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THE NEliBO IN THE ST. LOUIS
ECONOMY
1954

IRWIN SOBEL, Ph.D.

Deportment of Economics
Washington University

and

WERNER Z. HIRSCH, Ph.D.

Department of Economics
Washington University

HARRY C. HARRIS
Industrial Field Secretory
Urban League of St. Louis

PROJECT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS
CHESTER E. STOVALL, Director

THE URBAN LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS, INC.
PRICE $1.00

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· 1

uF CALIFURNIA

1954

III 11111111

I --I I

III 1111 IN

THE NEGRO IN THE ST. LOUIS

ECONOMY

1954

IRWIN jBEL,'!4.D.
Department of Economics
Washington University

'and

WERNER Z. HIRSCH, Ph.D.
Department of Economics
Washington University

HARRY C. HARRIS '"
Industrial Field Secretary
Urban League of St. Louis

PROJECT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS,
CHESTER E. STOVALL, Director

THE URBAN LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS, INLcc/.
PRICE $1.00

COPYRIGHT, 1954
BY
THE URBAN LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS, INC.
A COMMUNITY CHEST AGENCY
MEMBER OF THE SOCIAL PLANNING COUNCIL
AFFILIATE OF THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE

Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
Preface .----------5
Acknowledgments.
7
Introduction .10
Chapter I-General Characteristics of the Population.
12
Chapter 11-Employment Status .25
37
Chapter III-The Employed
Chapter IV-The Unemployed .................
59
..........
Chapter V-Underemployment .63
Chapter VI-Not In The Labor Force ... 69
VII-Income
...................................................................... 73
Chapter
Conclusions .........................7....9.............
79
...........

Appendix:

Methodology

..............................

Exhibit "A". ............................................................................. 87
Exhibit "B"............... 92

LIST OF TABLES
Population of the Eight Largest Cities .13
Population of the Nine Largest Metropolitan Areas..................
Population of St. Louis, Mo., by Race............................. 14
Total and Negro Population of St. Louis, Mo ...............................
Population of the St. Louis Metropolitan Area By Race. ...
.-----------------------------Percentage of Negroes 14 Years of Age
Population of the City of St. Louis, Mo., by Race and Sex
Age of the Population of the St. Louis Metropolitan Area
Race
BySexand........................................
Age Distribution of the Male Negro Population of
St. Louis, Mo.
18
Age Distribution of the Negro Population of St. Louis, Mo.
Negro
In-Migration Into St. Louis, Mo...........................................
Educational Status of the Negro Population of
St. Louis, Mo., By Sex ...
.......
Number of School Years Completed By Age
Labor Force Participation and Employment Status of the
Population of St. Louis, Mo., By Race and Sex.26

13
14
15
16
17
18

............

19
20
21
23

LIST OF TABLES (Continued)

Page

Employment Status of the Civilian Labor Force of the
............................ 27
United States By Race ....................
Status of Employment in St. Louis, Mo., Metropolitan Area.... 29
Employment Status of Negroes in St. Louis, Mo., By Sex ........ 30
Employment Status of the Civilian Negro Labor Force of
St. Louis, Mo ................................................. 31
Employment Status of Negroes in City of St. Louis
.................................... 33
By Age and Sex ............
Employment Status of Negroes in St. Louis, Mo.,
Marital
By Status and Sex ................................................ 34
Employment Status of Negroes in St. Louis, Mo.,
............................ 34
By Education and Sex ....................
Occupational Attachment of the Employed in St. Louis, Mo.,
................................... 37
By Race and Sex .............
Negroes in St. Louis
of
Employed
Attachment
Occupational
41
By Previous Jobs............
Occupational Attachment of Employed Negroes in Selected
Metropolitan Areas With Urban Leagues, By Sex .................. 43
Negroes As a Percent of Labor Force in St. Louis
Metropolitan Area By Industrial Categories and Sex ............ 45
Industrial Attachment of Employed Negroes in St. Louis, Mo.,
By Sex .................................................. 48
49
Hiring Period of Employed.....................
Hiring Period of Employed Negroes in St. Louis, Mo.
By Occupations................................50
Job Information Sources By Age and Sex .51
Job
Information
Sources By Education........................................ 53
Duration of Unemployment of Unemployed Negroes in
St. Louis, Mo., By Sex .59
Occupational Status of Employed Negroes in St. Louis, Mo.,
64
By Education .........
Occupational Training of Civilian Negro Labor Force of
St. Louis, Mo ......................... 66
Present Occupation and Past Training of Civilian Negro
Labor Force in St. Louis, Mo......................... 67
Status of the Negro Non-Labor Force of St. Louis, Mo.,
69
By Sex ....................................
Median 1949 Income In Selected Metropolitan Areas By Race 73
1949 Income of the Income Reporting Population of
.......................... 75
St. Louis, Mo., By Income Brackets and Race
4

Preface
To fully appreciate the purpose of this study requires some understanding of the basic objective of the Urban League program. Simply
stated, the Urban League seeks to enhance community progress by
working to improve the living standard of Negro citizens.
There are two major branches which make up the League program. One is the Neighborhood or Block Unit program which brings
to the Negro community opportunities for self-improvement through
self-help projects. The other is the Industrial Relations program
which seeks to achieve employment policies and patterns that are
consistent with freedom of choice and maximum productive efficiency.
It is this latter branch which is the concern of this study.
One of the ways in which this goal can be attained is by persuading individuals in policy-making positions that any employment
practice which uses race as a criteria is economically unsound, morally
wrong and destructive of democratic values.
A first step in the formulation of any program is to obtain accurate
and up-to-date information about the situation under study. This,
the survey attempted to do by answering such questions as, "What
are the characteristics of the Negro labor force and how is it being
utilized?", "To what extent do Negroes participate in the organized
labor movement?", "In what areas of employment has the Negro
made the largest gains and where the least?", "Is the lack of educational attainment of Negroes when compared with whites, a factor
in their relatively lower employment status?" and, "What is the
comparative yearly average income of Negro and white labor?"
The second step is to interpret these facts to the community; to
point up the community problems they produce; to present a plan
for alternative action and to persuade business, organized labor,
government, religious and civic leaders to work for the full utilization of this community's labor supply in the interest of community
progress. The answers provided by the survey will be used in achieving the second step.
This will be the major responsibility of the League staff and the
board and non-board volunteers in the months ahead.
M. Leo Bohanon, Executive Director
Urban League of St. Louis, Inc.
September, 1954
5

Acknowledgments
This study was a community project involving more than 2,000
persons and organizations. It is not possible to make separate acknowledgment to all to whom the League is indebted. Our deepest
thanks go to1. Dr. Irwin Sobel, Department of Economics, Washington
University, member of Urban League Board and Industrial Committee, for his supervision and direction of the project, and analysis
of data collected.
2. Dr. Wemer Z. Hirsch, Department of Economics, Washington University, for planning and directing the statistical part of
the study and for collaborating with Dr. Sobel on other phases of
the survey.
3. Harry C. Harris, Assistant Industrial Secretary of the Urban
League of St. Louis, who first suggested the study, did most of the
preliminary work in preparation for the survey project, supervised
volunteer interviewers, computed much of the data collected, and
drafted the first tentative report of the study's findings.
4. The Research Advisory Committee whose members gave willingly of their time and professional talent in advising and counselling
the research staff. Members of this committee were: Richard H.
Uhlig, Research Secretary, Social Planning Council of St. Louis;
William H. Coibion, Director of Planning, City Plan Commission
of St. Louis; Ernest Calloway, Research Director, Joint Council of
Teamsters No. 13, International Brotherhood of Teamsters, A. F.
of L., and Mrs. Mildred Helmholt, Research Analyst, St. Louis Office,
Missouri Division of Employment Security.
5. Those persons who made specialized contributions, namely:
Mrs. Jane Rand, St. Louis Junior League and Miss Elly Gelfenbaum,
Washington University, for collecting and making meaningful raw
and unrefined data covering problem areas; Mrs. Erma Brasfield,
A. F. of L. Teamsters Union, Local 688 and Howard G. Brunsman,
Chief Population and Housing Division, Bureau of Census, U. S.
Dept. of Commerce, for providing leads which expedited the obtaining of needed data; Charles Ortique and Herbert Solz, graduate
students at the University of Illinois for assisting in the coding and
tabulation of the returns, and Dr. Richard Wilcock of the Institute
of Labor and Industrial Relations of the University of Illinois who
7

made available the facilities of Illinois University necessary to complete the study.
6. The 100 volunteer interviewers who spent their days, evenings and week ends, often working in inclement weather, to interview
over 2,000 persons. In addition to the many unattached individuals
who served as interviewers, the following organizations were represented:A. Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Undergraduate and Graduate
Chapters
B. American Association of University Women, St. Louis
Branch
C. Interfaith Group of Young Adults, National Conference
of Christians and Jews
D. St. Louis Federation of Block Units.
E. St. Louis League of Women Voters
7. Those whose financial contributions made possible the printing
of this study, including:
Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, CIO
Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen of North
America, AFL
Building Laborers and Hod Carriers Union, Local 53, AFL
Central Trades and Labor Union AFL
General Cable Corporation
International Association of Machinists, Dist. 9, AFL
International Brotherhood of Teamsters, Joint Council 13, AFL
Jefferson Bank and Trust Company
Retail Store Employees Union, Local 655, AFL
St. Louis Public Service Company
St. Louis Typographical Union, No. 8, AFL
Universal Match Corporation
W. B. Graham and Associates
8. The St. Louis Argus and St. Louis American newspapers for
their assistance in the recruitment of volunteers and in interpreting
the purpose of the study to the community.

9. The St. Louis plant of General Cable Corp. for volunteering
its IBM equipment which made possible the transfer of the original
data to IBM cards; to Miss Maxine Newburn, IBM machine operator; and to the representatives of the Frieden, Underwood and International Business Machine Corporation who were very helpful on
some of the mechanical aspects of the project.
10. The Industrial Relations Committee of the League which had
the imagination and foresight to recognize the merit in such a study
and aggressive patience in guiding the project through to a successful
end. Members of this committee are: Benjamin S. Sanderson, Chairman, Ernest Calloway, Paul Connole, Charles DeLargey, A. C.
Phillips, Jerry H. Rhodes, Jr., C. Spencer Tocus, Irving A. Williamson, James Youngdahl, R. L. Witherspoon and Irwin Sobel.
11. The staff of the Urban League which worked as a unit putting in many hours of overtime in helping to put the project over.
12. Those 2,000 men, women and children who were kind, cooperative and patient enough to "suffer" through another one of
the many interviews and polls.
Any merit which this study might contain is the result of the work
of all of the individuals we have mentioned; its shortcomings are
the sole property of the authors and the League.
Permission is hereby granted to any individual, group or organization to reprint any part or all of the material that is contained in
the study on the condition that due credit is given to the Urban
League of St. Louis, Inc.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS
URBAN LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS, INC.
SEPTEMBER, 1954

Introduction
Ira De Reid said in 1934:
"Colored workers here (in St. Louis) are available in large number, and,
according to reports, are more intelligent, and of a better class than those
further south, (SIC) being especially useful for different kinds of rough

work."'1
This statement raises many questions pertinent to our present
study. Why, for instance, are Negro workers available in large numbers in the area? What is the exact size, composition, and status of
the Negro labor force? Why should a group that is more intelligent
and of a better class be especially useful only for rough and disagreeable work?
If the scope of these queries were to be broadened and brought
into more modern focus by taking into account certain basic aspects
of this area's total labor force, the statement then suggests the major
questions to which this study is addressed.
In order to maximize our- limited research resources, the data
collected were restricted, for the most part, by previously assembled
information, especially that of the last Decennial census. This restriction was designed to facilitate geographical and chronological
comparison and to enable generalization about the direction and
tempo of economic change and its effects upon the local Negro
population.
The need for answers to three major questions provided the major
analytical topics. These questions are: (1) What is the present status
and direction of change of the Negro labor force, in regard to size,
education, income, occupational and industrial attachments, and employment security?; (2) What, if any, discrimination and segregation
is practiced by business units and trade unions?; and (3) To what
extent does the community utilize the skill, ability, and training of
the Negro work force?
The methods used to obtain these data were determined by the
nature of the problems and comparable methods employed by the
census. Reliance on interview rather than institutional data constituted one of the main features of this study. The resultant dependence on data furnished by the interviewee meant that in a situation
which required a qualitative answer, the accuracy of the response
might be lessened by deficiencies in knowledge of the person questioned. Income data are especially subject to this limitation. However, similar deficiencies prevailed in census questioning.
or disagreeable

Institutional questioning, similar to that used by The National
Planning Association in its study of union and employer practices
in the Durham area, was ruled out. Unlike Durham, where the bulk
of Negro employment is concentrated in a few large plants, the St.
Louis employment pattern is one of great diversity. This difference
made direct, on the scene, observation of practices impossible in this
study. The possible use of questionnaires was rejected because previous
experience indicated that returns were likely to be scattered and
biased.'
Coincident with the planning of this research detailed 1950 Census data were becoming increasingly available. However, the Korean
War, and the resultant economic expansion which was followed by
the decline in economic activity in the latter part of 1953, took place
after completion of the Census.
Census information furnished important points of reference, both
as benchmarks in the sample design and in the interpretation of the
results. The sample is a probability cluster sample of 40 half blocks;
for instance, the streets on the northern and eastern side of a city
block might constitute such a half block. After a careful study of
the racial characteristics of St. Louis City blocks was made, 1296
half blocks, each one containing well over 50 percent non-whites,
were identified. From them, a random sample of size 40 was drawn.
All Negroes, 14 years of age and over, residing in these half blocks,
a total of about 1700, were included in the sample. Interviews were
taken in January, 1954.
The statistical methods employed offer findings which can be
accepted with a 95 percent confidence. This can be interpreted to
mean that in the long run the results will be correct 95 percent of
the time. This report is an analysis and interpretation of the findings.

CHAPTER I

General Characteristics of the Population
Geographical Location
St. Louis, although approximately as far south as Washington,
D. C., is classified in the North Central Region of the United States.
The city's metropolitan area radiates from the Mississippi River and
includes St. Louis and St. Charles counties in Missouri and Madison
and St. Clair counties in Illinois. This location in the approximate
center of the mid-west serves as a natural point of entry to the deep
South and a key exit to the Pacific Coast and Southwest. Due to this
unique geographical location, the social, political, and economic pattern of the area is one of the mixed northern and southern influences.
Population
Since its first Census in 1820, at which time a population of 4,598
was reported, St. Louis has grown to its present numerical size. Although its population of approximately 857,000 makes it the eighth
largest city in the United States, St. Louis has been declining in
relative numerical importance since 1910 when it was the fourth
largest city in the country.

TABLE 1
Population of the Eight Largest Cities in the United States
(April, 1950)
city

Population

New York, New York
Chicago, Illinois
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Los Angeles, California
Detroit, Michigan
Baltimore, Maryland
Cleveland, Ohio
St. Louis, Missouri
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

7,891,957
3,620,962
2,071,605
1,970,358
1,849,568
949,708

914,808
856,796

Percent of Non-White
Population

9.8
14.1
18.3
10.7
16.4
23.8
16.3
18.0

If the population of the entire metropolitan area is used as a
basis for comparison, the St. Louis metropolitan area ranks ninth.
Although the St. Louis metropolitan population is numerically larger
than Cleveland's and Baltimore's, its population is smaller than the
corresponding metropolitan population of Boston, Pittsburgh, and
San Francisco-Oakland Bay.
TABLE 2
Population of the Nine Largest Metropolitan Areas in the
United States
(April, 1950)
Percent of Non-White

Population

Standard Metropolitan Area

Population

New York-Northeastern New Jersey
Chicago
Los Angeles
Philadelphia
Detroit
Boston
San Francisco-Oakland Bay

12,911,994
5495,364
4,367,911
3,671,048
3,016,197

8.1
11.0
6.3
13.2
12.0

2,369,986
2,240,767
2,213,236
1,681,281

2.4
9.4
6.2
12.9

Pittsburgh
St. Louis
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

The ability of the city of St. Louis to reach its present population
position, and its future ability to maintain it, is based in no small
measure on the size and growth of the non-white population. With
13

a growing and continued exodus to the suburbs, the white population
of the city has become almost numerically static at its present level.
While the metropolitan area will expand in the future, the population of the city of St. Louis is unlikely to grow unless the Negro
population continues its rapid growth.
Table 3 reflects this situation. It shows that during the last twenty
odd years, only an increase in the Negro population has prevented
the population of the city of St. Louis from declining.

TABLE 3
Population of the City of St. Louis, Mo., by Race
(1930, 1940, 1950 and 1954)
Census
Yoar

1930
1940
1950

Total

Population

821,960
816,048
856,796

% Gain

% Gain
or Loss

population

% Gain
or Loss

Negro
Poulation

or Loss

-0.72
+4.99

727,699
706,794
702,348

-2.87
-0.63

93,580
108,765
153,766

+16.22
+4137

White

Jan. (Est.)

171,000

+1.3
1954
868,000
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

The rate of growth of the Negro population has neither been
steady nor has the non-white population ever before constituted as
high a percentage of the population as it now does. The largest increases have occurred during the two war decades. The Negro percentage of the population had its most rapid advance from 1940 to
1950. Table 4 presents these statistics on the growth of the Negro
population.
TABLE 4
Total and Negro Population of the City of St. Louis, Mo.
(1900- 1954)
Yoar

1900
1910
1920
1930
1940
Jan. (Est.)'
1954
Source: U. S. Census

Total

Populaton

% Gain
or

Loss

575,238
687,029
772,897
821,960
816,048

+19.4
+12.5
+16.3
9.7

Total

Nogro Population
% Galin % of Total

35,516
43,960
69,754
93,580
108,765

171,000

868,000

Loss Population

+23.8
+58.7
+34.2
+162

6.17
6.39
9.03
11.38
13.32

19.77

Internal Geographical Distribution
Because of definitional difference, it is not feasible to compare the
present proportion of non-whites in basic subdivisions of the metropolitan area with that obtaining in former years. The picture in
April 1950 was as follows:
TABLE 5
Population of the St. Louis Metropolitan Area by Race
(April, 1950)
Area

St Louis

City

Population

Percentage
Distribution

856,796
50.95
St Louis
County
406,349
24.17
St. Charles
1.77
County
29,834
Illinois
Counties
23.09
388,302
100.00
TOTALS 1,681,281
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

White

Population

Percentage Non-White Percentage

Distribution Population Distribution

702,348

47.95

154,448

71.35

389,336

26.58

17,013

7.86

29,069

1.98

765

0.35

344,074
1,464,827

23.48
100.00

44,228

20.43

216,454

100.00

In 1950 non-whites constituted 18 percent of the population of
the city of St. Louis, but only 4 percent, 3 percent, and 11 percent,
respectively, of St. Louis County, St. Charles County, and of Madison
and St. Clair Counties in Illinois. This indicates that the non-white
population is highly concentrated in the City of St. Louis and St. Clair
County. All over the country, the non-white population Is more
concentrated in the central cities which constitute the economic cores
of large metropolitan areas. This concentration indicates that a
substantial part of the white population is moving out of the larger
cities into the outlying surburban areas while the non-white population has fewer opportunities to leave the city.
The boundaries of the local Negro community have been expanding during the last few years, usually on a block by block basis, westward and northward. Table 6 indicates that the tracts lying in the
direction of the northward and westward movements have registered
gains. Losses in other tracts reflect building programs, and the growing commercial and industrial character of some of the neighborhoods.
These changes have caused the abandonment or destruction of residential areas, and have induced out-migration when alternatives were
available.
15

TABLE 6
Percentage of Negroes 14 Years of Age and Over
in Selected Census Sub-Tracts of the City of St. Louis, Mo.
(April, 1950 and January, 1954)
Census

Subtracts

1950
Census

1954 Urban
League Survey
Percentage

0.99
1.81
10.15
1.99
11.25
10.87
16.01
7.42
4.35
7.62
3.19
3.68
2.09
6.70
9.57
5.90
12C
6.55
3.14
18D
1.22
2.79
18E
3.89
3.83
19B
2.03
8.69
21A
10.61
10.23
21B
9.39
10.67
21C
1.86
4.99
21D
2.84
3.86
22B
3.36
5.74
25B
100.00
100.00
TOTALS
Sources: 1950 U. S. Census and 1954 Urban League Survey.

6G
lOC
IIA
lIB
1iC
llD
lIE

Survey
Differetial

-0.82
+8.16
+0.38
+8.59
-3.27
-0.49
-4.61
+3.67
+3.41
-1.57
+0.06
-6.66
+0.38
-1.28
-3.13
-1.02
-2.38

As compared to whites the internal mobility of non-white population is relatively high with over 10 percent of the Negroes having
moved to another house between 1949 and 1950 as compared to less
than 9 per cent of the white population.7 For the period January,
1950, to January, 1954, the sample of those 14 years of age and over
reveals that 34 percent of this non-white population had, in the four
years, changed houses within the city limits. This propensity toward
greater mobility is a resultant of the prevailing mobility patterns.
The relatively high and sustained demand for surburban housing by
whites has resulted in their movement to the outlying areas. Because
of general overcrowded conditions this movement is followed by the
acquisition of their property by a non-white family of relatively high
income status. In turn, another Negro family will occupy the vacated
premises causing further mobility within the Negro community.
Thus, a single white movement probably results in two or three residence changes by non-whites.
16

Sex of the Population
The 1954 sample covers persons 14 years of age and over, and
should be compared with similar age groupings in 1950. The sample
ratio of 80.7 males per 100 females represents a male decline of 8.7
per 100 females in the four year period since the last Census. This
decline reflects the continuance of basic population trends and such
temporary factors as a substantial increase in the number of Negro
males in the military service.
Overall lower mortality rates for women are partially responsible
for the higher proportion of both white and non-white females in
the local population.8 The proportion of non-white females is higher
locally than in the rest of the country, and may be explained by the
local predominance of light industry, retail, and wholesale trade,
communications, and service industry, rather than heavy industry.
This type of industrial pattern is highly favorable to female employment.
TABLE 7
Population of the City of St. Louis, Mo. by Race and Sex
(1930- 1954)
Negro PopulationFemale

Year

Male

1930
1940

48.98
47.59

1950
1954 (Est.)

47.17

White
Male

Population
Female

Percent

44.59

51.02
52.41
52.83
55.27

48.82
48.06
47.09

51.17
51.93

52.91

Source: U. S. Census.

Age of the Population
Both the Census and the Urban League sample break down
the basic racial categories of the population by five year age groupings.

TABLE 8
Age of the Population of the St. Louis Metropolitan Area
by Sex and Race
(April, 1950)
Non-White
Males

Age Range

White
Males

Non-White
Females

10.19
7.69
6.21
6.31
7.67
8.37
7.71
7.67
7.48
6.80
6.15
5.35
4.36
3.38
2.25
2.04
0.30
100.00

10.31
8.17
7.48
7.12
8.42
8.89
8.28
8.82
7.73
6.86
5.34
3.79
2.79
2.87
1.53
1.27
0.29
100.00

Peroent

Percent

Under 5
11.24
5- 9
8.92
10-14
8.05
15-19
6.85
20-24
7.22
25-29
7.88
30-34
7.23
35-39
7.91
40-44
7.69
45-49
7.26
50-54
5.98
55-59
4.69
60-64
3.29
65-69
2.79
70-74
1.53
75-84
1.24
85 and Over
0.20
TOTALS
100.00
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

White
Females

9.27
7.07
5.73
6.14
7.92
8.42
7.72
7.79
7.53
6.74
6.11
5.38
4.52
3.77
2.64
2.73

0.49_

100.00

Table 8 indicates that the average non-white male is younger
than the white. The proportion of non-white males is higher than
whites up to the age of 20 and lower from 50 upward. Higher Negro
birth and mortality rates are responsible. The proportion of nonwhite females in the age brackets below 50 is higher than for whites,
but after 50, the corresponding ratios for non-white females are lower.
TABLE 9
Age Distribution of the Male Negro Population of St. Louis, Mo.
(1930- 1950)
Age Categories
15-19
20-24
Percent

25-29

30-34

35-39

40-U

6.2
7.9
7.7

6.6
7.3
6.2

8.7
6.8
6.8

11.4
8.4
8.4

10.7
9.0
7.3

11.3
10.3
8.2

9.3
9.4
8.1

50-54

55-59

60-64
Percent

65-69

3.2
4.4
4.9

1.9
2.9
3.5

1.1
2.1
2.8

Year

Under 10

10-14

1930
1940
1950

15.0
15.3
19.0
45-49

1930
1940
1950
Source: 1950

5.4
8.0
8.2
5.9
7.3
5.9
U. S. Census.

70-74 75 & Over TOTAL

0.6
1.2
1.3

0.6
1.0
1.3

100.00
100.00
100.00

These data which have been cited indicate that the proportion in
the under ten year age category has increased while that in the 10
to 19 age grouping has decreased. These changes are a result of the
low birth rates in the 1930's and the higher birth rates of the past
decade. The higher proportions in the age categories after 50 reflect
the increasing longevity of both Negro male and female.
TABLE 10
Age Distribution df the Negro Population
of the City of St. Louis, Mo., 14 Years of Age and Over, by Sex
(April, 1950 - January, 1954)
Male

14-19
20-29
30-39
40-49
50-59
60-64
65 & Over
Not reported
TOTALS

1954 Urban League
Survey

1950 Census

10.41
20.64
21.00
20.84
14.82
4.81
7.48
0.00
100.00

Percent

6.24
16.90
21.71
22.36
19.76
4.42
7.93
0.13
100.00

Survey Differential

-4.17
-3.74
+0.71
+1.52
+4.94
-0.39
+0.45
+0.13

Females

14-19
10.31
7.98
20-29
23.01
20.58
30-39
22.49
25.94
40-49
19.96
21.42
12.09
50-59
11.97
3.89
60-64
3.89
65 & Over
8.24
6.41
Not reported
1.37
0.00
TOTALS
100.00
100.00
Source: 1950 U. S. Census and 1954 Urban League Survey.

-2.33
-2.43
+3.45
+1.46
-0.12
-0.00
-1.83
+1.37

According to Table 10, these tendencies within the non-white population towards higher proportions in the youngest and oldest age
groups have continued since April, 1950. The sample reveals a continued decline in the 14 to 19 and 20 to 29 age brackets. This continued drop reflects the impact of military service among these groups
and the relatively low birth rates of the 1930's.
19

Migration
In addition to the high rate of internal migration within the city
boundaries since January, 1950, the sample also reflects a high rate
of in-migration, or movement from different counties and states into
St. Louis within the same period. Of 1,713 persons interviewed, 136,
or about 8 percent, came from outside the city.9
The following data summarize non-white mobility trends. About
seven out of ten migrants came from either the south or outstate Missouri. These data are consistent with the postulations that the direction of mobility is from areas of lower per capita income and productivity to higher.
TABLE 11
Negro In-Migration into the City of St. Louis, Mo.
(January, 1950 - January, 1954)
State or Area Left

South
Mississippi
Arkansas
Tennessee
Alabama

State or Area Left

Percent

Other South
(Including Missouri)
Mid-West
Far West
East
Not reported

23.5
8.8
5.9
2.2

Percent

8.1
11.8
22
3.7
33.8

Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

Roughly, 1 out of 2 migrants were 14-29 years of age; while only
1 out of 4 non-migrants fell into this age group. Thus, in-migrants
were on the average younger than the Negro population as a whole.
This finding is consistent with the economic literature in this regard.
The educational level of the in-migrants did not seem to differ
greatly from that of the non-migrants. Forty-eight percent of the
in-migrants and 50 percent of the non-migrants in our sample completed up to eight grades; for high school the comparable figures were
30 percent and 39 percent, and for college 11 percent and 10 percent respectively.10
The averages in this case are highly misleading, for the in-migrants are a much younger group having almost twice the proportions
in the two younger age groupings. Since younger Negroes are much
more highly educated than their older counterparts, the in-migrants
are apparently somewhat less well educated than non-migrants of
the same ages.1"
20

Educational Attainment
By 1950, when the last Census was taken, the median number of
school years completed by the entire St. Louis population reached 8.7.
The median for the local non-white population was 8.1 years. The
median number of school years completed by females was slightly
higher than for males. Although the non-whites, because of lower
average duration of education, serve to reduce the median for the
entire population, one can safely say that the median number of
school years completed by whites does not exceed that completed by
non-whites by more than 1.0 school years.
TABLE 12
Educational Status of the Negro Population
of the City of St. Louis, Mo., by Sex
(April, 1950 to January, 1954)
Males

No Grade
1-4
5-6
7
8
1-3 High School
4
1-3 College
4 and Over
Not reported
TOTALS

1954 Urban League
Survey
Percent

1950 Census

2.91
15.33
15.09
9.99
18.09
17.44
8.97
3.07
1.98
7.12

3.90
11.96
13.78
6.63
18.98
21.97
11.05
5.72
2.86
2.60

100.00

Survey Differentlal

+0.99
-3.37
-1.31
-3.36
+0.89
+4.53
+2.08
+2.65
+0.88
-4.52

Females

2.15
2.31
6.72
12.59
14.29
10.19
10.13
6.62
16.98
19.32
19.69
27.72
12.41
15.96
6.19
4.21
3.26
2.56
1.26
4.97
100.00
100.00
TOTALS
Urban
and
1954
Census
Sources: 1950 U. S.
League Survey.

No Grade
1-4
5-6
7
8
1-3 High School
4
1-3 College
4 and Over
Not reported

+0.16
-5.87
-4.10
-3.51
+2.34
+8.03
+3.55
+1.98
+0.70
+3.71

The white population has, undoubtedly, made advances during
the last four years, but the relative advances made by Negroes up to
January, 1954, have probably done much to reduce, if not eliminate,
the differential that existed in 1950.
These advances are part of a long-run trend toward equalization
of educational attainment. A recent Bureau of Labor Statistics statement highlights this tendency:

"The percentage of all Negroes age 5 to 24 enrolled in school
increased appreciably between 1940 and 1950. At age 14
and over the percentage of Negroes in school was lower than
among whites, although the difference has narrowed over the
decade. It is significant that the percentage of Negroes, aged
18 to 20, who were enrolled in school was slightly above that
of whites of the same age in 1940.''"
It must be remembered, however, that statistics of this nature do
nothing to disclose the comparative quality of the education received
by the two groups. The question has often been raised whether criteria based on quantitative educational achievement are conceptually
meaningful under segregated conditions.
Averages are sometimes misleading, for they may be composed of
different groupings conceivably having different rates of change. Because this study is not only concerned with the present economic
status of the Negro community but the direction and degree of change
as well, it should be noted that changes in the economic and social
environment will affect only those groups who are able to respond
and adjust to change. These are in the main, younger groups who
can be educated and who are still occupationally mobile. Overall
averages which are influenced by the large proportion of those in the
less adaptable age groupings will change far less. Thus, the magnitude and rapidity of the changes can be inferred only by analyzing
differential rates of change among various age groupings. The following data show that the level of educational attainment is inversely
correlated with age. These data indicate, therefore, that younger
non-whites increasingly are going to school much longer. With desegregation, any qualitative differences in the local caliber of education should also disappear.
22

TABLE 13
Number of School Years Completed by Age
(January, 1954)
Highest Grade Completed
Grammar School
5-6
7

Aoe

Total

No. Grade

1-4

14-19
20-29
30-39
40-49
50-59
60-64
65 & Over
Not reported

100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0

0.8
0.6
0.9
2.6
5.6
4.2
13.9

1.6
1.5
4.3
9.0
19.8
18.3
24.5
7.1

4.8
4.2
11.3
14.3
17.6
21.1
16.3

1-3

20.9
20.8
18.0
11.3
5.6

2.4
10.4
8.9
4.7

0.8
4.8
3.8
2.9

2.2
4.2
......

1.8
1.4
1.6

14.2

......

High

......

School

1-3

14-19
100.0
56.4
20-29
100.0
37.0
30-39
100.0
28.1
40-49
100.0
19.8
50-59
100.0
11.6
60-64
100.0
7.1
65 & Over
100.0
8.1
Not reported
100.0
28.5
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

1.6
4.2
6.0
9.5
8.6
8.4
6.5

10.4
15.9
16.6
23.0
24.3
25.3
19.6
142

College

7.0
2.4
14.2

4 Not Reported
......
......

1.2
2.1
2.2
2.8
6.5
21.4

Summary
The St. Louis Negro population is younger, grows more rapidly,
and is more mobile than the local white population. It is highly
concentrated within limited areas, but in recent years has been moving westward and northward in increasing numbers. Although still
lagging behind the white in quantitative educational attainment, the
Negro is rapidly catching up. The direction of educational change
has been highly favorable to the non-white in general, and especially
favorable to the younger Negro.

Footnotes Chapter I
Quoted in Reid, Ira De. A. A study of the Industrial Status of Negroes in
St. Louis, Missouri, September 1, 1934, p. 21.
'National Planning Association Committee of the South, Selected Studies of
Negro Employment in the South. Report No. 6.1, 1953.
According to the Census the designation, Non-whites consist of "Negroes, Indians, Japanese, Chinese, and other non-white races." Since Negroes in St.
Louis comprise 99.6 percent of all so classified the characteristics of this
population are, in effect the characteristics of Negroes. Because of this, the
terms non-white and Negro are used interchangeably.
'Population of St. Louis Metropolitan Area, January 1, 1954.
Report of the Metropolitan Census Committee of the St. Louis Chapter of the
American Statistical Association, April 1954.
' In this instance, and in ones that follow, percentages may not equal one hundred (100.0%) because of rounding.
'
In April, 1950 of a total of 128 Census Sub-tracts in St. Louis, 11 Census Subtracts reported no Negroes; 83 Census Sub-tracts reported less than 250 Negroes;
and only 34 Census Sub-tracts reported more than 250 Negroes. The situation
in St. Louis County shows that of 88 Census Sub-tracts, 8 had no Negroes; 68
had less than 250 Negroes; while only 12 reported more than 250 Negroes.
There is no breakdown on the picture in St. Charles County, but in East
St. Louis and out of 31 tracts, 1 reported no Negroes; 21 reported less than 250
Negroes, and 9 reported a Negro population of over 250. In the city, 98 per
cent of all Negroes live in 34 Census Sub-tracts or tracts, and this pattern is
paralleled in the outlying districts.
7 The sample and census figure cannot be compared because it is likely that many
of those who reported moving in the four-year period moved more than once.
In fact, if propensity toward greater mobility of the more mobile part of the
population is considered, it is quite likely that the average rate of mobility between 1950 and 1954 exceeded the 10 per cent reported by the Census.
' The local rate of 80.7 males per 100 females is about ten per one hundred lower
than the national rate.
'
The sex distribution of the in-migrants indicates that only 44 per cent were
males and contradicts much of the literature in regard to mobility propensities
of non-white males and females. Although the industrial structure of the St.
Louis area is more conducive towards the attraction of female workers, this discrepancy should be investigated in further research.
"The sample of in-migrants also indicated that the skill and occupational level
of the average in-migrant was lower. However, the size of the in-migrant
sample is not sufficient to conclusively validate this observation.
"This relatively high rate of in-migration suggests that this community malallocates its basic resources. If one subtracts normal rate of population increase
from the estimated 8 per cent Negro population growth since 1950, the net accretion from migration is about 3 per cent. Thus, well over 50 per cent of the
in-migration is balanced by out-migration. Lack of any definitive statistical data
about the direction of out-migration and the quality of the out-migrants prevents more precise generalization, but authorities familiar with the local labor
market state that the direction of out-migration is opposite to that of in-migration, and that the out-migrants are a younger and more skilled group. This
suggests that St. Louis serves as an importer of lesser trained in-migrants, furnishing these groups training and acclimatization to industrial discipline, and
as an exporter of more highly trained individuals to Northern industrial areas.
If so, the resource cost to the community is relatively high.
"Negroes in the United States, Their Employment and Economic Status, Bulletin
II, 1119, Bureau of Labor Statistics, U. S. Department of Labor, p. 9.

CHAPTER II

Employment Status
How does one determine the current employment status of an
individual for the purpose of measuring total unemployment? In a
modern industrial society the reasons why many individuals are not
gainfully occupied may be totally unrelated to inability to obtain a
job. Many individuals are voluntarily not looking for work and thus
are not in the labor force.
Since the current definition of unemployment comprises those who
are jobless and are actively seeking work, an estimate of labor force
participation is essential for the measurement of unemployment. The
Bureau of the Census has defined this participation in terms of "actively seeking work" as of the particular Census week."
The Census defines the employed as those persons, 14 years of
age and over, who, during the Census week were: (1) at work or;
(2) with a job but not at work. The latter category includes those
temporarily absent because of such reasons as vacation, illness, and
industrial disputes. It also includes persons with new jobs if they
were specifically ordered to report within 30 days, and other individuals temporarily laid off or furloughed who had definite instructions
to return to work within 30 days.
All other persons, 14 years of age and over, such as housewives,
full-time students, and inmates of institutions who are either not
seeking work or who are considered unemployable, are classified as
not in the labor force. The methods and types of questions employed
in establishing labor force status by this survey were comparable to
those utilized by the Census."'
During April, 1950, the country, and the city of St. Louis, was
emerging from its first serious post-war recession. The data in Table
14 indicate the employment status of the city's population during
April, 1950. They show that (1) over half, 55.2 percent, of those
within the defined age limits were in the civilian labor force. A
greater percentage of males, 78.6 percent, were in this category than
females, 35.4 percent. About 80 percent of white males were in the
labor force while only 72 percent of non-white males were so classified. The degree of labor force participation for non-white females,
37.5 percent, exceeded that of white females by 2.5 percent. (2) In
April, 1950, 4.5 percent of the area's civilian labor force was unem25

ployed. Of the males, 4.6 percent were unemployed which was a
slightly higher ratio than the female proportion of 4.2 percent. Only
3.6 percent and 2.8 percent of white males and females respectively
were unemployed, but 9.8 and 10.7 percent of non-whites in their
respective categories were without jobs.1" It is interesting to note that
the rate of unemployment of non-white females was higher than that
for males. Average unemployment ratios were 3.3 percent for whites
and 10.1 percent for non-whites.
While non-whites constituted 17.1 percent of the St. Louis civilian
labor force, they contributed 37.6 percent of the total unemployment.
About 45 percent of the unemployed women, and 34 percent of the
unemployed men, were non-whites.
TABLE 14
Labor Force Participation and Employment Status of the
Population of the City of St. Louis, Mo., by Race and Sex
(April, 1950)
Population
Sex

14 Years
and Over

Total Labor Force
Number
Percent

Male
315,905 248,845
Female
365,010 129,710
Total
680,915 378,555
White
Male
261,940 209,765
Female
302,745 106,225
Total
564,685 315,990
Non-WVhite
Male
53,965 39,080
Female
62,265 23,485
Total
116,230 62,565
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

Civilian Labor Force
Unemployed
Number Percent

Employed
Percent

Number

55.27

237,395
124,185
361,580

95.20
95.62
95.46

11,450
5,525
16,975

4.59
4.25
4.48

79.92
35.05
55.93

202,165
103,235
305,400

96.23
97.14
96.51

7,600
2,990

10,590

3.62
2.81
3.35

72.30
37.58
53.81

35,230
20,950
56,180

89.84
89.04
89.34

3,850
2,535
6,385

9.82
10.77
10.15

78.64
35.41

The average unemployment rate for the entire metropolitan area
was lower than in St. Louis. This lower rate was caused by an appreciably lower proportion of non-whites, both male and female, in
the labor force outside the city limits. By contrast unemployment
rates for St. Louis whites were lower than for whites in the remainder
of the Metropolitan area.1
Table 15 is indicative of the employment position for the entire
country in April, 1950.
26

TABLE 15
Employment Status of the Civilian Labor Force
of the United States by Race
(April, 1950)
Status

Numbers

Total

Civilian
Labor Force
59,071,655
EmpIoyed
56,239,449
Unemployed
2,832,206
Source: U. S. Census 1950.

Whites
Numbers
Percent

Percent

100.0
95.0
5.0

52,993,517
50,637,186
2,356,331

100.0
95.6
4.4

Non-White
Numbers Percent

6,078,138
5,602,263
475,875

100.0
92.2
7.8

When the above data are compared they reveal a highly significant contrast. The average unemployment rate in St. Louis was
significantly lower than the national average, but the unemployment
rate for St. Louis non-whites was appreciably higher. This indicates
that the impact of any economic decline upon the St. Louis Negro
is generally greater than upon non-whites elsewhere and that locally
the Negro bears a disproportionate share of any production cutback."
Employment Status to January, 1954
Various State agencies, under the supervision of the Bureau of
Labor Statistics of the United States Department of Labor,"8 have
developed meaningful, monthly, regional and local measures of employment.19 Such information is available for the St. Louis Metropolitan area.
Table 16 surveys the bi-monthly status of the civilian labor force
of the St. Louis Metropolitan area from January, 1950, to January,
1954. The following conclusions can be inferred from the data:
A. (1) The civilian labor force has increased by 7.6 percent for
the entire period under consideration, but the rate of increase was
not a constant one. The greatest gains were registered from January, 1950, to January, 1951, (2.9 percent) and from January,
1953, to January, 1954, (1.7 percent). The interim increases were
1.2 percent and 1.6 percent. (2) The size of the civilian labor
force is consistently lowest in January, and highest in July. Levels
in March and May are usually high; those in September and November are usually low. (3) The civilian labor force reached its
highest point in July, 1953, and has subsequently been decreasing
in size. This trend continues to date, July, 1954.
27

B. (1) The total number of persons with jobs has increased by
10.2 percent from January, 1950, to January, 1954. The rate of
increase has shown some variability during the entire period. (2)
The biggest rise in employment occurred from January, 1950, to
January, 1951. This 7.3 percent increase can be contrasted with
the other three one-year periods, January to January, where the
rates were -0.8 percent; +2.7 percent; and -0.9 percent respectively. (3) Employment is proportionately higher in the Autumn
and Spring and lower in the Winter and Summer. (4) Total employment reached its peak in September, 1953, and between that
time and January, 1954, has been steadily declining.
C. While the unemployment situation is much improved over
the four-year period the total 22.6 percent decline has not been at
a consistent rate. Declines in rates of unemployment occurred between January, 1950, and January, 1951, (-48.7 percent) and
between January, 1952, to January, 1953, (-23 percent). In 1951
unemployment rose by +9.2 percent, and since January, 1953, it
has increased by +80 percent. The January, 1954, rate of 5.6
percent is the highest registered since May, 1950, and is very close
to the point (6 percent) at which unemployment is considered to
have reached a critical level. Although these data were stated in
terms of the entire metropolitan area, they are generally applicable
to the city of St. Louis, within whose confines a large proportion of
the area's work force are employed.
Thus, one can safely make the following generalizations about the
employment picture in St. Louis from 1950 to 1954.
(1) Total employment has increased substantially over the fouryear period.
(2) The greatest increases were registered in 1950 when the postwar downturn was reversed during the first six months and inflationary pressures, unleashed by the Korean War, accelerated the upward
movement in the next six months. This upward trend in employment
continued until September, 1953.
(3) The rate of employment increase had been decreasing and,
after the signing of the Korean Truce had virtually stopped. Subsequently, employment has declined and unemployment increased
despite some contraction in the civilian labor force. By January, 1954,
unemployment was moving toward levels considered critical by
Governmental definitions. This critical level was reached in May,
1954.
28

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Employment Status of Negroes, January, 1954
The Missouri Division of Employment Security does not classify
the component parts of the civilian labor force by race. We must,
therefore, compare the April, 1950, employment status of Negroes
(Census Data) with our January, 1954, sample survey. This comparison yields hypotheses about the significance of changes which
have taken place during this four year span. Table 17 summarizes
these data.
TABLE 17
Employment Status of Negroes in the City of St. Louis by Sex
(April, 1950 - January, 1954)
Date and Sex

Civilian Labor Force
Employed
Unemployed
Percent

Males

April, 1950
January, 1954

Not In Labor Force

65.28
76.44

7.13
10.53

27.58
12.48

33.65
41.67

4.07
10.08

62.28
47.78

Females

April, 1950
January, 1954
Total

48.34
5.49
April, 1950
57.13
10.27
January, 1954
Sources: 1950 U. S. Census and 1954 Urban League Survey.

46.17
31.96

The comparison shows a great increase in the proportion of nonwhites in the civilian labor force from the Census figure of 53.8 percent to the sample's 67.4 percent. A higher proportion of Negro
men and a notably higher proportion of women were either at work
or seeking work in January 1954. In such a situation, then, it is
possible for both a higher total amount of employment and a proportionate increase in unemployment to be registered. For instance,
89.3 percent of the total Negro civilian labor force had jobs in April,
1950, and 10.6 percent were unemployed. In January, 1954, the sample distribution indicated a 15.2 percent level of joblessness. The following table summarizes these changes.

TABLE 18
Employment Status of the Civilian Negro Labor
Force of St. Louis, Mo.
(April, 1950 - January, 1954)
Employed

Sex
Males

April, 1950
January, 1954

Percent

Unemployed

89.84
87.61

9.82
12.07

89.04
80.19

10.77
19.39

Females

April, 1950
January, 1954
Totals

89.34
April, 1950
84.71
January, 1954
Sources: 1950 U. S. Census and 1954 Urban League Survey.

10.15
15.22

Both the Census and the sample indicate lower unemployment
rates for non-white males than for females. The higher rates prevailing in 1954 were due, in part, to the fact that a higher proportion
of both sexes was seeking work.
The sample unemployment rate of 15 percent in January should
be compared with the area's estimated rate of 5.6 percent. This comparison should be made with full recognition of the different origin
of the two estimates. The area estimate is furnished by the local
branch, Division of Employment Security, Bureau of Labor Statistics,
and is heavily influenced by the reports of those firms whose workers
are covered by unemployment insurance. The Census and survey
rates are obtained by first establishing work force participation and
then determining the proportion of those so classified as in the labor
force who are without jobs. In 1950, the area estimate fumished by
the Bureau of Labor Statistics did not differ from the estimate furnished by the Bureau of the Census by more than I percent.
Even with maximum allowance for the difference, this present
survey rate would be about two and one-half times the overall area
average. About two-thirds of the Negro unemployed reported that
their jobs had been lost in the three-month period preceding this
League survey. Since these months constituted the earlier period of
economic decline, this rapid increase in Negro unemployment appears
consistent with the often expressed statement, "The Negro is the first
fired."
31

These data raise an interesting question: Why were there proportionately more unemployed Negroes in 1954, when total area unemployment was at a level of 5.6 percent, than in 1950 when the
average level of unemployment was 7 percent? Several possible hypotheses can be advanced. The large increase in proportion of nonwhite females in the labor force provides one possible explanation.
A large number of these accessions can be classified as secondary
workers. Secondary workers are defined as individuals who move in
and out of the work force and who are not generally bread winners.
The League survey was taken only four months after the beginning
of the economic downturn and many of these secondary workers were
still in the work force actively seeking work. After longer periods
of unemployment, many secondary workers leave the labor force and
since they are no longer actively seeking employment are not enumerated among the unemployed. The 1950 Census took place fifteen
months after the original declines in employment; after many secondary workers had already left the work force.
Another plausible explanation stems from the Negro's particular
pattern of adjustment to unemployment. During the initial phases
of unemployment, many Negroes formerly in either skilled or semiskilled categories may still look for the same type of higher status
jobs which are now unavailable. After a longer periods of unemployment, many of these workers take service and labor jobs.
Seasonal factors account for part of the apparent discrepancy.
The Census was taken in April when seasonal expansion, especially
in the demand for service workers and laborers, increases Negro employment opportunities. The sample interviews were undertaken in
January when seasonal contraction is especially high in the demand
for workers of these types. The higher degree of labor force participation, the adjustment process, and seasonal employment patterns
all serve to explain why unemployment rates were higher in 1954
than in 1950.
Negro Employment Status, Selected Characteristics,
January, 1954
What differentiates the employed, the unemployed and those not
in the labor force? As expected, because of a greater degree of labor
force participation, there are proportionately more Negro than white
women attached to the work force. Family income inadequacy is
probably the basic reason for this greater attachment.
32

TABLE 19
Employment Status of Negroes in the City of St. Louis, Mo.
by Age and Sex
(January, 1954)
Status

20-29

30-39

Age
50-59

60-64 65 &Over

Percent

Males

Employed
Unemployed
Total, Civilian Labor Force
Not in Labor Force

40-49

76.1
16.1
92.2
7.7

87.3
10.1
97.4
2.4

87.1
11.0
98.1
1.7

84.0
9.1
93.1
6.5

64.7
2.9
67.6
32.3

36.0
1.6
37.6
62.2

Employed
45.9
13.7
Unemployed
Total, Civilian Labor Force
59.6
. 40.2
Not in Labor Force
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

49.2
12.5
61.7
37.9

45.5
9.3
54.8
45.0

46.4
4.3
50.7
49.1

45.9

8.1
1.6
9.7
90.1

Females

45.9

54.0

The data of Table 19 generally conform to previous hypotheses
in the literature about the relationship of age and labor force participation. There is an increasing proportion of men through the
40-49 age group in the civilian labor force after which an increasing
proportion no longer seek gainful economic activity. Women reach
peak participation levels earlier, between 30 and 39, but otherwise
the female pattern is comparable to that of the male. Unemployment
is highest among the younger age groups, a fact which is not surprising in view of the lay-off patterns under unionized conditions.
Younger workers have less seniority and are therefore most vulnerable, especially during periods of economic decline. Since younger
Negroes, as will be developed later, are more highly trained than
older Negroes, this higher incidence of unemployment among younger
groups indicates that the malallocation of the Negro work force is
greatest during periods of declining employment.

TABLE 20
Employment Status of Negroes in the City of St Louis, Mo.
by Marital Status and Sex
(January, 1954)
Married

Employment Status
Males

Employed
Not in Labor Force

Single

83.4
80.2
52.0
60.2
56.2
66.3

Unemployed
Females

Employed
Unemployed

12.9
16.0
302
13.5
18.7
12.4

Not in Labor Force
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

Widowed

or Dlvorced

Not Reported

Percent

3.5
3.7
15.6
25.6
24.9
20.5

1.8
0.2
0.2

Marital status influences labor force participation but the degree of
influence does not seem to be great. About 1 of every -2 married
Negro women are in the civilian labor force as compared with 4 out
of 7 single, divorced, and widowed females.3' This higher degree of
labor force participation by married non-white females as contrasted
to the rate of white female participation is probably explained by the
low incomes of many male Negro breadwinners."1
The higher proportion of the Negro married women at work is
a partial explanation for the higher incidence of juvenile delinquency
among non-whites.
TABLE 21
Employment Status of Negroes in the City
of St. Louis by Education and Sex
(January, 1954)
Males

Not In
Labor
Force

Females

Not In
Labor

Grades
Completed

Employed

No Grade

14
5-6
7
8

67
84
44
104

7
11
3
21

18
11
4
21

18
35
28
75

7
5
5
18

39
57
30
91

1-3
4

130

21
12

18
9

92
79

35
17

137
56

1-3
41
2
4
19
0
Not Reported
19
0
TOTALS
588
81
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

1
3
1
96

33
25
4
397

7
1
0
96

19
5
8
455

Grammar School

High School

Unemployed

College

Employed Unemployed

Force

In general, the longer a Negro goes to school the better are his
chances of employment. The relationship between the longer duration of education and the lesser incidence of unemployment does not
prevail evenly grade by grade. However, if one divides the population into broader categories such as those who have completed either
grade school, high school, or college, this relationship between education and employment opportunity is a close one. In every case completion of a given level of education results in a substantial reduction in unemployment rates. This significant decline suggests that
formal completion of a given course of study reduces the incidence of
unemployment and indicates that degree or diploma requirements
for obtaining certain jobs are important in the hiring process for
Negroes.
Although the acquisition of some job and the level of education
are positively correlated, the ability to obtain the specific job for
which the non-white is trained cannot be assumed. Subsequent analysis will cast light upon this problem.

Summary
The data concerning the employment status of the non-white
segment of the St. Louis population leads to the following conclusions:

The degree of labor force participation of the non-white, especially the non-white female, is greater than that of the white.
Of even greater significance is the chronically higher level of
unemployment in the Negro segment of the community. Whether
employment is rising or falling, the unemployment rate for nonwhites is appreciably higher than that for whites. During the recent
period of economic decline this rate was perhaps two and one-half to
three times as large. Unemployment affects Negro women more than
men, and younger members of the work force more than older. The
non-Caucasian citizen is very vulnerable to unemployment in the
beginning phases of economic decline. This vulnerability seems to
confirm the observation that the Negro is the first fired. It would
appear that only during periods of full employment (3 percent or less
unemployment for the entire work force) are Negro unemployment
levels below a rate (6 percent) considered critical by Governmental
agencies. Thus, the ability of our economy to maintain full employment and the well-being of local Negroes are inextricably linked.
35

Footnotes Chapter 11
"According to the Census definition the unemployed consist of those persons, 14
years of age and over, who were in the labor force and were either (1) looking
for work during the Census week; (2) were prevented from looking for work
because of temporary illness; or (3) expected to return to a job from which they
had been laid off for an indefinite period.
"See, 1950 Population Census Report, p-Cl, "Employment Status Definitions"
and "Enumerators Reference Manual" in the Appendix. Also, the Appendix
of this report, especially "Exhibit A."
"The Census Post Enumeration Survey (PES) indicates considerable understatement of unemployment. A. Ross Eckler, Deputy Director of the Census states
"These comparisons show that the Census was deficient by more than 5 percent in the case of the total labor force and by 20 percent in the case of unemployment." Thus, this analysis uses Census data for comparison of white and
non-white patterns in 1950 but otherwise uses Division of Employment Security estimates. A. Ross Eckler, Extent and Character of Errors in the 1950
Census, The American Statisticians, December, 1953, Vol. 7, No. 5, p. 15.
"1950 Population Census Report, p. C25, Table 66.
"The area unemployment rate of 10.3 percent for non-whites compared unfavorably with a national average of 7.8 percent in 1950.
"The monthly report of the Labor Force, a Census Bureau project is designed to
yield only national figures and cannot be used for comparative purposes.
"A full discussion of the methods used in the Bureau of Labor Statistics Series,
and a comparison of this approach with that used by the Department of Commerce, "Monthly Report on the Labor Force" Series, is available in Volume
76, Number 9, Monthly Labor Review, September, 1953, "Measurement of Industrial Employment." It may suffice to say that the former method involves
a sample of non-farm establishments " . . . from which payroll data are compiled on the number of employees who received pay for any part of a specified pay period." The data provided is not comparable to the Census material.
"The proportion of single, divorced, and widowed women participating in the
labor force were practically the same.
"Less than 3 out of every ten married white women were in the labor force in
1950. This proportion has increased since then but still does not approximate
the female non-white participation role.

CHAPTER III

The Employed
Despite an accelerating rate of employment decline since September, 1953, over 3 out of every 4 Negro males 14 years of age and
over, and a little less than 2 out of every 4 Negro females had jobs
in January, 1954.

Occupational Attachment of the Employed
In order to assess the economic status of the Negro more than a
mere analysis of employment trends is necessary. Knowledge of the
types of jobs held and the relationship of these jobs to those held by
whites, and also, to those held by non-whites in 1950,2" are especially
important. Table 22 summarizes these relationships.
TABLE 22
Occupational Attachinent of the Employed in the City of
St. Louis, Mo., by Race and Sex
(April, 1950 and January, 1954)
Occupations23

Professional,
Technical and

White Males
Non-White Males White Females Non-White Females
April, 1950 April, 1950 Jan., 1954 April, 1950 April, 1950 Jan., 1954
Percent

8.5

2.5

2.3

10.6

7.3

7.5

14.0

2.7

3.5

4.0

1.5

3.0

10.4
8.3

5.8
1.5

9.3
0.8

36.5
8.9

5.5
2.0

8.8
1.3

22.0
22.1

6.9
21.0

6.8
17.1

2.1

21.5

0.6
18.5

*
7.7

*
5.2
7.6
1.4

1.1
21.7
34.2
2.2

0.8
19.8
38.0
1.0

2.8
9.9
1.1
2.2

32.0
25.8
4.2
2.2

26.9
34.2
10.0
*

Total Employed 100.0

100.0

Kindred
Managers,
Officials and
Proprietors
Clerical
Workers
Sales Workers
Craftsmen
and Foremen
Operatives
Private Household Workers
Service Workers
Laborers
Not Reported

Sources: 1950 U. S. Census and 1954 Urban League Survey.
*Less than 0.5 percent.

Most startling is the great difference in occupational attachments
which prevailed between whites and non-whites in 1950.

The first five, and possibly the first six, categories, namely professional, managerial, clerical, sales, craft, and operatives in that order
contain the jobs which are considered to have, in our society, a high
value, in terms of prestige, social status, and monetary advantage.
In 1950, 63 percent of the local white males were in the five higher
occupational classifications while only 19 percent of non-white males
were so situated. Only in the clerical field did non-whites even approximate the white percentage. Local non-whites have a preponderance of their employment in the three unskilled categories. The extent
of the gap that existed in 1950 can be seen in the following sample.
If in 1950, non-white males were to have the same percentage distribution as whites in the professional and labor categories, there
would have been 4,113 instead of 1,243 male professional and technical workers, and there would have been 3,678 Negro laborers instead of 16,580.
Since the Census, a number of changes have occurred. The percentage of Negro males in managerial and clerical occupations have
increased while the proportions in operative, domestic, and service jobs
have decreased. While the proportions of professional, sales, and craft
personnel have remained virtually unchanged, there is a higher percentage of Negroes in labor jobs. This does not mean that there are
just about the same numbers of Negroes in those categories which
have not changed proportionately since April, 1950. Due to the increase in the labor force there are numerically more. However, the
rate of change within these relatively unchanged occupational categories has not kept pace with that of the other occupational classifications."

The same pattern of change prevails for non-white women, given
the normal occupational differences that exist between the sexes.
Non-white females were more favorably situated in 1950 than males
in the professional fields. Since then, advances have continued in the
professional, managerial, and clerical areas. Fewer women are in
operative and domestic jobs but this apparently favorable change has
been offset by inceases in service and labor positions. Moreover,
the advances have not significantly changed the advantage that white
women maintain over non-whites. For instance, the number of new
38

clerical jobs obtained by non-white females between the Census and
this survey were but a small fraction of the 8,600 needed to attain
the same relative position as white women.
Two other factors condition this relatively optimistic view about
the gains which Negroes have made in recent years. The proportion
of whites has probably increased in the top six categories, and declined in the bottom three. In some occupational categories, nonwhites may, comparatively, have retrogressed.
The system of occupational classifications utilized by the Census
is necessarily a broad one and does not reveal what occurs within
a particular classification. For example, it is conceivable that the increases registered in professional jobs were confined to traditional
positions, such as nurses and teachers, and did not take place in those
positions in which there is a noticeable dearth of Negroes, namely,
accounting, architecture, and engineering, among others.
Because the first three occupational classifications, professional
through sales, are those which presumably have the highest status,
this analysis of change based on the first six categories, may be questioned. These six categories rather than the high three were chosen
because: (1) the present concentration of the Negro in the three low
classifications, domestic through laborer, would indicate that movement into the operative and craft classifications would represent substantial improvement: (2) changes which occur within the 20 to 29
age group would be understated if only the first three occupational
classifications were utilized. This younger group has not yet had the
time or capital to advance into managerial or proprietary status while
many professional jobs require at least a college degree and some
require graduate training. It is conceivable that some proportion of
those between 20 and 25 are still in the process of acquiring this
training; and (3) the Census order of classification does not reflect
the unique patterns which prevail among non-whites. If income reflects the true status of the various classifications then the managerial
and clerical categories should not occupy their relatively high listing.
The Negro managerial, proprietry and clerical groups generally are
confined to small Negro owned service establishments located in the
Negro community. The Census order of classification, while conceivably accurate for the white population, is not a true indicator of
the values attached by the non-white population to these particular
categories of economic activity.2'
39

Two trends, however, lead to more optimistic conclusions. Young
Negroes have an increasingly larger proportion of jobs in the first
six categories, than have their older brothers. The sample reveals
that, for males in the age range of 20-29, 57 percent hold such positions of which 32 percent were in the first five categories. The older
groups had about 3 of 8 workers in the same classifications."5
The same trend holds for non-white women. This favorable
pattern exists despite the fact that the younger group has not had
sufficient time to acquire the capital or experience to reach the managerial or proprietary level and some are still being trained for professional jobs. This trend, advantageous to younger Negroes, is probably more indicative of basic changes than the average figures cited
earlier, for, as postulated previously, a large preponderance of favorable changes will be concentrated in the younger groups able to
take advantage of these changes.
When present jobs held by the employed segment of the sample
were compared with their previous occupational attachments, significant advances were indicated. This comparison of present job
with the last previous job can be understood by referring to the
underlined print in Table 23 which denotes where two occupational
classifications coincide. The point of coincidence indicates that either
the individuals have not changed employment or a job change but
not an occupational change has been registered. All the designated
numbers above this point represent persons who have been downgraded and who may be assumed to have lost status. All persons
enumerated below this point have been upgraded. The preponderance of changes were in a direction which indicates some improvement in the Negro's status.

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This pattern of obtaining better job classifications holds, to sor:
degree, for all of the higher occupational groupings. This area, during the Dast four vears. has seemingly provided the non-white more
of an opportunity for advancement than retrogression.
A pertinent question at this point might very well be: How do
St. Louis Negroes compare in terms of occupational classification with
Negroes in other large metropolitan areas? To answer this, a comparison has been made between the St. Louis metropolitan area and
nine other major areas located, with the exception of Washington,
D. C., in the North and West. The metropolitan areas of Boston,
Buffalo, Denver, and New York-Northeastern New Jersey operate
under Fair Employment Practices Acts of varying effectiveness. Before any summary of Table 24 is attempted, it should be pointed out
that strict comparability is impossible. The most obvious and cogent
reason is that no two areas have the same industrial composition.
One could expect that there will be more Negro women in clerical
positions in Washington, D. C., and more male Negro operatives
in Detroit, Michigan. Despite this limitation, some tentative generalizations are possible.

423

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Negro women in the St. Louis Metropolitan Area seem to be
better situated, using the first four categories as an index, than nonwhite females in Buffalo, the lowest, Denver, and New York.2"
On the other hand, Washington, D. C., Chicago, and Detroit,
with-more than 20 percent of females employed in the top four categories, all surpass St. Louis, as do Boston, Los Angeles, and the San
Francisco-Oakland Bay metropolitan areas. St. Louis' main advantage, which is in the professional area, can be traced to jobs derived
from segregated school and hospital systems which utilize a high
percentage of professional females. At the other end of the scale,
St. Louis has more Negro women doing common labor jobs than in
any other area. In between, the relationships vary.
The same comparison for males indicates that all of the designated
metropolitan areas had higher proportions in the first five occupational categories. St. Louis with 19% was exceeded by Buffalo the
next lowest with 20 percent, and New York the highest, with about
30 percent. However, cursory analysis of similar census data indicates
that male local Negroes are better off occupationally than non-whites
in smaller border and Southern metropolitan areas.
Industrial Attachment
April 1950 Negro Attachments: In the St. Louis Metropolitan
Area, Negro males represented 10.3 and Negro females 13.1 out of
every 100, respectively, men and women at work. If Negroes were
to be evenly distributed within major industrial groupings, this would
mean that Negro men and women should constitute about those
proportions in each major industry group. Table 25 indicates that
such is not the case.

TABLE 25
Negroes As A Percent of the Entire Labor Force in the St. Louis
Metropolitan Area by Industrial Categories and Sex

(April, 1950)
Negro Males as a
Percent of
All Employed Males

Major Industry Group

Agriculture, including Forestry, etc
Mining
Construction
Durable Goods, Manufacturing
Nondurable Goods, Manufacturing
Transportation, Communication
and other Public Utilities
Wholesale and Retail Trade
Finance, Insurance and Real Estate
Business and Repair Services
Personal Services
Entertainment and Recreation
Professional and Related Service
Public Administration
Industry Not Specified or Reported
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

Negro Females as a
Pereent of All
Employed Females

3.5
3.3
7.7
9.1
9.5

5.5
2.1
5.0

13.3
8.5
8.2
8.3
31.6
14.7
9.9
12.2
16.8

3.6
8.4
5.0
2.2
49.9
10.3
12.1
10.6
10.8

3.6
6.4

Negro men approximate the desired distribution in professional
services as well as in the durable and non-durable manufacturing
groups. They are overly concentrated in the personal services, entertainment, public administration, and transportation industries. In
the other categories, there is a comparative shortage of Negro males
although, with the exception of agriculture and mining, the discrepancy is not very great. Women come close to the ideal distribution
only in public administration, professional services and entertainment
services. Since almost half of the Negro women were in the personal
service group, their distribution in the other categories would necessarily be unfavorable.
The nature of the groupings hides more than it reveals. For
instance, it would appear that the Negro males are very well represented in the transportation, communication, and other public
utilities group. This is true, but it is just as true that, within the
grouping, they were overly concentrated in railroading and in trucking and warehousing services. Telecommunications, air and water
transportation, and electric and gas utilities, hired only a nominal
45

number of Negro males compared to whites. With 12 percent of
all public employees Negroes, their proportion in public administration was relatively favorable. Yet, 75 percent of the publicly employed non-whites in this category worked for the Federal Government and the remainder held jobs with local units. This distribution
can be compared to that which prevailed for whites where the ratio
was 55 percent for federal and 45 percent for state and local public
administration. Moreover, Negroes in city government were almost
exclusively relegated to departments dealing with sanitation and
street repair.
More specifically, almost half of all the Negro men in the durable goods industry worked in one of the sixteen groups, primary
metals. Within this category, they were concentrated within one
firm in the steel industry.
A serious limitation of these data is that they did not crossclassify industrial attachment and occupational classifications for
the local non-white population. Even in those industries where the
Negro distribution approaches more optimal levels, it is quite likely
that Negroes were occupationally concentrated in unskilled jobs.
Negro women not only were unduly concentrated in the personal
service industrial classification (private households, hotels, and laundries), but were also mal-distributed within the other major industrial groups. For instance, Negro women in wholesale and retail
trade are generally working in eating and drinking establishments
or departments.
Changes in Industrial Attachments to January, 1954.'7 Because of
the Korean War, a number of significant changes have occurred since
the Spring of 1950 in the industrial attachments of the total St. Louis
labor force. As measured by the Missouri Division of Employment
Security, employment in durable goods in the metropolitan area rose
by 147 percent between January 1950 and September 1953.36 Employment in ordnance, one of the major durable goods sub groups,
multiplied by more than seven times during this period. The numbers in the other major groups, such as a non-durable goods,
transportation and construction increased but to a lesser degree.
January 1954 Industrial Attachments of Negroes: While in 1950,
only 18 percent of Negro employed males worked in the durable
goods industries, by early 1954, 24 percent were so employed. The
proportion of Negro males in the non-durable goods industries rose
from 15 to 18 percent during the same period. Meat packing was
46

the local leader in non-durable goods employment. These manuf&
turing advances, in addition to those registered in public utilities
through the street railway svstem alone. have reduced the relative
importance of wholesale and retail trade, finance, insurance and reaL
estate, and construction, among others. The percentage of Negro
males in public administration has slightly risen during this same
period.
Since the ratio of women in the personal service category has
declined from 1 out of every 2 in 1950 to 3 of every 7 in January,
1954, the ratios of the other industrial groups have increased slightly.
These relationships are shown in Table 26.

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Length of Jobs: St. Louis Negroes, as indicated by occupational
attachment are still thought to be particularly suitable for rough and
disagreeable work. Their chances of even performing these functions
for a sustained period are not very high. For instance, of the employed persons interviewed in January, 1954, slightly more than
4 out of every 10 had obtained, and kept, their present job since the
outbreak of hostilities in Korea. There is no data on white job retention to which this figure can be compared, but it is believed that this
data reflects an extremely high rate of job insecurity. This pattern
is even apparent when one realizes that this figure is not a turnover
rate but is only a measure of persons who have held single jobs.
Table 27 shows that about 1 of 8 employed Negroes were hired since
the effectuation of a truce in Korea; about 3 out of 10 were hired
during these hostilities; and about 1 of every 5 began work and have
retained their jobs between the end of World War II and June, 1950.
TABLE 27
Hiring Period of Employed Negroes in the City of St. Louis,
Mo. (January, 1954)
July, 1953
Sex

to
Jan., 1954

Total
Male
Female

12.4
11.2
14.3

Total
Male
Female

Jan., 1953
to
June, 1953

Aug., 1952
to
Dec., 1952

P E R C E N T
7.8
6.8
5.9
7.6
8.0
8.0

Aug., 1951
to

July, 1952

Aug., 1950
to
July, 1951

7.8
6.2
10.0

6.6
7.1
5.7

Jan., 1950
to
July, 1950

Sept., 1945
to
Dec., 1949

Jan., 1940
to
Aug., 1945

Before
1940

Not
Reported

Totals

3.0
2.8
3.2

18.1
18.5
17.8

15.3
17.3
12.5

13.8
18.1
7.6

7.8
4.7
12.3

100.0
100.0
100.0

Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

Negro employment, especially among women, rises more slowly
and reaches its peak later than white employment. This is borne out
by the data in Table 27. Beginning with August, 1950, and for every
12 month period from that date, there was an increasingly higher
number of Negroes hired during each year.

TABLE 28
Hiring Period of MpDloved Negroes in the
City of St. Louis, Mo., by Occupations
(January, 1954)
Oceupations

July, 1953 to
Jan. 1954

Jan 1953 to

July 1953

Aug. 1952 to Aug. 1951 to Aug. 1950 to
July 1951
Dec 1952
July 1952

PERCENT
1.29
4.48
2.59
4.07
Professional
3.89
1.49
*
1.63
Managerial
11.68
16.41
12.98
8.94
Clerical
2.59
4.48
1.29
0.81
Sales
2.59
4.48
1.29
5.69
Craft
20.77
13.43
11.68
13.82
Operatives
11.68
7.46
9.09
10.57
Domestics
22.07
25.36
32.45
35.77
Service
23.36
22.38
28.57
17.07
Laborers
*
*
*
1.63
Not reported
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.00
Totals
* Less than 0.5 percent
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey

9.23
1.54
7.69
*
21.53
12.30
18.46
29.22
*
100.00

The distribution in Table 28 portrays the hiring patterns which
prevailed from the first full month of the Korean hostilities until the
inception of this study. The above data show that the local economy's
general demand for Negro laborers was continuously high but operatives were increasingly less in demand except for the last period.
The opposite was true of service workers and, to a lesser extent,
domestics. The demand for clerical workers reached its peak between August and December 1952, rising prior to this and falling
afterwards. No definite pattern existed for other categories.
A comparison of occupational attachment and length of service
can be made. This comparison shows that 39 percent of professional; 21 percent of managerial; 51 percent of clerical, and 70
percent of sales workers who were working in January, 1954, obtained their jobs after the outbreak of the Korean War. For craftsmen, operatives, domestics, service workers, and laborers, the percentage distribution was 33 percent, 49 percent, 37 percent, 45 percent, and 36 percent respectively." This would seem to bear out the
contention that Negroes have only recently penetrated into the clerical and sales fields and, to a lesser extent, have found employment
as semi-skilled factory personnel.
50

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Job Information: In the course of the survey all employed interviewees were questioned as to just how they had obtained their jobs.
About 3 out of 8 answered that friends and relatives provided the
information which led to their employment. About 3 out of 10
applied at the business directly and were hired. The next highest
category which comprised one-eighth of all placements, was a "catchall" one that included such means as civil service examinations, union
referrals, and the buying of a business. Twelve percent were so
placed and this proportion can be compared with the 1 out of 7 who
obtained jobs through newspaper ads, public and private agencies
One out of 12 interviewees did not respond.
Since there is no recent comparable study of the methods utilized
by local whites in obtaining jobs, no conclusive generalizations about
the differences between the races in choices of job seeking methods
are possible. Based on observation, Negroes probably use more informal means such as getting information and recommendations from
friends and family, than do whites.
The following data also attempt to ascertain which characteristics,
if any, differentiate the particular modes of obtaining employment.
When the categories, friends and relatives and direct application at
plant, were classified as informal methods of obtaining employment,
and the remainder as formal ones, and these categories cross-classified with sex, it would appear that sex is not a differentiating factor
in choice of job seeking method. Although more informal methods
were used by the younger and older segments of the population as
compared to those between 20 and 49, the differences were minor.
Informal methods are used with increasing frequency by applicants
who have less than three years of high school. About 1 of every 2
members of this group obtained jobs by applying directly at the place
of business without previous knowledge of specific job openings, or
by gaining information from friends and relatives. Formal methods
are used to a greater extent by those with high school diplomas and
above. More than 8 out of every 10 college graduates used the more
formal approaches.

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30
u

Job Relationships: In virtually every phase of life, St. Louis Negroes are faced with practices which either are openly discriminatory
or which physically separate them from the white population. These
practices, which are found in eating, lodging, and entertainment
facilities, and which affect the quality of service received, are beyond
the scope of this survey. Barriers in the social and cultural life of
the city are open and visible; while economic practices which may
inhibit the non-white are not equally discernible. The sample attempts to cast light upon one small phase of this broad problem by
focusing on those practices which physically condition the type of
employment and the mixing of the races. Respondents were, therefore asked whether eating facilities and rest rooms, at work, were
equally available and whether fellow workers were either solely Negro
or were mixed.
About 3 out of 10 of the females and slightly less than 5 of 10
male Negroes could use both facilities while about 1 out of 8 of the
females and about 1 out of every 7 males could use neither. The
percentage of males who could use only the rest room was 12 percent,
while in 3 percent of the cases only the eating facilities were available.8" Of those who were in a work situation where the question
of facility utilization was applicable, 3 out of 5 Negroes were completely free from any type of segregation. Negro males fared slightly
better than females.
A much larger proportion (about three-fourths) of the men
worked with both Negroes and whites than females of whom 3 out
of 7 were so employed. One-seventh of the men, and one-fifth of
the women, were employed only with Negroes.81
Thus, a little less than 8 out of 10 Negroes in applicable situations
were working with whites.
These data have some real limitations. For instance, the respondent was asked whether he worked with white workers in his department. Due to limitation in knowledge of departmental boundaries,
many respondents, seeing white workers in the plant, might have
answered that they were employed with white workers when, in
actuality, they were segregated departmentally. In addition, segregation might take place by task or function rather than by department.
An attempt was made to ascertain whether Negro workers worked
with fellow Negroes who were either in skilled or supervisory posi54

tions. The answers in this case were so scattered and ambiguous that
they yield no significant results."'
Trade Unions: During the past two decades, trade unions have
piayei at inereasingly important role in the St. Louis economy.
Characteristic of this growth is the large proportion of local Negroes
in trade unions. Of every ten persons interviewed who were working
during the first week of January, five were affiliated with a union.
About 13 of every 20 males were trade union members, while only
5 out of 20 females were affiliated. This overall figure is really remarkable considering the high percentage of non-white women in
the civilian labor force and the concentration of Negroes in industries
and occupations not always amenable to organization. It is apparent
from these data that Negroes make up a significant part of the
strength, and could contribute an equally significant share of the
vitality to the labor movement in this city.
About 2 out of every 3 union members belonged to American
Federation of Labor affiliates; slightly less than 1 out of 5 belonged
to those unions affiliated with the Congress of Industrial Organizations; and about one-twentieth of the total were members of independent unions."
Perhaps more significant is that 1 out of every 10 union members
interviewed knew nothing besides the fact that they were members
of some union, and that a very large majority could not correctly
give, if at all, the number of their local or even the name of their
international."'. It is inconceivable that, if large proportions of Negroes were actively identified with trade unions, that this obvious lack
of knowledge would exist. Thus, membership in, but not active identification with, seems to indicate the pattern of Negro participation
in the trade union movement.
Once some union affiliation was established, the 485 persons who
had given an affirmative reply were asked if they could attend union
meetings with white members. 386 said they could; 64 said they
could not; and 35 gave ambiguous answers. About 3 out of 4 of the
persons who indicated a segregated union situation were members
of the AFL. However, these data show that when a Negro is admitted
to a trade union, it is likely to be on an unsegregated basis. The
data, however, do not include those Negroes who cannot be admitted
even on a segregated basis to some craft unions and railroad brotherhoods.
A critical point in situations where unions have some job control
55

in an industry or occupation, through union shop agreements, apprentice training programs and other methods, is whether the union
actively helps in the upgrading of all its members of whether it is
less active in this direction for Negroes than for whites. The following question was framed in order to uncover this: "In your opinion,
does your union help upgrade Negro workers when they are qualified for better jobs?" Before assessing the results it is perhaps necessary to analyze the question and its limitations. First, the question
seems to assume that the respondents' union has effective power and
can influence the promotional process by giving, or withholding this
influence. This is often, but not always, the case. Secondly, the
person interviewed, supposedly on the basis of past experience, is
asked to venture an opinion on the union's efforts in this direction
and further, is being asked to pass judgment on whether, again based
on past experience, somebody was qualified to be upgraded. The
answers elicited were therefore, highly subjective and are not necessarily coincidental with the objective reality of the situation. The
answers do reflect how the respondent feels, though intensity of feeling is left unmeasured, about whether his union is helping Negroes
to be upgraded.
Keeping in mind these limitations, the pattern of the responses
revealed that a majority of non-whites felt their unions were making
an attempt to improve their status. Slightly more than 58 percent
of the AF of L, 53 percent of the CIO and 42 percent of the independent union membership answered that their unions were helpful,
while 24 percent, 26 percent, and 16 percent respectively felt that
their unions were not of assistance in the upgrading process. One of
every 8, 1 of every 7, and 1 of every 5 respectively gave other responses. The remainder did not reply. However, a substantial minority of those questioned for some reason or another were dissatisfied with the actions of their unions in regard to this important
question with varying though unmeasured degrees of intensity.8"
The relatively high number of unfavorable responses from CIO
members is surprising in view of the racial attitudes of its national
leadership, and the fact that its two main affiliates which comprise
a large proportion of the total membership, have adopted strong antidiscriminatory stands. These expressions of opinion indicate that
local union racial practices and attitudes are important and that
either the policies of the individual locals are incompatible with those
56

of the Internationals, or that higher level policies have not been implemented at a local level.

Summary
Any comparison of the occupational and industrial attachments
of St. Louis non-whites with whites reveals the existence of a large
gap between the two racial groups. While some advances have been
registered by non-whites during the past four years, the gap is far
from being closed. Since higher occupational classifications are more
likely to be concentrated within the 20-29 age group, which is highly
vulnerable to adverse economic change, the advances that have been
registered may be difficult to maintain during a period of less than
full employment.
Employment stability among non-whites is not very high and
job tenure is comparatively short. Negroes appear to rely heavily on
informal methods of obtaining employment.

Footnotes Chapter

III

"2The 1950 data are based on the metropolitan area; the 1954 sample data are
based on the city of St. Louis. Any discrepancy in occupational attachments
between the two locations is less than 0.5 percent based on 1950 ratios.
"For the specific occupations within the major groups see: 1950 Population Census
Report, PET,: "Intermediate Occupational Classifications for Males and Females," p. XX. This classification system was used in sample coding except
when supplemented by the Dictionary of Occupational Titles, Farm Managers
and Laborers are included in their appropriate group.
"For a full description of the major industry categories, see: "List C-Intermediate Industrial Classification with Component Detailed Industries," in
1950 Population Census Report PEI. The same system was used in sample
coding.
2"The thirty to thirty nine age group, had 49 percent, the 40-49 group had 41
percent, the 50-59 group had 31 percent and the group over 60 had only 5
percent in the classification, professional through operatives.
"Because of the different occupational stratification of females, the top four
occupational classifications were used as a basis for comparison.
27Statistics in this section are taken from a compilation of Bi-monthly Reports
made available by the St. Louis Office of the Missouri Division of Employment Security. These data are in no way comparable to Census data.
"The data are given for September 1953 because employment declines started
to take place at this time. This data is to be taken to indicate the high point
of employment.
"These data are included in tabular material available at the Urban League
but not otherwise cited for purposes of brevity.
"'The percentage of males who could only use the rest room was 12 percent,
while in 3 percent of the cases only the eating facilities were available. Of
the remainder, ten percent of the women and 14 percent of the men did not
respond; 9 percent and 28 percent, respectively, were in working situations
where the question was not applicable, and 4 percent and 3 percent indicated
that one of the facilities was not available but did not specify which one.
"Two percent of the males and one percent of the females were the only nonwhites in an otherwise all white work situation. The remainder either did
not respond, gave ambiguous answers or were in work situations where the question was not applicable.
"The lack of determinate answers to this question, the definitional limitations,
and the subjective quality of the answers on job relationships, makes this kind
of analysis the least satisfactory and most inconclusive. Better measures and
indices dealing with employment practices of this nature should be devised.
"Since one of every ten did not even know whether their union was either an
A. F. of L., CIO or independent union affiliate, the actual proportions in these
groupings are higher than the figures cited above.
"This observation came from the coding process. When the coding was started,
this lack of all of the data necessary to completely establish particular union
affiliation was noted. Interviewers were questioned about this lack of information and stated that they asked specifically for the information but it was not
given by the respondents. All the interviewers were specifically questioned
about their experience with this particular question.
"Since only those who reported union membership were questioned about their
reactions, these data do not reflect the feelings of those Negroes who cannot
be admitted into a trade union. The high level of underemployment of skilled
Negroes suggests that this grouping is not insignificant.

CHAPTER IV

The Unemployed
A little more than 1 out of 7 Negroes 14 years of age or over,
were unemployed during the first week of January, 1954. The unemployed Negroes were (1) more heavily concentrated among the
younger age groups, (2) comprised a higher proportion of females
than of males, (3) consisted of relatively the same proportions of
married, single, widowed and divorced persons as did the employed,
and (4) had, up to the college level, attained almost the same educational levels as the remainder of the employed non-white work force.
The differences that exist in characteristics, with the exception of
age and length of educational training, are so slight that they do not
permit further analysis.
Barring possible differences in personality factors, which this
survey could not attempt to ascertain, there seem to be no basic distinguishing characteristics, except possibly higher level education,
between the employed and unemployed non-whites. Generally, a
non-white is unemployed because economic conditions do not permit his employment, and, frequently, because of his low seniority on
the job, he rather than someone else, is laid off.
Experience of the Unemployed: Only 1 of every 20 unemployed
who were interviewed failed to report a previous job. This does not
necessarily mean that these persons never had previous jobs, it only
means that previous jobs were not reported by these respondents. It
may be inferred from these data that 95 percent or more of those
unemployed had previous work experience.

Length of Unemployment:
TABLE 31
Duration of Unemployment of Unemployed Negroes
in the City of St. Louis, Mo., by Sex
(January, 1954)
PERIOD
1

SEX

WEEKS

5 - 8

9 - 12

13 - 25

WEEKS

PERC ENT
Male
33.3
22.2
14.8
14.8
Female
20.8
18.7
10.4
12.4
TOTAL
26.5
20.3
12.4
13.5
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.

26 - 52
WEEKS

3.7
17.6
11.2

Less Than TOTAL
15 MO.

8.6
12.4
10.7

100.0
100.0
100.0

About one-twentieth of these unemployed respondents did not
report the duration of their unemployment, but, even so, it seems
apparent that layoffs were heavily concentrated in November and
December 1953. One in every 10 of the non-white unemployed had
been out of work from 12 to 15 months. Persons unemployed longer
than 15 months were classified as unemployable." If these had been
included the relatively high unemployment rate would have appeared
even higher.
Women appear to have been unemployed longer than men. Total unemployment, as explained earlier, is more concentrated among
the younger groups and is also less concentrated among the highly
educated groups. Since younger groups are the most highly educated
this apparent contradiction can only be reconciled by assuming much
higher rates of unemployment among the less well-educated younger
non-whites. When length of unemployment was correlated with age
and educational attainment, no definite pattern emerged. Thus, it
may be inferred that although age and education influence the incidence of unemployment, these characteristics do not influence the
duration of unemployment.87
Unemployment Compensation: Of the unemployed respondents,
2 out of every 7 were receiving some form of unemployment compensation during the first week of January, 1954. One out of 25 had
received but had already exhausted their benefits. The remainder,
minus those who did not respond, (4 percent) or more than 2 out
of every 3 unemployed were receiving no compensation at that time.
Over 2 of every 5 males received compensation during the first week
of January while only 1 of every 7 women were benefit recipients.
Since females had a longer average duration of unemployment, a
higher proportion of women had already exhausted their claims.
Since over 50 percent of the white unemployed were covered by
unemployment compensation the differences are significant and require explanation.88 They are attributable to the high concentration
of Negroes in uncovered employment, such as domestic service and
day labor, to the higher proportion of women in the labor force and
to the higher rate of job instability among Negroes. This instability
frequently prevents accumulation of sufficient credits to make nonwhites eligible for benefits.
Previous Occupations of the Unemployed: A combined total of
less than 1 percent of the non-white unemployed had their last jobs
in the professional, managerial, and sales classifications. Laborers,
60

who contributed one-third of the unemployment, had the highest
proportion. This classification was followed in descending order by
service workers with one-fifth, operatives with one-seventh, clerical
workers also with one-seventh, domestics with one-ninth, and
craftsmen with one-twenty-fifth of the total unemployment. Except
for clerical workers and domestics, the relative incidence of unemployment seems to increase as the occupational ladder is descended,
and decrease as it is ascended.
When the percentage of unemployment originating in each of
these occupational classifications is compared with the proportion of
non-whites actually in these occupations, a high rate of clerical unemployment and a disproportionately lower professional and domestic
rate seems indicated. Since the clerical area was one of recent penetration by non-whites, it is not inconceivable that a substantial number of these recent penetrations were in jobs with little seniority.
However, with the exception of the higher clerical and lower professional and domestic rates, the proportion of those unemployed in
the various occupational categories and the percentage of non-whites
within these classifications are reasonably comparable.
It is interesting to note that when the unemployed were asked
what kind of jobs they were looking for, the percentage distribution
of desired jobs in the first five categories almost exactly paralleled the
distributions in the "previous job" classification. However, fewer
persons wanted either operative, domestic, service, or labor jobs. The
1 out of every 5 who said they would accept "anything" probably
came from the last four occupational categories."9
Industrial Attachmentt of Unemployed: As was expected, the
manufacturing classification contributed a substantial proportion of
the unemployment. One-fourth of the non-white unemployed had
been employed within that industrial classification. A majority of
the job losses were in such durable goods industries, as ordnance,
primary metals, and motor vehicles. Personal services and wholesale
and retail trade each contributed above one-fifth of the total unemployment. Public administration was responsible for one-tenth of
the unemployment while all the other industries, communication, 8
percent; construction, 4 percent; combined aggregated one-sixth of
the total unemployment. There were, however, 1 of every 12 unemployed who did not report any previous industrial attachment. Except
for the much larger proportion of Negroes who lost their jobs in
retail and wholesale trade, the proportionate amount of unemploy61

ment contributed by the particular industry group and the proportions previously in those groupings seem fairly close. Seasonal
patterns in wholesaling and retailing account for this relatively
greater incidence of unemployment.
Summary: The unemployed Negro is differentiated from the jobholding non-white by a slightly lesser degree of educational attainment. In addition, younger non-whites have a proportionately higher
rate of joblessness than older members of the Negro labor force.
With the exception of the higher proportional rate of unemployment among clerical workers and a lower rate within both the professional and domestic groups, the occupational attachments of the
unemployed do not seem to differ from the attachments of the employed.
The relative incidence of unemployment among non-whites is
presently at least two and one-half to three times as great as that for
whites. A similar relationship prevailed in April, 1950, when the
last Census was taken. The Negro is also unemployed longer and
is much less likely to receive unemployment compensation.

Footnotes Chapter IV

"6A

much fuller discussion of those coded as unemployable will be included
in Chapter VI.
"7Based on sample data not contained in the report for reasons of brevity.
8"An estimated 22,500 weeks of unemployment were claimed during the third
week of January, 1954. This claim rate is contrasted with an estimated 47,700
unemployed. If the approximately 15,000 Negro unemployed and estimated
4,500 weeks claimed by non-whites were eliminated, the white rate of coverage by unemployment insurance is well above 50%. The unemployment and
claim estimates originate with the State of Missouri, Division of Employment
Security, Labor Market Report ES-219, February, 1954, Table 3.
"9The answer "anything" is highly subjective and indicates what the respondent
believed at the time of the interview.

CHAPTER V

Underemployment
Definition: The concept of underemployment is a broad one, and
has been subject to varied interpretation even by the economist.
However, the most frequent definition, namely, the employment of
any resource at below its maximum capacity, is a highly useful one
for our purposes. This study is concerned with this concept in a
definite context. To what specific extent do St. Louis Negroes have
specific skills and training, and to what extent are these capacities
currently utilized by the local economy?4
Occupations and Education: Some possible indication of the degree of underemployment might result from a comparison of current
job status with length of education. Table 32, which makes this
comparison, shows that almost 8 out of 10 male professional workers
had some college training. Only 2 out of 10 classified as managers
had any higher education.41 Over 3 out of 10 clerical and 1 out of
10 craftsmen have been exposed to higher education. Less than 1
out of 10 of the persons presently employed in the other categories
had college training. A large proportion of professional women are
college graduates, but female managerial and clerical workers are
more apt to have only completed only high school. The median
level of educational attainment for operatives is within the high
school range, but most male service workers and laborers have only
a grammar school education. For female service workers and domestics, the median educational attainment is slightly above grammar
school. More significantly, however, is that 2 out of every 3 college
graduates are doing either professional or technical work and practically all those with degrees hold jobs in the top five categories.
Slightly more than 5 out of 9 of those with 1 to 3 years of college
training held jobs within the first five categories while only slightly
more than 1 out of 3 high school graduates were able to acquire
comparable jobs. Approximately one-sixth of those completing from
one to 3 yea,rs in high school, and one-eighth of those just completing
grammar school, are in occupational groupings from professional
through craft. This close correlation between length of education
and occupational status suggests that as more non-whites achieve
higher levels of education a larger proportion will reach higher occupational classifications. It does not, however, suggest that all will
attain the occupational level sought. These same figures show that
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one of every three non-white college graduates were employed below
the professional level while 4 of every 9 who have completed 1 to
3 years of college are working either as maids, porters, unskilled
factory help, operators, or common laborers.
Because these educational data do not give any information either
of a quantitative or qualitative nature about training, it was necessary to compare specific job training with present occupational status
before any specific assessment of underemployment could be undertaken.
Job Training: Those who were classified in the labor force were
questioned about the acquisition of skills through specific training.
Whoever responded affirmatively was asked about the type and
length of .training, as well as the kind of school, if any, in which the
training was received. Rigid coding eliminated persons whose answers
did not seem to indicate more than a rather informal period of "on
the job training."
About one-fifth of the Negro work group reported some kind of
specific job training which had been acquired before January, 1954.
Over one-fourth of the unemployed, reported having received training, but only one in every five of the employed had some specific
job training.42 Two possible conclusions can be drawn. Either the
employed received better quality training than the unemployed and
were, thus, more likely to retain their jobs, or training is not a prime
consideration in the layoff process. The second reason possibly is
the more valid one. The younger groups, who contributed the highest proportions of the unemployed had more of a chance to receive
training, but also averaged less seniority on particular jobs. There
is also no evidence which indicates that jobs or occupations which
require special training are less vulnerable to seasonal, secular, or
cyclical unemployment.
How is this training distributed among the various occupational
categories? The following data show that the preponderance of the
training is in the professional, clerical, craft, and operative classifications.

TABLE 33
Occupational Training of the Civilian Negro Force
of the City of St. Louis, Mo.
(January, 1954)
EMPLOYMENT STATUS
Employed
Unemployed
PERCENT
10.4
Professional
29.7
*
*
Managerial
15.8
24.9
Clerical
2.0
1.9
Sales
22.2
29.1
Craft
Operative
15.3
18.7
*
*
Domestic
12.8
6.2
Service
*
*
Labor
Not Reported
1.9
8.3
100.0
TOTALS
100.0
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey.
*Less than 0.5 percent.
Occupations

Total

26.0
*
17.6
2.0
23.6
16.0
*
11.6
*
3.2
100.0

Domestic and labor jobs do not require training, while the sales
and managerial employees are generally the recipients of informal
on-the-job training. The most revealing fact is the high number of
Negroes who have received training to perform a skilled occupation,
since the proportion trained for craft jobs are surpassed only by
those who have professional training. There are also goodly proportions of non-whites who have been trained in various clerical
and office capacities.
The data in Table 33 also show that those occupations and jobs
which require special training differ in their vulnerability to unemployment. If an index of vulnerability to unemployment were to be
constructed, the clerical, craft, and operative resignations would ap.
pear relatively vulnerable and the professional grouping would seem
relatively invulnerable. Since these vulnerable areas are, with the
exception of the crafts, areas of recent penetration by non-whites to
higher status positions, these data suggest that a protracted decline
in employment would probably negate a large proportion of the
recent Negro gains.
Past Training-Present Jobs: Since underemployment was defined in terms of employment below maximum capacity, it was necessary to compare past training with present jobs to ascertain whether
the trained Negro is currently being utilized by the local economy.
66

Table 34, which relates training and present job status, indicates
that a significant proportion of Negroes are presently engaged in
economic activity at occupational levels below those in which they
could perform competently as a result of previous training.
TABLE 34
Present Occupation and Past Training of Civilian Negro
Labor Force in the City of St. Louis, Mo.
(January, 1954)
PRESENT
OCCUPATION

Professional

PAST TRAINING
Craft
Operative
PERCENT

Clerical

Other and

Service Not Reported

Professional
52.0
*
2.5
*
*
Managerial
4.5
*
*
3.3
24.0
Clerical
7.6
52.5
6.7
5.0
6.8
Sales
*
*
2.5
*
3.4
Craft
1.5
*
18.5
*
7.5
Operative
7.6
2.5
15.2
*
30.0
Domestic
*
1.5
1.6
2.5
17.2
Service
12.2
12.5
5.0
17.5
37.8
Labor
4.5
7.5
25.3
*
15.0
Unemployed
7.6
30.0
23.6
22.5
10.3
Not Reported
*
*
*
*
*
TOTALS
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey. * Less than 0.5 per cent.

C
12.5
*
*
25.0
*
*
*
*
62.0
*
100.0

The status of the trained Negro craftsman is the most revealing.
Local Negroes who have been trained for craft jobs are more likely
to be either laborers or unemployed than they are likely to be performing the skilled jobs for which they received training. These
data indicate that the skilled Negro is the most underemployed. Undoubtedly the admission policies of local craft unions are largely
responsible for this relatively greater degree of underemployment.
Local non-whites who have either clerical or professional training presently have 4 out of 7 chances for utilizing their training.
The trained operative was also underemployed, for 5 out of 9 so
trained were working at levels considered below that of operative.
In relative terms, the best opportunities exist in training to become
a cook, beautician, or personal service worker. Currently, the chances
are better than 3 out of 5 that the Negro trained in the service areas
will be utilizing his training. Many non-whites, classified in the
managerial and proprietary group, were trained service workers who
were owners of their own establishments.'3
67

Summary:
For many years, some non-whites and more than a few white
leaders have stressed the importance of education and training as an
all-inclusive answer to the economic problems of the Negro. This
emphasis has considerable justification, for locally there is a high
correlation between job status and education. However, a high proportion of educated Negroes are working at levels lower than their
educational status would indicate. When specific training rather than
general education is considered, this pattern of underemployment is
even more apparent. A large but varying proportion of non-whites
who have been trained as craftsmen, operatives, professional, and
clerical workers were employed in capacities below these levels. Of
these, the craftsman is the most underemployed.
Footnotes Chapter V
"0Another possible interpretation of this definition relates to the number of
hours a week of employment of the human resource. A lower number of
hours worked per week, or weeks per year could be considered to constitute
underemployment. Although this study is less concerned with this aspect of
the problem, National Census figures indicate that in 1950, 58 percent nonwhites as compared to 69 percent white worked from 50 to 52 weeks. Whites
hold the same advantage in terms of hours worked per week. There is no
data which suggests that St. Louis non-whites fare any better.
'1The relatively low educational level of the managerial and proprietary group
is probably indicative of the type of non-white owned business in the St.
Louis area. These are mainly small shops or service establishments serving
the Negro community.
"Of those who received training, in both the employed and unemployed categories, about 5 out of every 9 were males.
"One person in 10 has a job status higher than his training level would indicate. This is largely attributable to the higher percentage trained in the
service areas who become small proprietors, generally, as restaurant owners
and beauty shop operators. However, since the statistical data were summarized in terms of "doing the same job or better" this does not change
the nature of the generalizations.

CHAPTER VI

Not in the Labor Force
Introduction: This classification, comprises those persons, fourteen years of age and over who are not actively seeking employment.
It is composed of individuals who are not currently participating
in the civilian labor force. Since some persons are only temporarily
out of the work force, the number not in the labor force expands
and contracts as seasonal, secular, and cyclical patterns dictate. Due
to the income patterns which prevail in the Negro community, this
category with the exception of the student component, seems to be
composed of a large proportion of permanent non-participants.
Although, any quantitative determination of future intention is
highly tentative, the distribution by reasons indicated in Table 35
seems to suggest a high level of permanent non-participation.
TABLE 35

Status of the Negro Non-Labor Force
of the City of St. Louis, by Sex

(January, 1954)
SEX

Housework

Student

STATUS
Physioally Inmate of
An lesti- UnemUsable
Retired To Work tutton ployable
PERCENT

18.7
Male
2.0
27.0
64.1
8.1
3.9
Female
9.9
53.3
7.9
Average
Source: 1954 Urban League Survey. *

39.5
13.7
182
Less than

*
8.3
*
3.5
*
4.3
*0.5 percent.

No Re-

sponse Total

4.1
5.9
5.6

100
100
100

Almost 1 of 2 males in this categQry is not working or looking
for a job because he is too old, retired, or a student. The largest single
category for men consists of abstentions because of physical disability.
This category probably includes persons whose age might place them
in the retirement brackets, but who would, presumably, work if they
were able. The main deterrent to female non-participation is that
of housework and, inferentially, of the need to be at home to take
69

care of children. The other reasons for non-participation are not
as important for females as for males. The unemployable category
is made up of persons who claimed to be looking for jobs, but who
were unemployed for such a protracted period, during a period of
full employment, that they were coded as unemployable. For instance, it is highly improbable that a person who reported that he
has been looking for a job for over 15 months is capable of economic
activity. If the person had been capable of any gainful activity, some
job would have been found.
The "not in the labor force" category comprises almost 3 out of
every 4 persons over 14 and under 20, and 9 out of every 10 persons
over 60. Because of relative concentration in the higher age groups,
this category contains a disproportionately large proportion of persons who have completed less than grammar school. This is not
particularly striking and is probably paralleled in the white sector
of the population.
It is interesting to note that over three-fourths of these individuals
have, at one time or another, worked. Most of them, between 8 and
9 out of 10 performed jobs classified from semi down to the unskilled
level. Their previous industrial attachments do not appear to establish any conclusive pattern.
Although the heavy concentration of those not in the labor force
among those in the youngest and oldest age categories makes generalization about the educational attainments of this group difficult,
there is a high proportion of college trained females who are currently out of the labor force. In all probability, these females are
more likely to marry those similarly educated, who are also more
likely to be in the higher income brackets. This relieves them from
the economic necessity of remaining in the labor force, but in the
process the non-white community loses highly trained resources."

Summary
The high degree of Negro labor force participation, especially by
females, indicates that the proportion of those classified as not in the
labor force will probably tend to increase during the current period
of employment decline. Many married women, for instance, who
have been laid off and who have not found other jobs are returning
to the housewife category. These non-labor force participants are
concentrated among the oldest and youngest age groups. The previous job and industrial attachments of the three out of 4 who were
previously in the labor force yield no discernible patterns.
Footnotes Chapter VI
"All of the observations about the persons not in the labor force are based on
data taken from the sample but not included in tabular form in the report
because of reasons of brevity. In this instance, and in foregoing ones,
the tables and the tests of significance are available for inspection at the
St. Louis Urban League.

CHAPTER VII

Income

The primary purpose of -economic activity is the provision of
goods and services. In a modern economy, these goods and services
are priced through a market process and culminate in income for
the resources which produce them. Those factors which affect the
marketability of a given resource influence income for that resource.
Thus the impact and magnitude of those institutional forces and
changes which impinge upon the Negro as he participates in the
labor market, can be measured, compared, and summarized by analysis of his income. The direction of change and the comparative well
being of this racial group can be gauged by analysis of its income
patterns. The following data indicate the relative income of the nonwhite in selected metropolitan areas.'
TABLE 36
Median 1949 Income in Selected Metropolitan Areas by Race
(April, 1950)
INCOME

AREA

White

Negro
$1,020

$2,238
Atlanta
Baltimore
2,399
Boston
2,191
Buffalo
2,483
Chicago
2,695
Cincinnati
2,297
Cleveland
2,611
Denver
2,106
Detroit
2,902
Kansas City
2,383
Los Angeles
2,297
Memphis
2,201
Milwaukee
2,535
Minneapolis
St. Paul
2,254
New York
North Eastern New Jersey 2,562
Pittsburgh
2,359
St. Louis
2,403
San Francisco
Oakland
2,557
Washington, D. C.
2,892
New Orleans
2,090
Source: 1950 U. S. Census.

2,032

45.6
56.1
72.4
75.4
71.2
59.0
66.7
672
78.9
59.0
70.8
41.8
80.1

1,652

73.2

1,858
1,608
1,402

72.5
68.1
58.3

1,865
1,843

72.9
63.7
46.9

1,345

1,587
1,873

1,919
1357
1,743
1,416
2,290
1,407
1,627

921

981

Neoro Income as a
Percent of White Income

Although St. Louis ranked ninth in average white income, it
was fifteenth in average Negro income. The average income of local
non-whites exceeded that of Negroes in Atlanta, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Memphis, and New Orleans, all southern or border cities.
When Negro income was compared to white income, St. Louis ranked
sixteenth among the twenty cities.
If income were the sole basis for determining location, local Negroes would have moved either to Detroit where they could enjoy
the highest money income, or to Milwaukee, where they could most
closely approximate the income of the whites.
Table 37 gives the distribution of local non-white income within
the various income categories. These data also indicate the proportions of whites and non-whites in each of the income classifications.

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The following inferences can be drawn from these data:" (1) In
1949, since Negroes constituted about 11 percent of the total number
of income recipients, they should have constituted, if Negroes were
to have about the same income as whites, approximately 11 percent
of those receiving income in each category. However, Negroes had
much higher proportions in the lower income bracket under $2,500,
and much lower and decreasing proportions in the higher categories.
Only between $2,500 and $3,000 did they even approximate their
proper ratio; (2) the 1953 income data reported in the survey indicates substantial improvement, yet, 3 out of 5 of the non-white sample
still reported less than $2,500 annual income. This compares with
the 52 percent of whites in the same lower categories in 1949, and
suggests that Negroes have not yet attained levels that whites had
attained in the relatively poor year of 1949; (3) However, between
1949 and 1953, Negro income had advanced substantially. There
were percentage decreases noted in every category under $2,500 and
increases in all of the higher categories. For instance, the proportions
in the $3,000-$4,000 grouping had more than tripled; those in the
$4,000-$5,000 grouping had increased seven-fold, and those in the
highest classification also had more than tripled. In other words,
over 27 percent of Negroes with incomes in 1953 made over $3,000
a year, while in 1949, only 3 percent had gross earnings of this
magnitude.
How can this rise be accounted for? Although many possibilities
are suggested by the data, the most important seems to be: (1) The
movement of Negroes into heavy industry and better paying jobs in
the durable goods area; (2) The fact that incomes were low in 1949
due to low levels of employment and relatively high in 1953 when
full employment with overtime prevailed for most of the year; (3)
The general inflationary conditions that have prevailqd since 1949;
and (4) the movement of Negroes from service and domestic jobs
into higher skill classifications.
Before becoming too optimistic, however, one must still remember
that (1) St. Louis Negroes had a long way to go to attain those income levels enjoyed by whites in 1949; and (2) there is absolutely
no reason to believe that whites have stood still since 1949. To
the contrary, the increase registered by whites may surpass those
made by Negroes. In such an event, Negroes may have lost ground
relatively.
76

Other income data not included for reasons of brevity show that:
(1) there is a general correlation between income and occupational
ranking even though income does not rise for each specific higher
occupation classification. Non-whites in the professions have the
highest earnings but those in the managerial-proprietary and clerical
classifications have incomes which are relatively lower than their
indicated ranking. However, the average income of those in the top
five classifications is significantly higher than the average income in
the four lower classifications; (2) Income is positively correlated with
number of grades completed in school. A very large proportion of
those earning over $5,000 are college graduates; (3) Younger people
have the lowest incomes; middle-aged the highest. There is some
correlation between age and income up to 59 years of age, after which
a relatively precipitous decline occurs;"7 and (4) St. Louis non-whites
who live in the Northern and Western sections of the city tend to
have higher incomes than those who reside Southward and Eastward."8
Summary
The improvements registered in income are heartening and serve
to highlight the general improvement registered by the non-white
in the past four years. The proportions of income recipients in the
lower brackets have decreased while the percentages in the higher
brackets have increased. The sample data indicate that Negroes are
approaching those income levels which in 1949 prevailed for whites.
Footnotes Chapter VIl
45The reason why these Metropolitan Areas were selected is that they contain
Urban Leagues in the central city.
'Income data in the Census and in this survey have some limitations. Negro
income data are probably more unreliable than white data because of the
greater amount of irregular, casual employment and bcause of higher proportions of non-whites who do not report any income. The non-reporting group
tends to understate income since an estimated 10 percent of this group actually
has some income. For a further methodological discussion see Ecker op. cit.
pp. 15-16.
"This is true in terms of the entire age group past 59 but is not always valid
for single year categories.
"None of these generalizations represent departures from income patterns of
the white population. White income is positively but not always exactly correlated with number of school years completed, occupational classification and
age.

Conclusions
In recent years, the socio economic status of the Negro has been
recognized as a major national problem. This survey is concerned with
the local manifestation of this broad problem and attempts to assess
the important factors influencing the economic status of this racial
grouping, which comprises about 1 out of 5 people within the city's
confines and 1 of 8 within the borders of this metropolitan area. The
study is designed, not only to ascertain the present economic characteristics of the non-white population, but also to compare wherever
possible, this racial group's position with that of the whites. Basic
to any understanding of the overall problem is some indication of
the magnitude direction, and tempo of change in the Negro's economic position.
An analysis of Census data bearing upon the measurement of the
basic determinants of economic position, education, type of occupational and industrial attachment, and level of employment show that
the Negro's position, as indicated by comparative data, was, in 1950,
relatively unfavorable. An average annual gross income level which
was 58 percent of that of the local whites indicates the extent to
which basic conditions were unfavorable to the St. Louis Negro.
Having selected a 5 percent level of significance for the survey
data, the following conclusions are suggested:
(1) The Negro, with the possible exception of average duration
of schooling, had still not attained, by the end of 1953, the white
position of 1950. An analysis of levels of income, which can be
treated as a result of economic activity, rather than a determining
factor, also points to this same conclusion. The much greater labor
force participation of non-white married females, attributed to necessity arising out of much lower earnings by the male breadwinner,
attests to this lower income pattern.
(2) The advances, indicated by a comparison of the 1954 survey
and the 1950 Census data, are the most encouraging. The Negro has
registered gains in quantitative educational attainment and in average
income while he has been upgraded in terms of occupational and
industrial attachment. Since favorable economic change would naturally affect lower age groupings who still are mobile and are able
to adjust to change, the much higher occupational and industrial
status of the 20-29 year old Negro is a better indication of these
79

advances than the average rates of change. About 3 of every 5 Negroes in the 20-29 age classification work in the six top ranking occupational categories, as contrasted with an overall average of less
than 3 out of 8 within the same categories for the older groups. There
has also been a substantial occupational movement out of service and
laboring ranks, and, industrially, a transfer from the service to the
durable goods industries.
(3) Qualifying these gains are the data which show that the
younger Negro is the most vulnerable to a decline in the level of
employment. This possible cancelling of the greater gains registered
by this more highly educated and trained group must be considered
during this present period of relatively high unemployment among
non-whites.
(4) The Negro unemployment rate of 15 percent was over two
and one-half times the white rate. Also significant is the decline in
proportion of accessions within the operative classification which has
occurred despite the increase in the proportion of Negroes in the
durable goods industries. These apparently contradictory developments can be reconciled only by concluding that a disproportionate
share of the gains in the durable goods area were in menial labor and
service jobs.
An effort was made to ascertain those institutional attitudes and
practices which affect the Negro in the work situation. Because the
important institutional practices which influence the Negro are determined by managerial and trade union policy, it was necessary to
ask questions about the practices of these entities. The survey revealed
the following patterns:
(5) Although there was some amount of segregation in the job
situation, about 4 of every 5 non-whites were employed in mixed
work situations. Eating and sanitary facilities were unsegregated in
about 3 out of 5 of the applicable situations. However, in over 1 out
of 4 cases, segregation in either eating or sanitary facilities was enforced, while in a few cases, one or both of the facilities were not
available to non-whites. It was impossible from the available data to
establish whether and to what extent Negroes are employed side-byside at identical jobs with whites. The racial identity of supervision
could not be ascertained since analysis of this question yielded inconclusive results.
(6) About 1 out of 2 non-whites, and over 6 of 10 non-white
males belonged to a trade union. Despite this high membership rate,
80

the Negro did not seem to be actively identified with his union. One
out of 10 members could not even indicate whether the union was
AFL, CIO or independent, and a large majority could furnish either
the number of the local or the name of the international, but not
both. About 1 in every 4 non-white members felt that their unions
were doing nothing to upgrade them or improve their status. This
proportion is surprisingly high, especially for the CIO unions, which
adopted strong national anti-discrimination policies, and suggests
that this policy is not always implemented by the constituent locals.
Any analysis of commuity employment patterns would be incomplete without some measure of the extent to which the education,
training, and skill of the Negro is utilized by the community. This
problem is crucial, since there is a loss to the entire local economy
when basic resources, whether human or non-human, are underutilized.
The survey data suggests that the non-white is considerably underemployed, whether the basis for evaluation be either educational
attainment or specific occupational training. When occupational
classification is compared with educational attainment, the 4 out of
10 who have one to three years of college training, and the 5 out of
10 who have completed high school, now employed in lower occupational categories would indicate considerable underemployment. A
comparison of specific training with present jobs indicates that about
7 of 10 who have craft training, 5 out of 10 who have clerical skills,
and over 5 out of 10 who have training as machine operatives, are
currently employed in occupational classifications below their trained
capacities. This underemployment has continued despite a four-year
period during which there were local shortages of craft and clerical
workers. If the authors were to be allowed to state one impression
which they could not substantiate by quantitative data, it would be
that the favorable rate of change in education and training greatly
exceeds that in occupational attachment.
Some data that would have facilitated analysis could not be obtained. Further research by other research agencies and other Urban
Leagues might supply some of these data. Although data on in-migration and the previous residence of the in-migrants were available,
similar data could not be obtained about the out-migrants. Thus, only
the direction of in-migration could be established. Another deficiency
81

which made analysis of the socio-economic consequences of the nonwhite income pattern difficult was the lack of budgetary and savings
data.
If one were to describe briefly the general attitude stemming from
these conclusions in subjective and normative terms, it would be one
of highly cautious and qualified optimism. Optimistic because of the
favorable direction of change in education, training, occupational
classification and industrial attachment-cautious and qualified because of the vulnerability of the Negro to adverse economic change,
the substantial proportions of unemployment and the rapid change
necessary to even keep relative pace with a white population whose
economic status is rapidly improving.

Appendix
Methodology
1. Comparative Data: The comparative data used in this analysis
has been obtained from the various detailed and special reports on the
characteristics of the population of St. Louis, Missouri, and of the
United States, resulting from the Seventeenth Decennial Census of
the United States. Where census material was based on sample data,
the tables indicating standard deviations of the numbers or percentages should be consulted. References have been cited for material
which did not originate with the census.
2 Interview Schedule: The final interview schedule, which is totally reproduced following this section, was the fifth evolved by the
project personnel. Tentative questions were formulated, criticised,
and revised until the beginning of the mass interviewing. When a
particular question yielded inconclusive answers during the interviewing, either the entire question was discarded, as was question "Q" or
additional, oral instructions were given to the interviewers, as happened in "I". Comparability of the questions with census questions
is indicated by a comparison of this questionnaire and the appendix
to Bulletin P-Cl of the Bureau of the Census. The magnitude of the
survey required the maximum use of "closed" questions in order to
facilitate coding. Where "open-end" questions exist, such as "J" and
"K", the coding was based on census classifications which are available in the same Bulletin. The survey code has been reproduced in
full following the questionnaire.
3. Pre-Test: During the week of December 7, 1953, staff personnel
of the Industrial Department administered tentative questionnaires at
random, to fifty persons residing in Census sub-tracts adjacent to the
ones in which the main body of interviews were conducted. These
persons represented 5.1% of the total Negro population of the areas
and through this pre-test the time involved in questioning, the simplicity of the questions, and possible answers that would be elicited
in the final interviews was ascertained. The results of this test were
incorporated into the final questionnaire with the view of strengthening it. These pre-test results are available for inspection at the Urban
League.
4. Sample: One way of surveying the characteristics of the approximately 170,000 Negroes in the city of St. Louis would have
83

called for a complete list of all Negro dwellings and the names of
the families occupying these dwellings. By using this list as a base,
a sample of predetermined size could then have been drawn. Such
a list was and is not available. Even if one were to -assume that
listing a household costs but 10c, the listing would have cost about
$4,000, an amount far in excess of the funds available for this survey.
Area sampling was found to be a less expensive procedure. Of the
various area sampling methods, cluster sampling with city half-blocks
as clusters was selected. This method promised to be the most appropriate under the circumstances.1
Following a careful discussion of acceptable risks in the making of
decisions and in the estimation of confidence intervals it was agreed
to have a sample of sufficient size so that the standard error of estimate would rarely be larger than .005. Based on the pre-test and
previous experience it was thought that between 40 and 45 Negroes
14 years of age and over would be found within a city half-block.
Thus a cluster sample of size 1,700 taken from a random sample of
40 half-block cluster was considered adequate for the purpose. How
were these 40 half-blocks selected? On a 1952 Census map of the
city of St. Louis all known non-white city blocks were shaded.' These
blocks were separated into a northeastern and southwestern halfblock. A serpentine numbering system was used to identify each
of the half-blocks. With the help of a table of random numbers,
40 out of a total of 1,296 half-blocks were selected.
During January, 1954, trained interviewers interviewed a total
of 1,713 Negroes 14 years of age and over in these 40 half-blocks.
In order to test the significance between the percentage data of the
survey and the 1950 Census information and to find confidence intervals, the appropriate standard errors of the deviation from assumed
proportions were calculated.
City blocks were divided into northeastern and southwestern half-blocks. By
using these clearly defined half-blocks instead of full blocks, it was possible to
double the number of clusters without increasing the sample size.

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This standard error for cluster samples is equal to:
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Where,
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Since Negroes usually occupy entire street sections and blocks the Urban
League had little trouble in identifying city blocks where half or more of the
population was non-white.

The following standard errors were found:
The standard error for the
(a) Sex distribution of the Negro population table ranged from
.002 to .005
(b) Age distribution of the Negro population table ranged from
.004 to .005
(c) Educational status of the Negro population table ranged from
.004 to .005
(d) Employment status of the Negro population table ranged
from .001 to .004; and that for:
(e) Occupational attachment of the Negro population table
ranged from .002 to .003.
Thus, for instance, in the sex distribution of the Negro population of St. Louis, the standard error of the female population is .002
or .2 percent. The 95 percent confidence interval is 8 tenths of a
percent wide. Since the sample percentage of females is 55.27 percent,
we can assert with 95 percent confidence that the interval extending
from 55.27-.4 or 54.87 percent to 55.27+.4 or 55.67 percent will
contain the true percentage of females in the Negro population of
St. Louis. Similarily, whenever the difference between the sample
and Census percentages exceeds .008 or .8 percent, the difference is
significant at a .05 level of significance.
85

5. Interviewers: The volunteer interviewers were recruited, by
personal and formal contacts, from throughout the city and its surrounding area in December, 1953. Three training sessions were held
for interviewers and, during these, a full explanation of the project,
and the importance of particular questions were made. A question
period followed each session and additional instructions were forthcoming in written form as well as in periodic checks on the progress
being made by the interviewers.
6. Interviews: The first interviews were administered during the
first full week of January, 1954, and continued thereafter for a month.
Less than 0.01 % of the persons interviewed refused to cooperate.
7. Coding: During February, 1954, staff personnel transferred the
information obtained from the completed questionnaires to master
sheets according to the attached master code. All such transfers were
checked for accuracy. The master sheets were then given to an
IBM key punch operator who processed the information. Each
punched card was checked for accuracy on IBM verification equipment.
8. Sorting and Tallying: Sorting and tallying took place at the
University of Illinois after master tally sheets were drawn up. Two
competent graduate students, trained and experienced in IBM methods, assisted in the operation.
9. IBM Cards: These cards and the completed interview forms
are available for use at any time by persons with definite interests in
some particular phase of the analysis. Requests for such permission
may be addressed to the Urban League of St. Louis, however, the
League cannot bear any of the expenses.
10. Tables: Other tables which are not presented in the survey,
for reasons of brevity, are available for use. A list of these compiled
tables is attached.

Exhibit A.
Area: .........................................
Census Tract: ............................................
St. Louis Urban League Labor Force Questionnaire
FILL IN BELOW
A. FAMILY STATUS: Is the person you are interviewing (check)
1. Head of family .........
2. Spouse............
3. Other member of family .. .
4. Unrelated individual ... .
B. SEX: (check)
1. Male.............
2. Female.............
C. AGE: How old is this person? ....-... years old
(Now, check the age below)
1. (14-19)
5. (50-59).
2. (20-29)
6. (60-64).
3. (30-39) ............
7. (65 or over) .
4. (40-49)
8. No response .--------.
D. EDUCATION: What is the highest grade in school that this
person has finished? ......................................
............

............

-----

(Now, check below)
No grade completed ............ 6. High School
Elementary (1-4) ............ 7. High School
Elementary (5-6) ............ 8. College
Elementary ( 7) ............ 9. College (4 or
10. No response
Elementary ( 8)
E. MARITAL STATUS: Is this person (check)
1. Married...............
2. Single...............
3. Widowed or divorced ................
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

............

(-3) 1( 4) (
(1-3) -over) ...........

F. If the person is married, check one of the following:
.
1. Family has own household .2. Family is living with relatives ....
3. Family is living in hotel or rooming house ...-....
4. Other (specify) .- ..
G. RESIDENCE: In the last four years has this person (check)
1. Lived in the same house ..-......
2. Different house but same County .......
3. Different County ..- .....
H. If in a different County, write name of County and/or State
NAME OF INTERVIEWER: -.----..
DATE:.------------------RESPONDENT'S ADDRESS:.
I. We want to know, first of all, whether, during the first week of
January 1954 the Negro person, 14 years of age or over, you are
interviewing was:
1. Employed ......
2. Unemployed .-3. Not in labor force
You can determine this by asking one or more of the following
questions:
A. What did you do during most of the first week of
January 1954-work, keep house or something else?
B. If you were not working, were you looking for a job?
C. If you were not working for some reason or another,
did you have a job or business?
D. Even though you were doing housework, or were in
school, or were doing something else, did you do
any work at all during the first week of January?
Once you have found out what the person was doing, check the appropriate space above and start asking the series of questions appropriate to the person below.
88

1. Employed

hat is your present job?
K. What is the name of the company that you work for? ..

J.W

-----------------------------------

ha kin of.busnes isth t

............... .................. ....

...... ..... .... ... ..

What kind of business is that?.
L. When did you start working for the company?
19 ...
(Month) -

M. How did you get your job? (Check)
1. Through the Urban League .- .
2. Through newspaper ad ...-..
3. Through friends .-.
4. Through private employment agency .......
5. Through government employment agency ...- .
6. By applying at the business directly .- ...
7. Others ........
8. No response ..- ...
N. How much income, from all sources, did you make in 1953?
. no response.
(State) -..--.-- ...or check, -

0. At your place of business, can you eat and use the rest rooms
along with white workers?
(Check): Yes -.-.-, No . - ., Other .
3. Can use only eating
1. Can use both
.
facilities .2. Can use only rest room .
4. Can use neither ...
P. In your department do you work with (Check):
2. Only Negro workers ....
1. Both Negro and
3. Only white workers .- ..
white workers .
Q. At your place of business, are there any Negroes, that you know
about, working in (Check)
3. Clerical jobs .-1. Skilled jobs
4. Professional jobs 4.P--------2. Supervisory jobs .
5. No response
------------

.....

R. Do you belong to a union? (Check) 1. Yes
, 2. No .........S. If yes, what union is it? (State) ..--.---.-- .
T. Can you attend meetings along with white union members?
(Check) 1. Yes -. , 2. No - , 3. Other response .-..-.
U. In your opinion, does your union help upgrade Negro workers
when they are qualified for better jobs?
2. No
3. Other
(Check) 1. Yes
V. Before your present job, what other kind of work have you done?
1. State job ..................................
2. State kind of business .-.
3. State length of job - months,- years
4. State location of job.
W. Have you ever received any special training for a job? (Check)
1. Yes
2. No.--....
X. If yes, (State)
1. What type of training -.----.------.---2. The length of training
...--..-- ..
3. Name of school .----------------------------............

2. Unemployed
JJ. Is this the first time that you have looked for a job? (Check)
1. Yes
2. No ..
KK. How long have you been unemployed?
weeks, .. months,.- . years.
-

......

LL. Are you receiving Unemployment Compensation? (Check)
1. Yes
.
3. No. .
2. Yes, but have exhausted benefits . 4. Other ..-.
MM. What kind of job are you looking for now? State: ....................
NN. What was your last job? State:-.----------

00. a. What is the name of the company you last worked for?
State: .---------------------------b. What kind of business is that? State:-..-...-.- ..........
90

PP. How long did you work for the company?

weeks,
...-.....

months, ...

years.

QQ. How much income, from all sources, did you make in 1953?
State:-.
or check, no response ....- ..
RR. Have you ever received any special training for a job? (Check)
1. Yes
2. No .
SS. If yes, state:
1. What type of training ....-- ..................
2.
The
of training .----------------------------------------------length
3. Name of school .............
-

3. Not in Labor Force
JJJ. Since you don't work at all, full or part-time, and you aren't
looking for work, what exactly do you do? (Check)
1. Housewife .......
4. Physically unable to work
2. Student
5. Inmate of an institution 3. Retired .......
6. Other response.
.......

KKK. Have you ever worked? (Check)
1. Yes
2. No.
LLL. If yes, what was your last job? State: ...................
.......

..............

MMM. a. What is the name of the company you last worked for?
State: .. .. ..... ........
b. What kind of business is that? State ..................
NNN. How long did you work for the company?
..... weeks, . months,
years
000. How much income, from all sources, did you make in 1953?
. or check ..
..
. none; or check ........... no response.
Urban League of St. Louis, Inc.
January 4, 1954

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