency of Virginia princi- stlf. When, on my return from the service of ples, than the present Chief Magistrate. I co- my country in a foreign land, I was unexpectedly, operated with you, gentlemen, and a large ma- and without any solicitation on my part, presented jority of our fellow citizens of the State, in his to the Legislature of my native State as a candielection; and I may safely say, that no one ex- d..te for a seat in the Senate of the United States, pec'.ation entertained by any of us.at that time.has a gentleman, then a membci-, Hud perhaps the been fals^ilied by the course of his admiiii;-;tration. oldest member of the House of Delegates, one Yo will nil recollect, gentlemen, that t tliat pe- who had known me from my boyhood, and who riod, an unconslitutioiuil and coirujitiiig system of had been, and is still, 1 am protid to say, my friend, Internal Improvements, under the the pntron;ige tiirougii good ;ii;d llirotigii evil report, addressed of the Federal Government, was rapidly extend- me a Uiter r< questing- to know my opinions briefing its dangerous lures ami mischievous abus ly on the leaiiiiig political topics of the day. In over the country that an unequal and oppres- my reply, which was written on my journey heme- — 1 : — ;, i ward, and was necessarily hurried, I answered in his own laconic and significant language, that "I was anti-TarifF, anti-Nullification, anti-Bank, and a firm and decided supporter of the policy of Gen. Jackson's administration." My letter was read by him in his place in the House of Delegatf s; as is, doubtless, recollected by two gentlemen now present, and then members of the Legislature; and upon the declarations of opinion contained in it, I had the honor of being unanimously elected (witli the exception of four or five votes) to the Senate of the United Stules— an honor which no one could appreciate with more grateful sensibility tlian myseii; for tlie confidence and affection of my native St.ite I have ever regarded as the higliest reward of my public service. Now, gentlemen, I think 1 have a right to ask, that my conduct in the discharge of tlie high duties confided to me, should be tried by the declaiation of princi pies I then made, and upon wliich I was unanimously elected, with the exception mentioned. It has so happened that, in the course of the last eventful twelve-month, occasions have occurred to test the sincerity of every one of the opinions I profcssetl. It will be admitt. d, I think, by all that, by my course during the last session of Congress,^ I proved myself anti-Nullification and antiTariff l)y my course during tl>e present, antiBank and on both occasions, the friend of the present Administration, by giving- it that candid and honorable support which it seemed to me to deserve at the hands of the I'eople especially the — — — Peoplfi of Virginia. While I have thus — — ! men, marking with discriminating the merits and demerits of each, but kindling with the passions, and enlisting under the ambitious lead of none shaping by their patriotic will, and controlling by the sober exercise of their power, the actual administration of their own affairs our confidence revives with inerenstheir public judgment, — — ed strength, and we feel that our happy institutions arc founded on the imperishable rock of ages. It is in this conviction, deeply felt and cherished with, enlivening confidence, that I offer you a sentiment, gentlemen, in which your hearty concurrence is assured to me, in advance: The People, the rightful source of all power Their virtue and vigilance the corrective of bad, the support of good government. 6. The People are sovereign: Let those who instruct their agentii, first go to the source of all legitimate political power. 7. James Madison: Look for his Ijistory to the annals of his country, and his doctrines of '98 and '99 Time may blanch his brow and bend his form, imt his name, like his principles, will be immor- — tal. Andrew Jackson, President of the United of Executive reform he has not only pierced the corrupt labyrinth of the Bank, but he has destroyed the monster, and rescued the liberties of the people from its expiring 8. Slates: — The Thtsus grasp. and Bankites. The exof parties divided among themselves united only in their ruthless and reckless warfare against the present administration. 10. The Governor of Virginia: Official authority, when it stoops from "its pride of place," sinks into the mere partisan gratuitousl} and uncalled-for, transcends the line of its prescribed duty it is then deservedly censured and justly reb liked. 11. The Union of the States and the Rights of the States: May the Traitor who dares to attempt the: destruction of either, find a Brutus with a 9. Nallljiers, Nationals, tremes redeemed every one of the pledges made by me at the time of my election, and upon which I was chosen by an almost unanimous vote, iiud, as it would now seem, precisely because I have so redeemed them, I have had the misfortune to fall under the displeasure of the Legislature. Let it be my consolation to know! that, when I was chosen to the honorable office I have felt myself called on to lay down, it was! upon an honest and frank declaration of my prin-! ciples, to which I have faithfully adliered— that l' dagger for his heart. have broken no pledge, violated no promise, de12. The modern Triumvirate, Calhoun, thty^ ceived no expectation. If there has been any and Webster: A rare and mysterious coalition, change of princi|;le or opinion, I think 1 may striving to win the Empire by division; but, if stand up in the face of the world, and say, I have gained, each one determined to aim at a monoponot changed. Nor do I believe, that the People ly of the whole. of Virginia have changed. Amid the sudden and 13. William J. Duane: He who needs the adcapi-icious mutations of parties, amid the violent vice of a father, and 's insensible to the obligaconflicts of political ambition the enlightened tions of a sacred pledge, is incapabla of advising, steadiness of the People, their incorruptible fiand unworthy of a seat in the councils of his coundehty, and unwavering attachment to principle, try. have ever formed my most cheering reliance, and 14. Woman: on their verdict, I shall rest with conscious secu" Her look is to man's eyes a beam rity. When we look around us, and witness the Of loveliness that never sets; infuriated contests of political leaders for power, Her voice is to his ear a dream the reckless extravagance of party spirit which Of melody it ne'er forgets. animates the'r followers, the too o'ften angry and Alike in motion or repose violent debutes of our public bocfies, and the fuAwake or slumbering, sure to win; rious proscriptions of the public press, the heart Her form, a vase transparent, shows of the patriot sickens with despondency and apThe spirit's light enshrined within." prehension, for the fate of our republican system. VOLUNTEERS. But when our eyes are turned from this scene 1. By the Committee. Our Guest, Capt. Parback to the People, the fountain of power when tridge: The distinguished instructer of youth — — — we see — calm and unexcited, though vigilant he will always teach the true doctrines of Repuband enlightened observers of the proceedings of licanism. ^Ae/n a 8 After the annunciation of this toast, Capt. Partridge rose, and after expressing his acknowledgments, in a brief and neal address, offered the ' 11. By Col. David Hays. William F. Gordon: False to his constituents; and 1 am in hopes the People will let him know it, when he returns home. following toist: 12. By Craven Peyton. The Americans: 2. The Youth of our country: With pride may our citizens point to them, and say, " These are Wise, brave and just. All the wealth of the universe would not i.iduce them to tarnish the our jewels." Rives, fame of their two sons, Andrew Jackson and 3. By Col. G. W. Kinsolving. W. He .stands William C. Rives. Virginia's talented and favorite son: 13. By a student of the University. Our Guest, unmoved amidst the conflicting elements of the political world; may no clouds of prejudice ob- the Hon. Judge Irvin, of Michigan Territory true Virginian and firm supporter of the present scure him in this political storm. A toast sent by Mr. Jesse Lewis, who had in- administration. [After this toast, Judge Irvir\ made his actended to be present in person, but was preventknowledgements in an appropriate manner, and ed by circumstances beyond his control: 4. The ship of State: A bold and hazardous oflTendthe following:] 14. Virginia now, and Virginia forever. tack, but now, probably, tlie only one that could 15. By Dr. Ch:istain Cocke. General Jackson have defeated the enemy. the stripling soldier of the revolution the veJesse Lewis: 5. By Thomas .J. Randolph. teran hero of the last war, and now the venerable Thomas Jefferson's sample of a nation's wealth. 6. Bv the Committee. Our Guest, Col. Wil- and unflinching patriot of to-day. 16. By Allen T. Peebles. The guests at this son, of Boteto\irt, a faithful and able member of the Republican phalanx in the late Legislature of banquet, a band of freemen, who are resolved to aid in saving the democracy of our country, by Virginia. [After this toast was announced. Col. Wilson sedulousl)' supporting the disciples of the Jefferrose, and in a brief address defended the princi- son Republic in School. 17. By Williiim S. Dabney. The next Presiples he had maintained in the late Legislature, dent of the United St:ites: May he, like the preand ottered the following:] 7. T!)e People of Virginia: May they speak in sent, be called to office by the vDice of the Peoa voice not to be misunderstood, against the re- ple, unawed by the frowns and unseduced by the storation of the deposites and the recharter of the smiles of any soulless corporation whatever. 18. By William H. Brockenbrough. VirgiUnited States Bank. Thomas W. Maury, President of the Day, be- nia, unbullied and unbought her voice in '98, tUTor could not stifle in '34, the Bank cannot ing called upon for a toast, gave the following: 8. The Address of the Minority of the Legisla- buy. 19. By Capt. John H. Craven. Patriots of '98 ture of Virginia on the deposite question a torch from the vestal fane of '98. The popular breeze and '99, watch! The enemy ai'e on the lines, or will fan the flame till it shall cease to be the lesser in the camp. 20. By Col. Samuel Carr. The Rights of the fire. Sent by Col. John R. Jones, who was unavoida- States and ihe Union of the States avoiding nullification on the one side, and consolidation bly prevented from attending: 9. Our Guest, William C. Rives: The honest on the others both equally daftgerous to the perpolitician, the true patriot, and firm supporter of petuity fuid fi-eedom of our institutions. 21. By Henry White, Esq. one of the Vice May his the constitut'on of the United States. The ensuing Ajjril Elections. Virservices ever be remembered with gratitude by Presidents. ginia expects every man to do his duty without the American People. 10. By Col. Thomas Durret. William C. fear, favor, or affection. 22. By Charles I. Merewether. May the reRives: We hail him as the faithful and independent interpreter of the Constitution, and able solutions and ins/ructions sent to our Senator by supporter of the administration. May our next our last Legislature, cause the political death of Legislature replace him in that station, which his the majority; but the People will reward the mimagnanimity and high sense of honor caused him nority. C — — — — — — — ' to resign. W AgH . 'oK 'Ao^ '^ XV • 'o.»- • • A «J?«<.«=> -^^^^ ^^o.^^' -^v^^^^ ^:5. 'o . . * /% <, <- . < . . « • o, .0 . 'o *=l, • 1