Full text of Monthly Labor Review : May 1917, Volume IV, Number 5
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MONTHLY REVIEW
OF THE
U. S . BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
vol.
WASHINGTON
IV— n o . 5
m ay,
1917
PROTECTION OF LABOR STANDARDS.
Prominent organizations and individuals, upon the threat of war,’
earnestly interested themselves in the protection of existing stand-,
ards of labor and in organizing the direction of the energies of the
labor forces of the country to secure their maximum usefulness in
the threatened crisis.
(1) The advisory commission of seven members appointed by the
President and attached to the Council of National Defense estab
lished by the Army appropriation act of'December, 1916, organized
from its members an advisory committee on labor, with Samuel
Gompers, president of the'American Federation of Labor, as chair
man. It is the duty of this committee to advise in all matters con
cerning the relation of labor to the industrial preparedness of the
Nation.
(2) The president of the American Association for Labor Legis-’
lation, Prof. Irving Fisher, of Yale University, conferred with the
Secretary of the Navy on March 31 and suggested a statement from
that department on its attitude toward the maintenance of the exist
ing standards of labor.
(3) On April 2 the advisory committee on labor met for the first
time at Washington, D. C. The chairman had already appointed
an executive committee, upon whom will fall the greater part of the
work of advice to the Council of National Defense. The executive
committee consisted of the following:
Samuel Gompers, president, American Federation of Labor, Washington,
1). C., chairman; Miss Gertrude Beeks, National Civic Federation, New York
City, secretary; William B. Wilson, Secretary of Labor, Washington, D. C.;
V. Event Macy, president, National Civic Federation, New, York City; James
Lord, president, mining department, American Federation of Labor, Washing
ton. D. C.; Elisha Lee, general manager, Pennsylvania Railroad, Philadelphia,
P a.; Warren S. Stone, grand chief, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers,
Cleveland, Ohio; C. E. Michael, National Association of Manufacturers (presi
dent, Virginia Bridge & Iron Co.), Roanoke, Va.; Frank Morrison, secretary,
American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C.; Lee K. Frankel, third vice
president, Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., New York City; James O'Connell,
president, metal trades department, American Federation of Labor, Washing
ton, D. C.; Louis B. Schram, chairman, labor committee United States Brewers’
Association, Brooklyn, N. Y.; R. M. Easley, assistant to Samuel Gompers as
chairman of executive committee, New York City; James W. Sullivan, assistant
to Samuel Gompers as member of advisory commission, Washington, D. C.
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M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
(4) At a joint meeting on Saturday, April 7, of the Council of
National Defense and its advisory commission, President Gompers,
of the American Federation of Labor and member of the commis
sion, in effect pledged organized labor to a full and loyal support
of the Government in the war. His report to the council as chairman
of the advisory committee on labor urges employers and employees
not to change existing standards of employment. The report was
unanimously adopted by the council and its advisory commission.
(5) On April 11 the Children’s Bureau of the Department of Labor
issued a press notice on “ children in war time,” calling attention
to some of the salient effects of war conditions in Europe upon child
life, and announced a series of reports reviewing conditions in for
eign countries, whose experience may guide this country.
(6) The Navy Department declared its policy in relation to the
protection of labor on April 16.
(7) The National Consumers’ League, in a letter signed by Mrs.
Florence Kelley, general secretary, and Pauline Goldmark, research
secretary, issued an appeal for the maintenance of existing labor
standards to the various women’s organizations which had offered
the services of their members to the Government.
(8) The American Association for Labor Legislation began the
publication of a special bulletin, the first issue appearing for April,
and entitled “ Labor Laws in War Time.”
(9) The National Child Labor Committee circulated an appeal
for the protection of children.
(10) On April 24 the Council of National Defense supplemented
its statement prepared after a joint meeting with its advisory com
mission April 7, and explained more definitely the intent of the
recommendation “ that neither employers nor employees shall en
deavor to take advantage of the country’s necessities to change exist
ing standards.”
COMMITTEE ON LABOR, ADVISORY COMMISSION, COUNCIL OF NATIONAL
DEFENSE.
The membership of this committee is composed principally of the
representatives of labor and capital, officials and members of organi
zations interested in social and industrial welfare and progress, and
Government officials and specialists. It is a subcommittee of the ad
visory commission of the Council of National Defense. Its member
ship is appointed by its chairman, Samuel Gompers, president of the
American Federation of Labor and one of the seven members of the
advisory commission. As thus far appointed, its membership is as
follows:
Adams, A. E. (railway signalman), Hotel Warner, Chicago, 111.
Adams, Edgar A., Cleveland Hardware Co„ Cleveland, Ohio.
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*Alifas, N. P. (machinist), Naval Lodge Building, Washington, D. C.
Alpine, John R. (plumber), Bush Temple of Music, Chicago, 111.
Armstrong, Frank C., president, Ray Hercules Copper Co., 25 Broad Street,
New York City.
Baker, George F., jr., vice president, First National Bank, New York City.
*Ballard, S. Thruston, Ballard & Ballard, millers, Louisville, Ky.
Barker, A. E. (maintenance-of-way employee), 27 Putnam Avenue, Detroit,
Mich.
*Bass, Robert, ex-governor of New Hampshire, 290 Metropolitan Tower, New
York City.
*Beeks, Gertrude (Miss), secretary, welfare department, National Civic Federa
tion, 1 Madison Avenue, New York City.
Belmont, August, 43 Exchange Place, New York City.
*Bemis, Alfred Farwell, president, National Cotton Manufacturers’ Association,
45 Milk Street, Boston, Mass.
Bennett, Paul (powder worker), Hymera, Ind.
♦Berger, M. I., 1800 Seldon Street, Chicago, 111.
Bergstrom, Carl (paving cutter), Lock Box 27, Albion, N. Y.
♦Berres, A. J., metal trades department, American Federation of Labor, Ninth
Street and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Berry, David J., care National Labor Journal, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Bittner, Van (coal miner), Box 402, Cumberland, Md.
Bowen, William (bricklayer), University Park Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
Brady, Peter J., Allied Printing Trades, 924 World Building, New York City.
♦Britton, W. W. (metal polisher), Box 641, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Brown, J. G. (shingle weaver), 202 Maynard Building, Seattle, Wash.
*Bryan, W. E. (leather worker), Postal Building, Kansas City, Mo.
♦Bryant, Lewis T. (Col.), commissioner of labor, Trenton, N. J.
Butterworth, Frank (bi*ick maker), 2341 West Twelfth Street, Chicago, 111.
♦Caminetti, Anthony (Hon.), Commissioner-General of Immigration, Depart
ment of Labor, Washington, D. C.
Carey, J. F. (paper maker), 127 North Pearl Street, Albany, N. Y.
Carter, W. S. (engineman and fireman), Jefferson Building, Peoria, 111.
♦Clark, W. Irving (Dr.), Norton Co., Worcester, Mass.
Clark, W. M. (railway conductor), 101 B Street SE., Washington, D. C.
♦Clarke, William P. (flint-glass worker), Ohio Building, Toledo, Ohio.
Coates, D. C. (printer), 402 Rookery Building, Spokane, Wash.
*Coolidge, Louis A., National Civic Federation, 1 Madison Avenue, New York
City.
Coulter, John M. (Dr.), University of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
*Curtis, T. J. (tunnel and subway constructor), 206-208 East One hundred and
twenty-eighth Street, New York City,
d’Alessandro, D. (hod carrier), 82 State Street, Albany, N. Y.
♦Darlington, Thomas (Dr.), secretary, welfare commission, American Iron &
Steel Institute, 61 Broadway, New York, -N. Y.
Davison, Henry P., 23 Wall Street, New York City.
Dawson, Miles M. (publicist), 135 West Ninety-fifth Street, New York City.
Devine, Edward T., 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York City.
Dewey, John (Dr.), Columbia University, New York City.
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M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUR EAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
*Diamond, William (coal miner), Box 402, Cumberland, Md.
*Ditman, N. E. (Dr.), Museum of Safety, New York City.
*Doak, William N. (railway trainman), 101 B Street SE., Washington, D. C.
*Dodd, A. E., secretary, National Society for Promotion of Industrial Education,
140 West Forty-second Street, New York City.
Dold, Charles (piano worker), 166 West Washington Street, Chicago, 111.
Donlin, John, building trades department, American Federation of Labor,
Ninth Street and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
*Doty, Alvah H. (Dr.), medical director, Employees’ Benefit Fund, Western
Union Telegraph Co., 195 Broadway, New York City.
♦Dow, M. A., Safety Department, New York Central Lines, New York, N. Y.
Duffy, Frank (carpenter), Carpenters’ Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
*Easley, Ralph M., secretary, National Civic Federation, 1 Madison Avenue, New
York City.
*Eaton, J. M.j Welfare Department, Cadillac Motor Car Co., Detroit, Mich.
*Egan, J. P. (printer), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
*Feeney, Frank (elevator constructor), 708 South Fifty-second Street, Phila
delphia, Pa.
Ferguson, John, 2715 Jefferson Street, Baltimore, Md.
Finley, John IL., New York State Commission of Education, Albany, N. Y.
Fiske, Haley, vice president, Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., New York City.
♦Fitch, John, The Survey, New York, N. Y.
♦Flaherty, Thomas F. (post-office clerk), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue,
Washington, D. C.
Flore, Edward (hotel and restaurant employee), 375 Oak Street, Buffalo, N. Y.
*Forrester, J. J. (railway clerk), 406 Second National Bank Building, Cincin
nati, Ohio.
♦Frankel, Lee K. (Dr.), head, welfare department, Metropolitan Life Insurance
Co., 1 Madison Avenue, New York City.
♦Frankfurter, Felix (Dr.), Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
Franklin, J. A. (boiler maker), Law Building, Kansas City, Ivans.
Frayne, Hugh (sheet-metal worker), 2 East Twenty-third Street, New York
City.
♦Freel, J. J. (stereotyper), 1839 Eighty-fifth Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
♦Freeman, Carl (railway postal clerk), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue,
Washington, D. C.
Frey, John P. (iron molder), Commercial Tribune Building, Cincinnati, Ohio.
*Geier, Otto P. (Dr.), American Association Industrial Physicians and Sur
geons, care of Cincinnati Milling Machine Co., Cincinnati, Ohio.
♦Giles, J. E. (bookkeeper), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Gorgas, William C., Surgeon General, United States Army, Highlands Apart
ments, Washington, D. C.
♦Golden, John (textile worker), Bible House, New York City.
Goldmark, Josephine (Miss), research secretary, National Consumers’ League,
289 Fourth Avenue, New York City.
♦Goldsworthy, Benjamin (steel-plate transferrer), 1201 Harvard Street, Wash
ington, D. C.
Green, William (coal miner), Merchants’ Bank Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
Guggenheim, Daniel, 120 Broadway, New York City.
♦Hamilton, Alice (Dr.), Hull House, Chicago, 111.
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M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
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^Hamilton, Grant (printer), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington
D. C.
■Harriman, J. Borden (Mrs.), 1709 H Street NW., Washington, D. C.
Harriman, W. Averell, vice president, Union Facific System, New York City.
Hart, J. F. (meat cutter), Post Office Box 130, Yorkville, N. Y.
Hatch, James I-I. (upholsterer), 229 East Sixty-seventh Street, New York City.
Hayes, Frank J. (coal miner), Merchants’ Bank Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
*Hays, J. W., label trades department, American Federation of Labor, Ninth
and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
♦Healy, Timothy (fireman), 211 East Forty-fifth Street, New York City.
*Heberling, S. E. (switchman), 326 Brisbane Building, Buffalo, N. Y.
Hedrick, George F. (painter), Drawer 99, Lafayette, Ind.
Herr, E. M., president, Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Co., East Pitts
burgh, Pa.
Hoard, Otto E. (sheet-metal worker), 2053 North Seventh Street, Kansas
City, Kans.
*Hoffman, Frederick L. (Dr.), statistician, Prudential Insurance Co. of America,
Newark, N. J.
Hogan. Stephen C. (marble worker), 406 East One hundred and forty-ninth
Street, New York City.
Holden, Hale, president, Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad Co., Chi
cago, 111.
"Holder, Arthur E. (machinist), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washing
ton, D. C.
Holder, William (plate printer), 2374 Webster Avenue, The Bronx, N. Y.
Holman, Ralph T„ 73 Herbert Street, New Brunswick, N. J.
Hoyt. Colgate, 14 Wall Street, New York City.
*Hudson. W. G. (Dr.), medical director, Du Pont Powder Co., Wilmington, Del.
Hudspeth, Robert S., Democratic National Committee, Jersey City, N. J.
Hughes, A. C. (cooper), 1012 Boylston Street, Newton Highlands, Mass.
Humphrey, A. L„ vice president, Westinghouse Air Brake Co., Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hutcheson, William L. (carpenter), Carpenters’ Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
Hynes, J. J. (sheet-metal worker), 407 Nelson Building, Kansas City, Mo.
Jenks. Prof. J. W„ Hamilton Institute, 13 Astor Place, New York City.
*Johnson, William, general manager, Oliphant-Johnson Coal Co., Vincennes, Ind.
Johnston, W. H. (machinist), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washing
ton, D. C.
Jones, Jerome, care Journal of Labor, Atlanta, Ga.
Judson, Harry Pratt, president, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
-Kearney, L. W„ Disbursing Office, Department of Agriculture, Washington
D. C.
Kingsley, Darwin P„ president, New York Life Insurance Co., New York City.
Kline, J. W. (blacksmith), Monon Building, Chicago, 111.
*Kober, George M. (Dr.), 920 H Street NW., Washington, D. C.
Kohn, Robt. D. (architect, factory buildings), 56 West Forty-fifth Street New
York City.
*Konenkamp, S. J. (commercial telegrapher), Transportation Building, Chi
cago, 111.
:!:Lee, Frederic S. (Dr.), Columbia University, New York City.
Lee, W. G. (railway trainman), American Trust Building, Cleveland, Ohio.
Lennon, John B. (tailor), Bloomington, 111.
Logan, William A. (carriage worker), 96 Appman Terrace, Cleveland, Ohio.
* Present at meeting of April 2, 1917.
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♦Lord, James, mining department, American Federation of Labor, Ninth and
Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
♦Lovely, Collis (boot and shoe worker), 5129 Minerva Avenue, St. Louis, Mo.
McAndrew, A. (tobacco worker), Iroquois Life Building, Louisville, Ky.
McClory, .T. E. (bridge and iron worker), American Central Life Building,
Indianapolis, Ind.
McCormick, Vance C„ chairman, Democratic National Committee, Harrisburg,
Pa.
♦McCreery, .T. F. (railway carman), 1246 South Thirteenth Street, Paducah, Ky.
McGinley, Thomas A., vice president, Duff Manufacturing Co., Pittsburgh, Pa.
McGivern, E. .1. (plasterer), 28 Cotter Street. Roslandale, Mass.
McMillen, Emerson, 120 Broadway, New York City.
♦McNamara, P. J. (locomotive fireman), 101 B Street SE., Washington, D. C.
McNulty, Frank (electrical worker), Reisch Building, Springfield, 111.
♦McSorley, William .T. (metal lather), 401 Superior Building, Cleveland, Ohio.
♦Macy, V. Everit, president, National Civic Federation, 1 Madison Avenue,
New York City.
♦Mahon, W. D. (street railway employee), 104 East High Street, Detroit, Mich.
Malone, Murt .(travelers’ goods), 191 Boyd Street, Oshkosh, Wis.
♦Manly, Basil M„ 1853 Irving Street NW., Washington, D. C.
♦Manning, Van H., Bureau of Mines, Washington, D. C.
Marks, Louis B. (lighting expert), 103 Park Avenue, New York City.
♦Meeker, Royal (Dr.), Commissioner of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor,
Washington, D. C.
Menge, Edward (potter), Box 6, East Liverpool, Ohio.
Merrill, Theodore C. (Dr.), Bureau of Chemistry, Department of Agriculture,
Room 406, Washington, D. C.
Meyer, Andries (diamond worker), 323 Washington Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Michael, C. Edwin, representative of National Association of Manufacturers
(president, Virginia Bridge & Iron Co.), Roanoke, Va.
♦Miles, H. E„ chairman, industrial training commission, National Manufac
turing Association, Racine, Wis.
Morgan, Win. Fellowes, president, Merchants’ Association of New York. New
York City.
♦Morrison, Frank, secretary, American Federation of Labor, Ninth and Massa
chusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Moscowitz, Henry (Mrs.) (expert welfare consultant), Metropolitan Tower,
New York, N. Y.
Moulton, W. H., secretary, pension department, Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Co.,
Ishpeming, Mich.
Moyer, C. H. (metal miner), 503 Denham Building, Denver. Colo.
♦Mullaney, J. A. (asbestos worker), 15 Eleventh Street, Elmhurst, Long
Island, N. Y.
Murphy, P. F. (bill poster), 2543 West Adams Street, Chicago, 111.
♦Murray, John (printer), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
♦Neenan, .T. M. (window-glass worker), 419 Electric Building, Cleveland, Ohio.
Neill, Charles P. (Hon.), manager, bureau of information, Southeastern Rail
ways, 616 Woodward Building, Washington, D. C.
Nelson, Oscar, president, International State Factory Inspectors’ Association,
Transportation Building, Chicago, 111.
Noscliang, Frank X. (barber), 222 East Michigan Street, Indianapolis, Ind.
O’Connell, James (machinist), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washing
ton, D. C.
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M O N T H L Y REVIEW OP TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
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O’Connor, T. V. (longshoreman), 704 Brisbane Building, Buffalo, N. Y.
♦O’Grady, John (Rev.), Catholic University, Washington, D. C.
Palmer, Lew. R„ president, National Council of Safety, Harrisburg, Pa.
Patterson, Dorothy (Miss), Dayton. Ohio.
♦Peckitt, Leonard, president, Republic Iron & Steel Co., Hudson Terminal
Building, New York, N. Y.
Perham, H. B. (railway telegrapher), Star Building, St. Louis, Mo.
Perkins, George W. (cigarmaker), Monon Building, Chicago, 111.
Podolsky, Michael, M., M. E„ Transportation Building, 26 South Fifteenth
Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
Tope. George, president, National Association of Manufacturers, Hartford,
Conn.
Porter, A. J„ president, Shredded Wheat Co., Niagara Falls, N. Y.
♦Price, George M. (Dr.), 32 Union Square, New York City.
Proebstle, Joseph (brewery workman), 2347 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Furtill, F. J. (locomotive fireman), Duquoin, 111.
Randall, Blanchard, president, Baltimore Chamber of Commerce. Baltimore,
Md.
♦Reider, Edith S., Harvester Building, Chicago, 111.
♦Richards, R. C., safety department, Chicago & North Western Railway Co.,
Chicago, 111.
Ric-kert, T. A. (garment worker), 175 West Washington Street, Chicago, 111.
Rittenhouse, E. E., commissioner of public service and conservation, Equitable
Life Insurance Society, New York City.
♦Roberts, F. C. (printer), The Home Apartment, Washington, D. C.
Robins, Thomas, secretary, United States Naval Consulting Board, 13 Park
Row, New York City.
Rockefeller, John D„ jr„ 26 Broadway, New York City.
♦Russell, Charles E. (newspaper writer), Munsey Building, Washington, D. C.
Ryan, M. F. (railway carman), 503 Hall Building, Kansas City, Mo.
Savage, T. J. (machinist), Ninth and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Schereschewsky, J. W. (Dr.), United States Public Health Service, Treasury
Department, Washington, D. C.
♦Schram, Louis B„ chairman, labor committee, United States Brewers’ Associa
tion. Brooklyn, N. Y.
♦Sculley, John W. (hatter), 72 Bible House, New York City.
Shaw, Albert (editor), Review of Reviews, New York City.
♦Shay, C. C. (theatrical stage employee), 107 West Forty-sixth Street, New
York City.
Sheppard, L. E., vice president, Order of Railway Conductors of America,
Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
♦Shuey, E. L., Lowe Bros., Dayton, Ohio.
♦Snellings, Milton (steam engineer), 6334 Yale Avenue, Chicago, 111.
Sovey, A. P. (bookbinder), 222 East Michigan Street, Indianapolis, Ind.
♦Spencer, William J., building trades department, American Federation of
Labor, Ninth Street and Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, I). C.
Stillman, Charles B. (teacher), 1620 Lake Avenue, Wilmette, III.
Stone. Warren S. (locomotive engineer), Cleveland, Ohio.
Stotesbury, Edward T„ Philadelphia, Pa.
Straus, Percy S., R. H. Macy & Co., New York City.
Suitor, Fred W. (quarry worker), Scampini Building, Barre, Vt.
* Present at meeting of April 2, 1917.
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Sweeney, Thomas (tailor), corner East Sixty-seventh Street and Stony Island
Avenue, Chicago, 111.
^Thompson, W. Gilman (Dr.), New York City.
*Thorne, Florence C., assistant editor, American Federationist, Ninth and
Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
Thornton, George (spinner), 669 Lonsdale Avenue, Central Falls, R. I.
Tobin, John F. (boot and shoe worker), 246 Summer Street, Boston, Mass.
*Towson, Charles R., secretary. Industrial Department, Y. M. C. A., 124 East
Twenty-eighth Street, New York City.
Vail, Theodore N., president, American Telephone & Telegraph Co., New York
City.
Valentine, Joseph F. (iron molder), Commercial Tribune Building, Cincin
nati, Ohio.
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, United States Mortgage & Trust Co., New York City.
*Van Dornes, G. C. (blacksmith), 1270 Monon Building, Chicago, 111.
*Voll, John A. (glass-bottle blower), Witherspoon Building, Philadelphia, Pa.
Wagner, Robert (Hon.), State Capitol, Albany, N. Y.
Wainwright, J. M. (Dr.), Moses Taylor Hospital, Scranton, Ta.
Wald, Lillian (Miss), 265 Henry Street, New York City.
*Warne, Frank Julian, Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
Warren, Charles B. (attorney), Detroit, Mich.
*Weber, Joseph N. (musician), 110-112 West Fortieth Street, New York City.
Welsh, W. M. (steam shovel and dredge man), 39 Cortland Street, New York
City.
♦Werber, Gustavus (Dr.), 1353 Q Street NW., Washington, D. C.
*Westover, F. S., General Electric Co., Schenectady, N. Y.
Wharton, A. O., railway employees department, American Federation of Labor,
Ohio Building, St. Louis, Mo.
*White, William T. (Capt.), chairman, industrial betterment committee, Na
tional Association of Manufacturers, Lowell, Mass.
"Williams, John (iron, steel, and tin worker), 503-506 House Building, Pitts
burgh, Pa.
Williams, Talcott (Prof.), Columbia University, New York City.
•*Wills, H. E. (locomotive engineer), 101 B Street SE., Washington, D. C.
*Wilson, James (pattern maker), Second National Bank Building, Cincin
nati, Ohio.
*Wilson, William B. (Hon.), Secretary of Labor, Washington, D. C.
Winslow, Charles H. (vocational education adviser), 9 Franklin Street, New
ark, N. J.
Woll, Matthew (photo-engraver), 6111 Bishop Street, Chicago, 111.
Woodruff, Clinton Rogers, secretary, National Municipal League, Philadel
phia, Pa.
*Wright, Chester M. (newspaper writer), Ninth Street and Massachusetts
Avenue, Washington, D. C.
*Zuckerman, Max (cloth hat and cap maker), 62 East Fourth Street, New
York City.
MEETING OF COMMITTEE ON LABOR, APRIL 2, 1917.
Of the above committee appointed at the time there were pres
ent at the first meeting on x\pril 2 at the headquarters of the Ameri
can Federation of Labor in Washington, D. C., 95 members. The
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committee lias been organized into smaller committees under the
following chairmen:
I. Wages and hours—Frank Morrison, Washington, D. C.
II. Mediation and conciliation—V. Event Macy, New York City.
III. Welfare work—L. A. Coolidge, Boston, Mass.
IV. Women in industry—Mrs. Borden Harriman, Washington, D. C.
V. Information and statistics—Frederick L. Hoffman, Newark, N. J.
VI. Press—Grant Hamilton, Washington, D. C.
VII. Publicity—E. T. Devine, New York City.
VIII. Cost of living, domestic economy—S. Thurston Ballard. LouisviPe, Ivy.
It is reported that the general committee will work through State
and local health boards, State and city labor federations, central
labor bodies, city governments, and local shop committees.
No complete reports of the proceedings of this meeting had been
issued as late as April 25, but a statement of certain recommendations
to the Council of National Defense was issued as a press notice by the
council on April 8. The full text of the recommendations is as
follows:
The defense and safety of the Nation must be the first consideration of all
patriotic citizens. To avoid confusion and to facilitate the preparation for
national defense and give a stable basis upon which the representatives of the
Government may operate during the war, we recommend:
1. That the Council of National Defense should issue a statement to em
ployers and employees in our industrial plants and transportation systems
advising that neithy employers nor employees shall endeavor to take advan
tage of the country’s necessities to change existing standards. When economic
or other emergencies arise requiring changes of standards, the same should be
made only after such proposed changes have been investigated and approved
by the Council of National Defense.
2. That the Council of National Defense urge upon the legislatures of the
States, as well as all administrative agencies charged with the enforcement
of labor and health laws, the great duty of rigorously maintaining the existing
safeguards as to the health and welfare of workers, and that no departure
from such present standards in State laws or State rulings affecting labor
should be taken without declaration of the Council of National Defense that
such departure is essential for the effective pursuit of the national defense.
3. That the Council of National Defense urge upon the legislatures of the
several States that before final adjournment they delegate to the governors of
their respective States the power to suspend or modify restrictions contained
in their labor laws when such suspension or modification shall be requested
by the Council of National Defense, and such a suspension or modification,
when made, shall continue for a specified period and not longer than the dura
tion of the war.
“ LABOR LAWS IN WAR TIME,”
The above recommendations of the Committee on Labor were
unanimously accepted by the Council of National Defense and its
Advisory Commission at a meeting on April 7. In a subsequent
statement the council explained more fully the intent of these recom
mendations. This explanation in full follows:
There seems to be some misunderstanding of the scope of the statement
made by the Council of National Defense on April 8 when it advised “ that
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m o n t h l y rev iew of t h e bureau of labor sta tistic s .
neither employers nor employees shall endeavor to take advantage of the
country’s necessities to change existing standards.” In order that that mis
understanding may be removed, the following amplification is made:
There have been established by legislation, by mutual agreement between
employers and employees, or by custom certain standards constituting a day's
work. These vary from 7 hours per day in some kinds of office work to 12
hours per day in continuous-operation plants. The various States and munici
palities have established specific standards of safety and sanitation and have
provided inspection service to enforce the regulations. They have also estab
lished maximum hours of work for women and minimum age limits for chil
dren employed in gainful occupations. It is the judgment of the Council of
National Defense that the Federal, State, and municipal governments should
continue to enforce the standards they have established unless and until the
Council of National Defense has determined that some modification or change
of these standards is essential to the national safety; that employers and
employees in private industries should not attempt to take advantage of the
existing abnormal conditions to change the standards which they were unable
to change under normal conditions.
The one other standard that the council had in mind was the standard of
living. It recognizes that the standard of living is indefinite and difficult to
determine, because it is in a measure dependent upon the purchasing power
of the wages received remaining the same. It believes, however, that no arbi
trary change in wages should be sought at this time by either employers or
employees through the process of strikes or lockouts without at least giving
the established agencies of the Government—the Mediation Board in the trans
portation service and the Division of Conciliation of the Department of Labor
in the other industries—an opportunity to adjust the difficulties without a
stoppage of work occurring. While the Council of National Defense does not
mean to intimate that under ordinary circumstances the efficiency of workers
is the only element that should be taken into consideration in fixing the hours
of labor, safety, sanitation, women’s work, and child-labor standards, it is
the object that must be attained during the period when the Nation’s safety
is involved. It may therefore be necessary for the council as a result of its
investigations and experience to suggest modifications and changes in these
standards during that time. It is not the purpose of the council, however, to
undertake to determine the wage rate that will be sufficient to maintain the
existing standards of living. That should be referred to the mediation agencies
of the Government above referred to or to such other constituted agencies as
may exist to the end that such questions may be adjusted in an orderly and
equitable manner to avoid the stoppage of industries which are so vital to the
interests of the Nation at this critical time.
These recommendations of the Committee on Labor, AdvisoryCommission, Council of National Defense, are similar to the resolu
tions of the American Association for Labor Legislation passed at
a meeting on March 23, and appearing in the first issue of its bulletin,
entitled “ Labor Laws in War Tim e” :
Whereas the entrance of the United States into the world war appears immi
nent ; and
Whereas other countries upon engaging in the conflict permitted a serious
breakdown of protective labor regulations with the result, as shown by recent
official investigations, of early and unmistakable loss of health, output, and
national effectiveness; and
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Whereas our own experience has already demonstrated that accidents in
crease with speeding up and the employment of new workers unaccustomed to
their tasks; that overfatigue defeats the object aimed at in lengthening work
ing hours, and that new occupational poisoning has accompanied the recent
development of munition manufacture ; and
Whereas the full strength of our Nation is needed as never before, and we
can not afford to suffer loss of labor power through accidents, disease, industrial
poisoning, and overfatigue: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the American Association for Labor Legislation at this
critical time, in order to promote the success of our country in war as well
as in peace, would sound a warning against the shortsightedness and laxness
at first exemplified abroad in these matters, and would urge all public-spirited
citizens to cooperate in maintaining, for the protection of those who serve in
this time of stress the industries of the Nation—who as experience abroad has
shown are quite as important to military success as the fighting forces—the
following essential minimum requirements ;
I.
SAFETY.
1.
Maintenance of all existing standards of safeguarding machinery and in
dustrial processes for the prevention of accidents.
II.
SANITATION.
1. Maintenance of all existing measures for the prevention of occupational
diseases.
2. Immediate agreement upon practicable methods for the prevention of
special occupational poisonings incident to making and handling explosives.
III. HOURS.
1.
2.
day
3.
Three-shift system in continuous industries.
In noncontinuous industries, maintenance of existing standard workingas basic.
One day’s rest in seven for all workers.
IV. WAGES.
1.
2.
3.
4.
cost
Equal pay for equal work, without discrimination as to sex.
Maintenance of existing wage rates for basic working-day.
Time and one-half for all hours beyond basic working-day.
Wage rates to be periodically revised to correspond with variations in the
of living.
V.
CHILD LABOR.
1. Maintenance of all existing special regulations regarding child labor, in
cluding minimum wages, maximum hours, prohibition of night work, pro
hibited employments, and employment certificates.
2. Determination of specially hazardous employments to be forbidden to
children under 16.
VI.
w o m a n ’s
w ork.
1. Maintenance of existing special regulations regarding woman’s work, in
cluding maximum hours, prohibition. of night work, prohibited hazardous em
ployments, and prohibited employment immediately before and after child
birth.
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VII.
SOCIAL INSURANCE.
1. Maintenance of existing standards of workmen’s compensation for indus
trial accidents and diseases.
2. Extension of workmen’s compensation laws to embrace occupational dis
eases, especially those particularly incident to the manufacture and handling
of explosives.
3. Immediate investigation of the sickness problem among the workers to
ascertain the advisability of establishing universal workmen’s health insurance.
VIII.
LABOR MARKET.
1. Extension of existing systems of public employment bureaus to aid in the
intelligent distribution of labor throughout the country.
IX.
ADMINISTRATION OF LABOR LAWS.
1. Increased appropriations for enlarged staffs of inspectors to enforce labor
legislation.
2. Representation of employees, employers, and the public on joint councils for
cooperating with the labor departments in drafting and enforcing necessary
regulations to put the foregoing principles into full effect.
“ CHILDREN IN WAR TIME.”
The Children’s Bureau, in a statement issued on April 11, declared
as follows for the protection of children in war time :
“ Thousands of children besides war orphans and refugees have
been directly affected by the war, according to reports from bellig
erent countries which have come to the Children’s Bureau of the
United States Department of Labor. Juvenile delinquency has in
creased, more children have been employed under adverse conditions,
special measures have been necessary to protect the health of mothersand babies, and home life has been broken up by the increased em
ployment of mothers.
“ The bureau believes that the experience of other countries should
be carefully considered in order that all possible provision may be
made to prevent similar harm to children in the United States. The
bureau has therefore begun a brief review of foreign experience,
in so far as it can be understood from available reports, and will
shortly publish a series of special articles about children in war time.
“A preliminiary survey of the foreign material emphasizes the im
portance of a strict enforcement of all child-labor and school-attend
ance laws and a generous development of infant-welfare work by
public and private agencies. The Children’s Bureau suggests that
a well-planned baby week will be more valuable this year than ever
before and will gladly send its bulletin of directions for baby-week
campaigns to any address.”
The National Child Labor Committee in a special circular cites
the experience of Great Britain in the war-time protection of its
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children and wage earners and urges its members to (1) oppose all
attempts to break down the school system in their vicinity either by
relaxing enforcement of compulsory education laws or by cutting
down school funds; (2) oppose all attempts to break down the labor
laws of the State, either by giving young children special permits to
work, or by exempting certain establishments from the laws limiting
hours of labor; (3) support as usual local and national social
agencies; and (4) work for the enactment of constructive legislative
measures in spite of the war—measures now before Congress and the
State legislatures.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE NATIONAL CONSUMERS’ LEAGUE,
In a letter of April 6 the National Consumers’ League, through
its secretaries, Mrs. Florence Kelley and Miss Pauline Goldmark,
appealed to the National League for Woman’s Service, the New
York State Woman Suffrage Party, the National Council of Women,
and the women’s section of the National Service School for the main
tenance of existing labor standards. The letter cites the experience
of England and warns against acting under the first common impulse
to sacrifice on the part of men and women. “ In their zeal and haste
there is danger that the safeguards of life, health, and vigor of
working people will be lost, upon which success itself depends.”
Labor legislation rests on science and economic law; “ health and
economic efficiency alike depend upon such protection ” as is afforded
b}^ labor legislation.
Attention is called to the apparent threat to the existing stand
ards of labor in the proposed abrogation in New York State of the
54-hour law for women in so far as they may be employed in the
manufacture of supplies for the Army and Navy, the action of the
industrial commission of that State in exempting the Curtis Aero
plane Co. for an indefinite period from the observance of the law
on weekly rest, the action of the State Federation of Labor of New
York in recommending the removal of limitations on hours of labor,
and the resolution of the New York Association of Employing
Printers urging the State legislature to suspend or repeal limitations
on hours of labor of women.
“ In the light of English experience,” the letter continues, “ it is
clear that whatever emergency measures may be indispensably nec
essary in the United States for the moment—such as the Executive
order allowing 10 hours’ instead of eight hours’ work in shipyards
on account of shortage of labor—should be exceptional and strictly
temporary, and not precedents to apply in any field beyond the one
in which each is issued.”
An appeal is made to each organization addressed in the letter to
(1) preserve short working hours wherever they exist; (2) maintain
92746°—17-----2
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the present minima of sanitation and safet}^; (3) keep the children
in school by means of scholarships where necessary; (4) uphold the
standard of living for the family, whether the chief wage earner is
a soldier at the front or working on national supplies at home.
SUSPENSION OF EIGHT-HOUR DAY ON GOVERNMENT SHIPBUILDING AND
MUNITION CONTRACTS.
The Executive Order of March 22, 1917, which suspended the
eight-hour day on Government shipbuilding and munition contracts
reads as follows:
In order to enable the Navy Department to meet the requirements of law to
secure the more expeditious construction of ships and procurement of munitions
authorized, and by virtue of the authority vested in me by the provisions of
the act of Congress approved March 4, 1917, entitled “An act making appropria
tions for the naval service for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, nineteen,
hundred and eighteen, and for other purposes,” whereby it is provided “ That
in case of national emergency the President is authorized to suspend provisions
of law prohibiting more than eight hours labor in any one day of persons en
gaged upon work covered by contracts with the United States: Provided fur
ther, That the wages of persons employed upon such contracts shall be com
puted on a basic day rate of eight hours work, with overtime rates to be paid
for at not less than time and one-half for all hours work in excess of eight
hours,” I do hereby authorize the suspension of the provisions of law prohibit
ing more than eight hours of labor in any one day of persons engaged in such
work under contract with the Navy Department in all navy yards and private
establishments where such suspension of the provisions of the law will result
in hastening preparation to meet present emergency conditions.
This order shall take effect from and after this date,
W oodkow W i l s o n .
T h e W h it e H o u se ,
22 March, 1917.
POLICY OF THE NAVY DEPARTMENT.
Maintenance of protective standards for wage earners who serve
their country in the factories and workshops under the pressure of
tvar will be the policy of the Navy Department, as announced April
16 by Secretary Daniels.
“ National effectiveness is now our paramount desire and duty,”
stated Secretary Daniels in reply to an inquiry by Prof. Irving
Fisher, of Yale University, president of the American Associa
tion for Labor Legislation. “ Labor strength and efficiency should
be conserved. All the resources of the Nation, human as well as
material, must be organized and operated with a view to the highest
service. Those who serve in our industries are quite as necessary to
successful prosecution of the war as are the fighting forces. The
increase and maintenance of our naval strength will call for maxi
mum output, sustained effort, and unimpaired labor power. The
fitness of our industrial army must be safeguarded.”
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Referring to the scattering indications of a tendency to lower
protective standards for men, women, and children in the supposed
interest of quick and increased production, Secretary Daniels de
clared: “ Testimony from Europe indicates that such a policy in
war as well as in peace is mistaken and defeats the very purpose
sought. It is of great national concern that at the outset of war
this country shall maintain a scientific program of legal protection
for workers, in the interest both of maximum production and human
conservation. We must not permit overzeal to lead to the weakening
of our protective standards and hence to the breaking down of the
health and productiveness of labor.”
MIGRATION OF WOMEN’S LABOR THROUGH THE EMPLOYMENT
EXCHANGES OF GREAT BRITAIN. 1
During 1914 the number of women who obtained employment in
other districts through the employment exchanges was 32,988; in
1915 the number increased to 53,096, and in 1916 to no less than
160,003.
In some cases these figures merely indicate a transference of labor
from, e. g., one village to the next, or from one district of London
to another; in others they indicate a complete change of residence
and of occupation. (The number of women at present being trans
ferred away from home through the employment exchanges to work
at a distance amounts to an average of between 4,000 and 5,000 a
month.) In general the figures illustrate the increasing mobility of
women’s labor, due to war conditions.
Two main difficulties have been experienced by the exchanges in
the past in attempting to move even women without domestic ties
from areas where there was unemployment or a lack of staple indus
tries employing women’s labor to centers where their services were
in demand. In many cases the wages offered were too low to support
a woman living in a strange town or to attract a woman from a
district where the men of her household normally earned high wages.
In others, even where the wages offered were comparatively high,
there was a lack of a compelling motive strong enough to counteract
the working woman’s natural distrust of new conditions of employ
ment amongst strange surroundings.
These difficulties have been in great part lessened by the increasing
competition during the last two years for women to carry out Gov
ernment contract work, or to act as substitutes for men, which has
resulted in a growing demand for their services on favorable terms.
At the same time economic pressure in the early days of the war and
1 Great Britain.
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M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
the patriotic desire of women of all classes to undertake work directly
in connection with the manufacture of munitions and other war sup
plies have been powerful incentives to women to volunteer for work
away from home if necessary.
The migration of women has also been very considerably facili
tated by the arrangements made for their housing, welfare, and
recreation in the larger demand centers, through the activities of
the ministry of munitions and of the local advisory committees on
women’s war employment appointed under the Labor Exchanges Act
(details of whose work in this connection were described in an ar
ticle in the November, 1916, issue of this journal).
Some incidents of this war-time migration of women’s labor are
described below.
In the early days of the war women thrown out of employment in
the pottery districts were moved to silk mills in neighboring towns,
cotton operatives and carpet weavers were transferred to the York
shire woolen mills, and tailoresses from Cambridge, Cardiff, Belfast,
and elsewhere were imported into Leeds for work in the local cloth
ing factories.
In the West Midlands district alone, where before the war the
migration of industrial women was practically unknown, over 4,000
women were during 1915 placed by the employment exchanges in
employment away from their own districts, the greater number on
munitions work, and others as artificial silk workers, rubber workers,
chocolate makers, farm hands, and as substitutes for men in various
kinds of work.
In the great majority of cases the occupations were entirely new
to the workers, who were drawn from such diverse occupations as
carpet weaving, chair making, domestic service, dressmaking, fustian
cutting, lock making, millinery, shopwork, tailoring, web weaving,
and pottery decorating.
Similarly much useful work was accomplished during this early
period by the exchanges in transferring inland to other employment
women from seasonal resorts on the east coast and fisher girls and
other women engaged on subsidiary industries in fishing towns.
For example, women from Scarborough and Grimsby were moved
to Keighley and the Colne Yalley, and between March, 1915, and the
end of the year no less than TOO women from the northeast coast
towns and villages in Scotland were found employment in the Dundee
jute mills and other industries of the town.
During the last year women have been transferred through the
exchanges in steadily increasing numbers to act as substitutes for
men in clerical and commercial occupations or in staple industries
and to meet the growing demand for their services in agricultural
districts and in different large munitions centers.
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Some 300 women, for example, have been transferred from the
Provinces for work in Government offices in London, in addition to
the 11,000 or so who have been drawn into this work from London
and its suburbs. Over 200 women have been imported from other
northern districts into Huddersfield to act as pieceners, and a success
ful experiment was made at Barwell in drawing in some dozens of
women from other East Midlands towns and villages to undertake
work on various processes in the boot trade hitherto entirely per
formed by men.
During the summer of 1916, partly as the result of a specially
organized scheme for vocational land workers, 1,225 women were
moved to rural areas for fruit picking, harvesting, and other seasonal
work, in addition to the very large numbers who were found perma
nent employment on the land.
The effort made by the minister of labor and the ministry of muni
tions in recruiting for munitions work to avoid as far as possible dis
turbing the labor employed on other important work in munitions
centers or in other areas has in many cases necessitated the trans
ference of women over considerable distances. Special propagandist
campaigns have been undertaken appealing to unoccupied women in
nonindustrial areas remote from the center where their labor is re
quired. For example, efforts have been made to enroll the services
of women in eastern and southern coast towns, in London suburbs,
and in Tyneside towns, where there is normally little outlet for
women’s industrial activity.
During the last month 5,118 women from some 200 different ex
change areas were brought into eight large munitions centers alone.
To one factory, for example, in the south of Scotland 1,641 women
were brought during this period from 63 different districts, including
228 from two Tyneside towns alone, 40 from Berwick, 55 from Inver
ness, and 9 from one small Fifeshire village. To another in the West
Midlands 772 women were imported from centers as far apart as
Aberdeen and Penzance.
In this responsible work of transferring large numbers of women
away from home the exchanges have had valuable assistance from
local authorities, from women’s county committees for agriculture,
from the central and local advisory committees on women’s war em
ployment, and from other voluntary workers cooperating with them
unofficially in meeting emergency problems.
As a general result the employment exchange authorities are able
to guarantee that no woman is sent forward for employment away
from home without suitable arrangements having been made as to
reception and transit at the other end, lodging or hostel accommoda
tion, and general welfare. Women submitted for work in national
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factories have to pass a medical test before they leave home, and in
all cases before proceeding on their journey women are fully informed
as to the conditions of employment, the details of the journey, the
address of the exchange at the other end, and the nature and approxi
mate cost of the lodging accommodation available.
The exchanges also have general powers under the Labor Ex
changes Act to advance money for traveling expenses by means of
railway warrants.
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT COMMITTEES OF GREAT BRITAIN.1
The departmental committee on juvenile education in relation to
employment after the war have recently recommended that juvenile
employment committees should be set up in about 150 new areas
where, up to the present, no such provision has been made. It is,
therefore, of some interest to describe the nature and functions of the
existing committees which have during the last six years been set up
in connection with employment exchanges in about 130 areas of the
United Kingdom.
Nearly half of these committees have been formed by local edu
cation authorities under the Education (Choice of Employment)
Act, 1910, while a similar number of advisory committees for juve
nile employment have been appointed by the Board of Trade under
the Labor Exchanges Act, 1909. The latter include the London
committee, which has itself formed 20 local advisory committees to
work with the employment exchanges in the area of the L. C. C.
It should be added that the control of the committees of this type
has now passed from the Board of Trade to the new ministry of labor,
together with the administration of the employment exchanges them
selves. On the other hand, committees under the Choice of Employ
ment Act are subcommittees of the education committee of the local
authority in each case.
Four parts of the work may conveniently be distinguished. In
the first place there is the work of obtaining full knowledge of the
educational and physical qualifications of boys and girls on leaving
school or at later stages in their careers, in order that it may be
come possible to advise them suitably as to the occupations which
they should enter. To this end teachers send to the committee, in
respect of children leaving school, forms designed to obtain, among
other information, particulars of their educational qualifications,
their own wishes as to employment, and a summary of the school
medical officer’s health report. Invitations to meet members or offi1 Great Britain.
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665
cers of the committee are sent to children and their parents. Assist
ance is also given by committees to older children up to IT years
of age who apply to the exchange on seeking a change of employment.
The second part of the work consists in obtaining knowledge of
the conditions of juvenile employment in the various trades and of
the particular vacancies which arise from time to time. The coop
eration of employers is enlisted by means of circular letters and
personal canvass. Such a canvass is usually undertaken by the
officers of the employment exchange, but it may also be carried on
by a subcommittee of employers.
In the third place, the committee have to bring the boys and girls
desiring work into touch with the employers desiring workers. It
is at this stage that the information which has been collected as to
the children on the one hand and the available employment on the
other is found to be of extreme value in helping each child to choose
the employment which is best suited to him. A committee can often
give most valuable advice which prevents a promising boy from tak
ing up uneclucative but highly paid work or from entering an occu
pation for which his aptitude or physical condition makes him quite
unsuited. Often the child is persuaded to remain at school until a
suitable vacancy arises, or, if he is placed forthwith, arrangements
may be made for his attendance at continuation classes, or, again, he
may be found temporary employment and a record kept in order that
he may be placed in skilled employment at a later date.
The last of the four parts of work referred to is that of supervis
ing the boys and girls who have been placed and giving them on
appropriate occasions much-needed advice designed to counteract
the effects of the deteriorating industrial conditions to which they
are so frequently exposed. For this purpose the committee will
usually establish after-care committees and attract voluntary work
ers who are willing to keep in touch with boys and girls and from
time to time forward reports on their welfare to the committee. The
influence of these after-care workers, exerted in a variety of ways,
has been found to be extremely valuable in dealing with the diffi
culties of juvenile employment. I t is largely directed to steadying
the child during a difficult period by impressing upon him a sense
of his responsibility to his employer, by deprecating frequent changes
of employment without adequate reason and without the knowledge
of the juvenile exchange, and by encouraging attendance at continua
tion classes and the practice of thrift. The visitor will concern him
self, too, with the physical welfare of the child by urging parents to
obtain expert advice when necessary. A special watch will be kept
over the boy who has been placed in some temporary employment
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ay i tli a vie ay to his becoming an apprentice in a skilled trade a year
or tAYo later.
Most committees are not content with limiting their work to the
essential branches which have been indicated. They go further
and AA'iclen their activities in attempts to improve the general con
ditions of boys’ and girls’ employment. They use their influence in
the direction of raising the age at which children leave school; in
a number of districts exemption certificates are issued to children
only after the cases have been referred to the local juvenile employ
ment committee. They have in some cases secured the adoption and
in other cases the better enforcement of by-laws under the Employ
ment of Children Act; occasionally street-trading licenses are issued
only through the committee, ayIi o thereby are enabled to use their
influence to dissuade parents from allowing children to take up this
work. In some cases committees have induced employers to adopt
a plan, Avhich is rapidly groAving in favor, of appointing in their
works officers Avhose special dut}^ it is to concern themselves with
the Avelfare of the jrwenile employees. The influence of many com
mittees has been successful in inducing employers to encourage the
attendance of their boy and girl workers at continuation classes,
especially by allowing time off Avith pay during working hours, and
by offering prizes or special prospects of promotion to those em
ployees Avho do well at the classes.
A particularly promising avenue in which the activities of juvenile
employment committees have recently been directed is that of con
vening conferences of employers and Avorkpeople in various trades
with a view to discussing the conditions and prospects of juvenile
employment. I t is satisfactory to note that a marked improvement
in the arrangements for training boys and girls in the local trades
has frequently resulted from such conferences.
Committees have naturally been concerned with the abnormal
labor conditions arising as a result of the Avar. In present circum
stances boys and girls are in great demand for occupations provid
ing no training for future employment. The high wages in these
occupations, the consequent slackening of parental control—fre
quently accentuated by the absence from home of fathers in the
Army—the lengthened hours of labor, the general speeding up of
industry—all have been blamed for an adverse influence resulting
in less satisfactory educational and industrial training, in some
injury to health, and in a marked deterioration of character. Juve
nile employment committees have shown themselves fully alive to
these difficulties, on Avhich they were invited to report by the depart
mental committee referred to aboA^e.
The shortage of boys has resulted in numbers of occupations being
entered for the first time by girls. In arranging this substitution the
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assistance of juvenile employment committees has been of much
value.
Further, it has, to a limited extent, been found desirable to draft
boys and girls from areas where their services are not much in
demand to districts where there is a scanty supply of labor for
essential industries, or where opportunities for training in skilled
employment are available. Where such migration has been carried
out through the exchanges, special arrangements have been made
to secure the welfare of the boys and girls in their new spheres.
Finally, it is certain that very important work lies before these
committees during the period of industrial resettlement after the
war. Difficulties may be anticipated—they are, indeed, already
noticeable—as a result of the increasing employment of female
labor in industry leading to considerable displacement of boys. By
means of conferences of the kind already mentioned, information
is being collected with regard to the probable openings for boy and
girl labor in the altered conditions of industry. Committees have
shown themselves eager to support proposals for the extension of
the normal school life and the establishment of some system of
compulsory day or evening continuation classes. They hope, when
peace is in sight, to get info personal touch with those boys and
girls who are likely to be discharged from highly paid occupations,
and persuade them, where possible, to accept employment promising
some future, though offering smaller initial wages.
The war has naturally made many special demands upon voluntary
social workers, but committees are endeavoring to keep their organi
zation in being in the confident hope that their knowledge and
experience of the question of juvenile employment may contribute
to the solution of the many difficulties attending social reconstruction
which are certain to arise in the future.
MINIMUM WAGE IN MASSACHUSETTS.
Two pamphlets recently issued by the Minimum Wage Commis
sion of Massachusetts are its annual report for the year ending De
cember 31, 1916,1 and a report on the wages of women in men’s
clothing and raincoat factories.2 During the year, according to the
annual report, the commission completed the investigation, begun
in 1915, of wages of women employed in the manufacture of men’s
ready-made clothing, and began and completed investigations of the
1 Fourth annual report of the Minimum Wage Commission of Massachusetts for the
year ending Dec. 31, 1916. Public Document No. 102. Boston, 1917. 55 pp.
2 Wages of Women in Men’s Clothing and Raincoat Factories in Massachusetts. Bulle
tin No. 13, Minimum Wage Commission, December, 1916. Boston, 1917. 60 Dp.
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m o n t h l y rev iew of t h e bureau of labor sta t ist ic s .
wages of women employed in hotels and restaurants and in the manu
facture of raincoats, men’s shirts, overalls, neckwear, suspenders and
other elastic goods, and women’s muslin underwear, petticoats,
aprons, kimonos, and neckwear. At the close of the year an investi
gation was being made of the wages of women engaged in the manu
facture and trimming of millinery. The report summarizes the re
sults of investigations in the garment trades, that covering; men’s
clothing and raincoats being noted hereafter, and quotes extensively
from the full report of the women’s clothing wage board containing
its recommendations together with reasons therefor.1 The commis
sion also made an inquiry into the wages of women in retail stores
in order to ascertain the extent to which the minimum rates recom
mended in 1915 had been accepted and put into operation by the
employers, and to discover as far as possible the effect of the
minimum wage.2
In its investigations of the garment trades and hotels and restau
rants during 1916 the commission secured records relating to the
wTages paid 17,952 women in 453 establishments, and in its second
investigation of retail stores it secured wage records of 17,500 women
in 970 establishments, making a total of 35,452 wage records for
women in 1,423 establishments. For sufficient reasons a number of
records obtained for women in the garment-making trades were
eliminated, leaving 13,148 records relating to women in '304 estab
lishments which were tabulated. The report gives no detailed infor
mation concerning the whole 35,452 records, but it does give the
tabulated wages of women in the men’s clothing and furnishing
trades and in women’s muslin underwear, petticoat, apron, kimono,
and neckware factories.3 It is stated that the total number of women
employed in the men’s clothing and furnishing trades is approxi
mately 6,500, but no data is available as to the total number em
ployed in the other group.
1 T h is re p o rt w as briefly n oted in th e M onth ly R ev iew for S eptem ber, 1916, p. 66.
2 A digest of this report, Bulletin No. 12, of the Minimum Wage Commission appeared
in the M onth ly R ev iew for February, 1917, pp. 251-258.
3 As indicated in the M onthly R ev iew for September, 1916, p. 66, the minimum
wage established by the women’s clothing wage board was $8.75, with $7 as the minimum
for inexperienced women and $6 for girls under 18 years of age.
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N U M B E R AN D P E R C E N T O F W O M EN R E C E IV IN G EA C H S P E C IF IE D W A G E IN T H E
V A R IO U S B R A N C H E S O F T H E M E N ’S C L O T H IN G A N D F U R N IS H IN G T R A D E S , AN D IN
W O M E N ’S M U SLIN U N D E R W E A R , PE T T IC O A T , A P R O N , K IM O N O , A N D N E C K W E A R
FA C T O R IE S.
N um ber and per cent of women w ith average w eekly earnings of—
Total.
Industry.
U nder $5.
U nder $6.
U nder $7.
U nder $8.
U nder $9.
$9 and
over.
N um Per N um Per N u m Per N u m Per N u m Per N u m Per N u m Per
ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent. ber. cent.
MEN’S CLOTHING.
Coats, pants, vests,
and overcoats..........
R aincoats.....................
S hirts............................
Overalls a n d duck
coats...........................
262 23.1
118 18.8
300 24.2
485 42.8
229 36.6
478 38.5
703 62.1
328 52.4
696 56.0
884 78.1
977 86.3
407 65.0
500 79.9
904 72.8 1,050 84.5
88 21.9
131 32.7
210 52.4
267 66.6
325 81.0
155 13.7 1,132
126 20.1
626
192 15.5 1,242
100
100
100
76 19.0
401
100
MEN’S FUBNISHINGS.
N eckw ear.....................
Suspenders, garters,
e tc ..............................
59 21.4
99 35.9
145 52.5
183 66.3
208 75.4
68 24.6
276
100
188 25.4
295 39.9
439 59.4
557 75.4
654 88.5
85 11.5
739
100
279 29.1
21 7.9
134 35.3
149 28.9
444
55
192
287
599
96
262
389
772
136
322
452
873
165
348
491
90.9
62.3
91.6
95.2
87 9.1
100 37.7
32 8.4
25 4.8
960
265
380
516
100
100
100
100
WOMEN’S CLOTHING.
Muslin underw ear___
Petticoats.....................
Aprons a nd kim onos.
N eckw ear.....................
46.3
20.8
50.5
55.6
62.4
36.2
68.9
75.4
80.4
51.3
84.7
87.6
The report contains several recommendations, the most important,
perhaps, being that the commission should have further powers to
enforce the determinations of the minimum-wage boards when finally
approved after public hearings held in accordance with the law.
They ask for such powers only in certain definite cases:
The commission is of the opinion that it is necessary at this time to provide
further penalties for the violation of its decrees in certain cases, namely, in
cases where the commission’s decree is based upon a determination by a
wage board in which both a majority of the employers’ representatives and a
majority of the employees’ representatives, respectively, concur. In such cases,
as has been pointed out, it is unjust that a selfish minority of employers should
be permitted to retain an unfair advantage over their more enlightened com
petitors, and possibly to deprive all the employees, not merely those in their
own employ, of much of the benefit to be expected from the minimum-wage law.
The commission also asks for legislation requiring certain em
ployers to keep records of hours worked by women and minors, legis
lation enabling the commission to fill vacancies in wage boards, and
legislation to insure proper publicity for its orders and recom
mendations. A larger appropriation for the work of the commission
is also requested; the amount appropriated for the year ending June
30, 1916, was $17,400, of which $16,416.41 was expended.
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WAGES OE WOMEN IN MEN’S CLOTHING AND RAINCOAT FACTORIES.
The investigation to determine the wages of women in men’s cloth
ing and raincoat factories was begun in December, 1915, and com
pleted in June, 1916. The report published by the Minimum Wage
Commission, to which reference has been made, outlines briefly the
growth of the manufacture of men’s clothing (exclusive of shirts) in
the United States, noting the fact that Massachusetts ranks sixth
among the States, its 206 factories employing in 1913 an average of
5,813 workers (2,63d males and 3,179 females) who were paid
$3,444,863, or an average annual wage of $592.61, for turning out
product valued at $18,481,899.
Twenty-eight establishments engaged in the manufacture of men’s
ready-made coats, overcoats, vests, and trousers, and 15 raincoat
factories were studied, a transcript of pay-roll records for each
female employee being taken covering a 52-week period prior to
the initiation of the investigation. In the case of coat, vest, and
pants shops the number of hours worked each week was also secured.
In tabulating the data, the records of all persons who appeared
on the pay roll for less than four weeks were omitted, as were also
records for forewomen, fitters, office employees, and those engaged
in the manufacture of custom-made garments. Records of payment
for home work were also discarded.
It was found that establishments engaged in the manufacture
of men’s outer clothing fall broadly into four groups: (1) Cloth
ing houses that operate “ inside shops ”—that is, establishments in
which the product is manufactured in shops owned and directly
operated by the management; (2) clothing houses in which part
of the product is manufactured in inside shops and part contracted ;
'(3) clothing houses that cut out and prepare the garments for
manufacture but give them out to contractors to make up; (4) con
tract shops in which clothing is manufactured on a contract basis
from materials furnished and cut out by others. While accurate
figures do not appear to be available, it is suggested that the largest
number of establishments fall in the first and second groups and
the smallest number in the last group. The so-called “ inside shops ”
(groups 1 and 2) are of two types: (1) Large establishments pro
ducing a complete line of outer garments, some of which dispose
of their product at retail in their own stores, and (2) small estab
lishments which manufacture special lines, principally separate
trousers. The contract shops are likewise of two types: (1) Estab
lishments controlled by the large clothing houses which work solely
or principally for one concern, and (2) establishments which are
independent of any one manufacturer and make up goods for any
concern that offers them work, Home work seems to be confined
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671
to the finishing processes on trousers, and exact data as to the num
ber of workers and wages received could not be obtained.
The following table shows the number and per cent of women
earning each specified average weekly amount and the number and
per cent scheduled at each specified weekly rate of wages in estab
lishments manufacturing men’s coats, vests, trousers, and overcoats.
N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T O F W O M E N IN M E N ’S C L O T H IN G F A C T O R IE S E A R N IN G EA C H
S P E C IF IE D A V E R A G E W E E K L Y A M O U N T A N D N U M B E R A N D P E R C E N T SC H E D U L E D
A T EA C H S P E C IF IE D W E E K L Y R A T E .
W age group.
W om en receiving
specified average
w eekly earnings.
W om en receiving
scheduled w eekly
ra te of wages.
N um ber.
P er cent.
N um ber.
P er cent.
S3.....................
un d er S4........
un d er S5........
un d er $6........
un d er S7........
un d er $8........
u n d er S9........
over.................
43
67
152
223
218
181
93
155
3.8
5.9
13.4
19.7
19.3
16.0
8.2
13.7
12
31
59
118
138
130
139
1.9
5.0
9.4
18.8
22.0
20.7
22.2
T o tal..................
1.132
100.0
1 627
100.0
U nder
$3 and
$4 and
$5 and
$6 and
S7 and
$8 and
$9 and
1 D ata concerning rates for 505 workers, th e m ajo rity of w hom were pieceworkers, were not available.
A very striking feature of this table is the wide difference be
tween the proportion scheduled to receive a certain weekly rate, and
the proportion actually earning that amount. Only one-sixth had
weekly rates of less than $6, but over two-fifths had average weekly
earnings of less than $6; over one-fifth had weekly rates of $9 or
over, but only about one-eighth received average weekly earnings of
$9 or over. A part of this discrepancy is due to the fact that the
amounts paid the women did not always represent a full week’s
work. “ The factory or department may have been running on short
time, girls may have entered or left in the middle of a week, or ab
sences may have occurred because of illness or other individual rea
sons.” It is not probable, however, that such part weeks would be
sufficiently numerous to account for any large proportion of the
discrepancy shown above.
The average weekly earnings seem low. Over three-fourths (78.1
per cent) earned less than $8 a week, and only 155 or 13.7 per cent
earned $9 or over. Unfortunately the workers did not receive even
these earnings for anything like the whole year. The largest single
group, 38.1 per cent, had annual earnings of less than $100; 276 or
21.4 per cent earned annually $100 but under $200; 167 or 14.7 per
cent earned $200 but under $300; 14.4 per cent earned $300 but under
$400; and only 30 or 2.7 per cent of the total had annual earnings of
$500 or over. This of course implies great irregularity of work.
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Less than one-half (45.1 per cent) of the group were employed for
6 months or longer; 16.2 per cent were employed for 4 weeks
only, and only 5 per cent had steady work for 12 months. This
irregularity appears to have no connection with the skill or lack of
skill involved in a given, occupation. “Among the occupations
affording the least steady work are finishing and buttonhole making,
the most poorly and the most highly paid occupations, respectively,
for women employed in men’s clothing factories.” It appears to be
a feature of the occupation, found in both “ inside ” and contract
shops and in practically all occupations.
In general, the hours were not as long as permitted by law, but
tended to be longer in the contract shops than in the regular factories.
Of the 533 women for whom records of hours were secured only about half
(51.2 per cent) were employed for over an average of 42 hours a week. Only
one establishment gave employment to any of its workers for more than an
average of 50 hours a week, while one establishment had no employees who
worked for more than 34 hours a week on the average. The relation between
the wage level and hours of labor is clearly shown by the records of * * *
two contract shops which made the same line of goods and paid approximately
the same rates to week workers. In the former, 10.3 per cent of the employees
worked on the average over 50 hours a week and 17.8 per cent earned $9 or
over, while in the latter, where no workers were employed for more than an
average week of 34 hours, only 5 per cent earned $9 or over.
There was a marked variation in the wages paid to the workers in
different establishments which can not be explained, as the above
difference in earnings is, by a difference in the time worked. Prob
ably here, as in other industries, a difference in the ability of the
managers accounts for the ability to pay better wages for the same
kind of work. The report suggests no other explanation.
Variations between individual establishments in the same groups were con
spicuous, but are difficult to explain either by differences in locality, in the
kind and grade of goods made, or the size and type of organization of the shop.
The two establishments paying the highest wages, judged from the number of
workers earning $9 or over, were an inside coat shop which employs an un
usually large number of women as machine operators and a clothing house
which has all its garments made outside by contract and employs women as
bushelers only.
The majority of women for whom information was obtained as to
age were 25 years old or over, and 18 per cent were at least 40 years
old. There was a tendency for earnings to increase with the years
up to the age of 60. Experience bore an important relation to wages.
Thus, of 228 women employed less than 5 years only 22, or 9.6 per
cent, received $9 or over, while of 166 women employed for more than
5 years 39, or 23.5 per cent, received $9 or over.
In the raincoat industry practically the same conditions were
found to exist, although a larger proportion were in the group with
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673
average weekly earnings of $8 and under $9 (14.9 per cent) and in
the $9 and over group (20.1 per cent). The table on page 667 shows
the cumulative number and per cent receiving each specified amount.
There were in Massachusetts about 30 establishments producing
raincoats only and a much smaller number manufacturing raincoats
in addition to other lines of rubber goods. The former employed
about 300 persons and the latter from 400 to 600 in their raincoat
departments. There is practically no contracting in-this industry.
Here 36.6 per cent earned less than $6 per week, 65 per cent less than
$8 per week, and 38 per cent less than $100 per year. The fluctuation
of employment was also practically the same as in the other indus
tries studied. Nearly 86 per cent of the workers were living at
home.
BRIEF OF DEFENDANTS IN THE OREGON MINIMUM WAGE CASE.
On April 9 the Supreme Court of the United States, on a tie vote,
handed down a decision sustaining the Supreme Court of Oregon in
declaring the minimum-wage law of that State constitutional.1 This
law became effective on June 3, 1913, and is administered by the
Industrial Welfare Commission which, in an effort to enforce its
provisions, issued an order directing that no manufacturing establish
ment in the city of Portland should employ “ any experienced, adult
woman worker, paid by time rates of payment, in said establishment
at a weekly wage of less than $8.64, any lesser amount being hereby
declared inadequate to supply the necessary cost of living to such
woman factory workers, and to maintain them in health.” Shortly
thereafter Frank C. Stettler, a paper-box manufacturer in Portland,
and Elmira Simpson, in his employ at a weekly wage of $8, each
brought suit to have the order vacated and to enjoin its enforcement.
Upon trial the lower court dismissed the suits, this action, subse
quently affirmed by the supreme court of the State, in effect sus
taining the constitutionality of the act against attacks based upon
both the Oregon and the United States constitutions. The cases
were then carried to the Supreme Court of the United States in an
effort to have the law declared of no effect as violative of the
fourteenth amendment.
The argument of defendants in error as presented to the Supreme
Court, embracing a mass of evidence covering foreign and American
legislation providing for the establishment of a minimum wage for
women, the experience upon which such legislation is based, and the
citation of a large number of cases bearing upon the subject, is em
bodied in a volume of 783 pages issued by the National Consumers’
1 The decision of the Supreme Court of Oregon, which was affirmed by the United
State Supreme Court, is reviewed on pages 685 and 686 of this issue.
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League of New York City.1 At the outset it is explained that the
plaintiffs contended that Oregon ivas prohibited from enacting this
legislation by the equal-protection clause, the privileges and immuni
ties clause, and the due-process clause of the fourteenth amendment
to the Federal Constitution. The defendants dismiss the first two
propositions and proceed with their argument to show that the plain
tiffs have not, as claimed, been deprived of liberty or property with
out due process of law. It is maintained that the cases reduce them
selves to an application of Marshall’s canon, as follows:
Let tlie end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and
all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which
are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are
constitutional.
The defendants then go on to show that (1) Oregon by this legis
lation aimed at “ ends” that are “ legitimate and within the scope
of the Constitution,” that (2) the “ means” selected by Oregon are
“ appropriate and plainly adapted ” to accomplish these ends, and
that (3) no right of the plaintiffs secured under the Constitution of
the United States “ prohibits ” the use of these appropriate means
so adopted by the State of Oregon to accomplish these legitimate pub
lic ends.
In the first place, it is pointed out that an investigation showed
that women were receiving wages inadequate to meet their living
expenses; and in order to provide for this “ deficit between the cost
of woman’s labor—that is, the means necessary to keep labor going—
and any rate of women’s pay below the minimum level for living and
so to eliminate all the evils attendant upon such deficits on a large
scale,” the statute was enacted and in pursuance thereof the order
was issued by the commission. “ The ends toward which this legisla
tion was directed were the ends that are the very life of the State,
namely, the health and civilized maintenance of this generation, and
the healthy and civilized continuance of generations to follow,” and
as such were “ legitimate” and “ within the scope of the Constitution.”
In the second place the defendants show that means other than
the minimum-wage I rav might have been adopted to accomplish the
same end, but maintain that the means adopted were “ appropriate”
and “ plainly adapted ” to accomplish the legitimate end, and that
Oregon was supported in this stand by the “ persuasive volume of
accredited opinion and the experience of other countries vindicating
1 Oregon Minimum Wage Cases. Supreme Court of the United States, October Term,
1916. Nos. 25 and 26. Frank C. Stettler, plaintiff in error, v. Edwin O’Hara et al.,
constituting the Industrial Welfare Commission. Elmira Simpson, plaintiff in error, v.
Edwin O’Hara et al., constituting the Industrial Welfare Commission. Brief for
defendants in error upon reargument. Felix Frankfurter, counsel for the Industrial
Welfare Commission, assisted by Josephine Goldmark. Reprinted by National Con
sumers’ League, 289 Fourth Avenue, New York City. [1917.] 783 pp.
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the reasonableness * * * of Oregon’s legislation.” Therefore it
was open to the State to try the method adopted unless it was affirma
tively prohibited by the Constitution.
The third argument is developed at some length and centers around
the proposition whether the plaintiffs are, in fact, by the Oregon
minimum-wage law, deprived of their rights of liberty or property
guaranteed them by the Constitution, and if so, what is the justifica
tion, that is, the “ due process ” of the deprivation. It is argued
that “ the liberty which Stettler really is seeking is the liberty to pay
an unfair wage,” that Simpson’s “ liberty” consists in her right to
employment with Stettler rather than with other employers at a
higher pay, and that these “ liberties ” are “ merely nominal and
theoretical and not asserted bona fide.”
Therefore it was not “ arbitrary,” “ wanton,” or a “ spoliation ” for Oregon
to allow great public interests to*prevail over them.
As to “ property ” 1 Stettler claims that he can not continue in busi
ness if he is required to pay his employees $8.64 per week, but this
alleged “ deprivation of property ” is disposed of by the defendants
in the statement that the statute itself provides him a means of avoid
ing any property loss by its provision in respect of special licenses.
The act puts no compulsion upon him to increase the wages of any of
his employees; it forbids their employment at less than the minimum
wage without the leave of the commission. Therefore it would ap
pear that “ the alleged deprivations of property are either merely
nominal and not bona fide, like the so-called ‘liberties,’ or hypo
thetical and unsubstantiated, and therefore were not dealt with ar
bitrarily or wantonly or as a spoliation.”
Again, the defendants argue that it is not “ arbitrary,” “ wanton,”
or a “ spoliation ” for the State to require Stettler to pay the cost of
Simpson’s labor if he chooses to use it. He is not required to employ
Simpson, but if he does he alone has the use of her working energy
to maintain which a cost of not less than $8.64 per week was deter
mined upon as essential. Then the matter of the State’s interest in a
contract of employment in which a “ mere living wage” is at stake
must be considered as giving it special justification for controlling
such contracts; it is a different matter from a case where an ordinary
wage bargain is involved.
The defendants justify the right of the State to require Stettler
to obtain a license from the commission before he can buy labor at
less than cost and to require the consent of the commission before
allowing an employee to sell labor below cost, because that right is
1 The brief disposes of the Simpson case in the following words: “ As to ‘ property,’
Simpson shows no deprivation whatever that can be separated from her claim in regard
to ‘ liberty,’ and so no further special consideration of her case is necessary at this
point.”
92746°—17——3
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a reasonable means for preventing unfair competition between manu
facturers.
Since liberty of action implies choice, and therefore substantial
freedom of contract presupposes equality of bargaining power, it is
held that the State is justified in requiring the consent of the com
mission before allowing a wrage contract at below cost, because of the
actual inherent inequality of bargaining power between parties.
The “ liberty of contract ” which the present legislation would destroy is
only the “ liberty ” of an employer to abuse and the “ liberty ” of an employee
to be abused. True freedom of contract is established, rather than impaired,
by such restrictions. Their very purpose is to assure the parties an equal
basis for bargaining, so that they may be free to bargain on the merits and not
under the compulsion of a crippling necessity.
Furthermore, this right of the State to require the consent of the
commission before allowing a wage contract at below cost is not, it is
argued, “ arbitrary, wanton, or a spoliation,” because that is a reason
able exercise of the State power to minimize danger of unfair and
oppressive contracts and to foster the productivity of industry. In
the case at bar it is argued that Stettler’s interest centers in his desire
to get the labor at less than the cost of the human energy which pro
duces the product—an unfair practice which the State may right
fully prevent. Again, since the strength and safety of the State
and its citizens depend upon the efficiency of its industries, which in
turn are maintained by the competence and physical vigor of the
workers, it becomes the right and duty of the State to encourage and
stimulate productivity by the conservation of the human resources.
This involves protective legislation, such as is embodied in the Oregon
minimum-wage law.
To-day the center of gravity of the State is industry, just as in feudal days it
was land. The common law met the demands of the feudal period by working
out the incidence of feudal tenure as a body of reciprocal liabilities between
lord and man flowing from the relationship of tenure. * * * No one
could have thought that such changes were arbitrary, wanton, or spoliative—
that is, other than due process of law. On the contrary, the scope of such
judicial and legislative power as part of the whole scheme of Anglo-American
law inheres in that legislative power which underlies the fourteenth amend
ment, and was not intended to be restricted by it. In other words, it is of the
very essence of the common-law system—including the minor judicial and the
major legislative modifications—to regard the lawmaking energies of the State
as progressive activities to meet needed changes.
We are here dealing with an exercise of the same public power as that of the
common law regarding land tenure. With its exercise in the past we are
fam iliar; its unsettled application to the needs of a changing present gives
an illusion of novelty to the new exercise of an old power. This novelty must
not be allowed to deceive; the unfamiliar must not now, any more than in the
past, be denied as “ unconstitutional.” New circumstances call for new effort,
and the fourteenth amendment has left unimpeded the power of conscientious
statemanship to grapple with new difficulties.
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As already suggested, the major portion of the volume is devoted
to State and foreign minimum-wage legislation, and the recital of the
experience upon which such legislation is based. Under this latter
head is included evidence tending to show the evils of low wages, in
cluding their bad effect on the public health, on morals, and on the
public welfare; the economic a'spect of low wages; and the financial
burden imposed upon the State. The benefits of increased wages—
the relation to cost of production, their stimulus to industrial effi
ciency, and their benefits to the general standard of living—are
also set forth, followed by an outline taken from official and other
sources, of the benefits of the legal minimum wage. Here are shown
its relation to profits and commercial prosperity; its effect upon
prices; how it stimulates industrial efficiency; its bearing on wages;
its effect on employment and displacement of workers; its benefits
to industrial peace and to competing employers; and the increasing
scope and success of the various minimum-wage acts. A comparison
with other labor legislation closes the volume.
RECENT SUPREME COURT DECISIONS AND THE LABOR CONTRACT,
BY BINDLEY D. CLAEK.
On March 19 and April 9 the Supreme Court of the United States
rendered decisions of unusual interest in their interpretation of the
law governing the contract of the employment of labor. On the
earlier date the Adamson eight-hour law for employees of carriers
engaged in interstate commerce, approved September 3, 5, 1916 (39
Stat., 721), was sustained as constitutional (Wilson v. New, 37 Sup.
Ct., 298) ; while on the latter date two laws of the State of Oregon were
likewise upheld against attacks on their constitutionality. In one
case (Bunting v. Oregon, 37 Sup. Ct., —), an act (Acts of 1913, ch.
102), establishing a 10-hour day for factory employees in the State,
without regard to sex, and permitting not to exceed three hours’ over
time on the payment of one and one-half times the regular -wage,
was sustained; while in the second two suits were involved (Stettler
v. O’Hara and Simpson v. O’Hara, 37 Sup. Ct., —), the statute
under consideration being one providing for the establishment of
minimum wages for women and children by the Industrial Welfare
Commission of Oregon (Acts of 1913, ch. 62).
It is of interest to note that in every instance the decision sustaining
the law was by a divided court, the Adamson law being sustained by
a vote of 5 to 4, five opinions being written, three of them in dissent.
The court was evenly divided as to the minimum-wage law, Mr.
Justice Brandeis taking no part, a tie leaving the State decision
sustaining the law undisturbed; while in the case of the 10-hour law
three justices dissented, Mr. Justice Brandeis taking no part. The
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nonparticipation of Mr. justice Brandeis in these two decisions is due
to the fact that prior to his appointment to the bench he had assisted
in the preparation of the briefs upholding the laws, and as this
service was voluntarily rendered on account of his interest in such
legislation, it is a fair assumption that if cases of this nature should
again come before the court he would be found on the side of their
constitutionality.
These decisions are so far-reaching in their effects and implications
that it has seemed worth while not only to set forth a summary of
the points actually under consideration but also to present something
of a review of the development of the ideas that have here found their
most complete and advanced expression. Inasmuch as the decision in
the Adamson case involved questions of both hours and wages, it
will be considered first. The other cases will fall into their places
in the discussion of the different elements involved in this case. (See
pp. 682 and 685.)
THE DECISION AS TO THE ADAMSON EIGHT-HOUR LAW—WILSON v. NEW.
The act in question was to become effective on January 1, 1917,
but prior to that date the employers, not accepting the act as consti
tutional, brought suit to obtain an injunction against its enforcement.
The act was held unconstitutional by a district court judge, and an
appeal to the Supreme Court was taken directly, all parties cooperat
ing to facilitate early action. Mr. Chief Justice White delivered the
majority opinion of the court, prefacing his discussion of the law by
some account of the circumstances of its enactment. These were, in
brief, that in March, 1916, there were two methods of determining
wages of railroad employees, one an eight-hour standard of work
and wages with additional pay for overtime, in use on about 15 per
cent of the roads, while the other was a stated mileage task of 100
miles, to be performed during 10 hours, with extra pay for excess
service. In that month the trainmen’s brotherhoods made a demand
that for all but passenger trains the time of the 100-mile task lie
reduced to eight hours without any reduction of wages, overtime to
be paid for at one and one-half times the regular rates, excess
time to be counted by minutes. Other details were set forth as to the
demands, the attitude of the employers, the efforts of the President
to secure arbitration (which was rejected by the employees), his
proposal that the employers accept the eight-hour standard of work
and wages (which was rejected by them), and the ultimate action of
the President in asking Congress to pass a law establishing such a
standard. As a part of the President’s proposition there was to lie
an official body appointed to observe during a reasonable time the
effects of the proposed legislation and an explicit assurance given the
employers that increased costs of operation due to the law should be
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referred to the Interstate Commerce Commission with authority to
increase transportation rates if found necessary.
The statute enacted embodied the provision of eight hours as “ a
day’s work and the measure or standard of a day’s work for the
purpose of reckoning the compensation ” of the employees involved,
in all contracts for labor and service, with certain exceptions as to short
roads and electric lines. The appointment of a commission to ob
serve operations was provided for, report to be made to the Presi
dent and Congress after not less than six nor more than nine months;
pending such report and for 30 days thereafter the existing stand
ard wage was not to be reduced.
Discussion immediately arose as to the nature of the act, i. e.,
whether an liours-of-labor act or a wages act, there being an evident
conviction that it could be much more easily sustained as a regula
tion of hours of labor than of the rates of wages. According to the
decision of the court, the act is one establishing an eight-hour day
as the measure or standard of a day’s work as a permanent rule, the
majority holding that it was so obviously within the power of Con
gress to enact such a rule as to render the subject not disputable.
There was also a fixing of wages, resulting from the prohibition
against reducing existing wages, but expressly limited as to time,
so that it was not permanent but temporary, leaving the matter to
subsequent agreement when the time fixed should elapse. This fixing
of wages was held by the majority to be within the power of Con
gress in view of the u dispute between employers and employees as to
a standard of wages, their failure to agree, the resulting absence of
such standard, the entire interruption of interstate commerce which
was threatened, and the inevitable injury to the public interest which
was imminent.” The power to act was held to be conferred by the
constitutional authority of Congress to regulate interstate commerce,
and the contention that an emergency could not create a power was
met by the statement that no such claim was made, but only that the
situation presented a condition in which an existing power, hitherto
unused, might be properly exercised.
The concurring opinion of one justice was devoted to tne proposi
tion that it was the intent of Congress “ to proclaim a substantial
eight-hour day,” and while admitting Congress has the power to enact
a wages law, that such was not the intention of the present statute.
On the other hand, three of the dissenting justices declared that
there was no attempt by Congress to enact an eight-hour statute,
since there was no repeal of the 16-hour law, and no penalty for work
in excess of eight hours, the law providing only for pro rata pay
for labor performed after the expiration of the eight-hour period.
One of these three justices admitted that Congress might fix rates
of wages, but held that in doing so it must observe due process of law,
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m o n t h l y rev iew of t h e bureau of labor sta tistics .
which was not done in the present case. Three of the dissenting
justices held that it was not within the power of Congress to deter
mine rates of wages.
It is obvious that the majority opinion, in taking the ground that
the circumstances furnished a warrant or at least an occasion for the
exercise of a hitherto unused power, gave to the statute the force and
effect of a compulsory arbitration award, and they were explicit in
asserting the power of Congress so to act, either by direct legisla
tion or “ by the enactment of other and appropriate means pro
viding for the bringing about of such result,” since if there were no
such power to remove the situation created by the dispute, the public
would be left helpless, the people ruined, and the power of the Gov
ernment to enforce the duty of operation reduced to derision. In
the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice McKenna the power to arbitrate
was said to be in the hands of Congress, but he maintained that it had
not been used in the present instance—this on the ground that the act
is simply an hours-of-labor law. Mr. J ustice McReynolds, on the other
hand, devoted his dissent to the declaration that Congress had not the
power to fix wages until the majority opinion of the court in the
present case affirmed the contrary; but considering that the power to
fix wages was now established by such ruling, the power of compul
sory arbitration “ follows as of course.” Justices Day, Pitney, and
Van Devanter denied the right of Congress compulsorily to arbitrate,
Mr. Justice Day saying: “ I am not prepared to admit that Congress
may, when deemed necessary for the public interest, force emplo^yees
against their will to continue in service in interstate commerce,”
though he said he did not regard the question as involved.
The question of classification was raised, but only briefly discussed,
since the exemption of short-line and electric railroads was held to
be valid on authority, while the charge of inequality, because the
statute deals only with specified classes of employees, was met by
the statement that “ such employees were those concerning whom the
dispute as to wages existed, growing out of which the threat of
interruption to interstate commerce arose—a consideration which
establishes an adequate basis for the statutory classification.” Here
again the viewpoint of an arbitration award is evident.
Three dissenting judges emphasized the lack of “ due process of
law,” holding that even the powers which Congress might constitu
tionally exert must be exercised in accordance with the constitu
tional requirement of the fifth amendment, that “ no person shall be
deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law,
nor shall private property be taken for public use without just com
pensation,” which they maintained had not been observed. It was
declared by this minority that the act had not the “ object, operation,
or effect ” of a regulation of commerce; that as an effort to prevent a
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strike it was intelligible; but that the emergency conferred no power
to impose the burden of increased wage payments on the carriers.
Further, it was declared that the action taken was taken in the
absence of “ the information necessary for intelligent and just treat
ment of the pending controversy,” a situation which was said to be
confessed by the appointment of an investigating commission to dis
cover the effects of the law subsequent to its enactment instead of
determining them by prior inquiry.
The answer to this contention by the majority was that Congress
evidently exercised discretion, taking the existing facts into con
sideration, as shown by its refusal to grant the full demands of the
employees, yielding in part to the objections of the employers and
establishing only a temporary fixing of wages, with opportunity for
the exercise of the private right of agreement at the expiration of the
time fixed.
It is not too much to say that the power of Congress to regulate
interstate commerce stands disclosed in a different light as a result
of this decision. I t has long been accepted that railroad service is
“ affected by public use,” but that the effect of such a classification
extended to the subjecting of railroad service, regardless of the
carrying of the mails, to a power of the Government to enforce the
duty of operation seems not to have been hitherto generally accepted.
The issue was sharply drawn in the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice
Pitney, in which he said: “ I am unable to find in the Constitution
any authority on the part of Congress to commandeer the railroads
or the services of the trainmen.”
Both sides pointed out the extent to which prior regulations had
been carried out, but they differed widely in the deductions which
should be drawn therefrom. Hours of service, safety appliances, and
the liability of the employer were recognized by both sides as being
proper subjects for such control as Congress had previously exer
cised, but the dissenting opinion pointed out that the 16-hour law
was sustained because “ the length of hours of service has direct
relation to the efficiency of the human agencies upon which protec
tion to life and property necessarily depends.” (Baltimore & Ohio
Railroad Co. v. Interstate Commerce Commission (1911), 221 U. S.,
612, 619; 31 Sup. Ct., 621.) Violation of this act subjects the com
pany to penalties enforced by the Government and also to civil lia
bility, where injury to employees is shown to flow therefrom; while
the Adamson law contains no provision for punishment for work
beyond eight hours and entails no other liability than that of pay
ment of pro rata wages during the time of excess employment, which
may be extended up to the 16-liour limit prescribed bv the act
of 1907.
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Safety-appliance acts are, as their name indicates, designed to
secure the safety of emploj^ees and travelers (Johnson v. Southern
Pac. Co. (1904), 196 U. S., 1; 25 Sup. Ct,, 158) ; while the liability
statute was sustained (Second Employers’ Liability Cases (1912),
223 U. S., 1; 32 Sup. Ct., 169), because the changes made in the law
would have a natural tendency “ to impel the carriers to avoid or
prevent the negligent acts and means which are made the basis of the
rights of recovery which the statute creates and defines/’ The brief
for the Government in the present (Wilson) case had urged the value
of an adequate wage as being “ essential to safe, regular, and efficient
service in interstate commerce, and the public, through Congress,
has a right to demand its payment.” This phase of the question,
however, was not dwelt upon by the majority opinions, nor was it
suggested that the end in view was the protection of health or the
increase of safety.
“ F R E E D O M O F C O N T R A C T .”
On one point, however, all the judges would agree, and that is
that the earlier regulations referred to and regarded as constitutional
and desirable by all, no less truly than the act under present con
sideration, are interferences with what may be called the natural
right of employers and employees to make contracts to receive and
to render service on conditions agreed to by them. This is true even
though a dissenting opinion described the act as standing “ wholly
without precedent in either State or National legislation.”
Numerous decisions exist defining and upholding freedom of con
tract, and setting forth the right of the workingman to offer his serv
ices on such conditions as his judgment approves, and no others;
while the employer may accept or reject any offer of service with
reason or without reason, the rights of both parties being secured
to them by the Federal Constitution. The exercise of natural rights,
however, comes to be subject to limitations as soon as members of
society come into contact one with another, and this natural freedom
is subjected to restraint and regulation on behalf of the public wel
fare on the one hand, while, on the other, economic and practical
limitations affecting unequally the various social groups so far
modify the theoretical freedom that it has been said that the idea
of freedom of contract is a legal fiction rather than a reality. The
immediate urgency of the conditions affecting a man without capital
that he secure an income by his personal skill or strength impels
him to make terms on conditions prescribed by the man whose accu
mulated capital places him somewhat beyond the reach of immediate
necessity for additional returns. The disadvantages under which the
former class, much the larger numerically, has labored have led to
legislative action the object of which is to equalize the bargaining
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status, and, in so far, the economic conditions of the two parties. To
such an extent has this been recognized that economists and law
makers alike are practically agreed in discarding the old laissez faire
doctrine, according to which each one is left to his own resources
and the principal of natural right controls, and much has been done
by the legislatures to relieve the “ inequalities of fortune,” with the
avowed intention of securing a more practical freedom of contract
by equalizing the position of the parties.
Restricting the present research to enactments in the fields touched
upon by the decision on the Adamson law, the following discussion
will take note of some developments, statutory and judicial, which
will be considered as in accord with the present enactment and
decision or not, according as one accepts the point of view of the ma
jority that much of the act under discussion was so fully sustained
by early decisions “ as to render the subject not disputable,” or
whether the minority position that “ the act stands wholly without
precedent ” is adopted.
HOURS OF LABOR.
The subject of the hours of labor of employed persons has been
legislated upon for many years and for a variety of reasons. The
earliest laws on the subject dealt with the employment of children,
later including women in their scope. The basis of such laws was
primarily that the individuals affected were wards of society, but
later decisions as to women have had regard for the functions of
motherhood and the dependence of the Nation for its future welfare
upon the conservation of the health of its women (Muller v. Oregon
(1908), 208 U. S., 412; 28 Sup. Ct., 324).
It is evident that the grounds for laws affecting adult males must
differ from those controlling in the foregoing instances, and the
movement for general regulations of this nature has been extremely
slow. Beginning with mines (Maryland, 1884, Wyoming, 1889),
legislation was addressed to an industry in which there were peculiar
hazards to life and health which have secured for those employed
in it a quite general restriction to an eight-hour day. Such laws are
constitutional (Holden v. Hardy (1898), 169 U. S., 366; 18 Sup. Ct.,
383), not because of their effect on the public welfare in its larger
aspect, but because they protect the individual workman from the
injurious effects of protracted hours of labor under unhealthful
conditions. Such laws are valid, therefore, rather as health than
as labor laws.
Railroad employment next came under legislative direction, begin
ning with Minnesota (1885) and Ohio (1890). The Ohio statute was
declared unconstitutional by a subordinate court, no appeal appar
ently having been taken, on the same grounds that the Supreme
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Court of Colorado rejected a law of that State dealing with em
ployees in mines, i. e., that such laws interfere with private business
and the rights of individuals to control their own affairs. However,
the safety of the public no less than the welfare of the employees
is involved in legislation limiting the hours of labor on railroads,
and Congress has acted (1907) to restrict the hours of service that
may be required or permitted where the movement of trains is in
volved, this act being held to be within the power of Congress (Balti
more & Ohio R. Co. v. Interstate Commerce Commission (1911), 221
U. S., 612; 31 Sup. Ct., 621).
Two States, Mississippi (Acts of 1912, ch. 157) and Oregon (Acts
of 1913, ch. 102), have enacted laws of general application to factory
labor, establishing a 10-hour day, and these laws have been sustained
by the State courts of last resort (State v. J. J. Newman Lumber Co.
(1912), 59 So. 923; State v. Bunting (1914), 139 Pac., 731), as an
exercise of the police power in behalf of the public welfare. The
Oregon (Bunting) case was carried to the Supreme Court on the
ground of the unconstitutionality of the statute and, as already
stated, was upheld on April 9, 1917, Mr. Justice McKenna writing
the opinion; Mr. Chief Justice White and Justices Yan Devanter
and McReynolds dissented, but without opinion.
THE OREGON 10-HOUR LAW—BUNTING v. OREGON.
F. O. Bunting, the plaintiff in error, had employed a workman,
neither in an emergency, nor paying him for overtime, and on convic
tion claimed that the act was a wage law and not a health regulation,
taking the property of the plaintiff without due process of law. It
was not denied by the plaintiff that the police power of the State
extends to health regulations, and the Supreme Court of Oregon
had declared the act to be one for the protection of the health,
well-being, and general welfare of the public, making no attempt
to fix a standard of wages. The United States Supreme Court com
mented on this conclusion, as well as on the statement of the lower
court as to the intention of the law to establish a regular 10-hour
day with a mild penalty for overtime employment. The Supreme
Court, however, did not feel required to determine the precise rea
sons for the law or the actual wisdom of its enactment, conceding
that it was in the discretion of the legislature to establish new poli
cies, even though tentative and imperfect in their beginnings, pro
vided they did not transcend constitutional limits, which it was held
was not the case in the present instance.
The contention having been made that the law is a wage law and
not an hours-of-service law, the court pointed out that the mere fact
that it was not as rigid in its prohibitions of overtime work as might
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be and enforced its penalties by means of an increase in wages paid
for overtime did not determine its classification. As to the claim that
even as an hours-of-service law it was neither necessary nor useful,
the judgment of the legislature and of the State courts was referred
to as supporting the opposite contention, which the record contained
no facts to overthrow.
The nearest approach to a precedent to the Bunting case, so far
as similarity of laws considered is concerned, is that of Lochner v.
New Tork (1905, 198 U. S., 45; 25 Sup. Ct., 539), in which a statute
of New \ ork fixing a 10-hour day and a 60-hour week for employ
ment in bakeries in the State was under consideration. This act was
held unconstitutional, five justices to four, the State court of last
resort having maintained its constitutionality, four judges to three.
In view of the fact that no reference was made to the Lochner case
m the opinion in the Bunting case the question arises whether the
court intended to distinguish the one from the other or whether
the decision in the Lochner case must be regarded as overruled. The
majority opinion announced by the New York court in the Lochner
case was that the act was properly a health regulation within the
police power of the State and having regard to the public welfare,
while the minority maintained that it was a mere regulation of labor
not warranted as a health regulation and was an interference with
the constitutional right of contract. The Supreme Court adopted the
position of the minority in the court below, holding that there was
no sufficient evidence that the occupation was so unhealthy as to
warrant the interference of the legislature with the liberty of the
individual.
“ Statutes of the nature of that under review limiting the hours
in which grown and intelligent men may labor to earn their living
are mere meddlesome interferences with the rights of the individual,
and they are not saved from condemnation by the claim that they are
passed in the exercise of the police power and upon the subject of
the health of the individual whose rights are interfered with, unless
there be some fair ground, reasonable in and of itself, to say that
there is material danger to the public health or to the health of
the employees if the hours of labor are not curtailed.”
Justices Holmes and Harlan wrote dissenting opinions, Justices
White and Day concurring with the latter. Mr. Justice Holmes
expressed the view that the majority had decided the case “ upon an
economic theory which a large part of the country does not entertain.”
Mr. Justice Harlan cited a number of authorities as to the health
fulness of the business of bakers and confectioners and stated that the
court had judicial knowledge of the fact that the length of a day’s
labor had been subject to serious consideration for a long period; he
found “ many reasons of a weighty, substantial character, based upon
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the experience of mankind,” in favor of the statute as a health law.
He also said that it was the duty of the court to sustain the statute if
not shown to be plainly and palpably inconsistent with the Federal
Constitution, leaving the State alone in the management of its purely
domestic affairs, unless violation plainly appears.
This case thus decided by a narrow margin has been cited in sub
sequent decisions as to the regulation of private employment, and
notably by the Supreme Court of Massachusetts in a case (Common
wealth v. Boston & Maine II. R. (1915), 110 N. E., 264), in which a
Massachusetts statute of 1914, limiting the hours of labor of em
ployees in and about steam railroad stations to nine per day was de
clared unconstitutional. Obviously, if laws of this type are to be
upheld it must be as an exercise of the police power of the State
“ for the protection of the health, well-being, and general welfare of
the public.” It is this basis on which the Bunting case was decided
by both the Oregon court and the Supreme Court, and it would
appear that by the latter action the decision in this case must be taken
to have displaced that in the Lochner case as a guide for subordinate
and State courts in the future.
WAGES.
In so far as legislatures have undertaken to intervene in the for
mation of the labor contract by laws affecting wages, attention has
been directed chiefly to the time and medium of payment, and only
in a slight degree to questions of amount. Laws requiring payment
of wages monthly, semimonthly, and weekly have been enacted from
time to time in a very considerable number of States of the Union
(Missouri, 1877; Indiana, 1885; etc.), and these laws have been up
held, though not uniformly. As ground for holding such laws valid,
it has been said that “ it is for the interest of the State to see that
its citizens are prosperous and comfortable, and no reason appears
why the court should interfere with a legislative conclusion that the
physical welfare of a large number of citizens would be promoted
by the enactment of a law requiring the more frequent (semi
monthly) payment of wages” (New York Central, etc., R. Co. v.
Williams (1909), 118 N. Y. Supp., 785; affirmed 199 N. Y. 108, 92
N. E. 404; see also Opinion of Justices (1896), 163 Mass. 589, 40 N. E.
713; Arkansas Stave Co. v. State (1910), 94 Ark. 27, 125 S. W. 1001;
Erie R. Co. v. Williams (1914), 233 TJ. S. 685, 34 Sup. Ct. 761).
I t is said, on the other hand, that such laws restrict the constitu
tional right of employers and employees to contract freely (Johnson
v. Goodyear Mining Co. (1900), 127 Cal. 4, 59 Pac. 304; Republic
Iron & Steel Co. v. State (1903). 160 Ind. 379, 66 N. E. 1005).
Of earlier origin are laws regulating payment in scrip, store orders,
or otherwise than in cash, New Jersey apparently taking the lead by
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an act of 1861. Such laws exist in a number of States (Ohio, 1878;
Missouri and Pennsylvania, 1881; etc.), and are constitutional in prin
ciple (Knoxville Iron Co. v. Harbison (1902), 183 IT. S. 13, 22 Sup.
Ct. 1), since, though they “ undoubtedly abridge or qualify the
right of contract,” they are justifiable as tending toward the equality
of employers and employees in the making of contracts, and are a
wholesome and proper exercise of the police power of the State.
These laws have gained a footing, however, only after a struggle
against the opinion that they were an infringement upon the natural
rights and constitutional grants of liberty.
Laws have also been enacted with the end in view of securing to
coal miners the full amounts of their earnings, where the amount of
coal mined is the basis of payment (Illinois and Pennsylvania,
1883; and other States subsequently). Early decisions of the State
courts were adverse to these laws as unduly affecting the freedom
of contract, but the Supreme Court has sustained them as a proper
exercise of the legislative judgment in behalf of a large class of
laborers, tending to secure to them their just dues and to promote the
harmonious relations of capital and labor (McLean v. State (1909),
211 IT. S. 539, 29 Sup. Ct. 206).
It is only in recent years that the idea has gained a footing that
the State might intervene to determine whether or not the earnings
of an employee were inadequate for the reasonable maintenance of
physical conditions, though this would seem to be not a very wide
step from the consideration of the effect of long and exhausting
hours of service upon health. However, the general regulation of
the wage payment by statute has never been attempted in this coun
try in private employments, in so far as the amounts to be paid
to adult males are concerned; while for women and children only a
few States have established a minimum wage by law, beginning with
Massachusetts in 1912, eight other States following in 1913.
Eleven States now have laws of this type, most of them providing
for commissions to inquire into the conditions affecting the indus
tries under consideration, and establishing a suitable minimum wage
accordingly. In a few States, however, a rate is fixed by the law
itself. Enforcement may be either by publicity, employers not
accepting the act being listed and their names published, or there
may be prosecutions to enforce compliance.
OREG O N M IN IM U M -W A G E L A W — S T E T T L E R AND SIM PSO N CASES.
The statute of Oregon is of the type last named, i. e., persons not
complying with the orders of the commission are punishable as for
misdemeanor, penalties of fine and imprisonment being provided.
The law (Acts of 1913, p. 92), has as its purpose, as indicated by its
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title, “ to protect the lives and health and morals of women and
minor workers ” by the means provided in the act. There is also
a preamble setting forth the evils to be remedied as reasons for the
enactment of the law. Employment under conditions, sanitary or
otherwise, that may be detrimental to health or morals, and for
wages inadequate to supply the necessary cost of living and main
tain women in health, or that are unreasonably low for minors, is
forbidden.
The constitutionality of this law was challenged as being beyond
the police power of the State and violating due process of law
(Stettler v. O’Hara (1914), 139 Pac., 743; Simpson v. O'Hara (1914),
141 Pac., 158). The State supreme court pointed out that laws fixing
the maximum hours of employment for women and children and for
laborers in mines or smelters, and those fixing minimum wages for
laborers upon public works, had been held constitutional in the State,
in the last instance even where the expense of the public work is
borne by individuals.
On the principle that “ such legislation must be taken as express
ing the belief of the legislature, and through it of the people,” the
court said in the Stettler case:
We think we should be bound by the judgment of the legislature that there is
a necessity for this act, that it is within the police power of the State to pro
vide for the protection of the health, morals, and welfare of women and
children and that the law should be upheld as constitutional.
An added contention was raised in the Simpson case, that the act
was an abridgement of the rights guaranteed by the fourteenth
amendment. To this the court replied that “ the right to labor for
such hours or at such wages as would reasonably seem to be detri
mental to the health or welfare of the community is not a privilege or
immunity of any citizen.”
As already stated, this act came before the Supreme Court on ap
peal from the foregoing decisions, Mr. L. D. Brandeis, now a justice,
appearing on the brief in favor of the law. Mr. Justice Brandeis not
voting, the eight remaining members of the court divided equally,
leaving the decisions of the supreme court of the State as the au
thoritative ruling.
RESTRICTIONS ON LEAVING EMPLOYMENT.
In several States the legislatures have undertaken to restrict the
leaving of employment on railroads by forbidding the abandonment
of locomotives or trains at other than the scheduled destination.
These acts in some cases mention strikes or combinations, while in
others they are directed to any unnecessary and unlawful act, in
violation of duty or contract, causing delay or stoppage of trains
(Connecticut, 1874; Illinois and Pennsylvania, 1877, etc.).
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1 1 1 some instances the prohibition extends to both the abandonment
of trains and refusing to move cars of other roads. Laws of Ken
tucky (Stat., sec. 802), and Mississippi (Code, sec. 1345), forbid
the hindering of transportation, but provide that the statute is not
to be construed to prevent any person or class of persons from quit
ting employment at any time.
Of broader scope are laws of Nevada (It. L., sec. 6588), New York
(Con. L., ch. 40, sec. 1910), and Washington (C. & S., sec. 3523),
which make it a misdemeanor willfully and maliciously, either alone
or in combination with others, to break a contract of service or
employment, knowing or having reasonable cause to believe that
the consequence would be to endanger human life or cause serious
injury, or expose valuable property to destruction or serious injury.
The effect of these provisions is clearly to restrict the termina
tion of employment to the extent of requiring trains, etc., to be car
ried to their destinations and not left on tracks where there is dan
ger of collision, jeopardizing life, or causing damage to property.
Judging from the paucity of decisions construing these laws, there
lias been little attempt or little occasion to enforce them. Inter
ference with interstate commerce by strikers abandoning the em
ployment of a railroad was enjoined in a case (Farmers’ Loan &
Trust Co. v. Northern Pacific R. Co. (1894), 60 Feel., 803), the in
junction having been issued against combining and conspiring to
quit, with or without notice, “ so as to cripple the property or pre
vent or hinder the operation of the road.” This injunction was modi
fied on appeal (Arthur v. Oakes (1894), 63 Fed., 310; 11 C. C. A.,
209), by striking out the prohibition as to quitting “ so as to cripple
the property or prevent or hinder the operation of the road,” but
leaving the injunction against quitting “ with the object and intent”
of accomplishing these ends. If, however, an employee remains in
service, he must handle the cars and freight of all roads properly
offering the same for transportation by the road on which he is at
work (In re Lennon (1897), 166 U. S., 548; 17 Sup. CL, 658).
Railroads are obligated by statute to furnish equal facilities for all
connecting roads, and it was held in this case that employees must
render the service to which the road was obligated so long as they
remained in its employment.
The opinions in this group of cases all emphasized the impropriety
of undertaking to retain workmen in employment against their will,
the judge in one case saying that “ especially is this true in the case
of railway engineers, where nothing but the most painstaking and
devoted attention on the part of the employee will secure a discharge
of his responsible duties.” The fact remains that if a man can be
compelled to haul an objectionable car or cease work entirely, or if
he can be compelled to run his train to a division point after a strike
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order has been issued, the question of an extension of such require
ments is a matter of degree and not of kind. Compulsion has often
been held to aifect the companies in the performance of the public
service devolving upon them, but no authoritative pronouncement
looking toward the rendition of service by the workmen—an ob
viously essential factor in the accomplishment of the work of the
road—seems to have been made prior to the decision in the Wilson
case. Indeed, a Georgia statute (Code, sec. 2737), declares that a
carrier receiving freight for shipment is bound to forward the same
within a reasonable time, “ although its employees strike or cease to
work ” ; though the carrier is relieved if there is violence and armed
resistance of such character as could not be overcome by the carrier
or controlled by the civil authorities when called upon by it—a re
quirement that seems to ignore the effectiveness of a passive refusal
of all available workmen to render service, even though no violence
is offered.
MEDIATION AND ARBITRATION.
No feature of the Supreme Court decision on the Adamson law
attracted more immediate and general attention than the declaration
that the act of Congress was of the nature of an arbitration award,
and that it lay within the power of Congress to determine conditions
as to wages and hours so as to secure a continuance of interstate com
merce. It was admitted that this was an unprecedented action on the
part of Congress, but it was said that the emergency was merely the
occasion of its exercise and had nothing to do with calling the power
into being, as it had existed since the adoption of the Constitution.
Mediation and arbitration as means of adjustment of personal or
industrial disputes are not dependent upon statute, but the desir
ability of statutory determination of the status and modes of action of
agencies adapted to such industrial ends has led to the establishment
by law of mediatorial or arbitral bodies in a maj ority of the States of
the Union (Maryland, 1878; Pennsylvania, 1883; Ohio, 1885, etc.),
and by Federal law. Local or State boards may be provided for, or
the State commissioner of labor may exercise mediatorial powers. In
general, action is.to be taken only on request of the parties, though
in some instances permanent State agencies may investigate on their
own motion and give publicity to their findings.
One of the most ambitious earlier attempts in this field was by the
Kansas Legislature in 1898-99, when it sought to establish a body
having some of the powers of the present-day railroad commissions,
but with authority to issue orders and compel their enforcement in
cases of labor disputes. This power was never exercised, the law
being held unconstitutional in a case involving other features (State
v. Johnson (1900), 61 Kans., 83; 60 Pac., 1068),
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Ihe most far-reaching measure enacted by any legislature thus far
is a Colorado statute (Acts of 1915, ch. 180), which establishes a
State industrial commission with a wide range of powers in indus
trial matters, including power to inquire into “ methods of avoiding
or adjusting labor disputes through peaceful and conciliatory media
tion and negotiations.” I t must also seek to promote voluntary ar
bitration, and may resort to compulsory investigation and publish
the results. Strikes and lockouts prior to or during an investigation,
hearing, or arbitration are unlawful. This statute is patterned after
the Canadian Industrial Disputes Act, and has been the subject of
considerable discussion in the press, but no decision passing upon its
constitutionality has yet been rendered.
The beginnings of Federal legislation in this field were made by
an act of October 1, 1888 (25 Stat., 501), providing for boards of
arbitration for cases of dispute affecting interstate commerce. A
board was to be selected on occasion, one member by each party, the
two persons thus selected to choose the third. The act also provided
for two commissioners to be selected by the President, one of them
to be a resident of the State or Territory in which the controversy
arose, for purposes of investigating any existing controversy and
discovering means for adjusting it. The United States Commissioner
of Labor was to be ex officio a member of this commission. Pro^
vision was thus made for voluntary arbitration, and also for a com
pulsory investigation which the President should direct. The
results of such investigation as might be made were to be given
to the public, but there were no means provided for the enforcement
of any conclusion. This law was in existence for a period of 10
years, and during this time no attempt appears to have been made
to use the arbitration methods proposed, nor was there ever an in
vestigating commission appointed, except in a single instance, that
of the Chicago strike in the summer of 1894.
On this occasion a commission consisting of the Commissioner of
Labor, Carroll D. Wright, with whom were associated John D.
Kernan, of New York, and Nicholas E. Worthington, of Illinois,
was directed by President Cleveland to make inquiry into the causes
of any pending dispute or existing controversies and to hear all
persons interested therein who might come before it, the law giving
the commission power to subpoena witnesses and require testimony
under oath. As a matter of fact, the commission did not reach the
city of Chicago, where the main part of the investigation was carried
on. until after the conclusion of the strike. The investigation was
carried through, however, as originally contemplated, and a report
published setting forth the testimony, proceedings, and recommenda
tions.1
1 Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the United States Strike Com
mission. LIV, 681 pp. Washington, 1895.
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The first recommendation was as to a permanent strike commis
sion, and was in a measure realized by the Erdman Act of 1898 (30
Stat., 424). This act designated the chairman of the Interstate
Commerce Commission and the United States Commissioner of Labor
as a commission of mediation and conciliation, which should, on the
request of either party to a controversy, attempt the amicable ad
justment of disputes affecting interstate commerce by railroad.
Mediation failing, efforts were to be made to bring about arbitration
by means of a board of three persons, one to be named by each party,
these two to select a third, and if they failed to act, the permanent
mediatorial commission should designate the third arbitrator. Sub
missions were to be in writing, and awards were to be in force for one
year after coming into effect, and on being filed in the clerk’s office
of the circuit court might be enforceable as a judgment of the court.
Exceptions and appeals were allowed. No investigation or other
action on the motion of the commission itself was provided for. A
provision as to representation of organized labor in cases in which
it was a party to the dispute was included, and there was a pro
vision against terminating contracts pending an arbitration agreed
upon by the parties. Kecommendations as to expulsion from mem
bership in incorporated labor organizations of those persons using
or instigating force or violence and as to the nonliability of indi
viduals for the acts or obligations of the corporation were also em
bodied in this act.
These provisions as to labor organizations were an amendment
to an act of 1886 (24 Stat., 86), providing for the incorporation
of national trade-unions. It may be noted that this act has been
practically a dead letter, no important organization having incor
porated under it with the exception of the Knights of Labor, which
secured a charter in 1901. An association of hotel and restaurant
employees was incorporated in 1907, one of musicians in 1909, and
perhaps one or two other small associations have availed them
selves of the provisions of this act, but none of the large or influ
ential unions of the present has a charter as a national trade-union
under this act.
. The Erdman Act was made use of but once in more than eight
years following its passage in 1898, but within the next five years
its provisions were invoked in some 60 instances with a very con
siderable measure of satisfaction. The desirability of certain modi
fications in the law was developed by experience, however, and in
1913 a new law was enacted commonly known as the Newlands
Act (act of July 15, 1913; 38 Stat., 103). By this an independent
commission was established with a commissioner and an assistant
commissioner, and “ not more than two other officials of the Gov.
ernment who have been appointed by and with the advice and
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consent of the Senate,” designated by the President to act with
the commissioner of mediation and conciliation as a United States
board on these subjects. The services of this commission are avail
able on request of either party, or it may extend an offer of its
services on its own motion. The first attempts are to be for medi
ation and conciliation, and in event of their failure, efforts to
induce submission to arbitration are to be made. Boards of arbi
tration may consist of three or six persons at the option of the
parties, one or two members to be nominated by each party, their
nominees to choose the third member, or the two additional mem
bers, according as the board consists of three or six members. The
general provisions as to procedure and awards correspond to those
of the Erdman Act, and it is this statute that was in force when
the difficulties arose wdiich led to the enactment of the Adamson
law. During the first three years of the operation of this act its
provisions were availed of in practically as many cases as was the
Erdman Act during its entire period of existence of about 15 years.
The act is still in force, though various amendments or supersed
ing bills were proposed to the last Congress, some of which have
been presented at the present session. It is too early to report
any action on these bills, however, or to discover to what extent,
if any, the principles of compulsory arbitration laid down in the
decision sustaining the Adamson law will be incorporated. Whether
or not Congress creates a board with compulsory arbitral powers,
it is obvious from the decision in the Wilson case that Congress
itself constitutes such a board and may, by a legislative decree,
establish regulations of a nature and character “ essential to pro
tect the public right and safeguard the movement of interstate
commerce.”
The right thus to interfere in contracts between employers and
employees wTas said to be derived specifically from the power of
Congress over interstate commerce, but in general also from the fact
that such commerce is affected by a public interest; since, as stated by
Mr. Chief Justice White, “ the business of common carriers by rail is
in a sense a public business because of the interest of society in the con
tinued operation and rightful conduct of such business,” a fact which
gives rise to “ a public right of regulation to the full extent necessary
to secure and protect it.” I t is of interest to note, however, that of
the three Federal arbitration laws, only the first contained any pro
vision for compulsory investigation and publicity.
The recognition of organized labor by these various statutes, and
specifically the provision of the Erdman Act providing penalties for
the discharge or threatened loss of employment of workmen by
reason of their membership in labor organizations, calls for a brief
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notice of the effect of such a provision. Approximately one-half of
the States of the Union have passed laws embodying this provision,
the intent being to protect workmen in their membership in labor
organizations. In practically every instance, however, in which laws
of this character have come before the higher courts they have been
declared unconstitutional as interfering with the rights of employers
to fix the terms on which they would hire workmen, which is cor
relative to the rights of workmen to accept or reject the terms offered
by employers, either party being free to act as he sees fit “ for any
reason or no reason.”
Because of this restrictive effect upon the freedom of contract the
provision in the Erdman Act above cited was held unconstitutional
by the Supreme Court (Adair v. United States (1908), 208 U. S.,
161; 28 Sup. Ct., 277), two justices dissenting and one taking no part
in the proceedings. Mr. Justice McKenna in his dissent dwelt at some
length on the facts developed in connection with the Chicago strike
of 1894 as supplying reasons of fact for the enactment of the law
safeguarding workmen in their membership in labor organizations,
and urged the validity of such a statute, since the rights dealt with
are “ exercised in a quasi-public business and therefore subject to con
trol in the interest of the public.” Mr. Justice Holmes also dissented,
arguing chiefly from the desirability of establishing an equality of
position between the two parties in order that there might be an
actual liberty of contract.
State courts were uniformly adverse in their rulings on acts of this
kind until a favorable determination by the Supreme Court of
Kansas in 1912 (State v. Coppage, 87 Kans., 752; 125 Pac., 8). This
case was appealed to the Supreme Court (Coppage v. Kansas (1915),
236 U. S., 1; 35 Sup. Ct., 240), and the act was there declared uncon
stitutional, three justices dissenting. The majority opinion was said
not to intimate anything contrary to the right of individuals to join
labor unions, but because the relation of employer and employee
is voluntary, no restriction can be constitutionally placed upon
either party in making contracts of employment where the public
health, safety, morals, or general welfare are not involved. The
minority believed the general welfare was involved by reason of un
equal conditions of individual employees contracting with employers,
and the belief of such employees that by united action better condi
tions can be obtained. Since this decision the State courts before
which questions of this nature have come have rendered opinions in
accordance therewith without discussion.
The reasoning of Mr. Justice McKenna in support of this para
graph of the Erdman Act is so similar to that of Mr. Chief Justice
White in his opinion sustaining the Adamson law as to attract atten
tion, and it is also worthy of notice that the dissenting opinion of
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Mr. Justice Pitney with regard to the Adamson law made frequent
reference to the opinions in the Adair and Coppage cases, citing them
as authoritative against that law.
CONCLUSION.
The foregoing review is for the purpose, as stated in the introduc
tion, of presenting the main points of the three important decisions
recently announced by the Supreme Court and of bringing them
somewhat into relation with what has gone before in the way of law
as expressed by the legislatures and courts. No attempt has been
made to be exhaustive in either enumeration or discussion of all points
involved, but the idea is rather to illustrate the attitude of those bodies
that determine the course and effect of legislation, with regard to his
torical development. I t is impossible to read this account without
recognizing that the law “ is to some extent a progressive science,”
and that changes may be expected to continue in it as they have
occurred in the past, “ and the law be forced to adapt itself to new
conditions of society, and particularly to the new relations between
employers and employees, as they arise,” (Holden v. Hardy (1898),
169 U. S., 366; 18 Sup. Ct., 383.) Regarding “ the law as a system of
rules conformable to the standards of justice and on an enlarged
view of the relations of persons and things as they actually exist,”
it is obvious that room remains for further development, such as ap
pears in moving from the decision in the Lochner case, where the
10-hour bakery law of New York was declared unconstitutional, to
that in the Bunting case, where a similar law of much broader appli
cation was held constitutional. Economic and humanitarian consid
erations, as well as precedent, have been and are operative—a fact
that was clearly expressed by Mr. Justice Holmes in his dissent in the
Lochner case, in which he declared that the majority had acted upon
a largely discarded economic theory.
The Supreme Court has now held that as to railroads, by reason
of the public interest involved, there is power to regulate both wages
and hours, and to take the necessary steps to procure continuous
operation in the interest of the public welfare; that the interests of
the public welfare likewise warrant the determination of the number
of hours per day during which “ grown and intelligent men may
labor to earn their living,” such laws being no longer regarded as
“ mere meddlesome interferences with the rights of the individual ” ;
and again that a wage rate that is not adequate for the maintenance
of health and of conditions favorable to morals can be raised by State
action in behalf of women and minors—the term minor including
persons of either sex under the age of 18 years.
It is at least of passing interest to note, too, that the women of
Oregon are not wards of the State, but voters and legislators.
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The discussion as to what is meant by a public interest or “ affected
by a public use ” has been purposely brief, partly because of the in
disputability of the statement that railroads are thus affected, and
partly because of the impossibility of establishing any real bounds
to the results of such a condition. Certainly, the decision in the
Wilson case has enlarged the general understanding as to the extent
to which Congress can go in supervising the conduct of railroads,
both companies and employees. Bills are before Congress looking
toward more thorough provisions for arbitration and providing for
the exertion by the Interstate Commerce Commission of the power to
determine hours of service and rates of wages.
Attention has also been called to those penal laws which forbid the
abandonment of trains between division points, or before the schedule
destination has been reached—this in the interest of the immediate
safety of persons and property. No doubt exists as to the power
of the Government to take over the railroads and operate them as a
war measure on the grounds of an urgent national necessity under
external pressure. Between these two legislative lines of demarca
tion lies the field of continued operation, not to avoid a temporary
danger of disaster, as in the case of a train left standing on the right
of way because of its abandonment by a striking engineer, nor to
guard against defeat by a foreign enemy because troops and arma
ments were not being transported, but to meet the ever-present and
ever-increasing necessity of a continuously maintained supply of
food and fuel for the dependent populations of congested areas whose
life and health require an unbroken flow of materials from points
near and far, available only when railroads regularly carry out the
functions for which they were created.
What is most nearly novel in these recent developments is the idea
of the obligation of the employee as a joint adventurer with the em
ployer in the conduct of this enterprise so affected by a public use
that h ehimself is not at liberty arbitrarily to interrupt its course.
The inevitableness of some such development is evident, since trains
do not move by the fiat of a board of directors, and it is not sufficient
to say that they can procure their moving by conceding whatever
terms one of the parties to a mutual undertaking may demand. That
the path of the final adjustment is a difficult one, and that obstruc
tions to anything savoring of compulsory service will be interposed,
can not be gainsaid; but to say that no adequate and just solution
safeguarding the interests of all parties—-employers, employees, and
the public—can be attained is to place a low estimate on the character
and ability of the American people. Bapid as recent developments
have been, and much as has been accomplished, the final form of
action need not be anticipated at once. As said by Mr. Justice
McKenna in the Bunting case, “ New policies are usually tentative in
their beginnings, advance in firmness as they advance in acceptance.
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They do not at a particular moment of time spring full perfect in
extent or means from the legislative brain. Time may be necessary
to fashion them to precedent customs and conditions, and as they
justify themselves or otherwise they pass from militancy to triumph
or from question to repeal.”
CANADIAN INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES INVESTIGATION ACT IN
OPERATION. 1
One of the recommendations made by the President at the time
of the impending railroad strike last September was that a law
be enacted similar to the Canadian Industrial Disputes Investiga
tion Act, the essential purpose of which is to provide machinery
for the compulsory investigation of all disagreements between
capital and labor, the occurrence of a strike or lockout being post
poned in the meantime. Considerable opposition to this recom
mendation developed, and no legislation resulted. It is claimed
by representatives of organized labor that the Canadian act has
operated to the disadvantage of the workers in the Dominion, and
if enacted in this country would reduce laborers to a condition of
compulsory servitude. Believing that it is of greater significance
to know what is thought of the act in Canada than what people
say about it in the United States, Ben M. Selekman, in the Survey
of March 31, 1917, reviews nine years of the Canadian act, in
which he gives the experience with compulsory investigation and
its application to the United States. There, as in this country, it
is stated, public officials and employers are in favor of the act
“ because it prevents hasty action.” Labor, however, while in some
instances expressing approval of the principle involved, has, through
its Trades and Labor Congress, gone on record as opposed to the
act in its entirety, but does not base its objections upon the claims
made by organized labor in the United States that compulsory servi
tude would result.
It is interesting and significant that hardly any of the Canadian tradeunionists advance the argument heard in this country against President
Wilson’s measure—that such a law means compulsory servitude for the wage
earners. On the contrary, most of them approve of the principle of the law
and direct their criticisms purely against administration defects. Their ob
jections are chiefly that the minister of labor has refused to appoint a board
on one or two occasions upon the application of a local union; that delays
have often characterized the appointment and the hearings of the boards;
and that it is difficult for them to secure a favorable decision.
Ill taking up these objections the writer shows that the disputes
act has operated there not as a compulsory investigation but as a
conciliation measure, and proceeds to point out to what extent
1 Nine years of the Canadian Act, by Ben M. Selekman, Survey, Mar. 31, 1917, pp.
710-754.
*
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some of these objections may be valid. As to the last objection,
it is suggested that the claims of the unions should be revised in
view of the following facts:
Fox’ the nine-year period ending March 31, 1916, there were altogether
161 fully established boards which conducted hearings. In 92 of these dis
putes, or over one-half, the reports were unanimous. In only 35 cases did
the employees’ representative dissent from the majority report, and in 20
the employers’ representative dissented. In three cases both dissented from
certain features of the reports, and in the remaining 11 either no decision
was rendered or the nature of the report is not clearly indicated.
The Canadian disputes investigation act which became effective
on March 22, 1907, was the result of a prolonged strike in the west
ern coal fields in 1906, which was settled by Federal intervention.
Although the law was devised primarily with reference to strikes
in coal mines, it appears from instances cited in the article that
the act “ has clearly failed to accomplish its purpose of averting
strikes.”
In all for the six-year period before the act' was passed 38 strikes ax-e re
corded in coal mines, involving an average loss per year of 121,331 days, or
26.4 per cent of all the working days lost in all strikes. In the nine-year
period subsequent to the passing of the act coal miners struck 37 times, in
volving an average loss per year of 419,223 days, or 46.9 per cent of all the
working days lost in all strikes. Thus in the latter period, in spite of the act,
the average loss per year of working days in coal-mining strikes is about three
and one-lxalf times as great as before the law was passed, and the proportion
of that total to all working days lost in all strikes almost doubled.
It is admittedly difficult, however, to state whether this condition
would have been altered and to what extent had the disputes act
not been in effect. Passing from coal mining to railroads and other
public utilities, it is shown that the disputes act has not, in fact,
operated to reduce the number of strikes. Of 716 disputes recorded
between January 1, 1901, and March 22, 1907, 15.1 per cent occurred
in those industries covered by the act, and in the period from March
22, 1907, to March 22, 1916, 16.5 per cent of the total disputes occur
ring were in such industries. In the first period the average loss of
working days per year was 201,502, or 43.9 per cent of the total time
lost in all industrial disputes, while for the second period the average
loss of working days per year was 581,936, or 65.1 per cent of the
total time lost in all disputes.
Perhaps the most serious indictment against the Canadian act. ac
cording to the author, is its failure to impose penalties for viola
tions. Approximately 84 strikes on public utilities, mostly in coal
mines, have been illegal under the act, and in only eight cases did
the Government prosecute. The author of the law, W. L. Mackenzie
King, explained to the United States Commission on Industrial Re
lations in 1914 that—
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The Government has never laid particular stress upon the penalty end of
it. The penalty part * * * has always been treated in much the same
light as penalty for trespass. If the party affected wishes to enter an action
to recover damages they may do so. * * *
So far as concerns the failure of the Canadian act as a compulsory
investigation measure, a former Canadian official writes:
The alleged failure in compulsion is put down to the nonenforcement of pen
alties, whereas it was with a view to compelling investigation where labor
wished investigation as a means of securing a redress of wrong, and not com
pelling penalties, that the act was framed. * * * Never from the time
the act was passed, when I had to do with it as registrar or as minister, was
there a single instance that I can now recall in which when this compulsory
investigation feature was invoked on behalf of labor that it was not enforceable
and applied. As a compulsory investigation act—that is to say, investigation
of a dispute under compulsion at the request of either of the parties, labor or
capital—never once during the liberal administration did its provisions in
this particular fail, and where investigation took place the results were for the
most part not only beneficial to the parties but very greatly so to the public
as well.
In drawing from the experience in Canada lessons for the United
States the author aims to make it clear that the law in that country
has not been rigidly enforced, that its effectiveness has been appraised
on incomplete data respecting the prevalence of strikes in Canada,
and that the law has not been tested with reference to the particular
problem for which it was devised.
The facts on the other hand indicate that the act has operated as a voluntary
conciliation measure. If it has prevented the occurrence of strikes it has,
therefore, done so not because it restrained workers from striking, but becaiise
the machinery afforded by it enabled men with personality and tact to bring
employers and their men together and adjust their difficulties. In addition,
serious strikes have occurred in public utilities since the act was passed. As to
the test of whether it has met the particular situation for which it was in
tended strikes in coal mines have apparently been more prolonged and more
serious in the last nine years than they were in the 16-year period before the
act was in operation. * * * As for our editorial writers, public officials, and
employers Canadian experience hardly justifies their enthusiasm for the essen
tial feature of the proposed measure—that no strike or lockout shall legally
take place before an investigation is completed. In Canada this compulsory
feature has been a dead letter so far as the miners and unskilled workers are
concerned. As for the railroad brotherhoods, it is very doubtful whether it is
necessary to restrain them from striking before the completion of an investi
gation.
The author, in conclusion, makes a strong plea for a method by
which the public may be fully advised as to the merits of controver
sies between employers and employees, so that an intelligent opinion
may be formed and wise influence exerted to bring about an adjust
ment of differences. These facts—
should be furnished by an impartial Government tribunal on which both
employers and workers may have representation. But this does not necessarily
mean that we should restrict the railway employees’ right to strike. It does
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mean, however, that the Government ought to establish the machinery both for
the continuous collection of all the facts available on the various aspects of
labor controversies and for an inquiry into the merit's of particular disputes
that arise from time to time. With a background of information previously
collected the facts about a particular dispute become more illuminating. Thus
a fully enlightened public could exert a more intelligent influence.
Following this brief statement of nine years’ experience under the
Canadian act, the Survey devotes six pages to a symposium on the
merits of the law, brief articles being submitted by John R. Com
mons, University of Wisconsin; Charles W. Eliot, president emeritus
Harvard University; J. E. Williams, chairman Hart, Scliaffner &
Marx Trade Agreement; William O. Thompson, former counsel of
the United States Commission on Industrial Relations; James
O’Connell, second vice president American Federation of Labor;
James C. Watters, president of the Trades and Labor Congress,
Canada; FI. R. Towne, Yale & Towne Manufacturing Co.; Harris
Weinstock, former member of the United States Commission on
Industrial Relations; and Elisha Lee, chairman Conference Commit
tee of Railroad Managers.
Prof. Commons thinks that the present voluntary system has
broken down in this country because of a defect in the Newlands
law, in that it does not provide a joint board of grievances or adjust
ment to take up matters of interpretation and enforcement.
Dr. Eliot would amend the Canadian act, if it is to be adopted in
this country, by making it apply to trades and employments which
are concerned with fuel, food, public lighting systems, telephones,
telegraphs, and all transportation, and by providing that penalties
for violation “ should be imposed on the organizers, heads, or leaders
of unions that violate the law, and it should be made the duty of the
Government to prosecute such offenders.”
J. E. Williams is “ of the opinion that enforced delay would
greatly diminish the chances of success of a strike for recognition.
This obvious disadvantage would probably array the labor bodies
of this country solidly against the waiting policy and make it hard
to enforce.” He thinks that, while it may be desirable to have an
investigation, if it can be secured, preceding the declaration of a
strike, it should be made optional and not compulsory.
Voluntary collective bargaining is believed by William O. Thomp
son to be preferred to purely industrial restrictive acts, such as the
Canadian act. Any laws which “ attempt to lay down arbitrary
methods are bound to become obnoxious and in the end either
become dead letters or are emasculated by common consent, so that
they conform to the general opinion. This is what has occurred in
the case of the Canadian act, which has become an act of conciliation.”
“ Under compulsory investigation,” asserts James O’Connell, labor
representative, “ the employer has all the advantage—unlimited time
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701
to prepare for the strike, right to discharge an employee, right of
reducing his force—thus giving him an equal advantage over his
workmen.” He emphasizes the fact that the Canadian law has been
violated, followed by very few prosecutions, and also that organized
labor believes in voluntary conciliation, mediation, and arbitration,
and not in compulsion.
James C. Watters expresses the opinion that complete liberty of
action should be allowed employers and employees to declare a
lockout or call a strike, but thinks provision should be made to
establish a board of conciliation and investigation, either before or
after a strike or lockout exists.
The mere fact of a means being provided by which settlement of a dispute
may be effected without resorting to a strike or lockout would prove a greater
factor in maintaining industrial peace and preventing strikes than the act as it
now stands, * * *.
The principle involved in the Canadian act, according to C. R.
Towne, may be applied to corporations other than those of a public
nature, but for the latter he advocates that a person shall be em
ployed with the understanding that he is legally obligated by con
tract to continue therein for a specified term, during which term
he may not lawfully quit that employment nor be lawfully dis
charged from it, with penalties for violation by either party.
Harris Weinstock takes occasion to discount the argument of labor
that compulsory investigation deprives a worker of his personal
liberty because it makes him keep on working when he wants to quit,
and cites the fact that when a man joins the union he stands obli
gated, in the event of a strike, to waive his personal liberty and to
quit work when he does not want to quit. The loss of personal
liberty in each case is equal. In the one he waives it for the good of
organized labor and in the other he waives it for the public good.
Labor has contended that under the present system it is difficult to
select neutral and unprejudiced arbitrators and also that in the
past the awards have been interpreted and applied by the railroads.
In a brief statement, Elisha Lee undertakes to refute these objections
and emphasizes the position of the railroads, namely, “ that they
are willing that the merits of the claims of the employees, as well
as their own, shall be passed upon by some competent but impartial
tribunal appointed by proper Federal authority, and that they will
abide by their findings, whatever that may be.”
RETAIL PRICES OF FOOD IN THE UNITED STATES.
A comparison of prices for February 15 and March 15,1917, shows
that the retail price of the principal articles of all food combined
was the same for each specified month. Of the 27 articles included
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in the bureau’s reports, 19 show an increase, 6 remain the same; eggs
decreased 32 per cent, this great decrease neutralizing the increase
shown by other articles. Leaving out eggs, a comparison between
the two months shows an increase of approximately 3 per cent in
March over the price of February. Lard increased 9 per cent, bacon
and sugar 8 per cent, pork chops 7 per cent, and ham 6 per cent;
bread was but 1 per cent higher on March 15 than on February 15.
The 6 articles remaining the same were milk, rice, prunes, raisins,
coffee, and tea.
The following table shows the average money prices and the rela
tive prices of the principal articles of food on February 15 and
March 15, 1917:
A V E R A G E M O N E Y R E T A IL P R IC E S A N D R E L A T IV E R E T A IL P R IC E S O F FO O D ON
F E B . 15 A N D M AR. 15, 1917.
[The relative price shows th e per cen t th a t th e average price on th e 15th of each m o n th was of the average
price for th e year 1916.]
Average m oney
price.
Article.
Sirloin steak...............
Round steak..............
Rib roast....................
Chuck roast.................
Plate boiling beef.......
Pork chops..................
Bacon.........................
Ham...........................
Lard...........................
Hens...........................
Salmon, canned.........
Eggs, strictly fresh__
Butter, creamery........
Cheese.........................
Milk.............................
Bread......................... .
Flour..........................
Com meal..................
Rice............................
Potatoes.....................
Onions....................... .
Beans, navy...............
Prunes.......................
Raisins, seeded..........
Sugar..........................
Coffee.........................
Tea.............................
R elative price.
U n it.
P o u n d ..........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
D o zen ...........
P o u n d ..........
........d o ...........
Q u a rt...........
16-oz. loaf1. .
i-b b l. b a g . . .
P o u n d ..........
........d o ...........
P e c k .............
P o u n d ..........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
........d o ...........
Feb. 15,
1917.
Mar. 15,
1917.
Feb. 15,
1917.
$0. 287
SO. 295
.267
.233
.193
. 146
.279
.333
.338
.238
.270
105
106
106
108
All articles combined
.2 0 0
.225
.186
.141
.261
.307
.318
.219
.267
.216
.506
.469
.315
.2 2 2
.349
.461
.323
.1 0 0
.1 0 0
.071
1.369
.041
.091
.761
.072
1.401
.041
.091
.778
.125
.154
.141
.141
.087
.299
.546
.1 2 2
.149
.141
.141
.081
.299
.546
110
115
107
108
125
113
107
135
119
122
110
109
127
Mar. 15,
1917.
108
109
110
112
114
123
116
115
136
117
110
93
117
125
no
no
130
120
100
122
100
188
249
135
105
109
192
255
140
105
109
109
101
100
100
117
100
100
117
1 16 ounces (w eight of dough).
From March 15, 1913, to March 15, 1917, the price of all food
combined increased 38 per cent, while from March, 191G, to March,
1917, the increase was 24 per cent. The article showing the greatest
price variation from March, 1916, to March, 1917, is onions, which
show an increase of 180 per cent, while potatoes advanced 113 per
cent. Each article, except rice, coffee, and tea, increased in price
from March, 1916, to March, 1917, and all articles for which infer
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mation is given for the four-year period advanced, potatoes showing
the greatest change in price, or an increase of 237 per cent.
The table following shows in detail the average and relative retail
prices for March 15 of each year from 1913 to 1917.
A V E R A G E M O N EY R E T A IL P R IC E S , A N D R E L A T IV E R E T A IL P R IC E S , ON MAR. 15
O F EA C H Y E A R , 1913 TO 1917.
{The relative price shows th e p er cent th a t th e average price on th e 15th of March was of th e average price
for th e year 1916.J
A verage m oney price, Mar. 15—
Article.
1913 ! 1914
Sirloin s te a k ...........
R ound steak ...........
R ib ro a st.................
Chuck ro a s t............
P la te boiling b e ef..
P ork chops.............
B acon.......................
H a m .........................
L a rd .........................
H e n s .........................
Salmon, canned___
Eggs, stric tly fresh.
B u tte r, cream ery ..
Cheese.......................
M ilk..........................
B re a d .......................
F lour........................
Corn m e a l................
R ice...........................
Potatoes...................
O nions.....................
Beans, n a v y ............
P ru n e s ___ ................
R aisins, seeded___
Sugar........................ .
Coffee........ ...............
Tea.............................
R elative price, Mar. 15—•
U nit.
P o u n d ...
...d o .........
...d o .........
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
...d o .........
...d o .........
...d o .........
D ozen__
Pound...
...d o .........
Q u a rt___
16-oz.loaf1
i-b b l. bag
P o u n d ...
...d o .........
P e c k ........
Pound...
do.
do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
$0.254
230
199
169
124
209
267
265
156
224
089
231
279
054
051
1915
1916
1917
1913 1914 1915 1916 191?
SO. 246
$0.262
.233
.206
.165
.124
.218
.276
.303
.182
.229
80. 295
.267
.233
. 193
. 146
.279
.333
.338
.238
.276
.200
.222
90
90
92
93
95
78
92
87
87
90
98
.285
.402
.250
.088
.064
.959
.032
.091
.365
.045
.092
.133
.126
.074
.299
.546
.349
.461
.323
.221
.195
.160
.122
.177
.264
.256
.152
.212
.198
.255
.359
.232
.088
.003
1.089
.033
.091
.215
.033
.076
.137
.125
.066
.299
.546
All articles combined.
68
91
90
97
97
.100
.072
1.401
.041
.091
.778
.125
.154
.141
.141
.087
.299
.546
.1 85
87
110
112
114
123
116
115
136
117
110
93
117
125
97
100
100
53
67
69
97
82
90
91
84
99
98
93
192
255
140
105
109
109
100
100
100
100
100
100
102
64
102
108
109
97
97
99
89
95
101
57
96
95
97
96
97
96
96
103
104
97
99
76
86
110
110
130
122
100
117
1 16 ounces (w eight of dough).
GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF FOOD SUPPLIES IN GERMANY.1
While requisitioning, price fixing, and even rationing of the neces
saries of life has become the prevailing condition in a large part of
Europe because of the present war, it is in Germany that State inter
vention is carried out in the most extensive and thorough manner.
Current opinion in the United States is apt to judge the food
situation of Germany solely from the standpoint of the blockade.
This is incorrect. The German regulation for the control of food
supplies, the mobilization of the various factors of subsistence, was
1 In the absence of official sources, the bureau, in order to include Germany in the
present discussion of Government control of food supplies in European countries, has
made liberal use of an article, “ The Control of Food Supplies in Blockaded Germany,”
by Prof. Alonzo Englebert Taylor, printed in the Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia
(issues of Feb. 17 and 24, and Mar. 3, 1917). Prof. Taylor was in Germany until the
end of October, 1916, and at first hand made a study of food-supply conditions in that
country.
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in reality a war measure. The blockade accelerated the introduc
tion of regulations for the control of food supplies and in part
determined the enactments and modified the scale of nutritional
units. Although the blockade made the mobilization of foodstuffs
more difficult in many ways, it facilitated in some waj7s the enforce
ment of measures considered necessary. The mobilization of food
supplies in Germany, through governmental control, represents,
therefore, a wrar measure and an antiblockade defense, but primarily
and essentially an internal war measure. Entirely apart from ex
ternal considerations, it was necessary for Germany to enact meas
ures to prevent manipulation and speculation in foodstuffs, to elimi
nate waste, and to enforce economy.
To understand what Germany has accomplished in food control,
it is necessary to have a clear understanding of her agricultural
conditions and of the normal German diet.
A G R IC U L T U R A L C O N D IT IO N S IN G ER M A N Y .
The soil of Germany is of inferior grade. Prussia, which con
tains nearly 65 per cent of the area of the Empire and about twothirds of the arable land, has relatively little first-grade soil, and
nearly one-half of the acres are of distinctly low grade. Large
areas of Bavaria, Württemberg, and Baden are mountainous. Much
of the soil of northern Germany is sandy. The soil requires heavy
fertilization and demands intensive cultivation, entailing much labor.
Rotation of crops in some sections is made unusually difficult by the
chemical composition or physical properties of the soils. But while
the soil is distinctly inferior to that of Great Britain and France,
agriculture is successful in Germany because the cultivation of the
soil has been made the subject of intensive scientific study. The
area of Germany is about 133,580,000 acres, of which about 85,275,000
acres are under cultivation.
In the 30 years before 1913 the average yield of wheat rose from
19 to 32, barley from 23 to 36, and oats from 25 to 44 bushels per
acre, while the yield of potatoes rose from 3.5 to 5.5 tons per acre.
Seventy-five persons are now fed with the produce of each 100 acres
of cultivated land. This result has been due largely to artificial
fertilization and scientific rotation of crops.
Germany possessed large herds of domesticated animals, and since
she had only one-third of her agricultural land in grasses and twothirds under cultivation for crops, this live stock had to be nourished
to a large extent upon concentrated feeds. Germany did not produce
enough such fodder and imported each year from one-fourth to onethird of the feed required for her livestock. From the military point
of view, this was the weakest feature in German agriculture.
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705
DEFECTS OF THE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM.
One point of weakness in the agricultural system was the extreme
dependence upon hand labor, and the scarcity of machinery for the
most efficient handling of crops. Just prior to the war, about 20
laborers were engaged on each 100 acres of cultivated land, of whom
one-third were not permanently engaged in farm labor. The pre
dominance of female labor was another weakness. Of the perma
nent employees, about .one-half, and of the transients, two-thirds,
were women. Nearly the total working power of the agricultural
population was, in time of peace, already engaged in cultivation of
the soil. When the men were withdrawn, a tremendous amount of
extra work was placed upon the remaining workers, largely women,
and their work could not be speeded up as much as that of men.
Finally, a grave defect was the lack of fat-bearing crops. Fat is
an especially desirable ingredient in forced feeding of dairy cattle.
Concentrated feeding stuffs, rich in fat, had, however, never been
developed in Germany, but were imported largely from the United
States in the form of oil meal, oil cake, peanut meal, etc.
DIET OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE.
Before the war the diet of the German people was a composite of
food produced within their borders and imported from the outside
world. Importation of food was both direct and indirect. Germany
imported meat directly, she also imported feeding stuffs from which
meat wTas produced.
Bread was the staple article of diet, particularly in the southern
portions of Germany. In Prussia, where potato yields are heavy, the
use of the potato was much greater than in south Germany. Sea fish
was used to a large extent by the Prussians and in the western sec
tions adjacent to the North Sea. The use of pork had assumed large
proportions, while beef was limited largely to the well-to-do classes
in the cities. Everywhere dairy products comprised a large fraction
of the intake, but particularly in south Germany. The use of sugar
had greatly increased, though never to the extent practiced in
America.
With the advent of the modern centrifuge, the German peasant
was able to sell his cream to the cities or to dairies operating for
the urban trade. The result was a lessened consumption of dairy
products on the farm, a larger shipment of these products to the
cities, and the importation of other food to the farm. The number
of cows was yearly increased, and to feed these, concentrated feeding
stuffs were imported in increasing amounts, because the develop
ment of pasture land had not kept pace with the increase in live stock.
The diet of the people in the cities has developed in the direction
of the greater use of meat and dairy products. The per capita meat
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m o n t h l y rev iew of t h e bu reau of labor sta tistics .
consumption of the Germans has doubled within the last three de
cades, and this increase has largely taken place within the cities.
In order to supply the demands of the cities for meat—largely
pork—the stock raisers of Germany followed the example of the
dairymen; they increased the number of animals and imported the
feeding stuffs required.
The peasants of Germany lived largely on the vegetable products
of the soil, supplemented by dairy products and a moderate amount
of pork and veal. The staples of the industrial classes were rye
bread, potatoes and pork; butter, milk, and cheese being consumed
in but limited amounts. The diet of the well-to-do classes in the
cities was only limited by the offerings of the markets.
THE ELTZBACHER COMMISSION.
Shortly after war was declared the German Government ap
pointed a commission of scientists to prepare a report upon which
to base defensive food measures. This commission, commonly called
the Eltzbacher Commission, devoted several months to the study of
the production, distribution, and consumption of food. The statisti
cal data available were very fragmentary; nevertheless, the commis
sion proceeded to make an inventory of the food consumption, food
production, and food needs of Germany, in accordance with correct
scientific procedure. Classified on the basis of derivation, the peace
time food supplies of Germany were arranged by the commission as
follows:
1. Plant food grown from German fertilizer.
2. Plant food grown from imported fertilizer.
3. Animal food produced from vegetation not fit for human consumption.
4. Animal food produced from nutrients fit for human consumption.
5. Animal food produced from imported feeding stuffs.
6. Animal food derived from inclosed and adjacent fresh and salt waters.
7. Plant food grown in surrounding neutral countries from native fertilizer.
8. Plant food grown in surrounding neutral countries from imported fer
tilizer.
9. Animal food produced in surrounding neutral countries from fodder native
and not fit for human consumption.
10. Animal food produced in surrounding neutral countries from domestic
nutrients fit for human consumption.
11. Animal food produced in surrounding neutral countries from imported
feeding stuffs.
12. Animal food from fresh and salt waters of surrounding neutral countries.
13. Plant food from overseas direct.
14. Plant food from overseas via neutral surrounding countries.
15. Animal food from overseas direct.
16. Animal food from overseas via surrounding neutral countries.
17. Colonial wares from overseas direct.
18. Colonial wares from overseas via surrounding neutral countries.
A complete blockade would obviously exclude all food under Nos. 2, 5, 7, 8,
9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18; but the financial interest of the citizens
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707
of the surrounding neutral countries does not coincide with the purpose of
the blockade, which can not be made complete under Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, and 12.
It was the purpose of the blockade to place every contiguous neutral country
in an inclosed situation, exportation to Germany being made indirectly
impossible.
It was clear to the Eltzbacher Commission at the outset that the direct re
sults of the food blockade must result largely from the abolition of importation
of fertilizers, feeding stuffs, meats, and fats. An attempt was made to evalu
ate the foodstuffs produced in surrounding neutral countries independently of
their own importations, but the results were very evasive. As a matter of fact
it has been the results of the application of the blockade that taught both
the Germans and the allies the exact extent to which the surrounding coun
tries were able to contribute foodstuffs to Germany.
The Eltzbacher Commission devoted particular attention to Germany’s own
production of feeding stuffs. The following data had to be determined:
1. How many domestic animals were produced yearly?
2. How many domestic animals were imported and exported yearly?
3. For the animals produced yearly, whence came the feed?
4. How much roughage and green feed were produced yearly?
5. How much pasture had Germany for the different classes of live stock?
6. How much concentrated feeding stuffs were produced each year?
7. How much concentrated feeding stuffs were imported and exported each
year?
8. How much concentrate was produced in the surrounding neutral countries?
As a result of their deliberations the Eltzbacher Commission prepared an
elaborate report. In this report were tabulated:
(а) The amounts of foodstuffs consumed by Germany in a year.
(б) The proportions that were produced in Germany.
(c) The proportions of the foodstuffs that were produced in Germany from
imported fertilizers and feeding stuffs.
The commission enunciated a standard for the food needs of the people of the
Empire, and the differences between the figures for need and the figures for
consumption were portrayed as waste, which it was the imperative duty of the
Germans to avoid in war time. Recommendations for increased production
were also formulated, whereby the restriction due to the blockade could be
partly obviated.
A survey of the relations of consumption and production of concentrates and
fodders makes it clear that it would not be possible for Germany to maintain,
under blockade, the normal number of domesticated animals. In order to re
duce the number of animals to the plane of available feeding stuffs the com
mission recommended, after weighing the relative values of dairy products
and pork on the basis of cost of production and availability in consumption,
the slaughter of one-third of the swine and 10 per cent of the milch cows, the
numbers to be held to that level.
In addition to the work of this commission, independent scientists published
the results of original investigations, confirming, in the main, the findings of
the commission, though differing in essential features. Investigations were also
carried out for the purpose of determining the total feed supply of the Empire,
in order that the subsistence of all domesticated animals might be planned out
on a ration basis.
Prof. Taylor has made an independent calculation of the food con
sumption of Germany, based on official data for the years 1912 and
1913. The following table contains the estimates of four different
92746°—17---- 5
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calculations for protein, fat, carbohydrate, and calories per head per
day:
C O N SU M PTIO N O F FO O D U N IT S IN G ER M A N Y , 1912-13.
Total.
Pro
tein.
B allo d ................
E ltzbach er........
K uczynski and
Z u n tz .............
T a y lo r...............
F a t.
Im p orted.
Carbo- Calo
hy
ries.
drate.
Pro
tein.
F at.
Oz.
0.85
.90
Oz.
0. 88
1.60
Oz.
0.8
1.5
3,550 2 1.13
.90
2, 790
2 1.06
1.06
2 1.4
1.4
Oz.
3.10
3.30
O z.
2.15
3.75
Oz.
14.5 ‘ 2,708
18.7 3,642
3. 70
3.25
3.11
2.33
20.1
16.0
Domestic.
Carbo- Calo
hy
ries.
d rate.
Carbo- Calo
hy
ries.
drate.
Pro
tein.
F a t.
i 450
715
Oz.
2.25
2.40
Oz.
1.30
2.10
Oz.
13.5
17.2
* 2,480
2,927
2 473
550
2.57
2.35
2.05
1.27
18.7
14.6
3,077
2,240
1 Lack of agreem ent due to fact th a t B allod estim ated exported sugar as a dom estic food.
* Direct plus indirect im p o rts calculated b y Taylor.
The food need of a people can not be judged by the total or the
per capita consumption. The figures for the total consumption are
too high, because they include all loss and waste. Those for the per
capita consumption are misleading, because they are based on the
assumption of equal rations for adults, children, infants, and aged
people. Scientists allow for the individual variations in what is
known as the man ration. The food-need of the adult male is set at
100, the food-need of the adult female at from 80 to 90, and the foodneeds at different ages from infancy on, according to determined
standards.
In the Eltzbacher report the German population was taken as 68.000.000. The
number of children of each year of age and the number of adult males and fe
males were known. The figure for the number of children of each year of age
was multiplied by the figure for the food-need of that year. The number of adult
females and the number of adult males were multiplied, respectively, by 85 and
100. The final figure for the needed food units—a compromise between several
standards—was 51,822,908.
This figure means that the population of 68.000,000 would be nourished if
it received the ration of 51,822,908 adults. Three thousand calories was the
figure set for the adult need—100. The caloric needs of the German people
were, therefore, determined by the simple multiplication: 3,000 X 365 X
51,822,908=56,750,000,000,000 calories. When this figure for total calories, de
termined on the basis of man ration, is divided by the figure for the population,
the result is 2,280 calories a day; in other words, the per capita ration cor
responded to 76 per cent of the man ration.
The protein needs of the people were also calculated. Children under 6 years
of age were allotted 1.4 ounces a day; from 6 to 12, about 1.75; from 12 to 18,
about 2.3. The adult men were allotted 2.9 ounces; the adult women were
vouchsafed 2.4. The total daily protein needs for the population were, there
fore, set at 1,605.000 metric tons a year.
The figures for peace time requirements in protein and calories adopted by
the German commission are higher than competent investigators in different
parts of the world regard as necessary. In particular, what might he termed
the American school, led by Chittenden, regards as adequate very much lower
intakes of foodstuffs; and these figures are based upon extensive tests with
healthy men over long periods of time.
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It will make the matter clearer to show these figures here for com
parative purposes:
PROTEIN NEEDS.
Per capita.
Eltzbacher_________________________ 2. 30
Taylor_____________________________ 2.15—war time
Chittenden______-______________ -____ 1. 5
Man ration.
2. 83
2. 5
1. 8
CALORIC NEEDS.
Per capita.
Man ration.
Eltzbacher_________________________ 2380—peace time 3000
Taylor_____________________________ 2510—war time 3300
Chittenden_________________________ 2030
2600
From the data collected by the Eltzbacher commission it was clear that the
peace-time consumption in calories was from one-third to one-half in excess of
physiological requirements, and that the calories of domestic production in
peace time were sufficient to cover the needs. The peace-time consumption of
protein was 50 per cent in excess of the figure accepted for need; and the
domestic production of protein was just large enough to cover the need. It was
also apparent from the data that the fat consumption of peace time was so large
as to deserve the term luxurious, and the fat of domestic origin was enough to
cover the normal requirements.
On paper, therefore, it seemed clear to the German scientists that if the
German people would reduce their consumption to the plane of physiological
needs, and maintain the domestic production on the peace-time basis, they would
be able to sustain a food blockade without injury. It will be of interest to
tabulate the recommendations of this commission, not only because they make
the Whole question clearer, but because they illustrate the systematic scientific
consideration given to the questions.
FOOD RECOMMENDATIONS.
The difference between need and use, the waste of one-third to one-half in
protein, fat and carbohydrate must he obliterated, since, if this waste continues
under domestic production, want would be inevitable.
All luxurious living to be controlled—especially in public eating places.
The plane of peace-time production must be at least maintained. Necessary
to this end is adequate labor on the land, sufficient use of fertilizer, proper
rotation of crops, careful gardening and proper storage.
Production to be increased by cultivation of vacant land.
The cultivation of vegetables to be encouraged and the public exhorted to
eat more vegetables and cereals and less of animal products.
The use of rye bread to be encouraged; that of wheat reduced.
The raising of hares, goats, and sheep to be encouraged.
Exportation of foodstuffs to be prohibited and the importation of foodstuffs
from neighboring states to be encouraged.
The use of grain for the manufacture of starch and alcoholic beverages, and
for other industrial purposes, to be reduced.
The use of starch for the manufacture of alcohol for technical use to be
reduced to the plane of “ important uses of alcohol.”
Waste in soap to be reduced.
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Domestic animals to be reduced in number by slaughter to that number which
can be fed on domestic feeding stuffs, the meat thus secured to be conserved
for future use.
The prohibition of feeding bread grains to animals.
Regulation of feeding of potatoes to animals.
Reduction of mimber of milch cows to plane of necessity; no milk to be fed
to swine.
Regulation of use of oats and barley in feeding animals.
Control of use of sugar beets as fodder.
Equal distribution of foodstuffs to all.
MEASURES OF FOOD CONSERVATION DURING THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR.
Two measures of conservation were enacted during the first year of the w ar:
(a)All grains were declared subject to confiscation; the bread grains were re
served for human consumption; a bread ration established; feeding of bread
grains to domestic animals was prohibited. The utilization of bread grains
for industrial purposes was restricted ; the use of barley for the manufacture
of malt was reduced one-third; the oats were confiscated for the use of the
army and work horses, and the feeding of barley and maize placed under a
general regulation.
This was, in part, a paper regulation only; the grains were subject to con
fiscation, and such quantities as were needed, weekly and monthly, were taken
possession of, but the grains that lay with the producers were not held .in
reserve in the same manner as though they had been impounded in Government
warehouses. The millers were instructed to mill rye flour to 82 per cent of
the grain and wheat flour to 80 per cent of the grain. The flours thus obtained
were somewhat more nourishing than the finer bolted flours of peace time, and
the yield in flour was, of course, materially greater; but the lessened residue
in grain offal for feeding purposes was a disadvantage, since the fodder calcu
lations had been based upon the normal production of grain offal.
The peace-time consumption of rye and wheat, in the proportion of about two
to one, was about 1 pound a head a day—higher in Bavaria, lower in North
Prussia. The bread and flour ration of the Empire, fixed in the winter of
1914-15, was equal to one-half of a pound of flour, which was much less than
the flour ration of peace time. Though ostensibly the bread card was imperial
and supposed to be uniform in all portions of the Empire, this was not strictly
the case; in particular, considerable leeway was allowed in the purchase of
flour in different portions of the country.
(6) The recommendations of the Eltzbacher Commission for the reduction of
swine and cattle were carried out during the first four months of 1915. Ap
proximately one-third of the swine and 10 per cent of the milch cows—sup
posedly about a million and a half—were killed. About the time when the
killing of the swine was under way, in March, an inventory of the potato
stocks led to the official statement that these were low. Since the potato in
Germany was one of the staple swine feeds, it was decided to kill rather more
than the denominated number of swine in order to meet the loss in potatoes.
Two months later another potato inventory was taken, revealing the fact that
the previous inventory had been in error and that the killing of the additional
swine had been entirely unnecessary, since the potatoes were available; and
these potatoes were thrown upon the market at a huge loss in price and to a
large extent underwent decomposition.
No oxen were killed, and the killing of calves was not in excess of the usual
number; the slaughter did not extend to sheep and goats, which, on the con-
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trary, were conserved with foresight. The presence of such huge amounts of
meat upon the market unquestionably resulted in increased consumption during
the first six months of 1915. According to the plan, by far the largest portion
of the meats thus obtained was to be conserved for future use, and should
have represented a very large stock of conserved meat. The processes of con
servation were, however, carried out very inefficiently, with the result that a
large portion of this meat underwent decomposition and became a complete loss.
The crops of the year 1914, though rather low, had been excellently garnered;
the sugar crop was in excess of the normal; a great deal of food got in, because
of the imperfect blockade; and, all in all, the nutrition of all classes of the
German people was practically normal during the first year of the war.
FOOD SUPPLY CONDITIONS DURING THE SECOND YEAR OF THE WAR.
There was inadequate preparation of the soil for the crops of
1915 and a definite lack of fertilizer. Because of the unfavorable sea
son, there was a low yield in grains, hay, and sugar beets, but, on
the other hand, a record crop of potatoes. The total grain yield of
1914 was nearly 4,000,000 tons lower than in 1913, the yield of 191.5
being 5,000,000 tons less than the crop of 1914. Four hundred thou
sand tons had been set aside as reserve for the army. When the
quantities allotted for the flour ration, plus the amounts devoted to
industrial purposes and for seed, were subtracted from-the known
amount of grain available from the crop of 1914 there remained
some three and one-half million tons of wheat and rye to extend
over into the new year. But when the inventory of 1915 was made
this grain had disappeared.
The importation of grain in the two years before the war was
between 16 and 20 per cent of the domestic production. The agra
rians had less grain of their own raising; they were denied the nor
mal amount of domestic grain offal by the new milling regulations,
and the blockade excluded the grain previously imported. This
created for the agrarians a dilemma, despite the reduction in cattle
and hogs; and this dilemma they solved by the simple procedure
of feeding the excess of grains that had been made liable to confisca
tion, on paper, but had, in fact, been allowed to remain in the pos
session of the producers.
The low crop in sugar beets brought with it, also, the revelation
that the sugar supply of the previous crop was exhausted. At the
outbreak of the war Germany had 400,000 tons of crude sugar from
the crop of the previous year; the new crop amounted to about
2,600,000 tons, so that 3,000,000 tons was available. To the amaze
ment of the scientists, the Government in October, 1914, gave per
mission for the exportation of 1,100,000 tons, the explanation being
that it complied with the wishes of the powerful syndicate of sugar
refiners, gratified the importunities of the surrounding neutral coun
tries, and raised the rate of exchange.
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Regulations for the control of the utilization of sugar-beet residue,
molasses, crude and refined sugars for food, fodders, and industrial
uses were established late in the fall of 1914. These did not include
physical confiscation, but authorization of control. In order to pro
vide larger supplies for live stock, recovery of refined sugar from
molasses was later prohibited. During the winter of 1914-15 the
consumption of sugar was much above normal. Very large amounts
were consumed in the army and in hospitals and by the people in
general.
In the autumn of 1915, within six months after one-third of the
swine and a million and a quarter of milch cows had been killed,
two meatless days (Tuesday and Friday) and two fatless days
(Monday and Thursday) were introduced by decree. Maximum
prices were decreed for retail sales, but without correlation and
usually without result.
Gradually the lines became drawn between cities and industrial
districts, on the one hand, and the country districts, on the other.
To protect themselves the country districts prohibited export. The
authorities attempted, in a half-hearted manner, to oppose such
regulations and to reestablish the flow of foodstuffs in the channels
of trade by increasing the maximum prices. A maximum price,
once established, became, of course, the only price. As opposed to
the regulations of the cities and of the imperial authorities, the
regulations of the smaller districts were naturally more effective.
Restrictive regulations spread over the entire land, each community
looking out for its own interests, and it was soon apparent that the
industrial cities were at a disadvantage.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE WAR NUTRITION OFFICE.
Control over the food supply of the Empire was, up to June, 1916,
vested in the imperial department of the interior (Reichsamt des
Innern ), of which von Delbrück was secretary. Dissatisfaction with
the measures taken by this department became general during the
second year of the war.
The worst mistake of the Delbrück régime was in trying to
regulate the sale and use of food without knowing how much food
existed. The food-card system in particular evoked the severest
criticism, this criticism being caused not so much by the rationing
of food as by the long waiting in front of shops for the sale of
foodstuffs. The food cards, with the exception of the bread cards,
did not carry any guarantee, but merely gave the holder the right
to stand in line for hours and take the chances. When the supply
for the day was exhausted the remaining shoppers were turned
away. Disturbances of the peace were frequent, and it was felt as
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a grievous injustice that by this.waiting in front of shops the women
were withheld from household duties for hours.
When Delbriick resigned a separate department, called the war
nutrition office, was created directly under the chancellor. The
president of this office was given absolute police powers under mar
tial law, with a standing committee of experts representing the pro
ducers, transporters, middlemen, consumers, and the army.
The new system was installed on June 1, 1916, with Adolph von
Batocki as president of the war nutrition office. Under the new
organization the powers centralized in the war nutrition office author
ized the following procedures :
The produce of the soil, plant and animal, may be confiscated in toto.
The amount of his produce that is to belong to the producer for the use of
the producer class is determined by the authorities.
The feeding of all livestock is governed by regulation.
The acreage and rotation of crops may be regulated.
The use of fertilizer is under official control.
The use that the grower may make of the crop allotted to him is specified.
The price for produce to the producer is fixed by regulation.
The milling of grain, the composition of flour, the composition of bread,
and the disposition of grain offal are determined by regulation.
The amount of grain that may be used in the manufacture of alcoholic bever
ages is limited by order.
The manufacture of industrial products from produce of the soil, such as
starch, alcohol, soap, is limited and regulated.
The disposition of live stock is under regulation ; so much and such stock is
prepared for market, set apart for the dairy, and so on. The slaughtering of
animals for food is under central control.
The uses to which milk is put are determined by regulation. The importa
tion and exportation of all foodstuffs and fodders are under central control.
The number of middlemen that may handle a food is limited by order.
The number of wholesalers and retailers that may engage in the sale of
foodstuffs and fodders is limited and specified.
■ The selection of retailer by consumer is under regulation.
The hours of doing business in sale of foods is under control.
The prices that may be charged by wholesalers and retailers and the numbers
of dealers in any line are matters of regulation.
The amount of the several foodstuffs that could legally be in one’s possession
is limited.
The menus that are to be served in restaurants, eating houses, and hotels
are limited by regulations.
The ration of the entire people is subject to limitation and specification ; so
much of this and that article of diet a day, week, or month for each infant,
child, adult, hard-working laborer, for the sick, and so on.
The president of the war nutrition office was also required to see
that equality was maintained in the food supplies and fodders al
lotted to the agricultural classes, waste eliminated, transportation
facilitated, prices of all foods kept to the level consistent with the
increased cost of production and increased scale of wages, and abso
lute equality of distribution and consumption maintained.
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The following widely differing interests had to be conciliated: The
producers, who desired to handle their produce in accordance with
their own interests, as in time of peace; the traders, who desired
that distribution pass through the ordinary channels of trade, sub
ject to the customary manipulations, and the industrial classes,
who demanded that food be furnished in adequate amounts and at
commensurate prices.
BREAD AND FLOUR REGULATIONS ENACTED IN 1916.
The crop of wheat and rye of 1916 was larger than that of the
previous year, equaling that of 1914—over 14,000,000 tons. As soon
as this was assured an added ration of 1.8 ounces of flour for children
between the ages of 12 and 17 years was announced, an increase in
the bread ration to nine-tenths of a pound for all manual laborers,
and to one pound and one-tenth for workers in mines and other places
requiring unusual exertion. The maintenance of this ration was con
ditioned on the physical possession of the grain by the war nutri
tion office.
Not only was the bread ration increased, but the quality of the
bread much improved by the withdrawal of the potato. During the
first winter of the war, the use of potatoes in bread was made obliga
tory. Wheat flour had to be used with 10 parts of potatoes, and
later contained from 10 to 20 parts of rye flour. The regulation rye
bread contained 10 per cent of potato starch. As the grain crop of
1916 was relatively larger than the potato crop, the potato was with
drawn and normal bread restored. The potato bread was unpala
table, indigestible, and less nutritious than normal bread.
MEASURES FOR INCREASE OF FODDER SUPPLIES.
The large hay crop of 1916 was, in part, due to measures of the
authorities, by whose efforts about 400,000 acres had been added to
cultivation. In addition, the investigations of the scientists of the
commission for fodder-surrogates have solved in a positive sense the
problem of the synthesis of foodstuffs. They found that if yeast
be grown in a medium of sugar, ammonia, and the necessary mineral
salts, the ammonia and sugar will be converted into protein through
multiplication of the yeast cells. When the culture is dried the
powder contains over 45 per cent of protein. This yeast powder has
been added to the human diet. The powder can, however, be ob
tained on a larger scale as fodder, and cheaply. The water of pulp
mills, containing considerable carbohydrate, is made alkaline by
addition of the washwater of gas works, which contains ammonia.
The mixture is then inoculated with yeasts; the cells multiply, con
verting first the carbohydrate into sugar, then with ammonia into
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protein of the yeast cell. The cells are washed free of sulphites
from the pulping process and dried for stock feed. One part of
yeast powder equals four parts of grain as carrier of protein. It
has been stated that thousands of tons of such powders are being
produced monthly.
Other fodders are being prepared by action of alkali on straw, the
cellulose being converted into sugar. A hundred thousand tons of
this feed are being made during the present year. This product has
the value of crude sugar, and, mixed with yeast powder or protein
meal, makes a feed equal to ground oats. The residue can be fer
mented and alcohol, acetone, and glycerin be recovered, which are
very valuable. Meals are also made by grinding up different forest
plants, to which protein can be added as concentrate. Mixtures of
ground oats, straw, chopped hay, straw sugar, and protein meal have
been formed into briquettes for easy shipment.
Kitchen waste and table scraps are collected in cities of over
40,000 inhabitants, are dried and pressed into cakes and then de
livered to communal authorities, who allot them as fodder to milch
cows. It has been estimated that the milk derived therefrom was
equal to a million quarts a day. Animal waste matter has been utilized
to the practical exclusion of all loss. Slaughterhouse refuse, bones,
bodies of dead animals—including animals killed in the war zone—
fish and mussels are dried, pressed, and used as fodder, alone or
with carbohydrates. Such materials used to go to the soil as fer
tilizers. To feed them directly means saving time.
.The control of sale and use of feeding stuffs and fodders of all
kinds is now under the charge of the Feeding Permission Bureau,
which determines how, where, and to what extent live stock shall
be fed. Operating in connection with this bureau is the Pig-Fatten
ing Co., a corporation financed by the State and under State control,
which, directly or through communes, contracts with swdne or cattle
owmers to send them feeding stuffs in return for a specified number of
fattened animals within a stated time.
SUGAR REGULATIONS.
The sugar-beet crop of 1915 amounted to only about two-thirds of
the crop of 1914. It was announced to be 150,000 tons. There was
paper regulation of sugar during the winter of 1915-16, despite
which the peasants fed beets freely, and also molasses; and the con
sumption by distilleries was probably in excess of the normal.
In January, 1916, sugar had become very scarce, and the feeding
of beets and molasses to live stock was prohibited, and the recovery
of sugar from molasses again permitted. Sugar cards appeared in
March as local regulations; the allotment was not guaranteed, and
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maximum prices could not be maintained. A survey of household
consumption indicated that this had been abnormal. The public,
short of fat, consumed so much sugar that by March it became ex
ceedingly scarce and a house-to-house search was ordered for con
cealed sugar. By April the sugar ration had been reduced to a
little over a pound a fortnight. The inventory in May revealed only
600,000 tons to last until October. Allotments were made to marma
lade factories, cake bakers, and for household canning of fruit.
Finally, the State confiscated the early apples and plums and canned
them in order that the sugar and the fruit might be thus conserved
for general utilization.
The sugar crop of 1916 is supposed to represent not much under
2,000,000 tons, crude. The president of the war nutrition office ap
parently has this crop under full control, and it is expected that the
sugar ration will be increased over the amount allotted for Novem
ber—a little less than an ounce a day.
CONTROL OF THE POTATO CROP.
The 1915 crop of 55,000,000 tons of sound potatoes seemed so large
that the necessity of control was not taken seriously by the authori
ties. The distilleries made ample use of potatoes, large amounts
were fed to swine and cattle, and potatoes were introduced into the
regular ration of horses. Utilization of potatoes was, however, pro
hibited in the manufacture of soap. Maximum prices had been con
tinued from the previous year.
Late in January, 1916, scarcity of potatoes developed in the cities.
An inventory showed that only 18,000,000 tons remained, from which
the seed had still to be reserved, leaving only 11,000,000 tons to last
for six months. Thereupon potato cards were introduced, and the
attempt was made to limit the feeding of potatoes to live stock.
When the authorities determined to uncover and seize the stocks of
stored potatoes unexpected losses by decomposition became apparent.
Yon Batocki, on assuming office in June, 1916, promptly prohibited
any feeding of potatoes to live stock. The potato cards introduced
earlier in the year were not guaranteed, and in the large cities the
intake for each person during the spring months was often as low
as a quarter of a pound a day. Then the crop of summer potatoes
came upon the market with a rush, as the maximum prices were high
and scaled downward to increase the offerings. Early in August
the cities were flooded with potatoes in carload lots. The poor,
however, because of the announcement that prices were scaled to fall,
bought only from hand to mouth. As a result thousands of tons
decomposed and were lost. Nevertheless, even at this time the potato
card and the prohibition of feeding to swine were not suspended.
Two weeks later the cities were again empty of potatoes. The grow
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ers had ceased to harvest potatoes when the prices fell; they were
engaged in the harvesting of grain, and the urban population had to
wait for regular rations of potatoes until the digging of potatoes
could again be resumed.
The potato crop of 1916 was small, supposedly as low as 36,000,000
tons, and not of normal grade. Von Batocki has established an
efficient sj^stem of regulations: All users of potatoes have to hand in
their figures for their year’s requirements. An inventory of po
tatoes has been made in every district. The required amounts are
subject to revision by the central authorities, and when the total
figures for demand have been checked up against the total supplies
available, all of which have been requisitioned and seized, the de
nominated amounts of potatoes belonging to each district, community,
household, and factory are to be set aside and delivered.
Unclaimed potatoes can be disposed of by the authorities. Ex
tensive drying of potatoes is to be done under official supervision and
every effort directed against waste.
Under the new regulations feeding of potatoes to animals is per
mitted only to swine and geese.
The imperial potato card was issued in October, a guaranteed card, for which
each householder must select a retailer, who could obtain supplies only by
presentation of the collected cards. The potato ration per day for grower and
industrial classes was fixed at 1A pounds for women, children, and light
w o rk e rs 2i pounds for hard workers, the ration per head not to exceed If
pounds, with extra allotments for the army, the sick and wounded, and children
whenever necessary. This ration means the use in food of about 19,000,000
tons, so that apparently, when the industrial demands are satisfied, not over
5,000,000 or 6,000,000 tons will be available for animals.
MEASURES RELATING TO THE PRODUCTION AND SALE OF VEGETABLES AND
FRUIT.
In the spring of 1915 the people were officially urged to plant vege
tables, especially to till all the odds and ends of uncultivated ground.
The people of the cities were aided by the municipal authorities in
the establishment of small gardens, taught how, what, and where to
plant, how to cultivate, how to harvest and store. Desiccation estab
lishments were installed in order that waste might be prevented.
There was also increased cultivation on a large scale for the markets.
The result has been that during the past two years the use of vege
tables in the diet has probably been larger than ever before, particu
larly during the summer of 1916. For many vegetables maximum
prices have been established, wholesale and retail.
The commercial manufacture of sauerkraut has been vested in a
special corporation, and it is sold at fixed prices. The conservation
of vegetables has been encouraged; in some instances these were con-
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fiscatecl and canned in order to solve disputes between canners and
growers.
The retail prices for fruit reached unheard-of heights during the
summer of 1916. The growers’ prices were high, in extenuation of
which the high cost of fertilizer, cultivation, picking, and packing
was adduced. The maximum prices first set were low. Then the
growers refused to pick. The prices were raised, and thereupon
green fruit was sent to the market. The people were encouraged to
put up fruit by sterilization by heat and with saccharine; but the
housewives were not inclined to experimentation. Thereupon the
war nutrition office confiscated the entire crop of early apples and
plums, supplied the sugar, and had them converted into jams.
REGULATION OF THE EGG SUPPLY.
During the first year of the war, when there was little scarcity of
food, eggs could be obtained in the city markets at high prices;
during the second year the country districts were less inclined to send
eggs to the cities, except at very high prices, and in the spring of
1916 the usual spring increase in the supply of eggs did not appear
and winter prices were maintained.
The use of eggs had been prohibited in ordinary cakes and limited
in the making of tarts. Local regulations appeared in many cities,
fixing a maximum price, limiting the number that could be bought,
and prohibiting the serving of eggs at breakfast. Finally the egg
card appeared. In June, 1916, the number allotted in the cities was
two per week per head. In July this was reduced to one per week,
which was also the allotment in September and October. The price
was 7 cents. In October the food controller enacted regulations of
confiscation in order to protect the needs of children, the army, and
the sick. The producers were supposed to retain a portion of their
product; the remainder was to be turned in to the food controller.
REGULATION OF THE COFFEE AND TEA SUPPLY.
During the first year of the war there was no scarcity of coffee, tea.
cocoa, or chocolate, the latter two being little used in Germany as
beverages. During the last six months of 1916, however, there was
scarcity, which was met by regulation of use. The first regulation
made obligatory the use of a substitute with coffee, half and half;
and all middlemen were wiped out, retailers securing supplies direct
from the authorities. Hotels and restaurants were allotted half the
amounts of their customary consumption, with an equal amount of
substitute.
In October final regulations were issued. Coffee now comes in
three grades—10. 25, and 50 per cent coffee. The best grade has the
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maximum price of 60 cents a pound. Many substitutes are on the
market, composed largely of brown grains, with a certain amount of
chicory. The quality of these surrogates finally became so bad that
they were placed under the control of a specially created coffee
commission.
Supplies of tea were satisfactory until May, 1916, when the tea
was confiscated and the retail sale regulated, the limit being set at
half an ounce. The use of a substitute was not made obligatory;
the prices varied from $1 to $2 a pound.
MILK AND CHEESE REGULATIONS.
No item of the German food supplies has attracted more attention
in Germany and the outside world than the scarcity of milk; and
ever since the beginning of the war periodic appeals have been made
to the Governments of neutral countries to induce them to exert
their influence toward such modification of the blockade as would
permit the shipment into Germany of milk for little children. These
appeals were based upon a misconception of the amount of Ger
many’s milk supply that naturally went to children. According to
the computations of the Eltzbacher Commission it is apparent that
the direct childhood need of milk was less than one-third of the
normal milk consumption in Germany. Over half of the milk, in
terms of units of casein, was fed to live stock.
The milk supply in the first part of the war was not far from
normal. This was aided by the continued importation of oil con
centrates from the United States, not checked until well into the
second year of the war. The low yield of grasses and hay in 1915,
together with the small crop of grain and the scarcity of all con
centrates, combined in the fall of 1915 to bring about a scarcity of
milk that has since constituted one of the most difficult problems
in Germany. The problem has concerned only the industrial popu
lation. The agricultural population has throughout the war enjoyed
practically the normal supply of milk.
The authorities were at the outset loath to interfere, since milk is
such a perishable product. Attempts were made to regulate the
prices and to fix the volume of trade in different directions in the
geographical sense, and thus secure adequate distribution by middle
men. As a matter of fact the distribution remained exceedingly
inequitable until the advent of the food controller. Milk cards
appear ed durmg the spring and summer of 1916 as local regulations.
In September, 1916, the supply of milk was very low—scarcely more
than enough to cover the needs of mothers, infants, children, and the
sick.
The final system of milk regulation inaugurated in October was
founded on four considerations: The milk from peasants and from
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dairies was separated in the regulations; the use of milk in the
household, guaranteed on the milk cards, was based on the composi
tion of the family; the amounts of milk devoted to the household
use and to the manufacture of butter and cheese were regulated at
the source; and the feeding of milch cows was effected by rationing.
Large dairies are supplied with rations and must return specified
amounts of milk. The small producers’ milk was not confiscated.
They were advised to use the normal amounts and turn the balance
over to the authorities. The nonagricultural population has been
placed upon a strict milk regulation. During the last three months
of gestation, the period of nursing, and the period of recovery there
from, a woman receives one liter (1.06 quarts) of full milk daily.
The bottle-fed child, up to the second year, is to receive daily one
liter of full milk; children between 2 and 4 years, three-fourths of
a liter; and those between 5 and 6 years, one-half of a liter. After
the age of 6 no milk ration is guaranteed, but of skim milk the child
may receive as much as the market affords. Full milk is allotted to
the sick under the care of a physician. After these allowances the
remainder of the full milk goes to the manufacturer of butter and
cheese, the skim milk being returned to the market for unrestricted
sale.
The manufacture of cheese was regulated and the total cheese
production of the Empire, outside household cheese, confiscated. The
importation of cheese has suffered little during the war. Up to
September, 1916, there was no regulation controlling the purchase
of cheese. In that month all imported cheeses were withdrawn from
the market and allotted to the army, hospitals, and prison-of-war
camps. The domestic cheese is being distributed through control
bureaus established in different cities. There was, up to November,
no cheese card and no limit to individual purchase.
BUTTER AND FAT REGULATIONS,
Prior to the war butter was the fat of the rich, lard and margarine
of the poor. According to the Eltzbacher Commission the per capita
consumption of butter was about 3.5 ounces a day, of which nearly
one-half was obtained by importation. In peace time Germany
imported hundreds of thousands of tons of both animal and vegetable
fats for direct consumption, for the manufacture of margarine in
concentrates, and for industrial purposes, such as the manufacture
of soap. While in the polar and tropical zones fat is produced in
excess, in the temperate zone fat must be cultivated. This cultiva
tion Germany had neglected, and it has proved the weakest spot in
her system of food supply.
During the first year of the war there was little scarcity of fat
and butter and there were no regulations concerning their uses. The
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second year brought scarcity and regulations. Butter, margarine,
and other fats became so scarce in December, 1915, that regulations
were enacted compelling the large dairies to turn over to the central
buying bureau portions of their output for distribution to the cities.
Cities, towns, and communes then introduced butter cards and fat
cards. Two fatless days were prescribed—Mondays and Thursdays;
on these days the use of fat on the table and in the preparation of
food was prohibited. The butter cards’ allotments were unequal,
allowing from 5 to 10 ounces a week. In some places maximum
prices were set, in others not. The retail prices in the shops rose
gradually, until the best grades of butter sold as high as $1 or even
$2 a pound. The authorities attempted to have the card follow the
supply, and gradually the ration fell until in May in the cities the
weekly allotment was rarely above 4 ounces and the ration of
children had been reduced to one-half.
During the summer of 1916 there was considerable importation of
butter from the surrounding neutral countries. All manner of
butter substitutes were placed upon the market and there was wide
spread manipulation. The standards of manufacture were slowly
reduced, and each day butter and margarine became more watery.
With the advent of the food controller, all fats were confiscated.
The outputs of dairies were exacted on the basis of their milk sup
plies. The killing of milch cows was made illegal. The butter
cards became obligatory for the Empire, and the selection of dealers
was made compulsory. During June, July, August, and September,
1916, rations in cities varied from 3.2 ounces to 4.6 ounces a week.
The prices averaged from 12 to 15 cents for 3 ounces. Communal
authorities seized all butter produced by dairies of over 50 quarts
capacity a day and determined how much should be distributed
locally and how much should be sent to the imperial bureau for fat
for the use of the cities. Peasants were not allowed to sell butter
except to the communal authorities and the peasant’s butter and milk
were both liable to requisition.
Margarine and fats are now distributed by the same organization.
The results of the new system have been a marked reduction in
prices, but no increase in quantities. During October the usual ration
in cities was 3.2 ounces in table fat a week; butter, two-thirds, and
margarine, one-third. The prices were from 6 to 8 cents for 2.1
ounces of butter; for margarine, 3 cents for 1.1 ounces.
MEAT REGULATIONS.
During the winter of 1915-16 a great deal of meat was requi
sitioned for the army. The peasants killed many animals in do
mestic slaughtering, consuming the meat without control and dis
pensing large amounts to people living in small towns and in the
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large cities. The stock in the best condition was killed and there
was not enough feed to maintain all the animals in good condition.
When the cities sought to buy live stock, they could secure only cattle
and swine of low grade. Such animals yielded little meat and did
not supply the demands. Thus, with each month following October,
1915, the scarcity in meats became more pronounced. There was
little or no meat procurable by importation during the winter of
1915-16, as meat was scarce both in Holland and in Scandinavia.
Local meat cards appeared in various portions of the Empire late
in 1915 and became universal in the cities in 1916. Two meatless
days were established—Tuesday and Friday. Maximum prices were
placed on pork, which had the effect of driving it from the market
and making other meat appear at higher prices. In the cities there
were fine distinctions as to when meat was meat, and when it was
not meat. Thus, loin of meat was meat; but tongue and liver and
tail were not meat.
In March, 1916, the open market for cattle was practically empty
and the provisioning of the cities with live stock was placed under
regulations. The cities contracted with live-stock associations to
furnish so many head a week. Thus, Berlin, in peace time consumed
100.000 swine a month. In April, 1916, 14,000 were ordered to be
purchased for the city markets; only 2,300 were secured, the swine
not being fit for slaughter. Meanwhile, in south Germany, the meat
cards provided for i \ to 2 pounds of meat a wTeek. The cities at
tempted to buy their stock directly. Failing to obtain stock fit for
slaughter, they began to buy lean stock, and securing supplies of
feeding stuffs proceeded to prepare the animals for the markets.
These meats went largely to the poorer classes.
In May conditions became so bad that uniform-card regulation
was attempted, and this was elaborated when the newly-appointed
food controller took charge of the situation. Each householder had
to select a meat dealer. The central slaughter houses and the whole
sale buyers were eliminated. The cities sublet contracts for slaughter
and delivered the meat directly to retailers, who obtained meat in
return for retail cards turned in by them. The amount stated on
the cards was reduced to 9 ounces a week. At this time the meat
ration in the army was reduced to three-quarters of a pound a day,
with two meatless days a week for soldiers not on active duty. The
card system at this time was necessarily a failure because the amount
of meat available was so much smaller than the amounts called for
by the cards.
In June a survey of the live-stock situation convinced the authori
ties that it was useless to attempt to increase the ration. The plan
was then formulated to keep the ration low and feed up the younger
stock, with the intention of increasing the meat ration in the autumn.
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Conditions in the summer months remained unsatisfactory from
every point of view until the imperial meat card was issued in July.
This accomplished more equitable distribution of meat; but the
ration remained very low. In August pork was practically with
drawn from sale. A survey of the rations of the different cities of
Germany during the summer months indicated that the individual
allotment secured each week was not over one-third of a pound. In
September the final system of the war nutrition department was put
into effect. The essential feature of this system was the confiscation
of the live stock and the control of the feeding of this stock and its
delivery to the market, a system very similar to that described for the
dairies.
A census of swine and of milch cows in November, 1916, indicated
that the number had risen practically to the number before the great
slaughter. On the other hand, a review of the nine months preced
ing the introduction of the imperial meat card, in September, 1916,
shows that the agrarians took food from the people of Germany and
utilized it, with their feeding stuffs, in order to carry along a number
of animals so large that the total available feed for them was not
enough to produce comparable amounts of market meat or dairy
products, the nutrients being largely utilized by the animals for
mere maintenance.
If Germany, in December, 1914, did not have the feeding stuffs to maintain
the animals, then she certainly did not have them in November, 1916; and all
the work of the Eltzbacher Commission to regulate the relative consumption
of food units by domesticated animals and by man has been in vain. Germany
during the winter of 1916-17 is consuming, according to the card, a little over
half a pound of meat a week from the same number of animals that in time of
peace yielded over 2 pounds a week, of which one-fourth of a pound came from
imported feeding stuffs. The experience of the past year has been an experi
ment to determine how many head of stock and of human beings could be main
tained on a minimum of food and feeding stuffs; but this has not redounded
to the credit of the agrarians or to the nutrition of the industrial classes.
POULTRY AND PISH SUPPLY.
The use of poultry in Germany was restricted practically to the
well-to-do classes, and its scarcity, with the higher prices, concerned
them alone; but the reduction in the supplies of fish affected the
common people. From one-half to two-thirds of the supply of sea
fish in peace time was drawn from waters now more or less closed to
German fishing. Importation of fish from Holland and the Scandi
navian countries was extensive until the blockade forced these coun
tries to reduce the scope of their fishing operations and to prohibit
the sending of fish to Germany.
Accordingly, the sea-fish supply was much reduced during the
summer of 1916. The German catches of Baltic and sweet-water fish
92746°—17— 6
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were increased. The higher grades of fish were consumed by the
well-to-do in peace time, but the cheaper grades formed a staple in
the diet of the working people. These cheaper grades, both fresh and
smoked, are now expensive. Herring, formerly used as fertilizer, are
now from 10 to 20 cents a pound.
A survey of the fish markets and of the reports in the trade papers
confirms the opinion that the total fish consumption during the past
summer was probably not much lower than in peace time, but that
the distribution was different, since fish went to replace meat in the
households of the well-to-do and middle classes.
REGULATION OF ALCOHOLIC BEVERAGES.
Reduction of consumption of alcoholic beverages was determined
upon early in the war, but was not carried into effect until after the
low harvest of 1915. Restriction in manufacture was necessary to
minimize loss in grain and to reduce the labor required in the proc
esses of manufacture.
The amount of barley that could be devoted to the manufacture of
malt was reduced to 60 per cent; grain devoted to distilled liquors
was reduced to 50 per cent. More recently the making of grain
whiskies has been interdicted. The hours of sale and the amounts
allotted for daily sale were fixed differently in different parts of the
Empire. In Berlin limitation was by hour; in Munich, by quantity.
In the.summer of 1916 sophistication of the beer by addition of
saccahrine was first permitted; later it became compulsory. This
adulteration has been resented by the people, as saccharine almost
ruins a good beer.
CIVIC KITCHENS.
From the beginning of the war up to the winter of 1916 Berlin
dispensed for its poorer citizens, in foodstuffs, over $40,000,000.
Early in the spring of 1916, when the scarcity of food supplies first
became acute, field kitchens were sent into the streets to offer cooked
supplies to the poor. This measure caused miniature riots, and it was
soon seen that this method was impracticable.
Then began the expansion of the civic kitchens and eating rooms.
The value of the civic kitchens lies in three considerations: They can
buy and prepare food much cheaper, and often much better, than can
be done in the houses of the poor; they operate without determent by
fluctuation in wages or food supplies; they save labor, and thus per
mit the women in the poorer classes to engage in remunerative work.
In all the large cities needy school children of the poor are given the
noonday meal at a cost of from 20 to 30 pfennigs (4.8 to 7.1 cents),
as against 18 pfennigs (4.3 cents) in peace time.
Three classes of civic kitchens are now maintained in practically
all cities: For the very poor; for the lower middle class; and for
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the class of petty officials. The food is clean, well selected, prepared
in accordance with the tastes of the class to which it is served,
and also, of course, in accordance with the state of the markets.
Very few places serve more than the midday meal. The unit value
of these meals varies from 900 to 1,300 calories. The patrons of
civic kitchens must hand in portions of their meat and potato cards;
in some cities cards for pulses and cereals also.
The attendance of these civic kitchens and eating houses has
fluctuated with the stringency in food supplies. The different cities
in the Empire have now capacities for feeding some 6,000,000 daily.
That these places fill a niche between the problems of production
and consumption can not be doubted, as they remove the difficulties
of distribution from a class that has little stability in the market.
ABOLISHMENT OF THE MIDDLEMEN.
One of the first problems in the food control of Germany was the
multiplicity of middlemen, and the desire of each to continue in
wartime to handle foodstuffs as he had done in time of peace.
Definite regulations were enacted in August, 1916. All dealers
in foodstuffs had to secure licenses to engage in business. This did
not apply to producers, holders of war concessions, municipalities,
or communities. The central buying bureau grants, limits, or re
fuses permission to dealers to sell foodstuffs, in accordance with its
interpretation of the needs of the market and of the interests of
the consumer. Commission agents are abolished; from the whole
saler to the retailer there must be no middleman. The number of
wholesalers was limited by the volume of the business. The number
of retailers was limited by the interests of the consumers; and for
most foodstuffs the consumers were placed on retailers’ lists, and
the business of the retailer is thus directly known and controlled.
All increase of price by indirection or chain trading was made a
penal offense. Advertisements seeking purchase of foodstuffs must
pass inspection of the authorities before being permitted, also such
dealing with offers of sale or with any subject bearing on the ques
tion of the supply or prices of foods.
The authorities now practically dictate the way that business
in foodstuffs is done; and the result has been to place the con
sumer closer to the producer and to eliminate a considerable num
ber of large and small middlemen and buying and sales agents.
The theory is not that such intermediary dealing between the pro
ducer and consumer is indispensable or wrong, but that the State
will do for nothing what private interests previously did at a large
profit to themselves.
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MACHINERY FOR THE REGULATION OF PRODUCTION, DISTRIBUTION, AND
CONSUMPTION OF FOOD.
The machinery through which the regulation of production, dis
tribution, and consumption of food and feeding stuffs was accom
plished was elaborated for the exigencies of the situation of war.
The workings occur largely through operating companies. These
companies were organized for particular tasks, as corporations with
limited liability. Once the articles they were to handle had been
obtained by confiscation they were turned over to the particular
company. The company had a capital stock, derived from the
State. It had the right of contract, could buy and sell, and, in
fact, enjoyed all the rights of trade, plus monopoly. The trans
actions were supposed to return a nominal profit.
The press of the opposition frequently made complaints against
the management of these companies. Prof. Taylor states, how
ever, that the allegations of the press seemed to have little basis.
On the whole, these companies seem to have carried out their
allotted task with dispatch and effectiveness. There was some
times overlapping, with resulting confusion and failure. The com
panies did not always succeed in accomplishing what they were
organized to do, but that lay in the difficulties of the situation
rather than in the working operations.
The following incomplete list of these companies will suffice to
indicate the scope and character of the organizations, 33 in all :
Imperial grain department, central bureau for maintenance of military sup
plies, barley utilization bureau, imperial society for milk concentrates, imperial
bureau for food fats, commission for fodder surrogates, distribution bureau for
crude sugar, association of German landlords, central buying department, dried
potato utilization company, war company for sauerkraut, war company for
fruit canning and marmalades, pig-fattening corporation, war commission for
vegetal oils and animal fats—these operate now under the food controller by
authorization of the chancellor.
ESTIMATE AND PRODUCTION.
Prof. Taylor summarizes the achievements of the agricultural
classes in comparison with the estimates of the scientists in the
following statement:
When one compares what has been achieved in production with what the
commission of German scientists believed could be attained, the results are not
creditable to the agricultural classes, even when the influences of unfavorable
weather are fully allowed for. The Eltzbacher Commission estimated the peace
time use as: Protein, 2,261,000 tons; calories, 88,694,000,000,000.
Of domestic origin : Protein, 1,650,000 tons ; calories 71,282,000,000,000.
Physiological need : Protein, 1,605,000 tons ; calories, 56,750,000,000,000.
Attainable production under blockade: Protein, 2,022,000 tons; calories,
81.250,000,000,000.
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Actual production in 1914-15 was, in foodstuffs : Protein, 1,510,000 tons ;
calories, 63,410,000,000.000.
Actual production in 1915-16 was, in foodstuffs : Protein, 1,100,000 tons ;
calories, 57.000,000,000,000.
The production for 1916-17 can not be stated, but is in all probability not
larger than for 1915-16. It is clear that the production during the past two
seasons was not over one-half the protein and two-thirds the calories that were
estimated as possible by the scientists. All that has been accomplished has been
in the direction of distribution and economy, not in production.
GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF FOOD SUPPLIES IN ITALY.
PRODUCTION OF FOODSTUFFS BEFORE THE WAR.
Italy has never been self-sustaining with respect to its food produc
tion. Large quantities of grain, cattle, frozen meats, dried and salted
fish, fats, cheese, etc., must each year be imported to provide sufficient
food for the population. This deficiency in agricultural products is
largely due to defective cultivation, such as insufficient use of fer
tilizers, shallow plowing, preference for extensive in place of inten
sive cultivation, neglect of intermediate cultures, and other more or
less important defects. Of late the Government has tried to lessen
and correct these defects. It has instituted extension lecture courses
on systematic cultivation of the soil and granted premiums and sub
sidies to agriculturists willing to adopt scientific methods of cultiva
tion. A brief summary of production and importation of the prin
cipal foodstuffs is given below for the better understanding of the
food-supply measures taken by the Italian Government during the
w ar: 1
During the five-year period 1909-1913 the average wheat produc
tion of Italy was 49,896,000 quintals 2 (5.500,086 tons). The imports
of wheat during the four-year period 1910—1913 varied between 13,911,300 quintals (1,533,443 tons) for 1911 and 18,107,330 quintals
(1,995,971 tons) for 1913. The total value of the wheat imported in
1913 was 399,546,798 lire ($77,112,532). As to yield per hectare
(2.471 acres) Italy is outclassed by most European countries, the
average yield being less than half of that of England and Germany.
Corn takes second place among the cereals cultivated by Italy, but
plays an important part in the diet of the population of upper and
central Italy. The average annual production during the five-year
period 1909-1913 was 25,486,000 quintals (2,809,322 tons). The im
ports of corn during the four-year period 1910-1913 varied from
1 The statistical data are taken from two sources : Annuario statistico italiano, 1914.
Series 2, vol. 4. Rome, 1915, pp. 157 to 164 and 227 to 232, and “ Guerra ed agricoltura,” by Senator Giulio Vigone, in Nuova Antologia, vol. 52, No. 1079. Rome 1916
pp. 100 to 111.
2 One quintal = 100 kilograms = 220.46 pounds. Equivalents are given in tons of
2,000 pounds.
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3,517,400 quintals (387,723 tons) in 1913 to 5,407,740 quintals
(596,095 tons) in 1912. The total value of the corn imports in these
two years was 54,519,700 and 89,227,810 lire ($10,522,302 and $17,220,967), respectively.
Other cereals imported in a considerable measure, but not in as
large quantities as wheat and corn, are rye, oats, and barley. Oilproducing seeds, such as linseed, rapeseed, sesame, ricinus, etc., are
annually imported to the extent of about 1,000,000 quintals (110,230
tons).
In 1913 the production of sugar beets amounted to 27,300,000
quintals (3,009,279 tons). Generous subsidies by the Government
are chiefly responsible for rapid growth of the sugar industry, but
have had the effect of excessively increasing the cost of sugar.
Olive oil, which is consumed in large quantities in Italy in place of
animal fats, is another important product of Italian agriculture.
The production of olive oil exceeds Italy’s home consumption in
such a measure that it is able to export large quantities. In 1913
its exports of olive oil represented a value of 42,314,348 lire ($8,166,669).
Wine, although it^can not be strictly classed as a food product,
must also be considered because its consumption is very considerable
in Italy, rich and poor alike being used to consume wine with their
principal meals. Like the olive crop, the vintage is largely dependent
on weather conditions and varies greatly. However, even in years
with unfavorable weather the vintage far exceeds the home consump
tion and leaves a large surplus for exportation. In 1913 the exports
of wine amounted to 1,787,265 hectoliters (47,214,180 gallons), valued
at 82,524,528 lire ($15,927,234).
For coffee, the consumption of which is increasing from year to
year, Italy is entirely dependent on importation. In 1913 it im
ported 286,647 quintals (31,597 tons) of a total value of 44,432,445
lire ($8,575,462).
In close connection with the deficiency of Italian agriculture is
the absence of large establishments for the manufacture of agricul
tural machinery.
Notwithstanding the above-mentioned deficiencies of Italian agri
culture, live-stock raising has made progress in Italy in recent years.
The live-stock census of 1914 showed the existence in Italy of
2,335,000 horses, asses, and mules, 6,646,000 head of cattle, 2,722,222
hogs, and 13,824,000 sheep and goats. Nevertheless, the domestic
meat supply can not keep stemp with the steadily increasing con
sumption of meat. In recent years the number of imported cattle
decreased from 40,491 head in 1910 to 15,023 head in 1913, but, on
the other hand, import statistics show a large increase in the impor
tation of frozen meats.
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The consumption of fish is very large in Italy, and an average of
about 700,000 quintals (77,161 tons) of dried and salted fish, worth
about 60,000,000 lire ($11,580,000), are imported each year.
Italian food production also shows a shortage in fats. In 1913
293,738 quintals (32,379 tons) of fats were imported, of a total value
of 26,092,916 lire ($5,035,932).
On the other hand, there is a number of food products of which
Italy has an excess production and is able to export considerable
quantities. In addition to olive oil and wine, for which export data
have been given above, these commodities include the following:
Rice, potatoes, wheat, flour, and semolina, macaroni, spaghetti,
noodles, etc., legumes (fresh), vegetables, citrous fruit, fresh fruit
(inclusive of grapes and tomatoes), dried fruit, preserved fruit,
legumes, and vegetables, canned tomatoes, poultry, eggs, butter, butterine, etc., cheese.
EMBARGOES ON FOODSTUFFS.
Although Italy did not become a belligerent in the European war
until May, 1915, its Government took measures immediately after
the outbreak of this war to secure the conservation of the supply
of foodstuffs and industrial raw materials. Among the first of these
measures were decrees of embargo on the exportation of various
commodities.
A royal decree of August 1, 1914,1 prohibited the exportation of
wheat, rye, oats, barley, rice, corn, flour, semolina, bran, ship’s bis
cuits, hay, straw, carob beans, coffee, sugar, cattle, fresh meat, live
doves, and various industrial raw materials. A decree of August 6,
1914, added to these articles sheep, dried legumes, macaroni, spa
ghetti, and other similar pastry goods, and hard cheese. Subsequent
decrees of October 28, 1914, and of January 31, February 7, and
May 6, 1915, prohibited the exportation of preserved meats, pota
toes, eggs, cocoa, hogs, salted and otherwise preserved meats, food
preserves made of foodstuffs on the embargo lists, chestnuts, poultry,
fish oil and fat, vegetable and animal fats, fresh, salted, and pre
served fish, fresh vegetables, oil seeds, acorns, and all products
required for the feeding of animals, inclusive of milling offal and
vegetable oil.
In order to coordinate the activities of the various Government
departments charged with the enforcement of the embargo measures,
a royal decree of November 24, 1914, established an advisory com
mittee on embargoes in the ministry of finance. The committee is
presided over by the undersecretary of the ministry of finance, and
1 Unless otherwise indicated all legislation quoted in the present article was obtained
from the following source: Italy, Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio.
Direzione Generale del Credito e della Previdenza. Annali del credito e della previdenza.
Series 2. vol. 10. parts 1. 2, and 3. Rome, 1915 and 1916.
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is composed of delegates (chiefs of divisions or bureaus) of the
ministries of foreign affairs, finance, war, the navy, agriculture,
industry, and commerce. Its duties are (1) to render opinions on
all requests for exceptional permits for the exportation of commodi
ties subject to embargo, (2) to propose exceptional abrogations of
embargoes or the addition of new commodities to the embargo list,
(3) to render opinions on all contests arising from the application of
provisions regulating the transit of all commodities subject to em
bargoes, and (4) to render opinions on request of the ministry of
finance on all questions relating to the exportation or transit of such
commodities.
REDUCTION OF IMPORT DUTIES ON GRAIN, CEREALS, AND THEIR PRODUCTS.
In order to encourage and facilitate the purchase of large stocks
of grain a royal decree of October 14, 1914, reduced the import duties
on all kinds of grain, flour, semolina, bran, and ship’s biscuits, effec
tive October 20, 1914, and to apply until March 31, 1915. A subse
quent decree of December 1, 1914, extended the time limit to June
30, 1915. Long before the latter time limit had expired, however,
a royal decree of January 31, 1915, abolished temporarily all import
duties on grain and flour and authorized the ministry of public works
to adopt measures for the facilitation of railroad transportation of
grain and flour in the interior and to reduce the freight rates on these
commodities to a minimum of 50 per cent. Like authority was
granted to the ministry of the navy with respect to freight rate re
ductions on grain and flour transported on subsidized steamei lines.
The ministry of the navy was also empowered to order these lines
to have their vessels make additional voyages out of schedule in case
they are needed for the transport of grain to Italy.
ESTABLISHMENT
OF PROVINCIAL GRAIN PURCHASING ASSOCIATIONS.
The Government being of the opinion that the provisioning of the
country with grain and flour could be materially aided by cooperation
of the local authorities in the purchase and distribution of these com
modities, on December 20, 1914, issued a decree authorizing chambers
of commerce, Provinces, and municipalities which are the seat of the
district authorities, to combine into voluntary associations for the
purchase and distribution of grain and flour within the individual
provincial territory. Individual communes with a population of
10,000 or more inhabitants were also authorized to become members
of such associations.
The decree provided that each provincial association shall be gov
erned by a commission formed of two commissioners elected by each
local authority which is a member of the association.
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The purchase and sale of grain and flour must be effected by the
association without any profit whatever. Only actual expenditures
for storage, transportation, and distribution may be added to the
cost price. Gratuitous distribution of grain and flour is prohibited.
Communes and authorities purchasing grain or flour from the asso
ciation, although members of the latter, must pay cash for all pur
chases. The associations are authorized to fix the prices to be charged
to the public by millers, bakers, manufacturers of macaroni, etc., and
retail dealers who have purchased their supplies of grain or flour
from associations formed under the present decree. These prices be
come obligatory and must be upheld by the local authorities. The
decree granted to these associations exemption from all stamp and
registry taxes. A special decree issued January 31, 1915, regulates
the method in which loans shall be made by banks of issue and their
branches to grain purchasing associations and fixes the rate of in
terest on such loans at 4 | per cent.
STANDARDIZATION
OF BREAD
AND
MILLING
REGULATIONS.
As a precautionary measure to assure a sufficient supply of grain
to the country until the new harvest, a ministerial decree of February
12. 1915, appointed a commission charged with making proposals as
to the establishment of a uniform typo of bread which, although cor
responding to the requirements of alimentary hygiene, would involve
a considerable saving in grain.
Based on the report of this commission, a ministerial decree of
March 7, 1915, provided that beginning with March 22, 1915, the
only kind of bread which may be baked in Italy shall be a loaf made
from wheat flour milled to 80 per cent, not to weigh more than 500
grams (about 17-| ounces), nor to contain more than 35 per cent of
water, to be measured within 12 hours after being withdrawn from
the oven. Prefects of Provinces are authorized, however, to permit
certain specified bakeries to produce bread from flour of a superior
quality for use in hospitals and for sick persons in their homes for
whom medical certificates have been issued. The maximum daily
allowance in such cases may not exceed 200 grams (about 7 ounces)
per sick person.
It has hitherto been the custom in Italy to use in the manufacture
of white bread, flour milled to 74 or (at the most) 75 per cent, the
offal of 25 to 26 per cent being used as feed for horses and other
animals. The gain on every quintal (220.46 pounds) of dry meal
will, therefore, be from 5 to 6 kilograms (11 to 13 pounds) represent
ing about 10 kilograms (22.05 pounds) in actual bread. In other
Avords, the gain to Italy’s grain supplies in respect of all the white
bread baked may be taken as about 10 per cent.
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The supervision of the application of the decree was placed in the
hands of provincial health officers, factory inspectors, food inspectors,
and police officers. The decree provides that they shall have free
access to rooms used for the manufacture, storage, and sale of bread,
and shall be authorized to take, free of cost, sample loaves for the
purpose of analysis.
A decree issued under date of August 23, 1915, prohibits the pro
duction of wheat flour milled to less than 80 per cent and the with
drawal from wheat flour of natural elements and the substitution of
other elements of inferior commercial and alimentary value.
MEASURES TO ASSURE TIMELY HARVESTS.
In view of the scarcity of agricultural labor, a viceregal decree
of June 3, 1915, authorized all prefects of the kingdom to issue orders
making it obligatory during harvest time for hereditary lessees of
land, share farmers, and other agriculturists to loan for proper
compensation their farm laborers, machinery, and the men and ani
mals required for the operation of this machinery to farmers in the
same or adjoining communes for the cutting and thrashing of grain.
Only during the period required for the harvesting of their own
product are they exempt from this obligation. Requests for such
loans of labor and machinery are to be made to the mayors of the
individual communes. These decide whether these requests shall be
granted and who shall furnish the required labor and machinery;
they also fix the period for such loans of farm labor and machinery
and the compensation. The decision of the mayor is mandatory and
final, except with respect to the fixing of the compensation. An
appeal within two days from the determination of the compensa
tion is permissible and must be made to a commission presided over
by the judge of the court of arbitration and composed of two agri
cultural experts selected by the two parties to the dispute.
A viceregal decree of June 6, 1915, had the same object of reliev
ing the present scarcity of agricultural labor by authorizing the
ministry of agriculture to purchase according to existing needs
agricultural machinery, to put it at the disposal of agriculturists
and to grant premiums and subsidies to societies, associations, and
private concerns which with their own machinery and implements
undertake the systematic execution of farm labor in the general in
terest of a specified territory.
One year later, on May 30, 1916, a viceregal decree combined and
amended the provisions of the two decrees quoted above, the pro
visions of the new decree to be effective until the conclusion of
peace. The amended decree changed the composition of the arbitral
commissions by providing that they should be presided over by a
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pretor (judge of a district court) and be composed of four members
appointed by the pretor, after consultation with existing agricul
tural associations, in equal numbers from among agricultural em
ployers and laborers. The decree also established provincial agri
cultural commissions at the seat of each provincial prefect. The
prefect is ex officio president of the commission, which is composed
of a representative of the military authorities, the director of the
agricultural extension courses or his representative, three represent
atives of agricultural employers, and three representatives of agri
cultural labor. The duties of these provincial agricultural commis
sions are: (1) To ascertain the supply of the available agricultural
labor in the various districts of the Province and to estimate the
deficiency or excess of this supply; (2) to promote and organize the
shifting of labor from one district to another according to require
ments; (3) to ascertain the supply of available agricultural ma
chinery in the province and to aid in its best utilization; (4) to pro
mote and encourage by means of instruction and propaganda the
greater utilization of female labor; and (5) to keep in contact with
like commissions in adj oining Provinces in order to aid the movement
of agricultural labor from Province to Province, according to the
excess or deficiency of the supply of agricultural labor in the indi
vidual provinces.
COMPULSORY REPORTING OF GRAIN SUPPLIES.
In connection with numerous decrees relating to seizure and re
quisitioning of foodstuffs by the military authorities and because the
importation of grain became more and more difficult, the Government
decided to ascertain the available supply of grain. A viceregal
decree of January 8, 1916, made it obligatory for all holders of sup
plies of wheat and corn in excess of 5 quintals (1,102 pounds) to pre
sent on January 25, 1916, to the communal authorities a schedule
showing the quantity, quality, and place of storage of these supplies,
and also what quantities of wheat and corn the holder of the sup
plies requires until the next harvest for the use of his family, tenants,
and other dependents. These requirements are to be computed on the
basis of an allowance of 3 quintals (661 pounds) per person per year.
The schedule must further indicate the requirements for seeding and
stock feeding purposes.
Holders of supplies who are millers must schedule the quantity
needed by them for milling for a period of two months. Communes,
other public authorities, and public welfare or charitable institu
tions must schedule the quantities required for their own service
branches or for the attaining of their objects. The decree author
izes the local authorities to institute a search of the premises of the
holder whenever a holder of wheat or corn supplies is suspected of
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having furnished incorrect schedules. The communal secretary must
be notified of all withdrawals of supplies in excess of 5 quintals
(1,102 pounds) effected by the holder of the supplies after January
25, 1916. The decree provides that the communal authorities shall
forward the schedules, together with a summary of them, to specially
established provincial commissions (decree, Jan. 8, 1916, No. 5) for
the requisition of cereals.
A viceregal decree of February 20,1916, made obligatory the filing
of schedules of supplies of oats and barley. Holders of any quantity
of oats or barley were ordered by the decree to file such schedules
with the local communal secretary on March 5, 1916. All stocks
without exception are subject to requisition and seizure. The decree
states, however, that in case of requisition the authorities will con
sider the needs of the holder for seeding and stock feeding purposes.
MAXIMUM PRICES FOR DOMESTIC WHEAT, CORN, AND FLOUR.
To prevent corners in grain the Government by ministerial decree
of January 11, 1916, had fixed maximum prices for domestic wheat
and corn requisitioned by the military authorities. These maximum
prices per quintal (220.46 pounds) were the following: Soft and
semihard wheat, 40 lire ($7.72) ; hard wheat, 42 lire ($8.11) ; and
corn, 29 lire ($5.60). For imported wheat and corn the requisition
price was fixed by the decree to be the cost price f. o. b. elevator
plus 1 lire (19.3 cents) per quintal net.
Two months later a viceregal decree of March 11, 1916, made the
above maximum prices for domestic wheat and corn also applicable
to all private sales. All contracts for the delivery of such grain con
cluded at higher than the maximum prices are declared void by the
decree unless delivery or transfer of title to the grain has been made
on or before March 11, 1916. The seller of the grain may, however,
insist on delivery and acceptance of the grain contracted for if he
reduces the price to the maximum price established by the decree.
The same decree gives to the prefects authority to determine maxi
mum prices for the sale of wheat and corn flour to the public and for
that of macaroni, spaghetti, etc., manufactured in establishments
situated in their Provinces. These prices shall be fixed for delivery
f. o. b. station of origin and on the basis of the maximum price for
the grain and of other factors entering into the cost of production.
The decree further provides that the price of bread and the forms in
which it may be baked shall be determined by the communal council
of every community. The prefect is given authority to prohibit ex
portation of grain from his Province whenever serious reasons re
quire such a measure in the interest of the public.
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NEW MILLING AND BREAD REGULATIONS.
New milling and bread regulations were introduced by a minis
terial decree of March 11, 1916. This decree prohibits the milling of
any other type of wheat flour than one obtained by milling normal
wheat (weighing 77 kilograms [169.75 pounds] per hectoliter and not
containing more than 2 per cent impurities) to 85 per cent. This pro
vision is not applicable to hard wheat. Flour designed for the manu
facture of bread may not be deprived of other alimentary elements
than bran. The manufacture, sale, offering for sale, and furnishing as
compensation to dependents of bread manufactured from wheat flour
milled to a lesser percentage than that prescribed by the decree is pro
hibited. The decree permits admixtures of rice and corn flour to
wheat flour of the standard type, but provides that such admixtures
must be announced by notices posted in the salesroom of the seller.
Flour intended for the manufacture of bread, macaroni, spaghetti,
etc., may only be stored, sold, or consigned if contained in sealed
sacks showing the name of the mill, quality, and destination of the
flour, and percentage of milling. Millers and flour dealers must keep
a record of all shipments.
MAXIMUM PRICES FOR SUGAR.
On February 16, 1916, a viceregal decree had reduced the import
duty on imported raw and refined sugar and fixed maximum prices
for their sale. In correlation with this measure a viceregal decree
of March 12, 1916, determined maximum wholesale and retail prices
for the sale of sugar manufactured in Italy. The decree made it
obligatory for national sugar factories and refineries to sell centrif
ugal {pilé) sugar at not more than 148 lire -($28.56) per quintal
(220.46 pounds) f. o. b. car at shipping point. The decree further
provides that within two weeks of its promulgation all communes
must fix wholesale and retail prices for sugar as follows: For all
sales in quantities in excess of 100 kilograms (220.46 pounds), with
the exception of sales by factories and refineries, the maximum price
shall be determined by adding to the basic price (factory price) the
amount of the local excise tax, the costs of transportation, and 2 lire
(36.8 cents) per 100 kilograms. For retail sales in quantities less
than 100 kilograms the maximum price shall be determined by add
ing 7 lire ($1.35) in place of 2 lire (38.6 cents). The prices for
qualities other than centrifugal {pilé) shall be determined in rela
tion to the basic price established for the latter.
MAXIMUM PRICES FOR ALL ARTICLES IN COMMON USE.
The establishment of maximum prices for grain, flour, and sugar
was soon followed by establishment of the principle of maximum
prices for all necessities. A viceregal decree of April 27, 1916,
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effective on the date of its promulgation, authorizes the fixing of
maximum prices for articles in common or large use or which are
required for agricultural or industrial production. The list of such
articles and the maximum prices which may be charged by producers
are to be determined from time to time by joint decrees of the minis
tries of agriculture, industry and commerce, and the interior. The
same ministeries are to establish norms for the determination of
wholesale and retail prices. Any person selling goods for prices
higher than the maximus fixed in pursuance of the decree may be
fined from two to three times the price received by him. For any
repeated contravention of the decree, imprisonment from one month
to one year may be added to the fine. *
If a producer or dealer without good cause refuses to sell his stock
of goods at the maximum prices determined by the decree, the pre
fect or the mayor may seize the stock and sell it at the owner’s ex
pense, the quantity required for the owner’s personal consumption
being, however, reserved for him.
The decree does not affect existing regulations as to military requi
sition and as to the maximum prices of grain, flour, and sugar. Ap
peals to the courts or administrative authorities as to prices fixed by
joint ministerial decree are not permissible.
GENERAL CONTROL OF SUPPLIES BY THE MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE.
The Bulletin of the Italian Labor Office1 publishes in its semi
monthly issue of August 16, 1916, the text of a viceregal decree dated
August 2, 1916, which confers upon the minister of agriculture ap
proximately the same powers which the food controllers were given
in Germany, Great Britain, and France in order to facilitate the
supply of foodstuffs and other articles of ordinary consumption.
Briefly summarized, the provisions of this decree are as follows :
For so long as the war may last the minister of agriculture is
empowered, (1) to purchase supplies of which there may be scarcity
in the country; (2) to requisition goods for the needs of the public
administrations and the civil population, and (if necessary) produc
tive establishments, and to fix prices and compensation for the requi
sitioned goods; (3) to fix maximum prices for sales to the public
in pursuance of the viceregal decree of April 27, 1916 (see p. 733),
and to supervise their enforcement; (4) to supply for sale to the
public through the local and administrative authorities the goods im
ported and requisitioned as per 1, 2, and 3; (5) to authorize the es
tablishment of autonomous authorities for the distribution of sup
plies; (6) to regulate the sale and consumption of goods of which a
1 Ministère per l’Industria, il Commercio e il Lavoro. Bollettino dell’ Ufficio del Lavoro
(semimonthly). Rome, Aug. 16, 1916. New series, vol. 4, No. 16, p. 126.
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shortage exists; and (7) in general to adopt all necessary steps
toward the attainment of the purposes indicated.
The decree provides that the minister of agriculture shall exercise
the above powers (1) through the central supply commission and (2)
through a temporary department for supplies. The central supply
commission shall consist of officials representative of the various
Government departments, the director of the temporary department
for supplies, commercial experts, and representatives of consumers’
organizations, the undersecretary of agriculture to be the president
of the commission. The members are appointed by royal decree.
The functions of the central supply commission are (1) the decision
of questions relating to the importation and requisitioning of produce
and merchandise for the civilian population and the determination
of their prices and conditions of sale; (2) the determination of the
articles to be subjected to maximum-price regulations, in accordance
with the viceregal decree of April 27, 1916, and the scales of such
maximum prices; (3) the study and proposal of measures for the
facilitation of the provisioning of the country and the prevention of
price increases; and (4) the exercise of the functions of the central
supply commission created in pursuance of the viceregal decree of
January 8, 1916, which is dissolved by the present decree. The
central supply commission submits its decisions to the minister of
agriculture, who shall take suitable measures.
A “ temporary department for supplies” is provided for, to be
established in the ministry of agriculture, its personnel to be com
posed of active and retired Government officials, military officers, and
soldiers declared unfit for service at the front, officers of noncom
batant corps, and civilian experts, the latter to be appointed for the
duration of the war and assume the character, duties, and responsi
bility of Government officials. This department will take over the
functions of the existing temporary grain supply office.
The minister of agriculture may delegate some of the functions
conferred upon him by the present decree to provincial prefects, 'who
are authorized to appoint advisory committees composed of four
members selected among economic and commercial experts and repre
sentatives of consumers, the committee to be presided over by the
prefect himself, or the vice prefect.
Subsidiary to the central supply commission two committees are
provided for, the first to deal with the acquisition, sale, and trans
portation of supplies and to decide all questions of administration.
Decisions of this committee may within three days of their communi
cation to the minister of agriculture be suspended or annulled by him.
The second committee is charged with the settlement of disputes
arising from supply measures.
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A committee of supervision, composed of three members to be
nominated by the ministers of finance and agriculture, acting jointly,
is to control finance and account keeping of the “ temporary depart
ment for supplies,” all expenses incurred by the supply service to be
charged to the appropriation for the ministry of agriculture.
All purchases of supplies from abroad, such as grain, flour, frozen
meat, cattle, sugar, coffee, and in general all foodstuffs and products
which are of importance for both the military administration and the
civil population, shall be made in pursuance of the provisions of the
present decree. The requisition of cereals within the kingdom for
the civil population will be effected by the minister of agriculture
through the existing provincial commissions in pursuance of the
decree of January 8, 1916.
The ministers interested are to adopt measures to coordinate the
work of the “ temporary department for supplies” with services
established for special supplies, the commission for maritime trans
portation, and the export commission.
The decree authorizes communes to establish autonomous pur
chasing and distributing organizations conjointly with public-welfare
institutions, cooperative associations, and citizens for the purpose of
lowering the juices of articles of general consumption. The liability
of founders of such organizations is limited to the capital stock sub
scribed by them. The organizations have the character of legal per
sons and are subject to the sujoervision of the prefect who shall exam
ine their financial reports. In case of disputes among the adminis
tration of such an organization the prefect may dissolve the adminis
tration and appoint a special commission to direct its affairs or dis
solve the organization. All autonomous organizations of the charac
ter here described shall cease their functions six months after con
clusion of peace.
Persons who withhold foodstuffs and other articles from consump
tion for the purpose of artificially raising prices are made liable to
the penalties prescribed by article 293 of the Criminal Code.
The foregoing decree does not apply to jmrchases of coal in for
eign countries, which will be regulated by other provisions.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A FOOD SUPPLY COMMISSION AND APPOINTMENT OF A
FOOD COMMISSIONER.
A viceregal decree of January 16, 1917, provided that for so long
as the war lasts the functions of the Government with respect to the
enactment of measures for the regulation of the food sujiply shall be
exercised by a commission composed of the ministers of agriculture,
of the interior, and of maritime and railroad transportation, with a
commissioner general for food supplies, under this commission.
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With respect to food supplies the commissioner general exercises all
the functions conferred upon the minister of agriculture by the vice
regal decree of August 2, 1916, with the exception of the purchase of
supplies, which continues to be the function of the temporary de
partment for supplies. He is directly responsible to the food com
mission, and has authority to issue ordinances for the execution of
measures relating to food supplies and to delegate some of his func
tions to provincial prefects. In cases of urgent necessity he may
requisition railroad cars for food transportation.
R E C E N T REGULATIONS FOR THE MANUFACTURE AND SALE OF BREAD.
The most recent regulations for the manufacture and sale of bread
issued through the viceregal decree of February 18, 1917, provide
that all bread must be baked in smooth, round loaves weighing at
least 700 grams (1.543 pounds). This provision is also applicable
to homemade bread. The decree prohibits the sale or furnishing of
stale bread, i. e., bread older than one day, and the conservation of
it by special processes tending to keep it fresh.
The working hours in bakeries are restricted to the hours between
10 a. m., and 9 p. m. The decree permits, however, that one workman
in each bakery may work two hours between 6 and 10 a. m. in the
preparation of the yeast.
FOOD SUPFLY MEASURES OF THE M UNICIPALITIES OF GENOA, MILAN, AND
ROME.1
Genoa.
During the present war the municipality of Genoa, to lower the
cost of living and to meet the difficulties caused by the scarcity of
foodstuffs, has adopted measures of cooperation with the Govern
ment on the basis of authority granted to the city by viceregal de
crees, such as establishment of maximum prices for all articles of
prime necessity, and measures of a competitive character to curb
speculation, by purchasing on its own account certain foodstuffs,
such as flour, rice, beans, milk, butter, etc., and selling them directly
to the public at moderate prices in the sales places scattered all over
the city.
During 1915 the city bought flour from private mills and baked a
special type of bread weighing 500 grams (1.102 pounds) which it
sold for 50 centesimi (9.6 cents) per kilogram (2.205 pounds).
After the beginning of 1916 the city adopted more practical means to
supply its population with bread. It contracted with the grain pur
chasing and milling associations for the delivery of grain and flour
and furnished the flour to bakeries at prices lower than the current
1 “ La lotta contro il caro viveri nei communi di Genova, di Milano e di Roma ” in
Nuova Antologia, vol. 51, No. 1075. Rome, November, 1916, pp. 97-110.
• 92746°—17----- 7
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local market prices, provided that the bakeries agreed to bake from
each 100 kilograms (220.46 pounds) of flour, 116 kilograms (355.73
pounds) of bread of good quality in loaves weighing 300 grams
(0.671 pound) and to sell it for 53 centesimi (10.2 cents) per kilo
gram to dealers, and for 56 centesimi (10.8 cents) to consumers.
When these contracts expired on June 1, conditions of the flour
market had considerably improved and the city therefore discon
tinued purchases of flour for its own account, but fixed maximum
prices for the sale of bread by bakeries to dealers and consumers.
With respect to milk the communal council, up to the end of 1915,
had only fixed maximum prices for skim milk, establishing 25
centesimi per liter (4.6 cents per quart) as the price to be paid by the
consumer and 20 centesimi per liter (3.7 cents per quart) as that to
be charged to retailers. In 1916 the city contracted with the dairy
of Locate Triulzi for the daily delivery of at least 60 hectoliters
(1,585 gallons) of whole (unskimmed) milk at the price of 25 cen
tesimi per liter (4.6 cents per quart), which price, inclusive of the
municipal excise tax of 4 centesimi per liter (0.7 cent per quart),
made it possible for the city to sell such milk to consumers for 35
centesimi per liter (6.4 cents per quart). The consumers were greatly
satisfied with the quality of the milk furnished by the city and the
limited quantity on sale in the city’s sales places was every day
exhausted at an early hour. The city contracted with the same dairy
for the delivery of pure butter of first quality which was sold to
consumers in small packages of 100 and 200 grams (0.220 and 0.441
pound).
Other foodstuffs such as rice, flour, beans, sugar, and eggs the city
purchased wholesale from producers or jobbers making the most
favorable offer, and to facilitate their sale at retail packed them
(with the exception of eggs) in small bags holding 1 kilogram
(about 24 pounds). In addition, the city tried to promote the sale of
frozen meat. It made arrangements with the ministries of war and
agriculture for the direct purchase of frozen meats and sold them
to a private market which contracted to sell them in its four sales
places at a price specified by the city. The experiment, however, had
no success because the taste of the population did not adapt itself to
the consumption of frozen meats.
When the viceregal decree of August 2. 1916, had authorized
communes to establish autonomous organizations for the purchase
and sale of foodstuffs, the city of Genoa established such an organi
zation with the cooperation of the savings bank, the chamber of
commerce, and a charitable society. The organization began its
activities with a capital stock of 300,000 lire ($57,900) and took
over all the sales places and storage houses of the city together with
the fixtures and employees.
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Milan.
The administration which assumed the government of the city
of Milan in July, 1914, had inserted in its platform: “ Vigorous in
tervention of the municipal administration with respect to the
problems of housing and high cost of living either directly or through
strong organizations of a public character. * * * ” In accordance
wdth this program the city council, on the very day of its installa
tion, created a new communal department for the supervision of the
food supply of the city. As next step, the council, invoking the
authority of ancient urban police regulations, fixed a maximum
price for the sale of bread, namely, 43 centesimi (8.3 cents) per
kilogram (2.2 pounds), representing a reduction of 2 centesimi (0.386
cent) from the prevailing price.
After the outbreak of the European war the municipal adminis
tration on August 5, 1914, issued a manifesto informing the citizens
of the general scarcity of food supplies and the impending dangers
from unscrupulous speculation in foodstuffs, and on the subsequent
day the city council proclaimed maximum prices for a number of
food articles. At the same time, in cooperation with the National
Federation of Cooperative Societies and the Municipal League, it
brought pressure to bear upon the National Government with respect
to enactment of general measures for food control.
On August 13, 1914, the council voted 800,000 lire ($154,500) for
the immediate purchase of grain by the city. This was the first of a
number of large purchases of grain which up to August 31, 1916,
totaled 512,233 quintals (56,463 tons) of a value of 20,297,690 lire
($3,897,454). In addition the city purchased during 1915 flour of a
total value of 1,480,519 lire ($285,740). The flour milled from the
grain purchased by the city was sold to cooperative societies and for
a certain period also to private bakeries and the bread baked by them
was always sold at lower than the maximum price fixed by the city,
the difference in price per kilogram being 2 centesimi (0.386 cent) in
the case of bread baked by private bakeries and 4 centesimi (0.772
cent) in the case of that baked by cooperative societies. The city
could have made a considerable profit because grain prices continued
in their upward trend, but it preferred to let its citizens enjoy the full
advantage of its purchases. Up to the time of the proclamation of
maximum prices by thq National Government, prices of grain and
flour were in this manner kept at from 4 to 10 centesimi (0.772 to 1.93
cents) lower per kilogram in Milan than in other Italian cities. The
total economic gain to the population of Milan up to the end of May,
1916, from the reduced price of bread was estimated at 1,800,000 lire
($374,400).
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Purchase and distribution by the city of lard, rice, macaroni, cod
fish, potatoes, legumes, oil, cheese, candles, soap, etc., began in 1915,
during which year the purchases amounted to 1,665,519 lire
($321,445). Purchases on a larger scale were made in 1916. Up to
the end of August they represented an outlay of 3,881,324 lire
($749,096), or combined with those of 1915 of 5,546,844 lire
($1,070,541). These purchases were not made directly by the mu
nicipality. The municipal administration, without renouncing the
management of these purchases, charged the Cooperative Union with
the making of purchases of such articles which from time to time it
seemed desirable to put on the market, and the storage of the pur
chased articles and their consignment to cooperative societies on pre
sentation of municipal vouchers, these societies effecting the sale at
retail to the consumer. For these services the Cooperative Union
receives a modest commission. By means of this system the munici
pality had at its service experienced buyers for the purchase of the
various articles and suitable organs for their sale. The cooperative
stores effected the sale of these articles at prices 6^ per cent below
the maximum prices established by municipal ordinance. In this
manner consumers patronizing these stores made a saving of about
300,000 lire ($57,900) above and beyond the saving caused by the
establishment of maximum prices.
After protracted negotiations and careful preparation of a con
tract the city on July 16, 1916, contracted with a firm of meat im
porters for the delivery in five shipments—the first shipment to serve
as trial—of 6,000 metric tons (6,613.8 tons) of Brazilian frozen meat
from best grade steers 3 to 5 years old. When the first shipment
arrived the city had in readiness 22 shops for the sale of the frozen
meat to the public. The prices at which the meat was sold to the
public were considerably lower than the maximum prices established
by the city for fresh meats, and notwithstanding great agitation by
local butchers against the purchase of frozen meats, these meats soon
found favor with the public and the municipal shops did a thriving
business. The local market for fresh meats reacted vigorously, partly
because of the competition of frozen meats and partly because there
was a larger offer of live stock on account of lack of fodder. As a
consequence the prices of fresh meat soon fell 0.50 to 1.20 lire per
kilogram (4.4 to 10.6 cents per pound), according to quality.
In agreement with the municipal administration the military ad
ministration established in Milan by way of an experiment a re
frigerator plant for beef, the frozen meat being shipped to the war
zone. From 100 to 200 head of cattle were daily slaughtered in the
local abattoir to supply this plant with beef. All by-products from
the slaughter of these cattle, with the exception of lard and hides,
i. e., the head with tongue and brain, the tripe, lungs, liver, heart.
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legs, etc., were for proper compensation delivered to the city, which
sold them at very low prices in the municipal shops.
In order to supply its population with fish at moderate prices the
municipality concluded with the National Labor Committee, which
had fitted out a large fishing fleet in the Mediterranean Sea, a con
tract for the delivery of about 6,000 kilograms (13,228 pounds) of
fish per week. The prices agreed upon permitted the municipality
to sell the fish at the following prices: 3.50 to 4.50 lire per kilogram
(30.7 to 39.4 cents per pound) for first quality, 1.50 to 2.50 lire (13.2
to 21.9 cents per pound) for second quality, and 0.90 to 1.20 lire (7.9
to 10.6 cents per pound) for third quality. In addition the munici
pality sold live carps from near-by lakes at from 1.60 to 1.70 lire per
kilogram (14 to 14.9 cents per pound). Three fish markets had been
opened by the city up to November, 1916, and in case of good public
patronage it was proposed to open additional markets and to sell also
various sea foods and varieties of fresh-water fish.
R om e.
Establishment of maximum prices for articles of general con
sumption was not deemed suitable by the municipal administration
of Home as a means for lowering the high cost of living. The ad
ministration contended that maximum prices are either evaded by
subterfuges of the interested parties or, if they are observed, they
generally cause a decrease in the offerings in urban markets. Guided
by this view the administration decided to handle the problems of
food supply and high cost of living by entering the market in com
petition with private dealers and throwing on the market a larger
quantity of the principal foodstuffs in a ratio of about one-third of
the general consumption.
Even before the outbreak of the European war the municipal ad
ministration of Rome intervened in the sale of flour in order to
maintain low prices for this important foodstuff. The administra
tion was convinced that low prices for flour and bread are in them
selves important factors in keeping the prices of all other foodstuffs
at a low level. The administration began its activities in this respect
by buying large quantities of flour from private mills. Later on
it established municipal mills and bakeries, which were operated
profitably and turned out a better product than private mills. At
present the city operates 460 municipal bakeries. For an entire year
the bread produced by these bakeries was sold at 42 centesimi per
kilogram (3.7 cents per pound), during the subsequent six months
at from 42 to 45 centesimi (3.7 to 3.9 cents per pound), and at present
at from 40 to 45 centesimi per kilogram (3.5 to 3.9 cents per pound),
according to the weight of the loaves.
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The city has also put on sale large quantities of macaroni, spa
ghetti, noodles, rice, beans, etc., by selling them either directly to
the consumer or by selling them to dealers obligated to maintain the
prices fixed by the city. Potatoes were stored by the city in large
quantities and sold either in municipal shops or offered in the public
retail and wholesale markets whenever these markets showed a
tendency to increase the price of potatoes. This policy caused the
city a loss of about 4,000 lire ($772), but, on the other hand, had the
desired effect of limiting the profits of dealers. To quote only one
example, several months ago two carloads of potatoes sold by the
city in the central market caused the wholesale price to drop from
21 lire to 14 lire per 100 kilograms. The retail price has always been
maintained at 15 centesimi per kilogram (1.32 cents per pound).
The city has made several experiments to popularize the consump
tion of frozen meats, but has met with small success. This is in part
due to the present high prices of frozen meats and partly to the fact
that the public taste has not yet adapted itself to their consumption.
So far the city is operating 14 meat markets, in which meat is sold
at 2.10, 2.70, and 3.60 lire per kilogram (18.4, 23.6, and 31.6 cents per
pound), according to cut.
Confronted with higher prices and a deficiency in the supply of
milk, the city is now daily importing 12,000 liters (12,680 quarts)
from Lombardy. This milk is pasteurized in a municipal plant and
sold to the public through pushcarts. Large purchases of eggs en
abled the city to sell as many as 80,000 eggs per day in the municipal
shops at a price considerably lower than that charged in the mar
kets by private dealers.
As a result of all these economic measures by the city since the
outbreak of the war the average cost of foodstuffs has only increased
18 per cent. According to the bulletin of the Italian labor office
this increase is smaller than in any other large city of Italy.
WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION LEGISLATION OF 1917: NEW MEXICO.
Although one-third of the States of the Union remained without
compensation legislation at the beginning of this year, it was not to
be expected that the number of new laws would come up to the
activities of other years when, as at this time, the great majority of
the legislatures of the States are in session, since the active interest
in the subject in the remaining States has not been the same as in
the more largely industrial States of the North and in those Western
States which, though largely agricultural, have shown greater
readiness in adopting new legislative methods and ideas. Ten States
enacted original laws in 1911, 7 in 1913, and 9 in 1915. In 1917. with
but slight possibility of additions, new laws have been enacted in five
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States not heretofore having laws, while the Texas Legislature is
reported to have provided a substitute for the former law of that
State. The States for which reports, for the most part unofficial,
have been received, indicating that laws have been signed by their
governors, are Delaware, Idaho, New Mexico, South Dakota, and
Utah. Various amendatory and supplemental laws are also known
to have been passed, but the nature of these amendments is only
partially known.
The only new law yet received is that of New Mexico, chapter 83,
Acts of 1917, approved March 13, and to take eifect 90 days after
the adjournment of the legislature. Compensation is elective for a
group of extra hazardous industries, the list given being rather in
clusive, with a restriction to establishments in which four or more
persons are employed. However, if a person is injured while at
wTork on a derrick, scaffold, or the like 10 or more feet above ground
the act applies without regard to the number of employees. Em
ployers and workmen in other occupations than those classed as
extra hazardous may come under the act by a joint written agreement
filed with the district court of the county. No mention is made'of
public employment. The election of the act by employers and em
ployees in extra hazardous occupations is presumed in the absence
of a written notice from either party to the other. Elections may
be changed on 30 days’ notice. Employers rejecting the act lose
the defenses of contributory negligence, fellow service, and assumed
risks.
The entire burden of payment falls on the employer, and all em
ployees in the included industries are benefited except those purely
casual and not for the purpose of the employer’s trade or business.
The injury must be accidental, must arise out of and in the course
of employment, and must cause death or disability for more than
three weeks. No benefits are payable if the injury is due to the
intoxication of the injured man or willfully suffered by him or inten
tionally inflicted by himself or another.
Insurance is obligatory unless other guaranties are given or the
judge of the district court of the county exempts an employer on a
showing of his financial responsibility. Insurance policies must be
directly available for the benefit of the employee.
Benefits include funeral expenses in case of death, the amount
being limited to $50, and medical and hospital expenses during the
first three weeks limited to a like sum.
Total disability is compensated on a basis of 50 per cent of the
injured person’s earnings, weekly payments not to exceed $10 nor to
be less than $5 per week unless the earnings are less than $5, when
the full amount shall be paid. The term of payment shall not exceed
520 weeks. A schedule for permanent partial disabilities is enacted
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giving 50 per cent of the wages for various periods ranging from
3 weeks to 150 weeks for specific injuries. Special rules are given
as to hernia and infection not due to the neglect or misconduct of the
injured person. Persistence in insanitary or injurious practices
likely to impair or retard recovery or refusal to submit to reasonably
essential medical or surgical treatment gives ground for reduction
or suspension of compensation.
Death benefits are available for the widow, dependent widower,
children, dependent parents, and dependent brothers and sisters
under the age of 18. The surviving spouse alone receives 40 per
cent of the earnings, not over $10 a week, with 5 per cent additional
for each child, the total not to exceed 60 per cent. For one or two
orphan children 25 per cent is allowed, with 10 per cent for each
additional child above two, the total not to exceed 60 per cent. The
earnings upon which payments are based are not to be taken as above
$30 per week. Death benefits are limited to 300 weeks, and terminate
on the remarriage of a widow or widower, upon a minor dependent
becoming 18 years of age (unless physically or mentally incapaci
tated), upon the death or adoption of any dependent, or upon a de
pendent child becoming self-supporting before reaching the age of
18. Children reaching the age of 18 who are incompetent to earn
a livelihood may continue to receive payments for the statutory
period. Nonresident alien beneficiaries are excluded.
The act is to be administered entirely by the district courts of
the counties, with whom notices and claims are to be filed, as well as
proper guaranties for the security of benefits. Appeals lie to the
supreme court.
Medical examination of persons in receipt of benefits may be had
at any time at the instance of the employer, and the court may
revise awards according to the results. The statute also provides for
medical examinations to determine the physical condition of em
ployees either on their engagement for service or at any time there
after, and further that the employee must on request furnish a list
of his relations and dependents.
SOME ASPECTS OF HEALTH INSURANCE.
The March, 1917, issue of the American Labor Legislation Review
is devoted almost entirely to health insurance.1 I t includes articles
on The Need for Health Insurance, by Irving Fisher, of Yale Uni
versity, and president of the American Association for Labor Legis
lation; Public Protection of Maternity, by Julia C. Lathrop, Chief
1 The American Labor Legislation Review, March, 1917, published by the American
Association for Labor Legislation, 131 East Twenty-third Street, New York City.
Price, $1. Pp. 9-135.
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of the United States Children’s Bureau ; Medical Organization Under
Health Insurance, by Dr. Alexander Lambert, chairman of the
social insurance committee of the American Medical Association;
Health Insurance Through Local Mutual Funds, by I. M. Rubinow,
secretary of the social insurance committee of the American Medical
Association; Fraternal Societies Under Universal Health Insurance,
by John J. Lentz, president of the American Insurance Union; Estab
lishment Funds and Universal Health Insurance, by Edmund N.
Huyck, of F. C. ILuyck & Sons, Albany, N. Y .; Trade-Union Sick
Funds and Compulsory Health Insurance, by William Green, secre
tary-treasurer of the United Mine Workers of America; and Prin
ciples of Health Insurance, by Miles M. Dawson, consulting actuary.
The volume also includes the minutes of the tenth annual session of
the American Association for Labor Legislation, held at Columbus,
Ohio, in December last, at which the addresses above cited were given,
and also a record of indorsements of health insurance by the Cali
fornia and Massachusetts commissions appointed to investigate the
subject and by governors of five States in messages to their respec
tive legislatures.
Two of these papers, the one on The Need for Health Insurance,
which recites briefly the arguments in favor of such legislation, and
the one by Edmund N. Huyck, were noted in the M o n t h l y R e v ie w
for April (pp. 513 and 518, respectively), but it may not be amiss
to quote the concluding paragraph of Prof. Fisher’s paper, since it
states in concise form what health-insurance legislation proposes to
accomplish:
We conclude that health insurance is needed in the United States in order
to tide the workers over the grave emergencies incident to illness as well as
in order to reduce illness itself, lengthen life, abate poverty, improve working
power, raise the wage level, and diminish the causes of industrial discontent.
It is not a panacea. It will not bring the millenium. But there is no other *
measure now before the public which equals the power of health insurance
toward social regeneration.
One of the features of the standard bill for health insurance
drafted by the American Association for Labor Legislation is a
provision for the protection of maternity and the consequent reduc
tion of mortality from childbirth and the assurance of healthy
infancy and childhood. This phase of health insurance was dis
cussed by Julia C. Lathrop, Chief of the United States Children’s
Bureau, who pointed out the fact that large numbers of women die
from conditions caused by childbirth, many of which are preventable
if proper care is taken, but which can not be avoided because of
insufficient income. Such cases the maternity benefit, which it is
proposed to make available only to those with incomes of not exceed
ing $100 per month, would materially assist and operate to save the
lives of thousands of mothers and children.
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The protection of maternity is a public question which can not longer be
evaded. * * * No system of health insurance is complete which ignores
maternity insurance, yet apparently no system of health insurance can inde
pendently furnish adequate funds and equipment. Study and experiment
should begin at once.
An argument advanced in favor of health insurance is that it will
provide medical attendance for those now unable to obtain it—for
the 50 per cent among the middle class and the 68 per cent in the
poorer class of people who now receive inadequate care in times of
illness.1 Dr. Lambert, in a paper on medical organization under
health insurance, stated that the service rendered by the medical
profession in this connection must be on a business and not on a
charitable basis; that health insurance contemplates the concentra
tion of authority and the distribution of funds in local control;
that under the provisions of the proposed law special medical referees
shall be appointed for each fund whose duty it shall be to supervise
the sick and to decide when the insured shall receive sick benefits
and when the sick are well enough to go back to work; that patients
shall be given the right to choice of physician; that all possible dis
putes between panel physicians and the funds or between patients
and the funds shall be safeguarded by arbitration committees; that
a State medical advisory board shall pass upon all regulations relat
ing to medical benefits and the relations of physicians and surgeons
to the insured; that the field of preventive medicine and sanitation
will be broadened; and that there shall be a central State healthinsurance commission as the ultimate authority. As to the remuner
ation of physicians under the law, four plans are noted, namely, by
capitation, the doctor being paid so much per patient per year; by
visitation, the regular charge for visits to patients being made and
paid for by the fund; by a variation or combination of these two;
and by fixed salaries. Objections to the first three were cited and
some advantages stated, but none was specifically recommended.
The discussion which followed these papers developed considerable
sentiment in favor of more general publicity and education of the
people, of employers, and of physicians along the lines proposed be
fore any definite legislative action should be taken. Some favored
the appointment of a commission to study the matter thoroughly for
a year or more, while others thought that further investigation is
unnecessary, since “ the point has already been reached beyond which
mere investigation will reveal nothing new.”
Important as a problem in health insurance is that of insurance
organizations, and one phase of this subject—local mutual funds—
was discussed by I. M. Rubinow, who favored this form because the
mutual principle has the advantage of precedent, of economy, and
1 Based on an investigation made in Rochester, N. Y., by the Metropolitan Life In
surance Co.
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of making risk selection unnecessary ; its local feature has the advan
tage of economy of administration, of effective democracy instead of
a purely formal one, and in organization of medical aid and influ
ences upon sanitation and public health; and because it recognizes
the principle of democratic self-government. It was made clear,
however, that by favoring local mutual funds it was not the inten
tion to disparage the fraternal or trade-union funds or the establish
ment fund, each of which was considered in subsequent papers.
John J. Lentz, president of the American Insurance Union, spoke
on behalf of funds operated by fraternal societies, and said that such
organizations will “ gladly assist in providing a system wherein the
State will look upon its citizens as a universal brotherhood. On the
side of economy as well as on the side of humanity no fraternalist
can afford to place any obstruction under the wheels of this car of
progress.”
Attempts to provide forms of health insurance have been made by
trade-unions, but, according to William Green, secretary-treasurer
of the United Mine Workers of America, the burden put upon these
voluntary organizations of taking care of workers has proved so
great and the expense incident thereto so nearly prohibitive, that
trade-unions stand ready to accept health insurance as a welcome
measure of relief.
There is no good reason why the care of the sick, the aged, and the disabled
among the working classes should be borne by the working people alone. Indus
try and society at large should both be required to bear their share of this
burden.
Health insurance accomplishes this result. Men prominent in
trade-unionism have objected to the principle on the ground that
compulsory health insurance interferes with the freedom of the
worker and curtails his normal activities, but when analyzed in the
light of what the proposed health insurance law contemplates this
objection does not appear to be well founded. Mr. Green strongly
emphasized the undesirability of allowing liability insurance com
panies to participate in the operation of health insurance. “ The
commercial element should in no way whatsoever enter into the con
sideration or administration of such humane laws.”
The concluding paper on the principles of health insurance re
viewed briefly what the standard bill proposes to accomplish for the
benefit of employers and workingmen. One question discussed in this
paper was the compulsory feature of the bill, the following reasons
for which were given :
1. Because it is essentially a public matter. * * *
2. Because by no other means can more than a small number be reached.
*
*
*
,
3. Because those who are not reached by voluntary insurance—the careless,
the indifferent, the impoverished—are precisely those who need the protection
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most and whose care is the most important for all of us, to prevent the spread
of disease and to improve the longevity and the efficiency of workmen.
4. Because by this means only can a coherent, consistent, fairly administered
system be operated, surely bringing the benefits, both cash and medical, to all
who should have them.
5. Because it is enormously more economical, as well as efficient in operation,
and gives maximum benefits at minimum cost.
6. Because if not compulsory the workmen’s insurance binds him to his job
while the unenlightened employer who refuses to contribute seems to have an
advantage; that is not well for employer or the employee. The insurance should
follow the employee as long as he keeps within the domicile, and all employers
should contribute ratably.
7. Because upon no basis other than compulsion can the general social pur
poses be served or the State’s contribution be justified. * * *
IS COMPULSORY HEALTH INSURANCE NECESSARY?
The preceding consideration of health insurance is based upon the
assumption that such a policy, under the stimulus of legislative
enactment, is absolutely necessary to the well-being of workers, and
that the proposed bills now pending in several State legislatures
should be placed on the statute books without delay. But is com
pulsory health insurance necessary? Mr. Magnus W. Alexander,
General Electric Co., West Lynn, Mass., in a pamphlet giving some
facts and considerations touching on this subject, aims to show that
it is not essential in our present social scheme.1 He states at the out
set that these measures center around the claim that high sickness
and high death rates prevail among American wage earners; that
the average wage earner, when sick, is unable to meet the expense
of proper medical care and the needs of his dependents; and that
existing agencies can not provide adequate relief. While admitting
the need for the conservation of the health of our people, he is not
willing to concede that the proposed legislation will adequately or
economically meet the situation.
If it is true that health conditions in the United States are excessively bad,
that the death rate is abnormally high, that a large proportion of our people
have not resources wherewith to conserve their health or, when sick, to secure
adequate medical service; and if it is further found that care of the sick
by legislative compulsion is conducive to the public good, then—but not until
tpen—ci0eS the proposed health-insurance legislation merit serious considera
tion.
The author then undertakes to show by statistical data that health
conditions among all classes of people in the United States, and in
other countries which have no compulsory health-insurance laws,
are superior to the health conditions in those countries where com
pulsory health-insurance laws are most in evidence ; that health con1 Some vital facts and considerations in respect to compulsory health insurance, March,
1917, by Magnus W. Alexander, West Lynn, Mass., substantially as presented at legis
lative hearings in New York State and in Massachusetts on Mar. 7, and Mar. 13, 1917,
respectively. 15 pp.
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ditions among wage earners in this country are practically on a par
with health conditions among our people generally; that American
wage earners in general are not only able to save money for sickness
and other emergencies but to deposit it at interest or to invest it for
home building and other good purposes; that comparatively few
wage earners, because of the help of relatives and friends, coupled
with their own habits of thrift, are without aid in time of sickness;
and that health-insurance laws will not only not increase the effici
ency of our people and strengthen the resources of the country, but
will, as seems to be the case in foreign countries, develop in the peo
ple a “ tendency to play sick ” and “ develop in thousands of work
ers a very prominent wishbone to the detriment of their backbone.”
The cost of the compulsory health-insurance plan, varying from 4
per cent to over 6 per cent of the pay roll of insured employees, is
noted. I t is questioned whether it is advisable to place on wage
earners and the industries in which they are employed this enormous
burden, since there is some doubt as to whether the “ promised allur
ing social advantages of the proposed law [are] commensurate with
the vast expenditure of money involved, a considerable part of which
would flow into unproductive channels of governmental machinery
for maintenance of a complicated sj^stem, apt to be rendered espe
cially inefficient in our country through political influence and in
terference.”
But before legislative efforts along this line are matured, it seems
wise to take effective measures to find out how much preventable
disease exists, what its character is, where it flourishes, what causes
it, and how it can be prevented. If this is done thoroughly, the
foundation will be provided “ on which health-betterment measures
could be based with a satisfactory degree of accuracy.”
OPPOSITION TO HEALTH INSURANCE.
Opposition to so-called “ class legislation ” by wage earners and
employers was voiced in four addresses and in the general discussion
following, at the social insurance department session of the seven
teenth annual meeting of the National Civic Federation, held in New
York City on January 22, 1917.1 Compulsory health insurance was
the matter under consideration. The opening paper was submitted
by President Samuel Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor,
who declared that the organized-labor movement provides greater
1 Compulsory Health Insurance. Annual meeting addresses, the National Civic Federa
tion, under auspices social insurance department, Hotel Astor, New York City, Jan. 22,
1917. Opposition to “ class legislation” by elements principally concerned— wage earners
and employers. 74 pp. Headquarters, thirty-third floor Metropolitan Tower, New York
City.
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and more lasting benefits for the workingman than social insurance,
including compulsory health insurance, which “ only provides the
means for tiding over an emergency,” and which, in his opinion, is
undemocratic, weakens independence of spirit, delegates to outside
authorities some of the powers and opportunities that rightfully be
long to wage earners, and breaks down industrial freedom by exer
cising control over workers through a central bureaucracy.
Warren S. Stone, grand chief of the International Brotherhood of
Locomotive Engineers, opposed compulsory health insurance on the
ground partly that voluntary forms of insurance furnish adequate
protection to wage earners and that laborers are not looking for
paternalism but for a living wage which it is hoped will enable them
to protect Ihemselves against sickness and disease. One strong ob
jection to social insurance, in Mr. Stone’s opinion, is that it would,
by Government regulation, cause a division of the workers into two
groups—those eligible for benefits and those considered capable of
caring for themselves according to their wage-earning capacity. He
emphasized the well-known arguments against health insurance,
that the law could not be enforced without the aid of police power,
that it would interfere with the economic freedom of workers, that
the burden of cost would fall upon labor irrespective of the tax upon
industry, that labor does not want health insurance, that it is not
necessary as a means of stimulating preventive measures, that it has
not decreased poverty where tried and would not in this country, and
that the eradication of the agencies which cause industrial diseases
would eliminate the need for health insurance. He cited instances
to show that trade-unions have met the situation adequately, reduc
ing disease and sickness by causing improvements in sanitation
and by better hours, and that voluntary agencies providing sickness
insurance funds have achieved more good for the workers than would
be effected by any other form of insurance.
While not defining the official attitude of the National Association
of Manufacturers, A. Parker Nevin, general counsel for the asso
ciation, personally took the position that health insurance is unAmerican and that “ democracy, even with less efficiency [is to be]
preferred to foreign bureaucracy.”
In the general discussion which followed a paper by Dr. Frederick
L. Hoffman1 on “ Some facts and fallacies of social insurance,” the
experiences of labor organizations which have maintained sickness
insurance and of executives of employers’ sickness insurance funds
were outlined. Hugh Frayne, organizer for the American Federa
tion of Labor, spoke of the effectiveness of trade-union funds and
1 An extended review of th is ad d ress is given in th is issue o f th e M o nthly R eview ,
p. 754.
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protested against health insurance legislation, stating that “ the root
of the evil is in the industrial conditions.”
Charles G. Du Bois, comptroller of the American Telephone &
Telegraph Co., described the sickness-insurance experience of the
Bell Telephone System, where the funds are contributed entirely by
the companies. Benefits begin seven days after illness commences,
and the period for which they are paid depends upon the length of
service with the company. No death benefit can exceed $2,000. In
1915 there were about 15,000 cases of sickness among 80,000 eligible
employees, and 162 deaths among 40,000 eligible to death benefits.
The total benefits paid in all cases amounted to $840,000. In these
companies the position is taken that the cost of sickness insurance
is a legitimate tax on the industry.
In the Celluloid Co. (Newark, N. J.) health insurance has been
in operation for 15 years and is based upon a contributory plan,
according to S. T. Simmonds, welfare manager. Employees under
50 years of age may insure upon passing a physical examination, and
they contribute 2 cents weekly on each dollar of weekly benefits de
sired, 2 cents weekly on $50 and 4 cents weekly on $100 death benefit,
and 2 cents weekly for the services of a visiting physician. Insurance
is not compulsory, but it is believed should be made so, since “ it is
those whose dependents stand most in need of financial aid who
will not provide against emergencies.”
Health and unemployment insurance and old-age pensions, as
provided by the photo-engravers and other unions were discussed
by Peter J. Brady, president of the New York State Allied Printing
Trades Council. He vigorously opposed health insurance legis
lation and suggested instead that children of wage earners be given
better opportunity for helping themselves.
The General Electric Co. maintains a voluntary mutual benefit
association, the functions and administrative features of which were
described by M. W. Alexander. Membership dues, after an initial
payment of 50 cents, are 10 cents per week, which entitle the bene
ficiary to—
(a) Weekly disability benefits of .$6 for men and $5 for women, payable
for the second and subsequent weeks of disability but limited to 14 weekly
benefits in any 12 months; yet payable again in the second and following years
in case of continued disability;
(b) Life insurance of $200, of which half is paid by the association and
half by the company;
(c) Emergency benefits in addition to regular benefits, payable in such
amount and manner as the emergency fund committee may decide; and
(d) Temporary loans at no interest charge or other extra cost.
The sickness-insurance plan of the Consolidated Gas Co. of New
York City, as outlined by W. D. Kelley, is voluntary, the employees
being grouped on the basis of their weekly wages and receiving
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approximately 80 per cent of their regular pay for 26 weeks in
any 52 consecutive weeks. The weekly dues are on a sliding scale,
based on the wages received, and range from 1 cent to 20 cents.
During 1916, cash benefits were paid to 988, or 38.2 per cent, of the
employees in the fund, 10.123 visits were made upon members by the
company’s doctors, and the amount of benefits paid was $36,371.55,
or an average of $36.81 each.
The secretary of the employees’ benefit fund committee of the
Western Union Telegraph Co., F. T. Albert, stated that their plan
is essentially the same as that of the American Telephone & Tele
graph Co., and that it “ has proved of great benefit not only to
the employees but to the company.” During four years about 5,000
employees have participated in the sickness disability benefits, the
aggregate amount of which was $429,000, or about $86 per employee.
In 287 death claims $208,000 has been paid.
Timothy Healey, international president of the Stationary Fire
men’s Union, stated emphatically that organized labor in general
opposes compulsory health insurance, and offered a resolution put
ting the National Civic Federation, “ composed of representatives of
organized labor, organized industry, and the interests of the general
public,” on record as “ opposed to the contemplated legislation with
reference to compulsory health insurance as inimical to the best
interests, present and future, of the workers of the Nation.” 1
The general economic and social phases of social insurance were
taken up briefly by John Franklin Crowell, executive officer of the
Chamber of Commerce of New York State, who indorsed the prin
ciple of social insurance but objected strongly to permitting the Gov
ernment to have any part in it, declaring that the benefits of social
insurance are being secured by the activities of employers themselves.
FACTS AND FALLACIES OF COMPULSORY HEALTH INSURANCE.
Characterizing compulsory health insurance as a propaganda for
State socialism and class legislation, representing the plans and pur
poses of the international social movement rather than the aims and
ideals of the overwhelming majority of American wage earners,
whether organized or unorganized, and asserting that it is inimical
to labor welfare and the best interests of the people at large, since
it “ is not in fact a plan or system of insurance but it is essentially
a measure of arbitrary taxation,” Frederick L. Hoffman, statistician
of the Prudential Insurance Co. of America, and a strong opponent
of what he calls “ conditional poor relief,” gives in a pamphlet en1 There appears to be no record that the resolution was adopted or even voted upon.
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titled “ Facts and Fallacies of Compulsory Health Insurance” some
reasons why he believes the movement is “ artificial, ill-advised, and
un-American.” 1 In vigorous language he maintains that those who
are seeking this legislation, particularly the American Association
for Labor Legislation, the provisions of whose standard bill was
noted in the M onthly R eview for October, 1916 (pp. 472-475),
are disseminating arguments of an “ untrustworthy character ” and
statements which are “ untimely and misleading.” Taking up spe
cifically some of the claims that are made, he proceeds to point out
wherein they are a “ persistent reiteration of socialistic fallacies in
plain and emphatic contradiction to the facts of actual and extended
experience.” Some stress is laid upon the study made by the Fabian
Research Department in England, which, in its interim report,
“ proves conclusively that while, as a relief measure, national health
insurance may have been of value to the poor, the anticipated medi
cal and public health benefits have not been realized.”
An exceedingly suggestive conclusion, arrived at early in the inquiry, was
“ the astounding fact that in spite of the provisions of the statute and notwith
standing the unexpectedly large sum which is being spent, it is, on the whole,
for only the minor ailments of the insured person that medical treatment is
being provided under the act.”
Having outlined briefly the general considerations entering into
his opposition to compulsory health insurance, the writer gives de
tailed attention to its relation to medical practice, to public health,2
and to labor and voluntary thrift. Apparently authoritative sources
are quoted to show “ that the establishment of compulsory sickness
insurance in Germany, or of national health insurance in Great
Britain has not improved the status of the medical profession; but,
quite the contrary, it has thoroughly demoralized medical practice,”
and it is believed that the administrative features of the proposed
plan contemplate the “ establishment and organization of what would
be the equivalent of a medical bureaucracy.” Inadequate facilities
for medical treatment, overworked doctors, delays in payment for
services of panel physicians, burdening the doctor with clerical
duties, and the encouragement of fraudulent practices and pecuniary
inducements to malingering would seem, .from statements made by
the author, to be logical results of compulsory health insurance in
operation in this country.
1 Facts and Fallacies of Compulsory Health Insurance, by Frederick L. Hoffman. An
address read in part before the section on social and economic science of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, Dec. 28, 1916, and the National Civic
Federation, Jan. 22, 1917. Prudential Press, Newark, N. J., 1917. 101 pp.
2 This phase of the subject is also discussed by the author in an article entitled
“ Public Health Progress under Social Insurance,” appearing in the February, 1917,
issue of the Insurance and Commercial Magazine, 153 East Eighteenth Street, New York
City.
92746°— 17------ 8
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It has been asserted by the champions of compulsory health insur
ance that “ high sickness and death rates are prevalent among
American wage earners ” ; that “ deaths from degenerative diseases
are rapidly increasing” ; and that “ progress in the crusade against
tuberculosis is attributed by German authorities more to the indus
trial-insurance laws than to any other cause.” Health-insurance
laws in this country would, it is claimed, lower the death rates for
these diseases and prove an effective measure against tuberculosis,
as appears to have been the case in Germany. These statements,
however, are regarded as misleading and incorrect.
During the year 1915 the death rate of the United States registration area
was the lowest on record, and tins record may safely be assumed as evidence
of a relatively small amount of serious illness.
As to degenerative diseases, it is stated that the mortality rate in
1910 to 1914 among people of all ages in the 10 original registration
States increased over the period 1900 to 1904 from 46.35 to 49.42
per 10,000 of population, indicating to the author that deaths from
these diseases are not “ rapidly increasing.”
Taking up the argument that compulsory health insurance would
act to prevent tuberculosis, it is stated that the death rate for this
disease in Massachusetts has been reduced from 43.1 per 10,000 of
population in 1865 to 37.7 in 1885, to 21.4 in 1905, and to 13.9 in
1914, while during 1913 the tuberculosis death rate of Prussia was
13.7 per 10,000, “ notwithstanding nearly 30 years of compulsory
social insurance.” It appears that the mortality was reduced in
Prussia, 1913 as compared with 1890, 51 per cent, while the per cent
of reduction in Massachusetts covering the same period was 57.1
1 The article by the same author, referred to in footnote on p. 753, presents three
tables showing for the years 1890 to 1894 and 1908 to 1912, for selected places in the
United States and Germany, the comparative mortality from all causes, from tubercu
losis, and from typhoid fever. The first table indicates a higher death rate in Prussia
than in Massachusetts and in Baden than in New Jersey, but a slightly lower death
rate in Berlin than in New York City and in Leipzig than in Newark.
“ Considering the enormous influx of foreign population into the eastern portion of
the United States during the last 20 years, these results are gratifying evidence of
perhaps the most remarkable achievements in the history of sanitary reform.”
The showing as to pulmonary tuberculosis for the two 5-year periods is not quite so
favorable to the United States, but attention is called to the fact that considering the
excessive death rates prevailing in this country 25 years ago the relative reduction in
the rates has been more pronounced in the United States than in Germany.
“ For illustration, the tuberculosis death rate of Massachusetts, without social insur
ance, was reduced 13.8 per 10,000 during the period under consideration, against a
corresponding reduction of only 10.4 per 10,000 for the Kingdom of Prussia. The
tuberculosis mortality of New York City was reduced 9 per 10,000 against 8.8 for the
city of Berlin. The tuberculosis mortality rate of Newark was reduced 13.5 per 10,000
against 10.2 for the city of Leipzig, notwithstanding the fact that Leipzig is generally
referred to as the city in which, on account of the long-continued operations of the
Leipzig central sick fund, the effects on public hpalth are alleged to have been prodigious.”
The figures as to typhoid fever indicate conditions even more unfavorable to the
United States, and would seem to strengthen the argument that under social insurance
Germany has succeeded in reducing the mortality from typhoid fever. But, explains
the writer, “ during the last 20 years a truly enormous reduction has been achieved as
the result of far-reaching sanitary efforts without any reference whatever to social
insurance.”
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The matter of the cost of compulsory health insurance is touched
upon, the belief being that it would be so enormous that the Ameri
can people would not “ tolerate the establishment of such an elaborate
bureaucratic machine as is proposed under the standard health
insurance bill.”
One of the declared purposes of health insurance is to place ade
quate medical relief within the reach of even the lowest wageworker
and provide for him and his family during sickness, but according
to the writer of this pamphlet this has not resulted either in Eng
land or in Germany.
The tragedy of the national health insurance act of England is that it has
not improved the condition of the poor, but that the benefits have accrued to
those least urgently in need of pecuniary assistance and free medical treat
ment ; for, as well said in the report of the Fabian research department, the
vast multitude brought within the operations of the national health insurance
act “ were already providing what was requisite for themselves.”
The principle of voluntary thrift is commended and figures are
given showing the extent to which it has been developed in this
country. Similarly the progress of voluntary agencies serving social
insurance purposes is suggested, special reference being made to the
trade-union sickness funds and to the success of establishment funds,
which it has been claimed can not meet the needs or purposes which
the proposed system of compulsory health insurance is intended to
serve. All through this portion of the pamphlet the purpose is to
show that compulsory health insurance would discourage thrift, in
terfere with the independence of workers, and that it is not needed
or desired by them.
The conclusions reached by the writer are summarized in several
pages, which set forth also some “ practical suggestions ” to be borne
in mind in considering the entire compulsory health insurance prob
lem. The following excerpts from the concluding chapter summarize
the more important findings of the author :
A critical and partial analysis of the most forcible arguments which have
been advanced in favor of compulsory health insurance completely disproves
all the essential assertions and allegations concerning the urgency, practical
necessity, and political expediency of such legislation at the present time.
The propaganda throughout rests upon seriously misleading assertions and
allegations concerning the economic condition of American labor, the insuffi
ciency of average incomes for such medical requirements as may arise, the in
adequacy of existing facilities for medical aid, and the prevailing rate of sick
ness in industry, all of which are contrary to common knowledge and the
statistical facts which are a matter of official record.
Compulsory health insurance is strongly opposed by organized labor as rep
resented by the American Federation of Labor, by many State labor organiza
tions, and other important labor interests, whether organized or not.
Compulsory health insurance is strongly opposed by business interests as
visionary, dangerous, and unnecessary class legislation unquestionably inimical
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to the future of American industry and the general welfare of the wage earners
employed therein.
Compulsory health insurance has not been officially approved or indorsed
by either the Ameifican Medical Association or the American Public Health
Association * * *.
Compulsory health insurance is generally approved of by those who are
chiefly concerned with the problems and needs of the poor in large cities, but
who are more or less out of touch with the social and economic problems of
labor and industry.
The alarming assertions regarding the alleged physical deterioration of the
American people are grossly misleading and contrary to the facts, which
prove that in the registration area of the United States there has been no
very marked increase in the mortality from preventable degenerative diseases
during the working period of adult life.
To the extent that industries or occupations predispose to physical infirmity
and premature death, the solution of the problem lies largely in the direction
of adequate compensation for such diseases in conformity to well-considered
modern workmen’s compensation laws.
The assertions and allegations regarding the remarkable health progress of
Germany, attributable to social insurance, are contradicted by the fact
that the sanitary advancement of the United States had been fully as satisfac
tory and possibly even more so as regards tuberculosis and infant mortality.
The assertions and allegations regarding the extraordinary social progress
of German wage earners under social insurance, and in consequence thereof,
are contradicted by the extremely suggestive fact that the adult death rate of
Berlin during the last 30 years has remained practically stationary, and that
during the last 15 years there has been a decided increase in the Berlin suicide
rate, in contrast to a marked decline in the suicide rate of the city of New
lmrk.
It is * * * seriously misleading to assert that compulsory health insur
ance is primarily a health measure, since, as a matter of fact and record, it is
essentially a method of providing pecuniary relief during sickness, which in
the large majority of cases is entirely unnecessary and a hindrance rather than
a help.
Favorable conclusions regarding the alleged beneficial effects of social insur
ance on poor relief in Germany are contradicted by the official evidence, which
indicates no very material improvement in the social condition of the lowest
labor element previous to the outbreak of the war.
The plan proposed is not primarily one of insurance in the technical sense
of the term but rather one of arbitrary taxation and a skillfully disguised form
of poor relief.
The argument advanced that the fundamental purpose of all insurance is
prevention is absolutely misleading and quite contrary to accepted insurance
theories, methods, and results.
* * * The evidence presented in * * * British medical publications
proves conclusively that there has been a marked degree of disorganization and
deterioration in medical practice, with serious results to physicians, pharma
cists, and the general public. Equally conclusive of unfavorable results is the
German evidence.
To burden the public health administration with additional and conflicting
medical duties, as proposed under compulsory health insurance, would unques
tionably result in a lesser degree of efficiency in the enforcement of public-health
laws and the further improvement in the death rate.
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The medical and sanitary progress of the United States without social insur
ance has been as satisfactory, if not more so, as the corresponding progress of
Germany and other European countries.
It is seriously misleading to assert that a more effective and far-reaching
public-health education can only be secured through compulsory health insur
ance, when, as a matter of fact, in no country in the world has more been done
in this direction than in the United States.
It, however, is conclusive evidence of the voluntary thrift development that
trade-unions, fraternal societies, establishment benefit funds, and life insurance
companies should each and all have made the most remarkable progress in the
history of insurance during the last quarter century. * * * Voluntary in
surance rests upon sound actuarial and financial principles and generations of
experience. Compulsory health insurance in any and all of its forms rests
largely upon actuarial guesswork and reckless theories of public taxation.
In its final analysis the problem for compulsory health insurance resolves
itself into fundamental questions of taxation and Government control of indi
vidual medical treatment and sickness relief. The administrative expenses
would be enormous ; the political complications would be most serious ; drastic
interference with personal rights and liberties would be inevitable ; and the
aggregate direct cost for medical attendance and relief to wage earners and
their dependents, employers, and the general public would not fall below threefourths of a billion dollars a year !
PROPOSED OLD-AGE PENSION AND HEALTH INSURANCE
LEGISLATION IN MASSACHUSETTS.
The special committee on social insurance of the Boston Chamber
of Commerce recently completed a study of noncontributory old-age
pensions and compulsory health insurance which has prompted it
to oppose the former and favor, under certain conditions, the ulti
mate enactment of legislation looking to the adoption of a healthinsurance plan which “ will result in the improved health of the
people, be effectively managed, and not prohibitory in cost.” 1 In
taking this favorable attitude toward compulsory health insurance,
however, the committee admits that the subject is not yet ripe for
legislation “ because of the great uncertainty as to insurance carriers,
medical administration, and cost,” but suggests that “ the situation
which this measure attempts to meet is serious, and the State should
give the matter thorough consideration, with a view to the adoption
of some adequate form of relief, preferably at the outset an experi
mental measure of limited scope in the least difficult part of the
field.” So far as the bill now pending in the State legislature is
concerned, the committee opposes the provision which assesses the
employer 40 per cent, the employee 40 per cent, and the State 20
per cent, and advocates meeting the cost of insurance by assessing
1 The report of this committee is presented in a pamphlet of 15 pages, entitled “ Non
contributory old-age pension and health insurance,” issued by the Boston Chamber of
Commerce.
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the employer and employee equally, the State paying only the admin
istrative expenses. Before effective action is taken on this proposed
legislation the committee suggests the appointment of a paid com
mission “ to examine the nature of the special health problems of
Massachusetts, to discover the probable cost of alternative plans
of insurance, to inquire into the ways and probable cost of a pro
gressive method of sickness prevention, and to draft an act to give
effect to its recommendations.”
In arriving at these conclusions the committee investigated quite
thoroughly the operation of the compulsory, voluntary, and subsi
dized State health-insurance plans in Europe, where, it is stated, a
wide experience in the various forms has led many of the nations to
realize that the logical conclusion was compulsory State insurance,
to which employers and employees alike should contribute, assisted
by the State. The fact that sickness insurance is provided in some
form by trade-unions, fraternal societies, lodges, and establishment
funds is noted, but “ because of the inadequacy of all of these
measures the situation remains bad.”
None of these plans take into consideration the important occupational factor
of varying strength and kind in the causation of disease.
A summary of the needs for some form of relief would, in the
opinion of the committee, include the following:
Economic factors which increase the health hazards and induce poverty and
disease: (a) Occupational diseases; (b) irregularity of employment; (c) unhealthful conditions of living; (d) employment of married women under mod
ern conditions of work; (e) economic disadvantages of families as a result of
low wages and insufficient annual income which deter marriage and prevent
childbearing.
The employers, the public, and the employees are in some degree responsible
for sickness. The responsibility of the employers is limited to the places of
employment, the public is responsible only for community conditions.
The greatest burden falls on the wage earner who can seldom meet the cost
of sickness.
The medical profession is handicapped in the relief and prevention of disease
because of the low wage of employees.
Cooperation in meeting health problems is a necessity.
It is feasible to distribute the cost and to find a better basis for the preven
tion of sickness.
The committee devotes several pages to a review of the arguments
for and against health insurance, the most important of which have
been accorded more or less extended notice from time to time in the
M onthly R eview . The report closes with a brief outline of the
provisions of the compulsory health insurance bill now pending be
fore the Massachusetts Legislature. This bill follows the German
and British plans in certain features. It provides for the compul
sory insurance of every person employed in the Commonwealth,
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except those receiving regular salaries in excess of $100 per month.
There are certain exemptions. The benefits which, among other
things, cover sickness or accident or death or disability resulting
therefrom, equal two-thirds of the weekly earnings of the insured
member and shall be paid for not longer than 26 weeks in any con
secutive 12 months. There are certain restrictions involved which
need not be enumerated. It is estimated that the cost of the pro
posed legislation will be between 3 and 5 per cent of the wages, but
the maximum fixed in the bill is 4 per cent. On this basis it has
been figured that the cost to contributors will be about $33,000,000,
with an annual expense of administration of about $3,300,000.
Reverting to the subject of noncontributory old-age pensions the
committee is very definite in its opposition to any measure with the
noncontributory feature and suggests the following reasons for its
attitude:
There is no such need for legislative provision for old age in Massachu
setts as there was in any foreign country in which legislation has been
enacted. * * * Health insurance and accident compensation lead to pre
ventive measures and increase the earning power of workers, but old-age
pensions are remedial, not preventive, and are, therefore, less valuable socially.
Those foreign systems which involve contributions from employers and em
ployees are, however, preferable to the English system of outright payments.
In France and Germany the worker gets his pension as a matter of right even
when he is not poor. In England and under the proposed plan for Massachu
setts only the poor may have pensions—that is, the proposed plan has essentially
a poor-law character and is not an industrial measure.
Noncontributory pensions weaken the inducement to thrift.
The inevitable effect of the establishment of a system of noncontributory oldage pensions would be a constant pressure to lower the age limit and increase
the amount of the pension.
The proposed Massachusetts law would tend greatly to increase
the taxes.
To raise the necessary money large extra taxes would have to be levied on
the capital and industries of the Commonwealth. This would result in the
first instance in a serious disturbance to present industrial conditions. It
might also have a tendency to lower wages.
Owing to the uncertainty of conditions due to the great war, it would be
unwise for the Commonwealth to assume a large increase in its liabilities.
The constitutionality of such legislation is extremely doubtful.
MODERN INSURANCE PROBLEMS.
“ Modern insurance problems ” is the general title of the March,
1917, issue of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, and among the articles treating on this subject are
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seven devoted specifically to accident and health and workmen’s com
pensation insurance.1 These articles, contributed by authorities, dis
cuss the disability insurance policy ; methods of insuring workmen’s
compensation; accident prevention; the calculation of workmen’s
compensation premium rates; the practice of schedule and experience
rating for workmen’s compensation risks; compensation administra
tion and adjustments; and the public supervision of workmen’s com
pensation insurance.
A. P. Woodward, secretary accident department, Connecticut Gen
eral Life Insurance Co., contributes an article on the disability in
surance policy in which he explains the method of making applica
tion, notes the two features covered by the disability policy—loss
due to bodily injuries and loss due to sickness or disease—and out
lines the benefits in each form of insurance. Briefly stated, the
typical disability insurance policy provides—
for the payment of certain fixed amounts varying from $5 to $100 should the
injuries or sickness necessitate one of a number of operations enumerated in
the schedule of operations contained in the policy ; and if the injuries or sick
ness require hospital treatment, the payment of the expenses incurred, not ex
ceeding $12.50 a week for 20 weeks. If the injuries do not cause a loss for which
indemnity is payable, but do require surgical treatment, provision is made for
the payment of the surgeon’s bill, not exceeding $25. Also provision is made
to place the insured in the care of relatives or friends, provided such expense
does not exceed the sum of $100, should he by reason of injury or illness be
unable to communicate with them and the company be notified of his condition.
The policy also set forth the procedure to be followed in giving notice of injury,
payment of benefits and changes in the insurance.
David S. Beyer, manager accident-prevention department, Massa
chusetts Employees’ Insurance Association, in a short article on acci
dent prevention, shows how in this country safety education has re
sulted in the exercise of greater care by workmen and in the realiza
tion by employers that such a policy applied to business effects a
direct saving in compensation cost and an improvement in labor con
ditions which so vitally concern output and manufacturing costs.
Insurance companies also seem to appreciate the value of an accidentprevention department because of the effect it has upon losses. Acci
dent prevention becomes the basis of rate modification, the rate for
each plant being made to reflect its accident hazard.
The five mediums which are to-day recognized for insuring work
men’s compensation, as set forth in the order of their relative impor
tance in an article by Harwood E. Ryan, associate actuary, State of
New York Insurance Department, are joint-stock companies, State
insurance funds, employers’ mutual associations, reciprocal exchanges
(also called interinsurance exchanges), and self-insurers.
1 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, March, 1917,
pp. 227—316. Editorial Office, Woodland Avenue and Thirty-sixth Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
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The management of stock companies is vested in a board of direc
tors ; the acquisition cost is approximately 17^ per cent of the
premium charge; their business is transacted upon the plan of guar
anteed rates; that is, they do not share profits with policyholders;
and, as a rule, they have the advantage of security. The expense of
maintenance is somewhat heavy because of stockholders’ profits,
agents’ commissions, and large operating costs.
Under the mutual system of insurance groups of employers join
together and create a fund out of which the losses are met. Such an
association is incorporated; the policy contract contemplates a fixed
rate of premium, but provision is made for an assessment of members
in case the capitalized losses are in excess of the premiums earned;
and it offers the prospect of low cost by the elimination of share
holders’ profits and part, at least, of the acquisition cost.
The State fund is essentially the same as the mutual except in
organization. Its income is derived from premiums paid by em
ployers and from the accretions of interest upon invested assets.
The policyholders have no voice in the management. The funds
are of two kinds, competitive and monopolistic, the latter probably
having the advantage because there is no need to incur any expense
to obtain a fair share of the business.
Under self-insurance the employer assumes his own risk and deals
direct with his employee or his dependents. Self-insurance is not a
complete substitute for regular insurance. The advantages are too
largely on the side of the employer.
Reciprocal or interinsurance is operated through a so-called “ ex
change,” the actual management being carried on by an attorney-infact, who generally receives for his services and for expenses of
administration a percentage of the premiums transacted.
It is thought that self-insurance and interinsurance will not sur
vive, and that “ the effect of competition thus far indicates a gradual
drift in the direction of the strongest and most efficiently managed
stock and mutual companies. The largest question involved in the
general problem is whether the insurance of workmen’s compensation
should be conducted competitively or as a monopoly.” If a mo
nopoly, the mutual association and the State fund appear to be the
most likely candidates.
Of the two the mutual association should have the greater appeal because of
its representative form of government, its consequent responsiveness to the will
of its member policyholders, and the divorcement from political interference
which its scheme of organization renders possible.
The article on the calculation of workmen’s compensation premium
rates, by Claude E. Scattergood, assistant secretary, the Fidelity &
Casualty Co. of New York, contains the essential facts outlined in
his pamphlet entitled “ Synthesis of rates for workmen’s compensa-
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OE THE BUREAE OF LABOR STATISTICS.
tion,” which was noted in the M onthly R eview for November, 1916,
pages 629 to 631.
Schedule rating and experience rating have been developed for the
purpose of providing an individual rate for each risk, such rate de
pending upon the physical and moral conditions in the plant. Leon
S. Senior, manager and secretary Compensation Inspection Rating
Board of New York, in describing these two methods of merit rating
offers the following definitions:
Schedule rating may be defined as a method of rating whereby it is intended
to promote greater equity in the distribution of insurance cost by providing an
individual rate for each risk based upon the physical character of the risk.
By experience rating we mean a system of merit rating whereby the loss
experience for a given risk during a given period is subjected to detailed
analysis, and, as a result of appraisal, the class or basic rate is modified in
accordance with experience of the individual risk.
Schedule rating contemplates a complete analysis of the average
manufacturing plant and the number of items of hazard that con
tribute to industrial accidents, the establishment of standard methods
for safeguarding machinery and equipment, the organization of
safety committees, and the improvement of sanitary and hygienic
conditions. In making this schedule consideration is given to catas
trophe hazard, hazards peculiar to the industry and affecting all
employees, and hazards affecting a limited number of employees.
Upon this basis the rates for a given classification are made. It is
stated that the practice of rating each risk individually upon merit
has served to stimulate accident-prevention work among employers.
Experience rating appears to be the subject of controversy and
divisions of opinion, some underwriters favoring it and others believ
ing it to be inapplicable to any form of insurance. Those who favor
experience rating claim that it is applicable to contracting, public
service, and other risks, whereas schedule rating is confined to manu
facturing risks, and that it provides a system of appraising the moral
conditions of the risk—that is, the attitude of the employer and his
foremen and superintendents toward the safety and welfare of the
workmen—and should be coupled with schedule rating which con
siders only the physical conditions.
Those who oppose experience rating contend that the loss on any
given risk is due to imperfect physical conditions and to the element
of chance, that the general experience has been used to determine the
rate for the class, and that the rate thus obtained is an average rate
which should apply to all plants without distinction as to the par
ticular experience sustained in a given plant.
It is the fundamental purpose of insurance to cover the risk against the losses
due to chance, and it is therefore unsound in theory to penalize an employer
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whose experience as a result of chance is had or to reward another employer
whose experience as a result of chance is good. Furthermore, all experience
rating plans which have so far come under observation have not been bal
anced schemes, and have resulted in decreasing the total volume of premiums.
The methods of administration and adjustment used by the old em
ployers’ liability system and the present workmen’s compensation
system are compared in an article on compensation administration
and adjustments by James E. Rhodes, claim examiner, the Travelers’
Insurance Co., who, in criticism of the common-law system, points
out the uncertainty as to the basis of liability and as to the amount
of recovery, the delay incident to legal procedure in enforcing a
claim for damages, and the uncertainty as to the payment of the
judgment, if secured. In contrast to this is the workmen’s compen
sation principle which seeks to secure the prompt payment of benefits
by requiring some sort of insurance to be carried by employers, this
element of promptness and regularity being accomplished by fixing
the administration of the law in a single official or an official body
whose duty it is to see that the law is properly administered. The
article in some detail goes into the various phases of the compensa
tion system as now in vogue, touching upon its application, the mean
ing of the word “ accident,” relation of disease to compensation, the
waiting period, statutory medical aid, the medical element in com
pensation, disability payments, payments in fatal cases, conservation
of compensation payments, and insurance of the compensation obli
gation.
Since work-accident insurance is “ affected with a public interest
paramount to every private consideration,” public supervision be
comes essential, and E. H. Downey, special deputy, Pennsylvania
Insurance Department, in an article on this subject, undertakes to
define the aims, the instrumentalities, and the limitations of public
supervision. The public is interested particularly in the prompt
and full payment of accruing compensation benefits, security of de
ferred payments, equitable rates as among'insurants, encouragement
of accident prevention, and the furnishing of insurance at a reason
able cost, and it is suggested that these ends may be effectuated
through supervision of claim settlements, the licensing of insurance
carriers, the supervision of reserves, and rate regulation. Passing
the matter of claim settlements and touching briefly upon the
matter of the licensing of insurance carriers, which is necessary if
their solvency is to be enforced or their practices regulated, the
author dwells at length on the subjects of reserve requirements and
rate regulation. Reserves are supposed to cover claim losses, un
earned premiums, and catastrophes, but “ the existing reserve law,
designed originally for liability insurance, is notoriously inadequate
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for the conditions created by workmen’s compensation.” A new bill
has been prepared, which provides in substance—
That the reserves upon compensation policies issued more than three years
prior to the date of valuation shall be the present value of future payments,
and the reserves upon policies of later years of issue shall be 65 per cent of
earned premium, less losses and loss expenses paid, subject, however, to the
further requirement that the reserves on policies issued more than two years
before the date of valuation shall be at least equal to the present value of
future payments.
The merits of the bill are that it increases the percentage basis of reserve and
that it provides for an actual valuation of claims under all but the last two
years of account. Its weaknesses are that it prescribes no method of individual
claim valuation, that its required percentage of earned premium is insufficient
to cover loses and loss expenses under present rates with average losses, that
it allows three years to elapse before even this level will be attained, that it
makes no provision (except a doubtful administrative discretion) for cut-rate
companies or companies with worse than average experience, that it permits
the deduction of adjustment expense from compensation reserves, and that it
fails to separate compensation from general liability obligations.
The criticisms made upon this bill are developed in the succeeding
pages, and the following amendments suggested to perfect it :
1. Reserves of indubitable accuracy to meet all incurred claims should be set
aside as a trust fund, invested in designated classes of high-grade securities
and held solely for the payment of compensation benefits. Claims arising under
all policies save the last year’s issue should be valued upon the basis of a
standard table to be prescribed by the National Convention of Insurance Com
missioners. with the further proviso that reserves for the last three years of
issue should at least equal the calculated normal loss ratio for each State,1
less compensation benefits actually paid. To the reserves so produced should
be added at least 10 per cent to cover future adjustment cost. All this in ad
dition to the unearned premium reserve which probably should be maintained
at the full amount as a further precaution.
2. Capital or surplus equal to at least 50 per cent of the annual compensation
premiums, but in no case less than $50,000, securely invested and assigned ex
clusively to compensation liability, should be a condition precedent to the writ
ing of compensation insurance.
3. Sound excess insurance, equal to the maximum catastrophe liability of
the carrier involved, should be required of every compensation insurer.
As to rate regulation, which in practice seems to have been mainly
directed to the protection of insurers against each other instead of
the promotion of fair competition among insurers, the writer notes
the fact that both rate making and the detailed application of rates
to risks have been removed from the control of the individual in
surers and placed in the hands of representative rating bureaus
“ made up of all compensation insurers operating within the State,
1 “ I. e., from 57| to 65 per cent of earned premiums, according to the law differential.
With respect to current policies, earned premiums should be ascertained by a monthly
computation.”
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and empowered, subject to the approval of the supervising authority,
to formulate risk classifications, rules, basis (or class) rates, and
merit-rating plans, to assign individual risks to existing or special
classifications, to apply merit rating through inspection or other
wise, and to scrutinize the underwriting of all risks by means of a
policy 4stamping office.’ ” 1 Several such bureaus have been estab
lished. However, 44rate making transcends the limits of any State,”
and 44effective supervision of compensation insurance rates imposes
far-reaching restraints upon competition.” Under these rating
bureaus very little seems to be left to the discretion of individual
insurers.
LABOR SANITATION CONFERENCE, NEW YORK CITY.
In an effort to bring about cooperation in industrial sanitation and
hygiene between organized labor and the division of industrial
hygiene of the New York City Department of Health and give the
workers a chance to assist in a practical way in improving sanitary
conditions in factories and workshops, representatives of about 38
labor unions affiliated with the Central Federated Union met on
February 18, 1917, and organized the Labor Sanitation Conference.
This action was taken following a meeting held at Stuyvesant High
School, which was addressed by the United States Commissioner of
Labor Statistics. It was felt that the workers themselves know the
sore spots in the city’s industries and are able to give such informa
tion as will focus attention upon its factories and shops in which
supervision may be most needed. Furthermore, the Labor Sanita
tion Conference, it is expected, will be able to furnish information
which will lead to special research work in particularly hazardous
trades, as a result of which sanitary standards may be established
and public opinion so interested as to make possible the enactment
and enforcement of needed regulations. The formulation of rules of
conduct in which labor has had a distinct share will add force to
instruction and education in industrial sanitation. By giving labor
an opportunity to express itself in this way the department of health
hopes to be able to become better acquainted with the possibilities for
improving safety and sanitary standards and to be the means of com
municating information acquired in this way to manufacturers in
order to persuade them, if possible, without resort to police power,
to adopt the suggestions that may result from these conferences.
The following statement addressed to the members of the Labor
1 A note at this point in the article states that the “ stamping office ” receives, ex
amines, and approves or disapproves a duplicate of every policy declaration. This
practice was first established by the Industrial Commission of Wisconsin under the antidiscrimination law of 1913, and has since been adopted by the rating bureaus of Cali
fornia, Colorado, and Pennsylvania.
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Sanitation Conference by the New York City Department of Health
indicates how the purposes of the conferences may be worked out:
An experiment which lias been carried ont with Typographical Union No. 6
gave us the basis for our belief that organized labor could contribute in very
large measure by a system of seif-inspection and reporting to raise sanitary
standards. Typographical Union No. 6 some months ago was prevailed on to
appoint a sanitary committee which was instructed to act in close cooperation
with the division of industrial hygiene. With the help of this committee, I
prepared a questionnaire bearing on the various sanitary features in the work
shops, that affected the health of workers. * * * Each shop chairman in
the various composing rooms in the city was informed that he would be held
responsible for a truthful and full statement of the sanitary conditions in his
shop and he was required to answer the questions asked in the special ques
tionnaire and to submit the same, when complete, to the sanitation committee
of the typographical union. This committee, in turn, without revealing the
identity of the complainants, gave the substance of the violations found in
each shop. These were verified by inspectors of the division of industrial
hygiene, thus eliminating a tremendous amount of useless labor in visiting
shops that did not require our attention. The sanitary clean-up which has re
sulted from this cooperative action was cited to the delegates of the various
unions assembled to form the Labor Sanitation Conference.
Tlie second meeting of the Labor Sanitation Conference was held
on March 4, 1917. Following this meeting the representatives were
divided into groups so as to bring together, as far as possible, mem
bers of allied trades who shall receive complaints from their re
spective unions and transmit them to the department of health for
investigation, thus becoming the intermediaries between the division
of industrial hygiene and the ranks of labor. The following is a list
of the organizations which, up to March 8, had appointed represen
tatives to the Labor Sanitation Conference:
Group 1.—Stone and Granite:
The Granite Cutters’ International Association of America, Brooklyn, N. Y.
International Association of Marble Workers.
Operative Plasterers’ and Cement Finishers’ International Association,
Local 60.
Granite Cutters’ International Association of America, Quincy, Mass.
Group 2.—Metals, Machinery, and Conveyances:
Furniture Movers ’and Packers’ Union, Local Union 273.
Carriage, Wagon, and Automobile Workers’ International Union, Local 40.
International Union of Steam and Operating Engineers, Local Union No. 20.
American Association of Masters, Mates, and Pilots, United Harbor No. 1,
Metal Polishers’, Buffers’, and Platers’ Union, Local No. 34.
International Compressed Air and Foundation Workers’ Union.
Pattern Makers’ Association.
Plumbers’ Union, Local 463.
International Association of Machinists, '* The Loyal ” Lodge No. 406.
Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, New York City Lodge No. 70.
Group 3.—Wood Manufacturers:
Brush Makers’ International Union, Local No. 8.
House Wreckers’ Union, Local 14049.
Group Jf.—Furs, Leather, and Rubber Goods.
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769
Group 5.—-Chemicals, Oils, Paints, etc.:
Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers of America, Local Union No. 892.
Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers of America.
Brotherhood of Painters’, Decorators, and Paperhangers of America, Local
Union 499.
New York Photo Engravers’ Union No. 1.
Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers.
Croup 6.—Pulp and Paper:
New York Job Press Feeders’ Union No. 1.
International Brotherhood of Bookbinders, Local No. 3.
Group 7.—Printing and Paper Goods:
Franklin Union No. 23, Amalgamated Lithographers of America.
Mailers’ Union No. G.
New York Typographical Union No. 6.
Bill Posters’ and Distributors’ Union No. 1.
German Typographical No. 7.
Amalgamated Lithographers of America, Local No. 1.
Bill Posters’ Union No .2.
New York Job Press Feeders’ Union No. 1.
Group 8.—Textiles:
Cap Cutters’ Local No. 2.
Journeyman Tailors’ Union, Local 390.
Cloth Examiners’ & Spongers’ Union of Greater New York.
Ladies Waist and Dressmakers Union, Local 25.
Group 9.—Clothing and Millinery:
United Neckwear Makers’ Union.
United Hatters of North America, Local No. 3.
Cap Cutters’ Union, Local No. 2.
United Garment Workers.
Cloak and Suit Tailors, Local 9.
Group 10.—Food, Liquors, and Tobacco:
Bottlers’ and Drivers’ Union No. 347.
Butchers’ Union No. 174.
New York Bartenders’ Benevolent and Protective Association, Local 3.
Cigar Makers’ International Union of America, Local No. 90.
Brewers’ Union No. 1.
Cigar Packers’ Union No. 251.
Tobacco Workers’ International Union, Local No. 98.
Cigar Makers International Union of America, Local Union No. 13.
Beer Drivers’ Union No. 23.
International Union of the United Brewery Workmen, Local Union No. 59.
Butchers’ Union No. 108.
New York Club Employees’ Association.
United Journeymen Pie Bakers of New York and Vicinity, Local No. 112.
Group 11.—Water, Light, and Power:
Enterprise Association, Steam, Hot water, Hydraulic, Sprinkler, Pneu
matic tube, Compressed air, Ice machine, and General Pipe Fitters’ of
New York City and Vicinity, Local Union 638 of the United Association.
Internation Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
Group 12.—Miscellaneous :
Musical Mutual Protective Union, Local 310.
Bookkeepers’, Stenographers’, and Accountants’ Union, No. 12646, Ameri
can Federation of Labor.
White Rats Actors’ Union of America.
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NEW MINISTRIES IN THE BRITISH CABINET.
Five new ministries and their secretaries have been added to the
British Cabinet: The ministry of pensions, ministry of labor, minis
try of food, ministry of shipping, and the air board, the president of
which has the rank of a minister. The ministry of pensions was
established by a separate act dated December 22, 1916. “ The New
Ministries and Secretaries Act,” of the same date, created the other
departments. Each minister and a secretary has the customary right
to a seat in Parliament. The ministries of food and shipping and
the air board are temporary, and cease to exist 12 months after the
cessation of the present war, their powers reverting to the Govern
ment departments from which they were originally transferred. The
responsible head of the ministry of food is termed the food con
troller; that of the ministry of shipping, the shipping controller.
The salary of each of the ministers added is fixed at £2,000 ($9,773)
per annum.
MINISTRY OF LABOR.
There is transferred to the ministry of labor the powers and au
thority exercised by the Board of Trade under the Industrial Con
ciliation Act of 1896, the Labor Exchanges Act of 1909, the Trade
Boards (minimum wage) Act of 1909, the National Unemployment
Insurance Acts of 1911 to 1916, and under that part of the Munitions
of War Act, 1915, which relates to the settlement of labor disputes
and the prohibition of strikes and lockouts. Furthermore, “ the
minister of labor shall have such other powers and duties of the
Board of Trade or of any other Government department or authority
relating to labor or industry, whether conferred by statute or other
wise, as His Majesty may by order in council transfer to him or
authorize'him to exercise or perform concurrently with or in consul
tation with the Government department or authority concerned.”
What functions of the labor department of the Board of Trade
have been transferred to the new ministry is not stated, and the
Board of Trade Labor Gazette continues to appear from that de
partment.
MINISTRY OF FOOD.
“ It shall be the duty of the food controller to regulate the supply
and consumption of food in such manner as he thinks best for main
taining a proper supply of food, and to take such steps as he thinks
best for encouraging the production of food.” His authority may
be extended by statutory enactment, by orders in council, or by regu
lations made under the Defense of the Realm Consolidation Act, 1914.
MINISTRY OF SHIPPING.
“ It shall be the duty of the shipping controller to control and
regulate any shipping available for the needs of the country in such
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771
manner as to make the best use thereof, having regard to the circum
stances of the time, and to take such steps as he thinks best for pro
viding and maintaining an efficient supply of shipping.” His fur
ther powers may be defined by subsequent legislation, by orders in
council, or by regulations under the Defense of the Realm Consolida
tion Act, 1914.
MINISTRY OF PENSIONS.
The powers and duties reposed in the pension ministry are (1)
those of the Admiralty “ with respect to pensions and grants to
persons who have served as officers or men, and to their widows,
children, and other dependents, and to persons who have been em
ployed in the nursing service of any of His Majesty’s naval forces,
other than service pensions, so far as such pensions and grants are
payable out of moneys provided by Parliament, and not provided
exclusively for the purpose of the Greenwich H ospital” ; (2) those
duties “ of the commissioners of the Royal Hospital for Soldiers at
Chelsea with respect to the grant and administration of disability
pensions and grants, other than in pensions” ; (3) those duties and
powers “ of the army council and the secretary of state for the war
department with respect to pensions and grants to persons who have
served as officers or soldiers, and to their widows, children, or other
dependents, and to persons who have been employed in the nursing
service of any of His Majesty’s military forces, other than service
pensions” ; (4) supervision of the functions of the so-called statutory
and local committees created for the administration of the General
Military and Naval Pension Act of November 10, 1915, which relates
to the administration of pension payments growing out of the present
war.
One administrative feature of the Pension Act is noteworthy.
On the statutory committees created for the administration of the
act, there are to be representatives of labor and some women mem
bers. And the functions of these committees are not merely the giv
ing of assistance in paying out pensions and allowances; they take
on a constructive character. Both the statutory committee and the
local committees are given power “ to make provision for the care
of disabled officers and men after they have left the service, includ
ing provision for their health, training, and employment.” Cooper
ation with local charitable institutions is provided for.
Excluded from the supervision of the ministry of pensions are
“ service pensions,” or pensions in respect of age, length of service,
or special service, or pensions attached to any medal or other decora
tion, not strictly military or war pensions.
The minister of pensions is required to report annually to Parlia
ment.
92746 ° — 17—
9
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TRUANCY AND IRREGULAR SCHOOL ATTENDANCE IN CHICAGO.
In view of the close connection between irregular attendance or
nonattendance at school and the retardation, repeating, and final
elimination of pupils, there seems a curious lack of widely based
and authoritative studies of irregular attendance, its extent, its cause
and probable preventives. A volume recently issued by the Chicago
University Press,1 dealing with the general subject in Chicago, by
no means meets the need for such a study, but gives an interesting
discussion of some social aspects of the problems of truancy and nonattendance, with a consideration of various remedial and preventive
measures, some of which are already in force in Chicago, and others
of which are recommended for adoption. As a statistical basis for
the discussion there are given, first, an analysis of the amount of
nonattendance shown by the school records to have occurred among
the pupils of nine selected elementary schools of Chicago during one
school year, date not given, but appearing from other data in the
book to have been 1910-11; second, the results of a follow-up of
the children who during this same year were transferred from these
nine schools to others, the purpose being to see what amount of nonattendance escaped record because it occurred in the interval between
leaving one school and entering another; and, third, the results of
an investigation of 1,158 children from two schools who, during a
period of three consecutive weeks, were absent from school at least
one-half day. The date of this last investigation, again, is not given,
but it does not appear to have been much later than the other two.
In addition, an investigation was made of 579 boys committed dur
ing the year 1910 to the Parental School for truancy.
The registers of the nine schools showed a large amount of nonattendance. Only those children were considered who had been
enrolled in these schools for the full 10 months of the school session,
these numbering 4,863. Of these practically 4 per cent had a perfect
record of attendance,2 and about one-fourth had missed less than
10 half days. As between boys and girls there was very little differ
ence, 3.89 per cent of the girls and 3.56 per cent of the boys not hav
ing missed a single half day. Turning the half-day absences into
their equivalent in school weeks, the following table shows the num
ber of children absent each classified number of weeks.
1 Truancy and Nonattendance in the Chicago Public Schools, Abbott and Breckenridge,
Chicago, 1917.
2 This percentage seems pretty close to that of the city as a whole. The superin
tendent’s report for 1910-11 gives the number of children in the elementary schools who
had not missed a single half day as 14,494, which is 5.6 per cent of the enrollment for
the year. See 57th Annual Report of the Chicago Board of Education, p. 145.
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N U M B E R A N D P E R C EN T O F C H IL D R E N A B S E N T F O R EA C H C L A S S IF IE D N U M B E R O F
W E E K S.
Time lost.
Under i week..........................
1 week and over.......................
2 weeks and over.....................
3 weeks and over......................
4 weeks and over.....................
Number. Per cent.
1,108
3,755
2,770
l' 933
L340
23
77
57
40
28
Time lost.
5 weeks and over.....................
6 weeks and over.....................
7 weeks and over.....................
8 weeks and over.....................
Number. Per cent.
931
497
359
19
14
10
7
In studying this table it should not be forgotten that the 4,S63 children
whose attendance records are presented here were the most regular in attend
ance of all the 10,120 children enrolled in these nine schools. There is every
reason to believe that attendance records for the remaining 5,257 children who
are not enrolled for 10 months would show a greater number of absences,
since the cases of failure to enroll or changes in enrollment are very frequently
due to the same causes as irregularity of attendance after enrollment.
These nine schools were selected as being as nearly as possible
representative of Chicago’s mixed school population. There were
257,421 children enrolled that year in the public elementary schools
of Chicago. If these percentages hold good throughout, then there
were, in round numbers—
Eighteen thousand children who were absent 80 half days or more and who
lost therefore the equivalent of two months’ schooling during the year;
33,500 who lost six weeks or more; 48,900 who lost five weeks or more; 72,000
who lost a month or more; 103,000 children who were absent the equivalent of
three weeks or more; and 146,700 children who lost at least a fortnight’s
schooling.1
What such interruptions mean in regard to a child’s ability to com
plete the work of a given grade within the year allotted for it every!
teacher knows.
The time lost by children who take transfers from one school and
then delay entering the new school to which they are accredited may
be quite as serious as that due to irregular attendance. To get some
idea of its amount, the investigators secured the names and addresses
of 770 children who had transferred from the nine schools under con
sideration. At the outset a difficulty was encountered.
These 770 slips represent only a small proportion of the total number of
transfers issued, since the record books, as has been indicated, were carelessly
kept. Moreover, many of the children who were given transfers could not be
traced, since several of the schools kept no record either of the new school
or of the new address to which the child was going, and merely marked the
child “ transferred.”
Only 574 of the 770 children could be located in other schools,2
and for 89 of those located the child’s record could not be accurately
1 Ttie “ round numbers ” given here differ slightly from those in the text.
2 The authors are careful to state that this does not necessarily mean that the missing
children were not in school. “ Indeed, some of them may have entered promptly the
school to which they were transferred ; but if so, there was no record of the fact, nor
could the child be found by searching every classroom.”
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traced. Of the 485 for whom complete data could be obtained, 235,
or 48 per cent, lost no time, having gone directly from one school
to the other, while the remainder lost from one day to over five weeks,
nearly one-fifth (19 per cent) losing over one week. The most
striking thing about this particular study is the defectiveness of the
system of bookkeeping under which it is possible for scores of
children to thus slip out of sight. Presumably the child who failed
to enter another school stood a good chance of being discovered by the
attendance officers or some other agency, but it would seem a simple
matter to arrange for some system of sending the announcement of a
transfer to the principal of the school to which the child should go,
and for this principal, if the child failed to report promptly, to call
on the attendance officers to look him up. In this respect, however, it
is possible that the system has been much improved since this study
was made. The authors call attention to the fact that of recent
years there has been a great increase in the number of cases of
transferred children investigated by the department of compulsory
education. In 1910-11, the year for which these data were gathered,
the department investigated 478 cases of transferred children, and in
1913-14, the last year for which figures are given, 1,325, or nearly
three times as many.
The detailed study of nonattendance in two selected schools
showed that of 3,192 children enrolled, 1,446, or 45 per cent, had been
absent at least one-half day during the three weeks which were
taken as a test period. The homes were visited and schedules se
cured for 1,158 of these children. In the course of these visits in
formation was obtained also concerning earlier absences of the child
during the school year, which in many eases had been frequent. In
the great majority of cases the absences were irregular, and indicate
casual and unnecessary nonattendance.
Before discussing the reasons for absence given by the children or
their parents the authors first consider some underlying causes for
irregularity. In general they agree with other students of the sub
ject that the character of the home is largely responsible.1 The two
schools are situated in overcrowded city wards, and the majority of
the children came from homes of poverty. “ Seventy-eight per cent
of the families visited were poor or very poor; 21 per cent were in
fairly comfortable circumstances, while a very few families (1 per
cent) could be called very comfortable.” Four per cent of the
children were motherless and 6 per cent fatherless. The great ma1 “ Most investigators and educators lay the heaviest share of the blame to unfavorable
home conditions,” says Miss Julia Richman, of the New York schools, and she goes on
to divide these unfavorable conditions in four groups: Subnormal physical conditions,
inefficient parenthood, degraded parenthood^ and vicious associates. See Proceedings of
the National Education Association, 1909, p. 223.
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MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS*
775
jority were of foreign parentage, a fact to which the authors attach
much importance.
In both the West Side and the North Side school only 7 per cent of the
parents of the nonattending children were born in this country. * * *
Prom whatever country they come the parents of the children do not imme
diately become Americanized. * * * In the great majority of cases English
is not spoken in the home because the parents, especially the mothers, have
never learned to speak it with ease, if at all. The importance of this factor
in the compulsory education situation can not be overestimated. Coming from
the most impoverished countries of Europe, where free education is unknown,
the parents do not easily understand that school attendance is not only free
but compulsory and that “ compulsory attendance ” means “ regular attendance.”
This statement hardly seems justified. To say that only 7 per
cent of the parents of the nonattending children were Americans
tells nothing as to the relative prevalence of nonattendance unless we
know what proportion American parents formed of the parents of
oil the children in these schools. No information on this point is
given beyond the statement that both schools were in immigrant
neighborhoods. They appear to have been located one in the nine
teenth the other in the sixteenth ward. According to the last cen
sus, whites of native parentage formed 6.2 per cent of the population
in the nineteenth ward and 4 per cent in the sixteenth.1 If the racial
distribution of those having children of school age is the same as
that of the wards generally, then the native-born Americans who
formed 4 and 6 per cent of the two populations but in each case fur
nished 7 per cent of the parents whose children attended irregularly
were less alive to their duty in this respect than the foreign-born
parents, wTho form a larger proportion of the general population
than of the parents whose children were absent during the period
considered. And if so, the argument as to the great importance of
foreign parentage as a cause of irregular attendance falls to the
ground.2 It is, of course, by no means certain that the racial com
position of the tw7o groups is the same; possibly foreign parents do
furnish more than their proportionate share of absentee children;
but no data in this volume give color to that theory.
1 U. S. Census, 1910, Vol. II, Population, p. 512.
2 The Immigration Commission found in 1908 that there was very little difference as
to regularity of attendance between children of native and of foreign-born parents. Con
sidering 16,376 children of native white parents and 25,490 of foreign parents in 10
cities, they found that 78.7 per cent of the children of native parents attended ninetenths or more of the term, 12.7 per cent three-fourths but less than nine-tenths, and
8.6 per cent less than three-fourths ; for the children of foreign parents the corresponding
percentages were 77.4 per cent, 12.2 per cent, and 10.4 per cent. Something over
three-fourths of the foreign parents belonged to non-English speaking races. See Report
of Immigration Commission, vol. 29, p. 105.
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776
m o n t h l y rev iew of tile bu reau of labor sta tistic s .
Turning to the reasons given at the homes for the absence of the
children, the following table shows their relative importance:
R EA SO N S G IV E N F O R T H E N O N A T T E N D A N C E O F 1,158 B O Y S A N D
SCH O O L A B SE N C E S W E R E IN V E S T IG A T E D .
Boys.
Girls.
G IR L S W H O SE
B oth sexes.
Reason given.
N um ber. Percent N um ber. P ercent N um ber. Percent
age.
age.
age.
Sickness and fam ily emergencies:
Sickness of c h ild ........................................
Sickness of o th e rs....................................
B irth , d eath, wedding, e tc .....................
Church a tte n d a n c e ..................................
O ther excuses:
W ork a t h o m e ..........................................
Lack of shoes or clothes...........................
E rran d s and in te rp retin g ........................
C om pany or v isitin g __ T..........................
W orldng or lookinghor w o rk ..................
“ T ard y and so stay ed a t h o m e” ..........
Excused b y te a ch e rs................................
Inclem ent 'w eather....................................
V arious triv ial excuses.............................
T ruancy (m other th o u g h t child a t school)..
T o ta l2.....................................................
280
34
17
13
46
56
46
31
13
11
23
4
6
29
44
9
8
5
607
6
3
2
2
2
4
(l)
268
47
16
8
34
11
10
1
21
2
1
5
7
5
16
8
100
522
51
9
3
2
14
7
2
2
0)
0)
4
48
7
3
548
81
33
21
131
80
42
23
12
44
6
2
12
7
4
2
1
4
0)
1
11
3
2
45
52
1
4
5
100
1,129
100
1 Less th a n 1 p er cent.
2 In 29 cases, 20 boys and 9 girls, no reason was given for th e absence.
I t is to be noted here that real truancy, the absence of the child
without the knowledge or consent of the parent, plays but a small
part in the total. In general, poverty seems to be the real reason
underlying the causes given, and the authors feel that a better or
ganization of the social resources of the community would make it
possible to meet the situation without depriving the child of his
right to regular schooling:
In many cases the child was ill because his physical needs had not been
properly looked after, because the mother was overworked or ignorant or per
haps very poor, and the child therefore had not been taken to a dentist or had
his tonsils looked after or been given some other necessary preventive treat
ment. Sometimes the child’s undernourished condition or lack of warm cloth
ing and of shoes that would keep the feet dry had made him susceptible to
colds and other illnesses. The fact that approximately one-fifth of all the
children enrolled should within three weeks be absent because of sickness
shows an urgent need for school nurses and medical inspection.
When “ sickness of others ” was given as a cause it usually meant
that the child was kept out of school to look after some invalid for
whom a visiting nurse might have been provided or who perhaps
should have been taken to a hospital. Work at home and lack of
suitable clothing are matters which might be so adjusted, sometimes
by advice and encouragement, sometimes by material aid, that the
child’s schooling should not be sacrificed to the family needs. Chil
dren of school age of course should not be either “ working or look
ing for work,” and here again the philanthropic resources of the
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
M O N TH LY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
777
community should be called upon. The trivial excuses, such as com
pany, inclement weather, and the like, which, after all, account for
less than one-eighth of the absences, indicate a failure to appreciate
the importance of regular attendance, and supervisory visits could
do much to put a stop to absences from such causes. In fact, re
sourceful and energetic school visitors could probably do away with
most of the causes which are now keeping children from school and
bring up the regularity of attendance almost indefinitely.
The cases of genuine truancy, which account for only 5 per cent of
the absences investigated, present a difficult problem owing partly
to a lack of suitable institutions to which the children may be com
mitted when it becomes evident that the truancy is due to the con
ditions of the home. Usually every means of keeping the child in
school is exhausted before he is brought into court on a charge of
truancy or of incorrigibility in school, and as a consequence most of
those thus brought in are committed to the Parental School. From
1902 to 1915, inclusive, on an average 402 boys were brought into
court each year on a charge of truancy, and 300 committed to the
Parental School yearly. Chicago has no Parental school for girls,
and consequently they are rarely brought into court as truants unless
the conditions of the home are such that the child will be better off
in the reform school. But commitment to a reform school is an
extreme measure, and therefore girls are seldom brought into court
on this charge; from 1902 to 1915, inclusive, only 37 were thus dealt
with.
The study of the truants committed in 1910 brought out the con
nection between home conditions and truancy. Of the 368 boys
located, 43 per cent came from very poor and 37 per cent from poor
homes; 117 of the families were being assisted by different social
agencies, chiefly by the United Charities. In poor and well-to-do
homes alike the parents were apt to be either inefficient or indif
ferent ; sometimes they were actually demoralizing. “ Home condi
tions are probably the factor of first importance in the problem of
truancy,” is the authors’ conclusion.
In addition to the study of truants and absentees, the volume con
tains an account of the development of compulsory school attendance
and child labor laws in Illinois, several chapters on the agencies for
enforcing the attendance laws in Chicago, a discussion of the em
ployment certificate system, and of the desirability of raising the
age for beginning work at least to 16. At present while the law re
quires that the child shall attend school up to 16 unless “ lawfully
and necessarily employed,” it permits him to leave at 14 for the pur
pose of going to work. In practice this is translated into a general
permission to leave school at 14. Many children begin work at this
age, although it is not in the least necessary that they should, and
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778
M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
many others spend the two years between l i and 16 in intermittent
idleness or frank unemployment.
An account is also given of the method by which the Immigrants’
Protective League, the Chicago school authorities, and the Federal
Government cooperate to secure for the immigrant child his share
of schooling. In 1911 the league, one of Chicago’s private social
agencies, undertook to act as a clearing house in the matter by secur
ing from the Federal immigration authorities the names of all chil
dren of compulsory school age who arrived at Ellis Island bound for
any part of Illinois.
The league then sent the names of these children to the school authorities in
the various localities to which the children had gone, and asked in return for a
report as to whether or not the children had been placed in school. The reports
showed that in a large number of cases the children had not been enrolled until
after the notification of the school authorities by this private society. * * *
During a period of less than three years 532 children were found in Chicago
who were of compulsory school age but who were not enrolled in school until
after the notices from the Immigrants’ Protective League were received. The
percentage of unenrolled children was smaller in Chicago than in the country
towns—15 per cent as compared with 21 per cent of all the children between
7 and 14 years of age.
The authors strongly recommended that the immigration authori
ties at all ports of entry should send the names and addresses of all
immigrant minors to the educational authorities of the various cities
and towns which the immigrants specify as their destination, and
that the local authorities should then look up the children as soon as
they arrive and see that they enter school without loss of time.
“ Only in this way can the compulsory education laws be made of
service to the immigrant children who are so sorely in need of their
protection.”
To meet the present situation the authors recommend various radi
cal changes in both the child labor and the compulsory attendance
laws, prominent among which is the creation of a “ State board or
department of education, which shall have, among other functions,
the duty of supervising and standardizing the enforcement of the
school attendance laws in all parts of the State.” Meanwhile, sev
eral changes immediately practicable in Chicago are recommended,
such as a reorganization of the system of recording attendance, so
that the facts with reference to nonattendance may be ascertained;
it is also recommended that a transfer system shall be inaugurated
which shall mean the following up of every child to whom a transfer
is issued until he is enrolled in the school to which he should go;
that causes for which principals and teachers may excuse children
from attendance shall be enumerated and defined; that provision for
girls shall be made at the Parental School; that a school census shall
be taken annually in the early autumn; that a staff of school visitors
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY EEYIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
779
be introduced, and the vocational supervision bureau be developed so
that children who must go to work shall as far as possible be placed
in suitable positions and saved both from periods of idleness and
from undirected searching for a job which, when found, may be a
mere blind-alley occupation.
EMPLOYMENT IN SELECTED INDUSTRIES IN MARCH, 1917.
From data regarding volume of employment received by this
bureau from representative manufacturing establishments it is found
that 10 of the 13 industries covered by the inquiry show an in
crease in the number of employees on the pay roll in the month of
March, 1917, as compared with the same month in 1910. The iron
and steel industry takes the lead, showing an increase of 24 per
cent. Three industries—cotton manufacturing, woolen manufactur
ing, and the silk industry—show a decrease, although by referring
to the table given below it will be seen that in two of these the de
crease was very slight, much less than 1 per cent.
In each of the 13 industries the total amount of money paid to
employees in the month of March, 1917, was greater than in March,
1916, an increase of 50.9 per cent in the iron and steel industry being
the largest.
CO M PA R ISO N O F E M P L O Y M E N T IN ID E N T IC A L E S T A B L IS H M E N T S IN M AR C H , 1916,
A N D M A R C H , 1917.
In d u stry .
Boots and shoes............
C otton m a n u factu rin g .
Cotton fin ish in g ............
H osiery an d underw ear
W oolen............................
S ilk ...................................
M en’s r e a d y - m a d e
clothing.
Iron and stee l................
Car build in g a n d repairing.
Cigar m an u factu rin g ...
A utom obile manufacturing.
L eather m anufacturing
P aper m a k in g ...............
E sta b
lish
m ents
to
w hich
in q u i
ries
were
sent.
85
89
19
82
56
64
87
N u m b er on pay
P er
E sta b
roll in M arch—
lish
cent
of in
m ents
crease
rep o rt Period of
ing for p a y roll.
( + ) or
de
M arch,
1916
1917
crease
b o th
years.
(-)•
.
72
58
17
58
47
43
32
1 w eek . .
.. . d o . . . .
.. .d o ___
.. .d o .. . .
. . . d o ___
2 weeks.
1 w eek. .
62,953
57,691
14,097
30,330
46,455
17,173
14,628
66,007
57,532
14,468
31,072
46,394
16,669
16,016
+
+
+
+
4.9
.3
2.6
2.4
.1
2.9
9. 5
A m ount of pay
roll in March—
Per
cent
of in
crease
( + ) or
de
crease
(-).
1916
1917
$821,155
543,218
162,156
287,192
511,772
362,085
189,651
$934,598
617,637
199, 239
331,033
615,637
389,187
235,908
+ 13.8
+ 13.7
+ 22.9
+ 15.3
+ 20.3
+ 7.5
+24.4
142
78
101 4 m o nth. 155,352 192,589
32 .. .d o ___ 41,671 41,940
+ 24.0 5,556,713 8,387,193
+ .6 1,345,288 1,440,544
+50.9
+ 7.1
104
69
64 1 w eek . . 20,584 20,786
45 .. .d o ----- 115,733 137,348
+ 1.0
213,314
257,303
+ 18.7 2,298,512 3,096,601
+20.6
+34.7
257,726
342,205
+ 35.2
+28.3
44
67
28 .. .d o ___
50 . . . d o ___
15,687
20,453
16,919
23,170
+ 7.9
+ 13.3
190,676
266,726
The next, table gives in comparable form the number of people
actually working on the last full day of the reported pay period in
March, 1916, and March, 1917. It will be observed that the number
of establishments reporting as to this item for both years is small,
and this fact should be taken into consideration in using these
figures.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
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MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
C O M PA R ISO N O F E M P L O Y M E N T IN ID E N T IC A L E S T A B L IS H M E N T S ON L A S T F U L L
D A Y O F R E P O R T E D P A Y P E R IO D IN M A R C H , 1916, A N D M ARCH , 1917.
E sta b
lish
m en ts rep orting
for
M arch,
both
years.
In d u stry .
Boots and shoes.................
Cotton manufacturing.......
Cotton finishing.................
Hosiery and underwear__
Woolen..............................
Silk....................................
Men’s ready-made clothing.
Iron and steel......................
Car building and repairing.
Cigar manufacturing..........
Automobile manufacturing
Leather manufacturing___
Paper making.....................
21
24
9
10
39
23
2
94
26
23
27
13
16
N um ber actually
w orkin g on last
full da y of re P er cent
of in
ported p a y period in M areh— crease ( + )
or de
crease ( —).
1916
1917
Period
of p ay
roll.
1 w e e k ..
. .. d o .......
. . .d o .......
. . .d o .......
. .. d o .......
2 w eeks.
1 w eek . .
| m o n th .
.. .d o .......
1 w eek. .
. . .d o .......
.. .d o .......
.. .d o .......
13,287
16,900
6,204
7,308
35,191
9,833
927
128,799
34,159
5,105
76,150
9,221
6,158
14,465
17,991
5,162
7,757
34,720
9,610
935
158,152
32,649
5,377
91,635
10,266
6,976
+ 8.9
+ 6.5
- .8
+ 6.1
- 1.3
- 2.3
+ .9
+22.8
- 4.4
+ 5.3
+20.3
+ 11.3
+ 13.3
In 6 of the 13 industries there were more people on the pay roll in
March, 1917, than in February, 1917. The greatest increase reported
was 3 per cent in the men’s ready-made clothing industry. Seven
of the industries show a decrease in the number of people employed,
the decrease being very small, though, in most cases.
With the exception of two industries, boots and shoes and leather,
employees were paid more money in March, 1917, than in February,
1917. An increase of 7.6 per cent, appearing in the men’s ready-made
clothing industry, was the largest.
C O M PA R ISO N O F E M P L O Y M E N T IN IDENTICAL E S T A B L IS H M E N T S IN F E B R U A R Y ,
1917, A N D M ARCH , 1917.
Indu stry .
Boots and shoes.............
Cotton m anufacturing .
Cotton finish in g___'. .
Hosiery an d under
wear.
W oolen............................
S ilk .................................
Men’s ready - m ade
clothing.
Iron and steel.................
Car building a n d re
pairing.
Cigar m anu factu rin g . . .
Autom obile m anufac
turing.
L eather m anufactur
ing.
P aper m a k in g ................
N um ber on pay
sta b
E stab Elish
roll in —
Per
lish
cent
m ents m ents
re
of
to
increase
which p o rt Period of
( + ) or
inquir ing for p ay roll. F eb
F eb
de
ies
ruary, March,
ru ary
1917.
crease
were
1917.
and
(-)•
sent.
March.
A m ount of p ay
roil in —
Feb
ruary,
1917.
March,
1917.
Per
cent
of in
crease
( + ) or
de
crease
(-)•
85
89
19
82
72 1 w eek . .
56 . . . d o ___
15 . . . d o ___
56 . . . d o ___
69,362
58,611
13,696
29,960
68.883
58,449
13,691
30,235
-
1,003,848
619,007
186,267
i 1)
310,818
+ .9
984,694
626,520
188,924
322,225
-1 .9
+ 1.2
+ 1.4
+ 3.7
56
64
87
47 . . . d o ___ 45,798
42 2 w e ek s. 16,694
32 1 w eek . . 15,542
46,394
16,558
16,016
+ 1.3
- .8
+ 3 .0
615,037
386,678
235,908
+ .7
+ 3.4
+7.6
-0 .7
.3
610,496
373,911
219,321
142
78
100 1 m o nth. 181,109 183,551
31 .. .d o ___ 42,070 40,955
+ 1.3 7,606,250 8,069,328
- 2 . 7 1,331,447 1,407,876
+ 6 .1
+ 5 .7
104
69
62 1 w e e k .. 20,401 20,732
43 . . . d o ----- 141,818 143,155
+ 1.6
244,531
253,581
+ .9 3,023,958 3,214,256
+ 3 .7
+ 6 .3
44
28 .. .d o ___
17,113
16,919
- 1 .1
67
46 .. .d o ----- 21,987
21,981
U)
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
i Decrease of less th a n one-tenth of 1 p er cent.
262,990
257,726
-2 .0
320,872
%
324,547
+ 1 .1
MONTHLY REVIEW OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.
781
The following table shows the number of people actually working
on the last full day of the pay period in March, 1917, as compared
with February, 1917. Again it must be noted that although each
industry is represented the number of establishments giving this in
formation is comparatively small, and when using these figures this
fact should be taken into consideration.
CO M PA R ISO N O F E M P L O Y M E N T IN ID E N T IC A L E S T A B L IS H M E N T S ON LA S T F U L L
D A Y O F R E P O R T E D P ^ Y P E R IO D IN F E B R U A R Y , 1917, A N D M ARCH , 1917.
N um ber actually
E sta b
w orking on last
lish
full d ay of re P er cent
m ents
of
ported p ay period
Period
rep o rtin g
increase
in —
of
for
( + ) or
p
ay
roll.
February
de.
and
February, M arch, crease ( —)
March.
1917.
1917.
In d u stry .
Boots an d shoes....................................................................
C otton m an u factu rin g .........................................................
C otton finish in g ........’ ..........................................................
H osiery a n d u nderw ear.......................................................
W oolen....................................................................................
S ilk ...........................................................................................
M en’s ready-m ade clo th in g ................................................
Iron and stee l....................5 ................................................
Car building an d repairing.................................................
Cigar m anufacturing....... T..................................................
A utom obile m an u factu rin g ...............................................
L eather m an u factu rin g .. .7 ................................ ..............
P aper m a k in g ..............“ .......................................................
26
39
10
14
39
26
7
94
30
24
24
11
13
1 w eek . .
__do ........
__do ........
__do........
__do ........
2 w e ek s.
1 w eek . .
J m o n th
.. .d o .......
1 w eek . .
.. .d o .......
__do ........
. . .d o .......
17,464
31,438
6,681
11,042
34)325
12,123
4)082
148,707
37,448
5)041
94,713
9,097
7,326
16,379
31,454
6)697
11,204
34) 606
11,407
4)070
151,724
36) 286
5,319
93,647
8,489
7,116
-6 .2
+ .1
+ .2
+ 1.5
+ .8
-5 .9
- .3
+ 2.0
- 3 .1
+ 5.5
- 1 .1
-6 .7
-2 .9
CHANGES IN WAGE RATES.
As shown by the returned volume of employment schedules, wagerate changes occurred in 8 of the 13 industries covered by the in
quiry between the period February 15 and March 15, 1917. The
industries in which no establishments reported changes were car
building and repairing, cigar manufacturing, men’s ready-made
clothing, cotton finishing, and woolen. Many establishments failed
to answer the inquiry as to whether or not any increase or decrease
in wage rates was made; however, in most of these cases it is probably
safe to assume that no changes wTere made.
The iron and steel industry shows the largest number of changes.
Two establishments reported an increase of 10 per cent to tonnage
men, this affecting about 33^ per cent of the force in one of them.
Another gave an increase of 8 per cent to tonnage men. In one in
stance a 13 per cent increase was granted to 13 per cent of the force
and 10 per cent to the remainder. An increase of 14 per cent was
made in one case, affecting about one-tliird of the employees. One
establishment reported an increase of 9.7 per cent and 8.4 per cent
to approximately 40 per cent and 20 per cent of its force, respectively.
One other granted an increase of 6 per cent.
In the silk industry several establishments reported having made
increases. A 10 per cent increase in some departments was given in
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
782
M O N TH LY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
one instance. In another an additional dollar per week was granted
to weavers and the wages of 37.5 per cent of the force were increased
5.7 per cent. One establishment made an increase of 5 cents per
hour to 40 per cent of its employees.
In paper manufacturing one establishment reported an increase of
from 8 to 10 per cent, which applies to 75 per cent of the employees,
another granted an increase of 20 cents per day to each person, and
a third merely states that some increases were made.
In the manufacture of leather three increases were reported. One
establishment gave a 10 per cent increase to foremen. A second
reports having made an increase of 8 per cent to 25 per cent of the
force, while the third says that wages were increased without giving
the extent of increase or per cent of force affected.
In the automobile industry one establishment stated that an in
crease of 2.36 cents in the average hourly rate was made, and another
that several rate increases were given, the per cent varying accord
ing to the quality of work done by employees.
In the manufacture of boots and shoes two establishments reported
increases, one saying a few increases were made and the other that
increases were made in some departments.
In cotton manufacturing one establishment reported a 10 per cent
general increase. One change was indicated in the hosiery and un
derwear industry, the establishment reporting an increase of 12.5
per cent to 5 per cent of its force. Also one cigar-making establish*
ment made a change, a 7 per cent increase affecting 5 per cent of
the employees,
EMPLOYMENT IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK IN MARCH, 1917.
The Bureau of Statistics and Information of the New York State
Department of Labor reviews the labor market of that State in _
March in the following statement:
M A N U F A C T U R IN G
ACTIVITY IN MARCH.
[A s re p o r te d by r e p r e s e n ta tiv e firm s w ith o v e r 6 0 0 ,0 0 0 e m p lo y e es, o r o n e -th ir d o f th e
fa c to r y w o rk e rs in th e S ta te , a n d a w e ek ly p a y ro ll of o v e r $ 9 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 .]
In March, 1917, more workers were employed and a larger aggregate of wages
was paid in New York State factories than in any other month since these
returns have been received, beginning in June, 1914. The previous high record
was established in December, 1916. As compared with February, there was
an increase of more than 1 per cent in employees and of nearly 5 per cent in
volume of wages. There were more employees and more wages paid in each
of the 11 industrial groups, with the exception of a negligible decrease in wages
in the manufacture of paper. The increase in wages exceeded that in number
of employees in each group, due to overtime worked as well as increased wage
rates. In six of the groups new high records for volume of wages paid were
established, and in five of these new high records for number of employees.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY EEVIEW OF THE BUBEAU OF LABOE STATISTICS.
783
As compared with March, one year ago, there was an increase of 9 per cent
in number of employees and 23 per cent in the aggregate of wages. As com
pared with March, two years ago, the increases were 30 and 62 per cent,
respectively.
The average earnings for one week of all employees, including both sexes,
were, in March, $15.79, as compared with $15.31 in the previous month. The
average earnings for one week in March, 1916, were $13.96, and in March, two
years ago, $12.65.
The stone, clay, and glass products group employed in March nearly 3 per
cent more workers and paid out 5 per cent more wages than in February. This
was a new high record for the group in both respects. Each of the industries
in the group reported marked gain over February, except the brick industry,
for which the season has not yet fully opened. Even here, however, there was
a slight gain. As compared with March of last year, the group as a whole
employed 19 per cent more workers and paid out 43 per cent more wages.
The metals, machinery, and conveyances group reported in March not quite 1
per cent increase in number of workers and more than 4 per cent increase in
amount of wages paid as compared with February. This group employs many
more workers and has a much larger pay roll than either of the other groups.
Of the 12 industries in this group, only 2—the fabrication of structural and
ornamental ironwork and the manufacture of firearms—reported lessened
activity as compared with the previous month. Markedly increased activity in
the manufacture of jewelry and silverware, of pig-iron and rolling-mill prod
ucts, of sheet-metal work and hardware, of cooking, heating, and ventilating
apparatus, of machinery, of automobiles and pai’ts, of railroad rolling stock,
and of boats and ships was reported. As compared with March, 1916, the
group as a whole had 14 per cent more workers and paid out 29 per cent more
wages.
The wood-manufactures group reported in March an increase of 1 per cent
in employees and of 5 per cent in wages. Each of the industries was more
active than in the previous month, the sawing of lumber and the manufacture
of musical instruments being most active. As compared with March, one year
ago, the group as a whole employed 3 per cent more workers and paid out 17
per cent more wages.
The furs, leather, and rubber goods group in March increased its number of
employees by less than 1 per cent and paid out nearly 2 per cent more wages.
The boot and shoe industry, which is dominant in this group, reported a slight
decrease in activity. The furs and fur goods industry had more employees and
a still greater increase in the volume of wages, the latter due to advances in
wage rates. Other industries in the group likewise reported an increase in
wages greater than that in number of employees. As compared with a year
ago, the group employed 6 per cent more workers and paid out 22 per cent
more wages.
The chemicals group employed in March 2 per cent more workers and paid
out 4 per cent more wages than in the previous month, thereby establishing
new high records for this group in both respects. Each of the industries share
in the increase, that in wages exceeding that in employees in each instance.
The group as a whole employed 11 per cent more workers than in March of
last year and paid out 29 per cent more wages.
The paper industry reported almost no change in March as compared with
the previous month, there having been an increase of less than 1 per cent in
number of employees and a decrease of less than 1 per cent in volume of wages.
As compared with March of last year, there were 19 per cent more employees
and 28 per cent more wages.
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
784
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
The printing and paper goods group employed in March 1 per cent more
workers and paid out 4 per cent more wages than in the previous month. This
was a new high record for the group in both respects. As compared with a
year ago, the group had 5 per cent more employees and paid out 10 per cent
more wages.
The textiles group reported an increase in March of 1 per cent in employees
and of 4 per cent in volume of wages as compared with the previous month.
This was a new high record in both respects for this group. This rate of in
crease was shared in by each of the industries, except the manufacture of cot
ton cloth, which was almost unchanged. As compared with the same month
a year ago, the group had 5 per cent more employees and paid out 20 per cent
more wages.
The clothing, millinery, and laundering group attained in March a new high
level both in number of employees and in amount of wages. The increases
over last month were 2 per cent in employees and 7 per cent in wages. Each
of the industries shared in the increase. As compared with March of last year,
the group employed 3 per cent more workers and paid out 16 per cent more
wages.
Thè food, liquors, and tobacco group reported 4 per cent more employees and
7 per cent greater volume of wages in March than in the previous month. This
established a new high record in number of employees for this group. The
greatest gain over last month was in miscellaneous groceries, due largely to
increased activity in sugar refining, although all industries in the group re
ported increases over last month. As compared with a year ago, the group had
5 per cent more workers and paid out 17 per cent more wages.
The water, light, and power industry reported in March a gain of nearly 1
per cent in employees and of 2 per cent in wages as compared with last month,
and a gain of 5 per cent in employees and of 17 per cent in wages as compared
with March of last year.
B U IL D IN G A C T IV IT Y IN P R IN C IP A L C IT IE S .
[A s reported by building departments.]
Building activity in New York State, as measured by returns from the
building departments of the 10 first and second class cities, was 15 per cent
greater in March than in the previous month and 20 per cent less than in March
of last year. The value of the permits issued in New York City in March was
87 per cent of the total issued in the entire State. As compared with February,
only two of the cities—Albany and Schenectady—failed to report gains. New
York City reported a gain, despite a loss in the Borough of Manhattan. As
compared with March of last year, four cities—Albany, Buffalo, New York City,
and Yonkers—reported losses.
WORK OF STATE AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT OFFICES IN THE
UNITED STATES AND OF PROVINCIAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS
IN CANADA.
In the following table will be found information relative to the
operations of public employment offices for March, 1916, and March,
1917. The figures given for the United States are for State employ
ment bureaus in 16 States, municipal employment bureaus in 8 States,
State-city employment bureaus in 2 States, and a city-private em
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS,
785
ployment bureau in 1 State. Information is also given for two
Canadian employment bureaus.
O P E R A T IO N S O F P U B L IC E M P L O Y M E N T O F F IC E S IN M A R C H , 1916, A N D M A R C H , 1917.
U N IT E D S T A T E S .
State a n d city.
California (m unicipal):
Berkeley—
March, 1916.......................
March, 1917....................................
Fresno—
March, 1916.....................................
March, 1917...............................
Sacram ento—
March, 1916......................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
California (S tate-city ):
Los Angeles—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917........................................
California (S tate):
O akland—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917........................................
Sacram ento—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917........................................
San Francisco—
March, 1916.....................................
March, 1917..........................................
Persons applying
for work."
Applica
Persons
tions
asked for
from
em ploy b y em
New
ployers. registra Renew
ers."
als.
tions.
210
277
259
319
104
101
554
517
259
318
259
313
251
448
251
448
724
646
126
271
286
472
236
433
182
194
(l )
275
82
70
0)
(')
312
275
3 12
0)
3,614
6,757
6,320
1,962
2,482
G)
(1)
7,222
5,737
6,633
5,003
385
855
590
1,047
957
502
121
461
1,008
501
709
131
309
234
527
494
407
24
158
192
45<
120
385
498
1,623
1,104
2,917
2,110
1,961
96
991
1,070
2; 765
879
1,960
0 0QK
1R032
8,945
Total:
March, 1916.......................
March, 1917....................
Colorado:
Colorado Springs (S tate):
March, 1916........................................
March, 1917..........................................
Denver, No. 1—
March, 1916.......................................
March, 1917...................................
D enver, No. 2—
March, 1916.................................
March, 1917..........................................
Pueblo—
March, 1916.............................
March, 1917...................................
552
544
681
592
0)
0)
509
0)
G)
293
196
293
214
354
0)
G)
146
G)
G)
367
260
367
446
305
0)
G)
233
G)
351
243
351
253
402
0)
0)
223
G)
0)
'(')
0)
(!)
0)
1 111
0)
503
223
206
343
(!)
1 980
541
■ 677
0)
0)
0)
0)
G)
0)
G)
G)
482
607
562
938
0)
(!)
0)
0)
0)
(1)
0)
G)
427
747
510
773
0)
0)
0)
0)
0)
G)
G)
G)
403
213
275
0)
C1)
0)
0)
0)
C1)
G)
G)
201
256
202
165
0)
0)
0)
0)
G)
(')
G)
G)
110
108
0)
G)
2 ,372
Total:
March, 1916...............................
March, 1917...............................
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
275
544
0)
Total:
March, 1916.......................
March, 1917....................
Connecticut (State):
B ridgeport—
March, 1916.....................
March, 1917..........................................
H artford—
March, 1916.................................
March, 1917..........................................
New H aven—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
Norwich—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
W aterbury —
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
Persons
referred Positions
fllled.
to
positions
i N ot reported,
1 623
786
M O N TH LY REVIEW OF TH E BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
O P E R A T IO N S O F P U B L IC E M P L O Y M E N T O F F IC E S IN M A R C H , 1916, AN D M ARCH ,
1917—C ontinued.
U N I T E » S T A T E S — C o n tin u e d .
Persons applying
for work.
Applica Persons
Persons
tions
referred Positions
asked for
from
to
filled.
by
em
New
em ploy ployers.
registra Renew positions.
ers.
als.
tions.
S tate and city.
Illinois (m unicipal):
Chicago—
March, 1916 . .
............................
M arch' 1917..........................................
Illinois (S tate):
C h ic ag o M arch, 1916 ........................................
M arch' 1917..........................................
E a st St. Louis—
March, 1916..........................................
M arch' 1917........................................ •Peoria—
March, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Rockford—
M arch, 1916...................................... *.
March, 1917..........................................
R ock Island-M oline—
March, 1916
...............
M arch' 1917..........................................
Springfield—
March, 1916..........................................
M arch' 1917..........................................
Total:
March 1916
March 1917
1,624
303
350
800
0)
4,977
4,481
11,161
5,673
10, 707
447
1,730
951
1,850
299
C1)
808
950
1,106
701
193
0)
717
955
1,226
466
447
0)
0)
0)
0)
C1)
(’)
2,068
681
866
861
659
«
0)
838
743
788
672
791
606
381
C1)
299
0)
504
416
87
508
519
606
210
(’)
316
C1)
478
455
430
(i)
15,986
8,344
12; 172
2
184
417
159
326
528
273
708
259
699
211
367
1,161
338
1,078
344
340
322
300
1,168
2,626
1,078
2,403
237
(’)
757
301
437
2 290
171
0)
0)
1,191
356
1,191
2 425
867
0)
430
418
2 482
358
C1)
133
4,085
9,033
(>)
874
2 268
7
0)
(>)
12,119
G)
720
178
357
0)
912
148
1,052
820
632
107
0)
1,624
303
870
0)
....
....
In d ian a (State):
E vansville—
March, 1916..........................................
March 1917.
................................
F o rt W ayne—
March, 1916
................................
March, 1917..........................................
Indianapolis—
March, 1916
....................................
MarchJ 1917...................................... - South B end—
March, 1916 .................................... - •
M arch' 1917...................................... - Total:
March 1916
March 1917
67
22
34
................... - .....................- -
(')
Iow a (State):
Des Moines—
March, 1917..........................................
76
136
105
26
125
52
K ansas (State):
Topeka—
March, 1916
March 1917
21
94
21
.130
86
119
6
4
16
121
16
100
174
541
331
384
713
643
183
543
88
196
237
234
2 497
2 345
237
234
237
234
420
777
325
430
.............................
.............................--
K entu ck y (city p riv ate):
Louisville—
M arch, 1916...
.................
.........................
M arch' 1917...
K e ntuck y (State):
Louisville—■
M nrch .1 9 1 6 ...
. ................ -.
M arch, 1917...................................... - -
(>)
0)
237
234
C1)
(>)
Total:
M arch 1916
M arch, 1917.
1 N ot reported.
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
2 N um ber applying for work.
m o n t h l y r e v ie w of t h e b u r e a u of
LABOR STATISTICS.
787
OPERATIONS OF PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT OFFICES IN MARCH, 1916, AND MARCH, 1917_
Continued.
U N IT E D
State and city.
M assachusetts (S tate):
B oston—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
F all R iver—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Springfield—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
W orcester—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
S T A T E S —Continued.
Persons applying
for work.
A pplica Persons
Persons
tions
asked for
referred Positions
from
to
filled.
employ by em
New
ployers. registra Renew positions.
ers.
als.
tions.
1,984
1,949
2,341
2,189
1 1,419
1 1,126
(2)
(2)
3.3,955
3 3,116
1,701
1,351
127
82
143
84
138
i2
(2)
(2)
3 133
71
110
71
786
926
962
1,251
1334
1347
(2)
(2)
3 1,133
3 1,255
727
847
956
983
1,191
1,208
1 703
(2)
(2)
31,483
3 1,268
735
700
3 6,704
3 5, 710
2 ,969
t 495
Total:
M arch, 1916...............................
M arch, 1917...............................
M ichigan (S tate):
B attle Creek—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
B ay C ity—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
D etroit—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
F lin t—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
G rand R apids—
M arch, 1916.................................
M arch, 1917......................... ................
Jackson—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Kalam azoo—■
M arch, 1916........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Lansing—
M arch, 1916.....................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
M uskegon—
M arch, 1916.............................
M arch, 1917........................................
Saginaw—
M arch, 1916....................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
190
47
284
189
< 232
< 85
(2)
(2)
232
74
161
74
. 53
40
168
93
< 110
< 122
(2)
(2)
SO
69
80
69
2,356
836
(2)
4,196
(2)
(2)
5,544
3,956
5,179
3,956
200
650
559
650
< 559
< 650
(2)
(2)
559
650
559
650
782
425
868
727
< 833
1 722
(2)
(2)
813
684
813
684
408
362
759
767
<753
< 765
(2)
(2)
719
712
749
550
428
(2)
543
< 625
<428
(2)
(2)
406
428
406
428
52
52
314
190
< 262
<68
(2)
(2)
241
59
241
59
108
54
272
155
<270
< 138
(2)
(2)
239
132
192
127
670
121
670
579
< 650
< 497
(2)
(2)
650
466
650
466
9,483
7,272
8 09.?
7 262
(2)
(2)
Total:
March, 1916...............................
March, 1917..............................
M innesota (S tate):
D u lu th —
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
M inneapolis—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
St. P au l—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
650
1,168
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2).
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
1,251
1,501
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
708
878
Total:
March, 1916...............................
March' 1917...............................
1 Number who were registered.
2 Not reported.
92746°—17----- 10
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
.
3 Number of offers of positions.
* Number applying for work.
2 609
3,547
788
m o n t h l y review of t h e bu r ea u of labor sta tistic s .
O P E R A T IO N S OF P U B L IC E M P L O Y M E N T O F F IC E S IN M ARCH , 1916, AN D M ARCH , 1917—
Continued.
U N IT E D
S T A T E S — C o n tin u e d .
Persons applying
for work.
A pplica Persons
Persons
tions
referred Positions
asked for
from
filled.
to
by
em
New
em ploy ployers.
positions.
registra Renew
ers.
als.
tions.
State a n d city.
Missouri (S tate):
K ansas C ity—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
St. Joseph—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
St. Louis—
March, 1916.................................... .
March, 1917................................ '........
0)
1,737
(*)
939
C1)
(!)
0
1,598
0
0)
1,072
(B
0)
(L
954
(B
i 1)
0
0
0)
C1)
1,086
0
(B
(D
0
0)
984
585
503
Total:
March, 1916 ............................
March 1917
M ontana (m unicipal):
B u tte —
March, 1916..........................................
March", 1917..........................................
New Y ork (m unicipal):
New Y ork City—
M arch, 1916 3. .................. .................
M arch, 1917 8..................... .................
New Y ork (S tate):
A lbany—
M arch, 1916.............................. ...........
M arch, 1917..........................................
B rooklyn—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch’ 1917.................... ...................
Bufialo—
M arch, 1916................................ ........
Mareh, 1917..........................................
Rochester—
M arch, 1916..........................................
Mareh, 1917..........................................
Syracuse—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917................................ .........
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
949
0)
537
(!)
2,889
(i)
(»)
(*)
360
2 660
550
(1)
0
0
0
2,279
2,876
2,502
3,166
2,316
2,351
0
2,388
2,761
3,963
1,926
2,665
370
596
538
743
539
480
367
340
630
786
333
405
1,352
1,538
2,186
2,061
1,619
1,256
500
688
2,129
2,271
1,142
1,401
672
1,276
893
1,801
635
1,332
304
142
899
1,874
602
1,391
1,121
1,739
1,627
2,381
969
917
285
633
1,550
1,942
859
1,037
657
1,369
836
1,899
576
891
107
320
839
1,636
592
1,091
8,808
12; 472
5.454
7; 990
..........
357
305
0)
(')
1,789
2,409
586
906
1,445
1,861
1,360
1.927
1,110
1,657
(*)
(‘)
2,286
2,004
1,790
1,749
4,130
3,151
2,020
1,990
1,356
1,366
0)
C1)
7,209
7,815
1,984
3,135
7,819
9,222
5,151
6,872
4,377
5,520
C1)
0)
2,223
2,492
900
640
2,601
2,412
2,128
2 ,209
1,604
1,950
(')
(')
1.235
1,314
518
634
1,214
1,244
1,013
1,082
845
960
0)
( ') '
3,008
2,857
1,227
1.098
2,267
3,087
2,414
2,544
1,999
2,122
(>)
0)
1,115
1,309
816
791
1,191
925
1,170
1,273
908
1,094
15,256
IL-897
12,199
l b 669
T otal:
March, 1916..................................
March, 1917
............. ..
1 N ot reported.
581
0
3,133
Total:
March, 1916
March, 1917...... ............................
Ohio (S tate-city):
A kron—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917........................................
C incinnati—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
Cleveland—
March, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Columbus—
March, 1916
....................................
M arch, 1917..................... ...................
D ayto n —
March, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Toledo—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917.........................................
Y ounystow n—
March, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
954
1,403
2 N um ber applying for w ork.
3 Includes branches.
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREA.TT OF LABOR STATISTICS.
789
O P E R A T IO N S O F P U B L IC E M P L O Y M E N T O F F IC E S IN M A R C H , 1916, A N D M A R C H , 1917—
Continued.
U N IT E D
S tate a n d city.
Oklahoma (State):
Enid—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
Muskogee—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
Oklahoma City—
March, 1916....
March, 1917__
Tulsa—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
S T A T E S — C ontinued.
Persons applying
for work.
Applica Persons
Persons
tions
asked
for
referred Positions
from
to
filled.
em ploy b y em
New
ployers. registra Renew positions.
ers.
als.
tions.
239
F)
2 265
2 157
F)
F)
F)
237
111
F)
2 187
2 308
F)
F)
F)
150
286
267
C1)
F)
2 271
2 480
F)
F)
F)
220
434
362
F)
2 324
2 1,057
F)
F)
F)
320
1,060
125
F)
254
444
F)
518
F)
1,113
109
299
476
1,060
Total:
March, 1916
March, 1917
Oregon (municipal):
Portland—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
Pennsylvania (State):
Altoona—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
Harrisburg—
March, 1916__
March, 1917___
Johnstown—
March, 1916__
March, 1917__
Philadelphia—
March, 1916__
March, 1917___
Pittsburgh—
March, 1916__
March, 1917___
/
1,944
V
0)851
0)
1,308
F)270
F)
F)
F)
F)
F)
F)
0)
C1)
129
F)
F)
Texas (municipal):
Dallas—
March, 1916___
March, 1917___
Fort Worth—
March, 1916___
March, 1917__
1 N ot reported.
2 N um ber applying for work.
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
F)
1,178
91
F)
82
316
231
118
135
336
360
221
323
(l)
264
155
82
93
17
14
66
92
42
75
0)
0)
647
1,228
761
825
350
696
589
1,209
391
1,002
0)
0)
2,959
1,428
1,170
679
37
188
708
732
668
670
..........
1,322
258
164
268
177
196
119
150
143
188
252
238
477
86
3 307
6
22
284
500
238
437
160
1S5
217
424
239
4 1,468
63
69
201
327
185
318
Total:
March, 1916.
March, 1917.
Virginia (municipal):
Richmond—
March, 1916___
March, 1917.......
33
F)
320
634
Total:
March, 1916.
March, 1917.
Rhode Island (State):
Providence—
March, 1916__
March, 1917___
93
F)
F)
___
237
238
'
380
369
F)
F)
268
177
827
555
446
F)
F)
489
446
3 Includes 172 tran sient applicants.
4 Includes 1,080 u n w ritten registrations.
171
181
790
MONTHLY REVIEW OP THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
O P E R A T IO N S O F P U B L IC E M P L O Y M E N T O F F IC E S IN M A R C H , 1916,AN D M A R C H , 1917—
Concluded.
U N IT E D
S tate an d city.
S T A T E S — Concluded.
Persons applying
for work.
Applica Persons
Persons
tions
referred Positions
asked
for
from
filled.
. to
by
em
New
em ploy ployers.
positions.
registra Renew
ers.
als.
tions.
W ashington (F ederal-m unicipal):
W ashington (m unicipal):
E v e re tt—
March, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Seattle—
M arch, 1916..........................................
M arch, 1917..........................................
Spokane—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March, 1917..........................................
282
261
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
972
3,499
2,900
5 ,1S9
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
2, 870
5,163
965
4,700
960
1,760
1,250
2,150
1,194
2,004
1,194
1,921
4,064
7,167
2,441
6,882
469
390
50
5
100
25
T otal:
CANADA.
Quebec (Province):
M ontreal—
March, 1 9 1 7 .......................................
Quebec—
M arch, 1916..........................................
March^ 1917..........................................
T otal:
March, 1916__
M arch, 1917........
368
(2)
(2)
614
358
(2)
122
31
3 183
3 111
(2)
(2)
75
24
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
(2)
414
1 Figures for th is office are carried regularly in th e R eview u nder th e subject “ Federal em ploym ent work
of th e D e p artm e n t of L a b o r,” to w hich th e re a d e r is referred.
2 N ot re p o rte d .
3 N um b er a p p ly in g for w ork.
FEDERAL EMPLOYMENT WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT OF LABOR.
During February, 1917, the Division of Information of the Bureau
of Immigration of the Department of Labor placed 18,367 persons
in employment, as compared with 19,735 during January, 1917.
Incomplete returns for March—reports from the important office
in Newark, N. J., and its subbranches not having been received in
time to be tabulated—R eview" show a total of 32,698 persons placed
during the month.
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
791
MONTHLY REVIEW OP THE BUREAU OP LABOR STATISTICS.
The following statement of the work of the 19 different zones, cov
ering the whole country, gives details for January and February,
1917:
SUM M ARY OF ACTIVITIES OF U N IT E D STA TES EM PLOYM ENT SERVICE FOR THE
MONTHS OF JA N U A R Y A N D F E B R U A R Y , 1917.
Opportunities received.
Applications
for help.
Zone number and office.
Applications for employment.
Persons ap
plied for.
actu
Referred to Number
ally em
employment.
ployed.
Applications
received.
Jan Feb Jan Feb Jan Feb Jan
Feb Jan Feb
« uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary.
1. Boston, Mass.....................
2. N ew York, N . Y .1..........
Búllalo, N . Y.2...........
T otal...............................
2a. Newark, N . J ...........
Orange,'N . J ..........
Jersey City, N . J ............
T otal...........................
3. Philadelphia, P a ..................
Pittsburgh, P a ....................
Wilmington, Del.................
T otal....................
4. Baltimore, M d.........
5. Norfolk, V a ...........................
6. Jacksonville, F la ............
Miami, Fla.'...........
Savannah, Ga.............
Charleston. S. C ...
Mobile, A lá.........................
6
5
16
157
49
48
7
5
7
5
6,148
948
5,306
'798
8,268
1,574
8,443
1,779
8,067
1,508
7,944
2,010
9,093
1,808
7,687
1,571
5,503
1,402
4,855
1,131
7,096
6,104
9,842 10,222
9,575
9,954 10,901
9,258. 6,905
5,986
1,323
150
287
1,004
179
41
3,263
375
826
3,443
473
608
3,140
317
621
2,443
319
611
2,814
255
521
2,123
246
487
2,125
223
460
2,060
195
431
1,760
1,224
4,464
4,524
4,078
3,373
3,590
2,856
2,808
2,686
127
40
19
192
39
19
313
1,549
56
602
1,439
(3)
549
1,149
157
890
700
154
441
504
157
794
429
174
330
443
132
739
350
148
186
250
1,918
2,041
1,855
1,744
1,102
1,397
905
1,237
107
106
125
629
214
174
214
174
23
18
44
277
121
99
79
85~
23
26
24
1
2
1
1
2
2
29
25
2
1
2
6
2
18
96
20
155
6
11
34
17
35
15
2
30
15
137
r
2
4
21
2~
18
14
137
J
2
4
21
28
I
T otal........................
27
6
56
11
295
112
184
28
171
7. New Orleans, L a .................
Gulfport, Miss......................
Memphis, T enn...................
65
61
125
120
320
68
27
341
315
75
30
363
83
70
5
17
5
T otal........................
65
78
125
150
516
415
346
332
80
75
8. Galveston, T ex ....................
Houston, T ex............
E l Paso, T ex .............
San Antonio, T ex........
Albuquerque, N . Mex........
13
5
13
6
34
35
16
41
2
29
13
19
13
17
1
50
j
75
1
T otal.......................
13
6
13
56
70
59
29
13
19
13
9. Cleveland, Ohio...................
18
50
22
94
81
79
62~
75~
14
21
10. Chicago, 111............................
Detroit, Mich.....................
Sault Ste. Marie, M ich___
Indianapolis, In d ..............
666
111
7
199
522
92
5
190
3,484
454
438
592
2,977
373
17
355
3,646
470
71
774
2,657
323
51
620
983
809
4,968
3,722
4,961
3,651
20
29
26
35
39
28
T otal...........................
11. Minneapolis, Minn...............
I
3,088
470
44
511
2,392
323
22
351
2,892
454
44
423
2,136
323
21
278
4,113
3,088
3,813
2,758
12
if
12’
1 Inclusive of activities in cooperation with the State and municipal employm ent offices.
2 Inclusive of activities in cooperation with the State employm ent office.
8 N ot reported.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
II
792
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
SUM M ARY OF A C TIV ITIE S OF U N IT E D ST A T ES EM PLO Y M EN T SERV IC E FO R T H E
M ONTHS OF JA N U A R Y A N D F E B R U A R Y , 1917—Concluded.
Applications for employment.
Opportunities received.
Zone number and office.
Applications
for help.
Persons ap
plied for.
Applications
received.
actu
Referred to Number
ally em
employment.
ployed.
Jan Feb Jan Feb Jan Feb Jan Feb Jan Feb
uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary. uary. ruary.
12. St. Louis, Mo........................
Omaha, N ebr........................
Kansas City, Mo..................
322
182
411
296
466
484
1,060
336
620
831
663
923
590
829
812
435
786
807
656
326
697
634
721
834
639
283
606
617
579
674
Total...................................
915
1,246
2,016
2,417
2,231
2,028
1,679
2,189
1,528
1,870
13. Denver, Colo.........................
33
17
33
17
78
102
53
35
18
15
1
5
3
1
5
3
4
1
15
16
1
5
3
1
5
3
14. Helena, M ont.......................
Moscow, Idaho.....................
Total......... .........................
1
8
1
8
5
31
1
8
1
8
15. Seattle, W a sh .......................
Aberdeen, W ash..................
Bellingham, W ash...............
Everett, W ash .....................
N orth Y aMma, W ash ........
Spokane, W ash.....................
Tacoma, W a sh ................... .
Walla W alla, W ash.............
114
12
106
2
201
30
335
34
104
7
123
2
244
81
299
75
218
38
237
3
296
60
677
58
151
44
303
2
343
127
840
95
1,560
114
307
5
595
199
1,424
321
1,328
202
298
16
608
374
1,054
516
150
36
201
4
257
56
656
45
125
47
299
2
343
110
816
95
122
36
182
2
232
55
650
32
108
44
275
1
308
105
801
78
Total...................................
834
935
1,587
1,905
4,525
4,396
1,405
1,837
1,311
1,720
16. Portland, Oreg.....................
Astoria, Oreg.........................
601
20
693
9
829
37
896
18
1,278
484
1,075
380
838
35
766
10
796
33
728
9
Total................ ..................
621
702
866
914
1,762
1,455
873
776
829
737
17. San Francisco, Cal...............
Reno, N e v .............................
471
24
385
26
786
44
496
38
1,171
36
760
38
620
36
487
40
371
36
323
38
656
527
407
361
47
42
1,028
801
1 ...........
843
1,076
27
642
1
25
611
670
636
Total...................................
495
411
830
534
1,207
798
18. Los Angeles, Cal..................
San Diego, Cal......................
Douglas, Ariz........................
47
436
1
43
426
52
661
1
52
717
315
893
1
283
727
Total...................................
484
469
714
769
1,209
1,010
Grand to ta l....................... 13,687 12,473 27,666 28,482 32,951 29,701 26,382 23,537
C O N C IL IA T IO N
W ORK OF TH E D EPA RTM EN T
16 T O A P R I L 15, 1917.
19,735 18,367
O F LABOR, M ARCH
Under the organic act of the department, which gives the Secre
tary of Labor the authority to mediate in labor disputes through the
appointment, in his discretion, of commissioners of conciliation, the
Secretary exercised his good offices between March 16, 1917, and
April 15, 1917, in 18 labor disputes. The companies involved, the
number of employees affected, and the results secured, so far as
information is available, were as follows:
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
793
N U M BER OF LABOR D ISPU T E S H A N D L E D B Y T H E D E PA R TM E N T OF L A BO R , THROUGH
ITS COMMISSIONERS OF CONCILIATION, MAR. 16 TO A P R . 15, 1917.
Workmen affected.
Name.
Directly.
Strike, Moulthrup Bros. Co., New Brighton, P a .............................
Strike, Standard Gauge Steel Co., Beaver Falls, P a.......................
Strikes of machinists (9 shops), Wilmington, D e l...........................
Threatened strike of machinists, Remington Arms Co., Bridge
port. Conn.
Threatened strike, U . M. Cartridge Co., Bridgeport, Conn..........
Lockout of building mechanics and laborers, Cleveland, O hio...
Strike of machinists, boiler makers, blacksmiths and their help
ers, and carm en, Western Maryland R. R. Co., Hagerstown,
and other points in Maryland.
Threatened strike, Chicago & A lton R . R. Co., Chicago, 111........
Threatened strike of mechanics, Boston & Albany R . R. Co.,
Boston, Mass.
Controversy between Missouri, Kansas & Texas R. R. Co. and
its car men, Denison, Tex.
Strikes of porcelain workers (10 potteries), Trenton, N. J............
Strike of longshoremen, Porto Rico and Bull Insular S. Si Co.,
New York and Porto Rico.
Strike, Chester & K ennett Square Trolley Co..................................
Strike of pattern makers, New London Ship & Engine Co., New
London, Conn.
Controversy between electrical contractors and International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Richmond, Va.
Strike of pattern makers, Crane Co., Bridgeport, Conn., and
Chicago. 111.
Strike, Philadelphia Shirt Co., Philadelphia, P a .............................
Strike, Belmer Trunk & Bag Co., Philadelphia, P a .......................
Controversy, tin plate department of Wheeling Steel & Iron
Co., Wheeling, W. Va.
Controversy between ferry boat companies and employees, San
Francisco, Cal.
Strike of pattern makers, Otis Steel Co., Cleveland, Ohio............
Strike, Massillon Steel & Tin Plate Co., Massillon, Ohio...............
Controversy between Missouri Pacific R. R . Co. and rnaintenance-of-way employees, St. Louis, Mo., reopened.
Strike of garment workers, Chicago, 111...............................................
Strike of fishermen, Gloucester, Mass..................................................
28
300
690
1,100
Indi
rectly.
260
700
5,350
12,000
20,000
550
800
1,200
Result.
Adjusted.
Do.
Pending.
Adjusted.
Do.
Do.
Unable to adjust.
Adjusted.
Pending.
1,500
3,000
Do.
1,000
1,500
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
1,200
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
The following cases have been disposed of:
S tr ik e o f em ployees, G e o rg ia R a ilw a y & P o w e r Co., A tla n ta , G a . : U n a b le
to a d ju s t.
S tr ik e o f N a tio n a l S ilk D y e in g Co., A lle n to w n , P a . : A d ju ste d .
L o c k o u t o f la b o rin g m en in M o n t a n a : A d ju s te d .
S tr ik e o f f r e ig h t c le rk s a n d f r e ig h t h a n d le rs , B a ltim o re & O hio R a ilro a d
Co. a n d C in c in n a ti, H a m ilto n & D a y to n R a ilro a d Co., a t C in c in n a ti, O h io :
U n a b le to a d ju s t.
S tr ik e o f a c to rs , B o sto n , L y n n , a n d H a v e rh ill, M a s s .: U n a b le to a d ju s t.
IM M IG R A T IO N I N
F E B R U A R Y , 1917.
The number of immigrant aliens admitted to the United States
during the year 1916 wras 355,767, as compared with 258,678 for the
year 1915, an increase of 97,089. There was also an increase from
month to month during 7 of the 12 months. The figures for January,
February, and March, 1917, show a decrease of 19.9, 22.3, and 27.8
per cent, respectively. These facts are brought out in the following
table:
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
794
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
IMMIGRANT A L IE N S ADM ITTED INTO THE U N IT E D STATES IN SPEC IFIE D M O N T H S,
1913 TO 1917.
1(117
Month.
January................................................................
February.............................................................
March...................................................................
April__
M ay....................................................................
June......................................................................
Ju ly ......................................................................
A ugust...
.
.. .
.............
September
October.
N ovember. . .
December............................................................
1913
1914
46,441
59,156
96,958
136,371
137^ 262
176,261
138,244
126'180
136' 247
134'440
104^671
95,387
44,708
46,873
92,621
119,885
107' 796
71,728
60,377
37' 706
29' 143
30' 416
26'298
20' 944
1915
1916
15,481
13,873
19,263
24,532
26,069
22,598
21,504
21,949
24,513
25,450
24'545
18,901
17,293
24,740
27,586
30,560
31,021
30,764
25,035
29,975
36'398
37,056
34,437
30; 902
Per cent
increase
Number. over pre
ceding
month.
24,745
19,238
13,896
i 19.9
1 22.3
127.8
1 Decrease.
Classified by races, the number of immigrant aliens admitted
to and emigrant aliens departing from the United States during
February, 1916 and 1917, was as follows:
IMM IGRANT A L IE N S AD M ITTED TO A N D EM IG R A N T A L IE N S D E P A R T IN G FROM
T H E U N IT E D STA TES, F E B R U A R Y , 1916 A N D 1917.
Admitted.
Race.
Departed.
February, February, February, February,
1916.
1917.
1916.
1917.
African (black)..........................................................................................
Armenian...................................................................................................
Bohemian and Moravian ......................................................................
Bulgarian, Servian, Montenegrin ............................................. ........
C hinese..'...............'.................“...............................................................
Croatian and Slovenian..........................................................................
Cuban..........................................................................................................
Dalmatian, Bosnian, Herzegovinian
....................................
D utch and' Flem ish.'........... ' .................................................................
East Indian...............................................................................................
E nglish........................................................................................................
Finnish........................................................................................................
French.........................................................................................................
German.................................................................................... .................
Greek...........................................................................................................
Hebrew........................................................................................................
Irish.............................................................................................................
Italian (north)......................................................................................
Italian (south)....................................................... ..................................
Japanese....................................................................................................
Korean........................................................................................................
Lithuanian................................................................................................
Magyar......................................................................................................
Mexican..................................... ..........................................................
Pacific Islander.........................................................................................
P olish............................. ............................................................................
Portuguese.................................................................................................
Roumanian........................................... ...................................................
R ussian.......................................................................................................
Ruthenian (R ussniak).............................. .............................................
Scandinavian..............' ...........................................................................
Scotch..........................................................................................................
Slovak.................
..............................................................
Spanish.......................................................................................................
Spanish-American....................................................................................
Syrian..........................................................................................................
Turkish.......................................................................................................
W elsh.................. .......................................................................................
W est Indian (except Cuban) ..............................................................
Other peoples............................................................................................
N ot specified.................................................. - ........................................
129
68
51
124
90
27
57
1
410
5
2,579
835
1,164
823
647
1,103
1,153
402
3,871
494
12
50
98
4,175
264
43
18
29
86
33
135
5
270
3
2,002
283
1,296
754
1,263
1,341
962
327
3,530
636
17
20
34
1,392
368
2,454
59
514
42
1,164
90S
46
493
97
34
6
70
32
85
196
687
33
283
144
768
881
9
1,015
193
100
5
41
68
72
2
233
95
2
152
73
3
9
39
16
676
147
39
2
1
3
48
15
685
T otal................................................................................................
24,740
19,238
4,035
3,359
https://fraser.stlouisfed.org
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
42
15
2
1
110
12
104
85
5
3
46
213
29
3
423
31
145
50
324
27
64
178
799
57
5
26
9
259
56
101
175
59
4
42
102
353
33
4
32
43
1
53
18
57
9
3
81
1
234
103
304
64
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
O F F IC IA L
795
P U B L IC A T IO N S R E L A T IN G TO L A B O R .
U N IT E D
STATES.
C o n n e c t ic u t .— Twenty-seventh
Report of the Bureau of Labor for the two
years ended November SO, 1916. Public Document No. 23. Hartford , 1916.
96 pp.
T h e in tro d u c tio n s t a te s t h a t “ th e p a s t tw o y e a rs h a v e b e e n y e a rs o f u n r e s t
in la b o r c ircles, a n d th e n u m b e r o f s tr ik e s re p o r te d la rg e ly e x ceed s th o s e in a n y
s im ila r p e rio d .” T h e re p o r t lis ts 422 s tr ik e s a n d lo c k o u ts in v o lv in g 67,717
w o rk e rs , “ a s m a n y a s th e r e w e re in v o lv e d d u r in g th e p a s t 11 y e a r s ,” th e
n u m b e r o f d a y s lo s t b e in g 631,235, w ith a w a g e lo ss o f a b o u t $1,500,000. S ix ty o n e w e re re p o r te d a s su c c e ssfu l, 255 a s u n su c c e s sfu l, a n d 121 a s b e in g settled ,
by co m p ro m ise. A lth o u g h th e la w re q u ire s th e r e p o r tin g by p h y s ic ia n s o f a ll
c a s e s o f o c c u p a tio n a l d ise a se , it is s t a te d t h a t v e ry fe w r e p o r ts o f th e kind
w e re m a d e to th e d e p a rtm e n t. D u rin g th e tw o y e a r s 139 s u c h c a se s w e re r e
p o rte d , 110 b e in g re p o r te d by o n e p h y sic ia n . N e a rly a ll o f th e c a se s w e re o f
m in o r im p o rta n c e , a ffe c tin g th e s k in only. A la r g e in c re a s e (133.6 p e r c e n t)
is sh o w n in th e n u m b e r o f p o sitio n s filled by th e five fr e e em p lo y m e n t b u re a u s ,
th e to ta l d u rin g th e tw o y e a rs b e in g 37,404 a s c o m p a re d w ith 16,009 f o r 1913-14.
T h e a v e ra g e c o st o f e a c h p o s itio n filled w a s 77 c e n ts in 1915 a n d 35 c e n ts
in 1916.
I l l in o is .—Industrial
Board (SOS City Hall Square Building, Chicago). Third
annual report, June 30, 1916. Springfield, 1916. 69 pp.
----- State Board of Prison Industries. Annual reports, JanuaryJ, 1915, to De
cember 31, 1915; January 1, 1916, to December 31, 1916. [Springfield,
1917.] 87 pp.
S h o w s th e a m o u n t, th e v a lu e , a n d th e m e th o d o f d is tr ib u tio n o f th e p ro d u c ts
o f in d iv id u a l S ta te i n s ti tu t io n s ; no s u m m a ry o f d a ta fo r a ll in s titu tio n s is
given. T h e p a m p h le t a lso c o n ta in s th e te x t o f th e c o n v ic t-la b o r la w s o f th e
S ta te .
M a s s a c h u s e t t s .—Bureau
of Statistics. Labor injunctions in Massachusetts,
with compilation of statutes relating to labor disputes. Labor Bulletin
117. Boston, November 1, 1916. 254 PP-
T h is b u lle tin p re s e n ts a su rv e y o f litig a tio n in la b o r d is p u te s a n d c o n ta in s
c h a p te rs on th e c o u rt o f e q u ity , its o rig in a n d j u r i s d i c t i o n ; th e la w r e l a ti n g to
la b o r d i s p u t e s ; ty p ic a l fo rm s in in ju n c tio n c a s e s ; c a se s r e l a ti n g to la b o r d is
p u te s in M a s s a c h u s e tts , 1910 to 1916; a n d c a se s o f c o n te m p t o f c o u rt.
----- Homestead Commission.
Fourth annual report, 1916.
No. 103. Boston, 1917. 79 pp.
Public Document
G ives p la n s fo r p ro m o tin g th e c o n s tru c tio n o f d w e llin g s fo r w o rk e rs by th e
S ta te , th e su g g e s tio n s b e in g b a se d u p o n th e c o n c lu sio n o f th e co m m issio n t h a t
$15 p e r m o n th o r $2,000 fo r p u rc h a s e p ric e is th e u tm o s t t h a t th e p eo p le s o u g h t
to be h e lp e d c a n a ffo rd to p a y fo r s h e lte r. I t is n o t p ro p o sed , s t a te s th e re p o r t,
t h a t th e S ta te s h a ll e n te r th e r e a l e s ta te b u s in e s s fo r th e p u rp o s e o f su p p ly in g
w h o leso m e h o m es fo r m e c h a n ic s, fa c to ry em ployees, la b o re rs , a n d o th e r s in th e
s u b u rb s o f c itie s a n d to w n s, no m a t te r ho w g r e a t t h e so c ia l o r in d iv id u a l n eed
m a y be, b u t th e c o m m issio n “ o n ly re c o m m e n d s a n a p p ro p r ia tio n fo r a sin g le
e x p e rim e n t o r d e m o n s tra tio n to le a r n w h e th e r i t is fin a n c ia lly p o ss ib le to su p p ly
su c h h o m es fo r s u c h w o rk e rs , w h a t a r e th e p rin c ip le s o r p o lic ie s u p o n w h ic h
su c h a n u n d e r ta k in g o u g h t to p ro ceed , w h a t a r e th e d a n g e rs a n d w h a t sh o u ld
be th e lim ita tio n s .” T h e p rin c ip a l c o n s id e ra tio n s w h ic h in d u c e th e co m m issio n
to m a k e th is re c o m m e n d a tio n a r e g iv en a s fo llo w s :
T h e re a r e n o t e n o u g h w holesom e, lo w -co st d w e llin g s ; th e r e is no p ro s p e c t
t h a t p re s e n t m e th o d s w ill e v e r su p p ly e n o u g h u n le s s th e S ta te e n c o u ra g e s th e i r
c o n s t r u c ti o n ; th e r e fo re th e S ta te sh o u ld e x p e rim e n t to le a r n w h e th e r i t is p o s
sib le to b u ild w h o leso m e d w e llin g s w ith in th e m e a n s of lo w -p a id w o rk e rs.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
796
m onthly
r e v ie w
of
th e
bureau
of
l a b o r s t a t is t ic s .
M a s s a c h u s e t t s .—Minimum
Wage Commission. Fourth annual report for the
year ending December 31, 1916. Public Document No. 102. Boston, 1917.
55 pp.
See p a g e s 667 to 669 o f th i s is s u e o f th e M o n t h l y R ev iew fo r a re v ie w o f th i s
re p o rt.
----------- Wages of women in men's clothing and raincoat factories in Massachu
setts. Bulletin No. 13, December, 1916. Boston, 1917. 60 pp.
T h is r e p o r t is n o te d on p a g e s 670 to 673 o f th is is su e o f th e M o n t h l y R ev iew .
M in n e s o t a .—Department of Labor Statistics. Fifteenth biennial report, 1915-
16.
195 pp.
A d ig e s t o f th is re p o r t w ill a p p e a r in a f u t u r e is su e o f th e M o n t h l y R e v ie w .
N orth C a r o l in a .—Department
1916. Raleigh, 1916.
of Labor and Printing.
390 pp.
Thirtieth annual report,
C o n ta in s g e n e ra l c h a p te rs on f a r m s a n d f a r m la b o r, th e tr a d e s , c o tto n , w oolen,
a n d s ilk m ills, k n it ti n g m ills, f u r n i t u r e fa c to rie s , m isc e lla n e o u s fa c to rie s , n e w s
p a p e rs , a n d r a i lr o a d s a n d em ployees. T h e fo llo w in g ta b le in d ic a te s th e n u m
b e r o f e m p lo y ees re p o r te d a n d th e h ig h e s t a n d lo w e st a v e ra g e w a g e s p a id b y
th e v a rio u s in d u s tr ie s re p o rtin g .
H IG H E ST A N D LOW EST A V ER A G E W AGES PA ID TO W O R K E R S IN TH E V A R IO U S
IN D U S T R IE S OF N O R T H CAROLINA, SHOW ING ALSO T H E N U M BER A N D P E R
CENT OF WOMEN A N D C H ILD R E N EM PLO Y ED .
Wages paid per day.
Industry.
Num
ber
report
ing.
Women and chil
dren employed.
Males.
Number. Per cent.
Farms.................................. .............................
Trades................................. ; ............................
Cotton m ills.............................................
Woolen m ills.................................. - . .
Silk m ills.........................................................
Cordage mills.................................................
Knitting m ills...'........................................
Furniture factories.......................................
306
5
4
3
87
96
25,016
197
625
110
» 6,986
292
23.72
35.18
69.83
46.81
62.19
38. 76
Females.
High
est.
Low
est.
High
est.
81.13
4.50
3.05
2.90
4.00
2.20
2 2. 89
2.88
$0.72
1.42
.97
1.00
1.43
.93
3 1.10
.91
$0.71
$0.45
1.54
1.76
3.83
1.00
4 1.92
.85
.75
Low
est.
.80
4 .83
1 Number of women, 6,138, reported by 65 mills; number of children, 848, reported by 32 mills.
2 Reported by 64 mills.
3 Reported by 62 mills.
4 Reported by 63 mills.
O k l a h o m a .—State
Industrial Commission. Bulletin No. 1, Oklahoma work
men's compensation laio, rules and regulations, August 1, 1915. [Oklahoma
City, 1917.] 32 pp.
C o n ta in s d ig e s t o f th e w o rk m e n ’s c o m p e n s a tio n la w , th e t e x t o f th e la w ,
a n d r u le s o f p ro c e d u re b e fo re th e S ta te i n d u s tr i a l com m ission.
------------First annual report, September 1, 1915, to October 31, 1916. Okla
homa City, January 1, 1917. 15 pp.
T h is r e p o r t d e a ls w ith th e firs t y e a r o f th e o p e ra tio n o f th e w o rk m e n ’s
c o m p e n s a tio n la w . D u rin g th e y e a r 4.675 e m p lo y e rs co m p lied w ith th e la w
b y filin g w ith th e co m m issio n co p ies o f th e i r in s u ra n c e po licies. I t is e s ti
m a te d t h a t th e n u m b e r o f e m p lo y ees u n d e r th e a c t w a s 80,000. A to t a l o f
9,125 a c c id e n ts w a s r e p o r te d ; 2,022 c la im s w e re filed. T h e se fig u res, h o w
ev er, in c lu d e r e p o r ts a n d c la im s filed a f t e r S e p te m b e r 1, c o v e rin g a c c id e n ts
t h a t o c c u rre d p r io r to t h a t d a te . T h e to ta l c o m p e n s a tio n p a id w a s $108,713.71,
to w h ic h sh o u ld be a d d e d $15,311.05 p a id by s e lf-in s u re d e m p lo y e rs w h o p a id
b e n e fits m o re th a n re q u ire d by la w . T h e a m o u n t p a id fo r m e d ic a l a tt e n d
a n c e w a s $91,546.96, o r o v e r 84 p e r c e n t o f th e a m o u n t p a id o u t f o r com
p e n s a tio n . I n a d d itio n to th is th e s e lf-in s u re d p a id o u t $6,446.36 f o r m e d ic a l
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
797
a tte n d a n c e . T h e la r g e s t c o m p e n s a tio n p a y m e n ts w e re m a d e to em p lo y ees
in th e oil in d u s try , w h e re 1,414 a c c id e n ts o c c u rre d , a n d $28,690.39 w a s p a id
o u t. I n c a se s o f h e r n ia th e co m m issio n a llo w s c o m p e n s a tio n w h e n i t is
sh o w n t h a t th e h e r n ia w a s o f r e c e n t o rig in , t h a t i t w a s a c c o m p a n ie d by
p a in , t h a t i t w a s im m e d ia te ly p re c e d e d by som e a c c id e n ta l s t r a i n in th e c o u rs e
o f h a z a rd o u s em p lo y m e n t, a n d t h a t i t d id n o t e x is t p r io r to th e d a te o f th e
a lle g e d in ju r y . U n d e r th e O k la h o m a la w no c o m p e n s a tio n is a llo w e d f o r
d e a th , a n d a n a m e n d m e n t is s u g g e s te d to re m e d y th is o m issio n .
O kegon .—Bureau
of Labor Statistics and Inspector of Factories and Work
shops. Seventh biennial report, from October 1, 1914, to September 80,
1916. Salem, 1916. 228 pp.
----- Industrial Welfare Commission. Second biennial report, 1915-16. Salem,
1916. 57 pp.
T h is r e p o r t is d e v o te d a lm o s t e x c lu s iv e ly to th e c o m m issio n ’s code o f ru lin g s
r e l a ti n g to th e k e e p in g o f re c o rd s, e m p lo y m e n t o f m in o rs, h o u rs o f la b o r,
r e s t p e rio d s, w ag es, a p p re n tic e s h ip , em e rg e n c y o v e rtim e , a n d s a n i t a t i o n ; o rd e r s
is s u e d by th e c o m m is s io n ; t e x t o f th e a c t c r e a tin g th e c o m m is s io n ; e x tr a c ts
fro m th e d e c isio n o f th e S u p re m e C o u rt o f O reg o n u p h o ld in g th e c o n s titu
tio n a lity o f th e m in im u m -w a g e l a w ; a n d t e x t o f th e 1 0 -h o u r la w fo r w om en.
I t is n o te d t h a t “ th e su c c e ss o f th e o p e ra tio n o f th e m in im u m -w a g e la w
h a s b een v e ry g r a tif y in g ,” a n d t h a t a ll th e p a y ro lls s u b m itte d to th e com
m issio n in d ic a te t h a t (1 ) m en h a v e n o t ta k e n w o m e n ’s p la c e s ; (2 ) t h a t th e
m in im u m r a t e o f p a y f o r th e e x p e rie n c e d a d u lt w o rk e rs h a s b e e n ra is e d in
a ll o c c u p a tio n s, th e p e r c e n t o f th e fo rc e re c e iv in g $12 a w e e k a n d o v e r
in c r e a s in g a f t e r th e w a g e d e te r m in a tio n s ; a n d (3 ) t h a t th e a v e ra g e w eek ly
e a rn in g s h a v e in c re a s e d 10 p e r c e n t fo r th e to t a l n u m b e r o f w o m en em
p loyed. I t is f u r t h e r s t a te d t h a t a c o n fe re n c e o f e q u a l n u m b e r o f r e p r e
s e n ta tiv e s o f th e p u b lic , e m p lo y e rs, a n d em p lo y ees u n a n im o u s ly re c o m m e n d e d
t h a t th e w a g e a w a rd s in s e v e ra l im p o r ta n t o c c u p a tio n s in P o r t la n d be in
c re a s e d fro m $8.25 to $8.64 a w eek, a n d t h a t a t p u b lic h e a rin g s h e ld by
th e co m m issio n no one a p p e a re d in o p p o sitio n to th e p ro p o s e d in c re a se s,
in d ic a tin g “ a v e ry g e n e ra l a c c e p ta n c e o f th e p rin c ip le s o f th e la w a n d o f
th e ru lin g s o f th e c o m m issio n .” T h e q u e s tio n o f th e c o n s titu tio n a lity o f
th e O reg o n m in im u m w a g e la w w a s c a r r ie d to th e S u p re m e C o u rt o f th e
U n ite d S ta te s , w h e re i t is no w p e n d in g a decisio n .
T e n n e s s e e .—Department
of workshop and factory inspection for the fiscal year
beginning December 1, 1915, and ending December 31, 1916. Nashville
[1917]. 93 pp.
U t a h .—Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics. Third report, 1915,
1916. Eleventh report of the State bureau of statistics. Salt Lake City,
1917. 492 pp.
D e v o te d la rg e ly to a s ta te m e n t o f th e re s o u rc e s o f U ta h , g iv in g d e ta ile d
in fo rm a tio n , m u c h o f i t s t a ti s ti c a l, re s p e c tin g a g r ic u ltu r e , liv e -sto c k d ev elo p
m e n t, m a n u f a c tu r e s , e d u c a tio n a l fa c ilitie s , S ta te in s titu tio n s , a n d m a n y o th e r
f a c ts o f g e n e ra l in te re s t. T h e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f f r e e p iib lic e m p lo y m e n t offices
u n d e r S ta t e c o n tro l is re c o m m e n d e d ; a ls o th e e n a c tm e n t o f le g is la tio n p ro v id
in g fo r th e in s p e c tio n a n d re g u la tio n o f s m e lte rs , m ills, fa c to rie s , w o rk sh o p s,
a n d o th e r p la c e s w h e re in m a n y la b o r e r s a r e em p lo y ed . I t is a ls o s u g g e s te d
t h a t a la w be p a s s e d g iv in g th e S ta te c o m m is sio n e r o f la b o r a u th o r it y to a s s is t
in th e co lle c tio n o f w a g e s d u e e m p lo y ees w h o h a v e b e e n d is c h a rg e d o r w ho
v o lu n ta rily q u it th e i r em p lo y m en t. T h e a m e n d m e n t o f th e e ig h t-h o u r la w fo r
m in e rs , sm e lte rs, a n d m ill m e n so a s to in c lu d e a ll p e rs o n s s u b je c t to th e
com m on d a n g e rs a n d effe c ts p e c u lia r to th e w o rk in a n d a ro u n d s m e lte rs a n d
m ills is a sk e d .
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
798
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
( R ic h m o n d ).— Second Annual Report of the Public Employment
Bureau of the City of Richmond, Va., for the year ending December 31,
1916. [ Richmond, 1916] 11 pp.
V ir g in ia
T h e re w e re in 1916, 2,954 e m p lo y e rs’ a p p lic a tio n s , a n in c re a s e o f 54.74 p e r
c e n t o v e r 1915; 5,344 p e rs o n s c a lle d fo r, a n in c re a s e o f 24.95 p e r c e n t o v e r 1915;
6,392 p o s itio n s o ffered , a n in c re a s e o f 66.37 p e r c e n t o v e r 1915; 2,846 p o s itio n s
filled, a n in c re a s e o f 30.61 p e r c e n t o v e r 1915; a n d 6,725 re g is tr a tio n s , a
d e c re a s e o f 6.88 p e r c e n t fro m 1915. A c la s sific a tio n o f p o s itio n s filled sh o w s
t h a t o f 1,448 w h ite p e rs o n s p la c e d th e la r g e s t n u m b e r, 764 (610 m a le s a n d 154
fe m a le s ) , o r 52.76 p e r c e n t, w e re em p lo y ed a s sk ille d w o r k e r s ; a n d o f 1,398
c o lo re d p e rs o n s p la c e d , 825 (m a le s ) , o r 59.01 p e r c e n t, w e re em p lo y ed a s
u n s k ille d w o rk e rs .
W a s h in g t o n .— Department
of Auditor of State. Bureau of Inspection and
Supervision of Public Offices. Special report on the State insurance
department, the workmen’s compensation act, covering the operations of
the department from the beginning on October 1, 1911, to .January 1, 1916.
[Olympia, 1917], 104 pp.
A d ig e s t o f th is re p o rt w ill a p p e a r in a f u t u r e issu e o f th e M o n t h l y R ev ie w .
U n ited S t a t e s .—Department
reports of bureaus.
of Labor. Report of the Secretary of Labor and
Washington, 1917. 51f0 pp.
T h is is th e a n n u a l r e p o r t c o v e rin g th e a c tiv itie s o f th e D e p a rtm e n t o f L a b o r
f o r th e fiscal y e a r e n d in g J u n e 30, 1916.
■----- Federal Trade Commission. Letter of submittal concerning report on the
news-print-paper industry, March 3, 1917.
Washington, 1917. 12 pp.
T h is r e p o r t g iv e s th e r e s u lts o f th e c o m m issio n ’s in q u iry in to th e c o st o f th e
m a n u f a c tu r e o f n e w s -p rin t p a p e r, it s p ric e to p u b lis h e rs a n d o th e rs , a n d th e
q u e s tio n o f u n f a i r p ra c tic e s in th e in d u s try . B rie fly s ta te d , th e co m m issio n
fo u n d t h a t th e in c re a s e in th e s e llin g p ric e s o f n e w s -p rin t p a p e r fo r th e y e a r
1917 w e re in m o s t c a se s g r e a t e r th a n c o u ld be ju s tifie d by th e in c re a s e in c o s t ;
t h a t th e r e is n o t n o w a n d h a s n o t b een a s e rio u s s h o r ta g e o f n e w s -p rin t p a p e r ;
t h a t th e sy s te m o f d is tr ib u tio n o f n e w s -p rin t p a p e r is f a u l t y ; t h a t th e in c re a s e
in p ric e s h a s b een d u e in p a r t to th e f a c t t h a t f r e e c o m p e titio n h a s b een s e ri
o u sly r e s t r i c t e d ; t h a t m a n y s m a ll p u b lis h e rs h a v e b e e n p u t o u t o f b u s in e s s
a n d som e la r g e r o n e s a r e lik e ly to be fin a n c ia lly ru in e d u n le s s c o n d itio n s a r e
re m e d ie d . T h e co m m issio n , in its fin d in g s, fixed p ric e s o f n e w s -p rin t p a p e r in
ro lls a n d in s h e e ts , th e fo r m e r b e in g p la c e d a t $2 p e r 100 p o u n d s, f. 0 . b. in
c a rlo a d lo ts, a n d th e l a t t e r a t $3.25.
FOREIGN
COUNTRIES.
D e n m a r k .—Arbejdsl0shedsinspekt0rens
Indberetning til Indenrigsministeriet fo r
Rcgnskabsaaret 1915-16 (1 April 1915-31 Marts 1916). Copenhagen, 1917.
35 pp.
A t th e close o f th e y e a r 1915 th e r e w e re 57 u n e m p lo y m e n t-in s u ra n c e fu n d s
in o p e ra tio n in D e n m a rk .
D u rin g th e la s t fiscal y e a r 3 a d d itio n a l fu n d s
w e re re c o g n iz e d . O f th e 60 fu n d s , 56 w e re in d iv id u a l tr a d e s fu n d s , a n d n a tio n a l
in scope, in 3 o p e ra tio n s w e re lim ite d to c e r t a in d is tric ts , a n d 1 w a s p u re ly
lo c a l in c h a r a c te r . D u rin g th e y e a r th e n u m b e r o f in s u re d p e rs o n s in c re a se d
fro m 121,943 m e n a n d 17,562 w o m en to 137,172 m en a n d 21,414 w om en. M em
b e rs h ip w a s d is tr i b u te d a s f o llo w s : 44.5 p e r c e n t w e re in C o p e n h a g e n a n d
F re d e r ic k s b u r g , 38.5 p e r c e n t w e re in to w n s o f th e P ro v in c e s , a n d 16.4 p e r
c e n t [sic ] in c o u n tr y d is tr ic ts .
T h e re c e ip ts fo r th e y e a r a m o u n te d to 3,460,826 k ro n e r ($927,501.37), o f
w h ic h su m th e S ta t e a n d P ro v in c e s c o n tr ib u te d 1,588,625 k ro n e r ($425,751.50),
a n d th e e x p e n se s w e re 2,515,027 k ro n e r ($674,027.24), o f w h ic h 314,398 k ro n e r
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
799
($84,258.66) w e re p a id o u t fo r a d m in is tr a tio n a n d 66,281 k ro n e r ($17,763.31)
w e re c re d ite d to a re s e rv e fu n d . T h e b a la n c e w a s fo r a s s is ta n c e o f v a rio u s
k in d s.
T h e n u m b e r o f m e m b e rs in th e u n e m p lo y m e n t-in s u ra n c e fu n d s , u n e m p lo y e d
p e rs o n s re c e iv in g b en efits, d a y s o f b e n e fits p a id , a n d w o rk in g d a y s lo s t d u rin g
th e y e a r 1915-16 a r e a s fo llo w s :
S ta tis tic s a r e g iv e n sh o w in g th e n u m b e r o f d a y s lo s t a n d th e n u m b e r o f d a y s
fo r w h ic h in d e m n ity w a s p a id , p e r m em b er, fo r th e y e a r s 1908-09 to 1915-16 ;
th e n u m b e r o f in s u re d p e rs o n s to w h o m in d e m n ity w a s p a id , by c la ssifie d d u r a
tio n , in w e e k s o f e m p lo y m e n t ; in d e x fig u re s fo r u n e m p lo y m e n t a s s is ta n c e p a id
o u t ; a n d th e fin a n c ia l c o n d itio n o f th e fu n d s :
N U M B E R OF M EM BERS OF U N EM PLO Y M EN T INSURANCE F U N D S, U N EM PLO Y E D
PE R SO N S RECEIVING B E N E F IT S , D AYS OF B E N E F IT S PA ID , A N D W ORKING D A Y S
LOST, 1915-1916.
Persons receiv
ing benefits.
Funds.
Number
of
members.
Total.
Per
100
mem
bers.
D ays benefits
paid.
Total.
Working days
lost.
Per
mem
ber.
Total.
Per cent
of work
ing days
lost for
which
Per
mem benefits
were
ber.
paid.
Building trades and furniture
making.........................................
Dav laborers..................................
Food products...............................
Textile and clothing....................
Lumber and woodworking........
Metal w orking...............................
Printing and bookbinding..........
Others................................ - ...........
27,407
54,152
19,475
15,954
6,293
19,542
6,994
8,769
12,600
15,502
3,415
2,779
905
4,278
1,397
836
46
31
18
19
15
23
25
10
437,581
528,626
116,653
72,112
22,767
86,052
67,451
24,863
16
10
6
5
4
5
12
3
912,473
1,084,570
'175,293
133,410
41,064
138,766
86,911
70,878
34
21
9
9
7
7
15
8,
47
48
67
56
57
71
80
38
All funds..............................
158,586
41,712
28
1,356,105
9
2,643,365
18
50
Bcretning fra Arbejd erforsi krin gs-Raadets.
Aaret 1915. Copenhagen, 1916. 1{2 pp.
D e n m a r k .—
Fiskeriaf deling foi
R e p o rt o f th e fish e rm e n ’s b ra n c h o f th e D a n is h A c c id e n t I n s u r a n c e Office for
th e y e a r 1915.
■
----------- Industriafdeling for Aaret 1915. Copenhagen, 1916. 16, 235, 51/ pp.
R e p o rt o f th e in d u s tr i a l b ra n c h o f th e D a n is h A c c id e n t In s u ra n c e Office fo r
th e y e a r 1915.
----------- Landbrugsafdeling for Aaret 1915. Copenhagen, 1916. 28, 189, 57 pp.
R e p o rt o f th e a g r i c u lt u r a l in s u ra n c e b ra n c h o f th e D a n is h A c c id e n t I n s u ra n c e
Office fo r th e y e a r 1915.
----------- Sofart saf deling for Aaret 1915. Copenhagen, 1916.
H pp.
R e p o rt o f th e m a r in e b ra n c h o f th e D a n is h A c c id e n t I n s u r a n c e Office fo r th e
y e a r 1915.
----- Beretning om Arbejds-og Fabriktilsynets Virksomhed i Aaret 1915. Copen
hagen, 1916. 35 pp.
A re p o r t o f th e fa c to ry in s p e c tio n se rv ic e fo r th e y e a r 1915, u n d e r th e law s
r e la tin g to in s p e c tio n o f in d u s tr i a l e s ta b lis h m e n ts , b a k e rie s , a n d s te a m en g in e s
----- Statistisk Aarbog 1916. TJdviget af det Statistiske Departement (Dan
marke Statistik ). Copenhagen, 1916. xxiv, 236 pp.
T h is is th e s t a ti s ti c a l y e a rb o o k o f D e n m a rk , a n d in c lu d e s d a ta u s u a lly fo u n t
in G o v e rn m e n t y e a rb o o k s.
----- Statistiske Efterretninger udgivet af det Statistiske Departement. Copen
ha-gen, vol. 9 [1917]. Nos. 1, 2, and 3.
C u r r e n t r e ta il p ric e s a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t am o n g tra d e -u n io n m em b ers, a n d m is
c e lla n e o u s s ta tis tic s .
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
800
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
F r a n c e .— C o n s e i l S u p é r i e u r d e s S o c i é t é s d e S e c o u r s M u t u e l s .
R é u n io n P lé n ière.
C o m m issio n d es V oeux.
S essio n de
M e l u n , 1 9 1 4 . 91 p p .
S e s s io n d e ju i n 1914, M e lu n 1915.
d 'o c t o b r e , 1916, M e lu n , 19 1 6 . 86 p p .
P roces-V erbau x.
d é c e m b r e 1913.
77 p p . S e s s i o n
T h e v o lu m e s a r e e s s e n tia lly m in u te s o f th e p ro c e e d in g s a n d re c o m m e n d a tio n
o f th e fu ll co m m issio n in se ssio n in 1913, 1914, a n d 1915.
G reat B r it a in .— H o m e Office.
M in e s a n d Q u a rries.
G e n e ra l re p o rt, in clu d in g
s t a t i s t i c s f o r 1915, b y th e c h ie f i n s p e c to r o f m in e s. P a r t I I : L a b o r. 38 pp.
P r i c e 4 d . (8 c e n t s ) . P a r t I I I : O u t p u t .
22 p p .
P r i c e 3 d . (6‘ c e n t s ) .
Lon
don, 1917.
T h e to ta l n u m b e r o f p e rs o n s em p lo y ed in 10,132 m in e s a n d q u a r r ie s in 1915
w a s 1.035,600, o f w h o m 973,473 w e re em p lo y ed in a n d a b o u t m in es. T h is to ta l
is a d e c re a s e o v e r 1914 o f 200,763. T h e re w e re 83,400 boys a n d 1,057 g ir ls u n d e r
16 y e a rs o f a g e em p loyed, a n in c re a s e o v e r 1914 o f 4,079 boys a n d 140 g irls .
T h e re w e re 1,298 s e p a r a te f a t a l a c c id e n ts in a n d a b o u t m in e s a n d q u a rr ie s ,
c a u sin g th e lo ss o f 1.392 liv e s, a n in c re a s e o f 54 f a t a l i t i e s a s c o m p a re d w ith th e
p re v io u s y e a r. O f th e s e a c c id e n ts 1,228, c a u s in g th e lo ss o f 1,318 liv es, h a p
p e n e d a t m in es, a n d 70, c a u s in g th e lo s s o f 74 liv es, h a p p e n e d a t q u a rr ie s , or,
e x p re s s e d in te r m s o f th e n u m b e r o f p e rs o n s em p lo y ed , th e d e a th r a t e fro m
a c c id e n ts p e r 1,000 p e rs o n s a t a ll m in e s w a s 1 .3 5 4 1 f o r 1915 a s c o m p a re d w ith
1 .0 7 4 2 f o r 1914. T h e d e a th r a t e p e r m illio n to n s o f m in e ra ls r a is e d d u rin g 1915
w a s 4.90 a s c o m p a re d w ith 4.91, th e a v e ra g e f o r th e d e c e n n ia l p e rio d , 1905-1914.
P a r t I I I sh o w s t h a t th e to ta l o u tp u t o f co a l a m o u n te d to 253,206,081 to n s,
•‘v a lu e d a t £157,830.670 ($768,082,955.56), th e s e fig u re s b e in g a d e c re a s e , a s com
p a re d w ith th e p re c e e d in g y e a r, in o u tp u t o f 12,458.312 to n s , a n d a n in c re a s e
o f £25,233,817 ($122,800,370.43) in v a lu e . T h e a v e ra g e p ric e o f co al p e r to n w a s
12s. 5.6d. ($3.03) in 1915, a s c o m p a re d w ith 9s. 11.79d. ($2.43) in 1914. T h e
to ta l v a lu e o f a ll m in e ra ls p ro d u c e d in 1915 w a s £170.460,949 ( $829,54S,208.31)
o r a n in c re a s e o f £24,597,914 ($119,705,748.48) o v e r 1914.
N e t h e r l a n d s (A m s t e r d a m ). — B u r e a u r a n S t a t i s t e k .
G em e e n te A m s te r d a m , J a a rg a n g , 1916
xaHi, 2 5 4 p p .
S ta tistisc h J a a rboek der
(1914 en 1 9 1 5 ).
A m s te r d a m , 1916.
S ta t is ti c s o f th e o p e ra tio n s o f th e v a rio u s m u n ic ip a l official b o d ie s o f th e c ity
o f A m s te rd a m , a n d su c h o th e r s u b je c ts a s a r e u s u a lly g iv e n in a n n u a l s t a ti s
tic a l re p o rts .
N e w Z ea la n d .— S t a t i s t i c s o f t h e D o m i n i o n o f N e w Z e a l a n d f o r t h e y e a r 1 9 1 5 .
I n 4 v o l u m e s ; V ol. I : B l u e book.
P o p u la tio n an d v ita l sta tistic s. " L a w an d
crim e.
W e llin g to n , 1916.
276 pp.
E n tir e ly s t a ti s ti c a l. I n d ic a te s a n e s tim a te d p o p u la tio n on D e c e m b e r 31, 1915,
o f 1,099,394, “ e x c lu s iv e o f M a o ris a n d r e s id e n ts o f C ook a n d o th e r P acific
is la n d s ,” a n in c re a s e o f 0.8 p e r c e n t o v e r 1914.
N o rw a y .— S o c i a l e
M e d d elelser
C h r is tia n ia , 1916. N o . 6.
u tg it
an
D ep a rtem en tet
for
S ociale
Saker.
C u r r e n t re v ie w o f r e t a il p ric e s, c o m p a ra tiv e c o st o f liv in g in C op en h ag en ,
C h r is tia n ia , a n d S to ck h o lm , th e la b o r m a rk e t, so c ia l le g is la tio n in N o rw a y in
1916, a n d re p o r ts fro m fo re ig n c o u n trie s.
N ovia S co tia .— D e p a r t m e n t o f P u b l i c W o r k s a n d M i n e s .
m in e s, 1916.
H a l i f a x , 1917.
A n n u a l r e p o r ts of th e
1 7 4 PP-
A c c o rd in g to th is r e p o r t co al is th e la r g e s t sin g le m in e ra l p ro d u c e d , th e to n
n a g e (lo n g to n s ) b e in g 6,496,472, a s a g a in s t 6,379,463 in 1935. T h e o u tp u t of
th e q u a r r ie s w a s 279,400 to n s o f gy p su m , 514,574 to n s o f lim e sto n e , 32,399 to n s
1 T h is is ta k en from th e report.
be 1.355.
2 T h is is ta k en from th e rep ort.
be 1.082.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
C om puted from figu res in th e report, th e rate sh ou ld
C om puted from figures in th e rep ort, th e ra te should
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
801
o f b u ild in g sto n e , a n d 260 to n s o f g rin d s to n e . M o re th a n 17,000 to n s o f g old
o re w e re c ru s h e d , p ro d u c in g a p p ro x im a te ly 4,360 o u n ces o f gold. F o r th e fiscal
y e a r e n d in g S e p te m b e r 30, 1916, th e r e w e re 29 f a t a l a c c id e n ts in co a l m in es,
th e f a t a l i t y r a t e b e in g 4.46 p e r 1,000,000 to n s m in e d , a n d 2.65 p e r 1,000 m e n
em ployed. T h e re w e re 103 n o n f a ta l a c c id e n ts.
Q u e e n s l a n d .—Government
relief. Report for 12 months ended June 30, 1915.
Brisbane, 1915. 8 pp.
R e p o rts th e w o rk o f d e a lin g w ith a p p lic a tio n s fo r r e lie f r a tio n s fro m p e r
so n s in th e m e tro p o lis a n d c o u n try a n d sh o w s t h a t m e tro p o lita n r e lie f w a s
a d m in is te r e d to 346 fa m ilie s f o r 1 w eek to 3 m o n th s, to 29 fa m ilie s fo r 3 to 6
m o n th s, a n d to 14 fa m ilie s fo r 12 m o n th s. T h e n u m b e r o f fa m ilie s re c e iv in g
re lie f fo r th e s h o r te s t p e rio d w a s a n in c re a s e o f 89 p e r c e n t o v e r th e c o rre
sp o n d in g n u m b e r fo r 1913-14. T h e e x p e n d itu re fo r th i s r e lie f w a s £1,847 5s.
2d. ($8,989.68). T h e la r g e s t e x p e n d itu re w a s fo r m e a t, £752 2s. 3d. ($3,660.16).
I n th e c o u n try th e e x p e n d itu re fo r re lie f w a s £2,701 7s. l i d . ($13,146.34).
T h e to ta l e x p e n d itu re s f o r re lie f, in c lu d in g m e tro p o lita n re lie f, s u b u rb a n
re lie f, c o u n try re lie f, ra il, coach, a n d s te a m e r fa re s , a n d a llo w a n c e s to w iv e s
o f c e r ta in le p e rs, w a s £5,723 14s. lO d. ($27,854.59), o r a n in c re a s e o f £2,380
17s. lOd. ($11,586.61) o v e r 1913-14.
S p a in .—Consejo
Superior de Emigración. La Emigración Española Transoce
ánica, 1911-1915. Madrid, 1916. 583 pp. Numerous charts.
S ta tis tic s o f e m ig ra tio n sh o w in g t h a t o f th e 602,081 p e rs o n s re c o rd e d a s
e m ig ra n ts fo r tr a n s - A tla n tic p o rts d u rin g th e q u in q u e n n ia l p e rio d , 403,164 w e re
re g is te r e d a s d e s tin e d to A rg e n tin a a n d 135,759 to C u b a , w h ile o nly 6,480
d e p a rte d f o r th e U n ite d S ta te s . E m ig ra tio n w a s m o s t e x te n s iv e in 1912, w h e n
194,443 p e rs o n s le f t f o r th e A m e ric a n c o n tin e n ts a n d a d ja c e n t is la n d s , w h ile
in 1915 th e n u m b e r o f su c h d e p a r tu r e s w a s 50,359. T h e n u m b e r o f S p a n ia r d s
le a v in g fo r th e U n ite d S ta te s is re p o r te d f o r th e re s p e c tiv e y e a rs a s 713, 1,013,
2,185, 1,727, a n d 842.
S w e d e n .—Sociala
1917. No. 1.
Meddelanden utgivna av K. Socialstyrelsen.
Stockholm,
R e v ie w o f th e la b o r m a rk e t, r e t a il p ric e s a n d c o st o f liv in g in r e la tio n to th e
w a r, p ro p o se d re g u la tio n o f s ic k -fu n d m e d ic a l se rv ic e , h o u rs a n d w a g e s o f a g ri
c u lt u r a l la b o re rs , f a c to ry in s p e c tio n , a c c id e n ts, so c ia l in s u ra n c e , a n d re p o r ts
fro m fo re ig n c o u n trie s .
----- Socialstyrelsen.
Statistik.)
Kungl. Pensionstyrelsen ar 1915.
Stockholm, 1917. 75 pp.
(Sveriges Officiella
A re p o r t o f th e o p e ra tio n s u n d e r th e g e n e ra l o ld -ag e a n d in v a lid ity p en sio n
la w o f S w ed en fo r th e y e a r e n d in g D e c e m b e r 31, 1915. T h e la w is a co m p u l
so ry old -ag e p e n sio n la w fo r a ll p e rs o n s b e tw e e n 15 a n d 66 y e a rs o f ag e a n d
b ec a m e o p e ra tiv e on J a n u a r y 1, 1914. A c c o rd in g to a r e g is te r p r e p a r e d by th e
p e n sio n office, 3,240,000 w e re s u b je c t to in s u ra n c e . D u rin g th e firs t y e a r o f its
o p e ra tio n th e a m o u n t o f p re m iu m s p a id b y th e in s u re d p e rs o n s w a s 8,204,300
k ro n e r ($2,198,752.40), to w h ic h th e c o n su m e rs c o n tr ib u te d 9,719,900 k ro n e r
($2,604,933.20) a d d itio n a l. T o th i s s h o u ld b e a d d e d 4,915,000 k ro n e r ($1,317,220)
p a id a s p re m iu m fo r a d d itio n a l in s u ra n c e . P r e lim in a r y fig u re s fo r 1915 sh o w
t h a t 9,680,800 k ro n e r ($2,594,454.40) w e re re c e iv e d a s r e g u la r d u e s, 4,821,800
k ro n e r ($1,292,242.40) a s su b s id y fro m th e co m m unes, a n d 6,211,715 k ro n e r
($1,664,739.62) fo r a d d itio n a l in s u ra n c e .
----- Socialstyrelsen Levnadskostnaderna i Sverige, 1913-1911/. Del II. Lokalmonografler. 1.
Vdsteras.
T h is r e p o r t sh o w s th e r e s u lts o f a n in v e s tig a tio n on co st o f liv in g in V a s te rá s ,
a n d fo llo w s th e p la n a d o p te d fo r a s im ila r r e p o r t m a d e in S to c k h o lm . O f th e
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
802
MONTHLY REVIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
68 fa m ilie s fro m w h ic h r e p o r ts w e re re c e iv e d , 8 h a d a n e x p e n d itu re o f le s s th a n
1,500 k ro n e r ($ 4 0 2 ), 22 o f 1,500 a n d u n d e r 1,750 k ro n e r ($402 to $4 6 9 ), 18 of
1,750 a n d u n d e r 2,000 k ro n e r ($469 to $5 3 6 ), 16 o f 2,000 a n d u n d e r 2,500 k ro n e r
($536 to $670) a n d 3 ab o v e t h a t a m o u n t b u t u n d e r 3,000 k ro n e r ($ 8 0 4 ). O f th e
a v e ra g e to ta l e x p e n d itu re — n a m e ly , $502— $224 w a s fo r food, $65 fo r d w ellin g ,
$71 fo r c lo th in g , $21 fo r in s u ra n c e a n d la b o r u n io n s , a n d $94 fo r m isc e lla n e o u s
e x p e n se s, w h ile th e s a v in g s w e re $27. F o rty -n in e w e re em p lo y ed in in d u s try
a n d 19 w e re in S ta t e o r p u b lic se rv ic e . T h e a v e ra g e n u m b e r o f p e rs o n s p e r
fa m ily , c la ssifie d by e x p e n d itu re , w a s, re s p e c tiv e ly , 3.5, 4.8, 3.9, 5.3, a n d 6.3.
T h e a v e ra g e fo r a ll fa m ilie s w a s 4.6.
V icto ria
(A u s t r a l ia ). —Yearbook,
1915-16.
Thirty-sixth issue.
Melbourne,
1916. 922 lip.
C o n ta in s c h a p te rs o n c o n s titu tio n a n d g o v e rn m e n t; f in a n c e ; p o p u la t io n ;
m u n ic ip a l s t a t i s t i c s ; a c c u m u la tio n ; v it a l s t a t i s t i c s ; la w a n d c r i m e ; so c ia l con
d itio n ; in t e r c h a n g e ; p r o d u c t io n ; s ta ti s ti c a l s u m m a ry f o r V ic to ria , 1836-1915.
U N O F F I C I A L P U B L I C A T I O N S R E L A T IN G TO L A B O R .
Truancy and nonattendance in
Chicago, 1917. 1/72 pp.
A bbott , E d it h , a n d B r ec k in r id g e , S o p h o n is b a .
the Chicago schools.
A n e x te n d e d re v ie w o f th is book a p p e a r s on p a g e 772 o f th i s n u m b e r o f th e
M o n t h l y R e v ie w .
A lexa n der , M a g n u s W .
Health Insurance.
15 pp.
Some Vital Facts and Considerations in Respect to
Published by author, West Lynn, Mass. March, 1917.
A b rie f d ig e s t o f t h i s p a m p h le t is g iv e n on p a g e 750 o f th i s is su e o f th e
M o n t h l y R e v ie w .
A m er ic a n A cadem y
of
P o litic a l
insurance problems.
and
S ocial S c ie n c e .
Annals, vol. 70, Modern
March, 1917. 316 pp.
A n e x te n d e d re v ie w o f th i s v o lu m e a p p e a rs on p ag e 761 o f t h i s n u m b e r o f th e
M o n t h l y R e v ie w .
for L abor L e g is l a t io n . The American Labor Legisla
tion Review. March, 1917. 131 East Twenty-third Street, New York City.
Price, $1.
A m er ic a n A sso c ia tio n
C o n ta in s a r tic le s on h e a lth in s u ra n c e a n d w o rk in g h o u rs in c o n tin u o u s in d u s
tr ie s ; a lso th e m in u te s o f th e te n t h a n n u a l se ssio n o f th e A m e ric a n A sso c ia tio n
fo r L a b o r L e g isla tio n , h e ld a t C o lu m b u s, O hio, in D ecem b er, 1916. T h a t p o rtio n
o f th e p u b lic a tio n d e v o te d to h e a lth in s u r a n c e is n o te d in th is is su e o f th e
M o n t h l y R e v ie w on p a g e 746.
and T e l eg r a ph C o m p a n y . Annual report of the directors
to the stockholders for the yearn ending December 31, 1916. New York,
1917. 64 pp.
*
A m er ic a n T e l e p h o n e
U n d e r th e e m p lo y e e s’ b e n e fit fu n d e s ta b lis h e d a n d m a in ta in e d b y t h i s com
p a n y , 284 fo r m e r em p lo y ees w e re on th e p e n sio n ro ll a t th e e n d o f th e y e a r
a n d th e a v e ra g e p e n sio n p a id w a s $45 p e r m o n t h ; 18,760 c a se s o f sic k n e ss
o c c u rre d , f o r w h ic h b e n e fits w e re p a id a g g re g a tin g $959,729, th e a v e ra g e d is
a b ility fo r co m p le te d c a se s b e in g 37 d a y s ; th e r e w e re 10,646 a c c id e n t cases, th e
to t a l b e n e fits fo r w h ic h a m o u n te d to $557,979, o f w h ic h $148,126 w a s fo r m e d ic a l
a tt e n d a n c e ; $157,077 w a s p a id in d e a th b e n e fits to d e p e n d e n ts o f 182 em ployees
w h o h a d b een in th e se rv ic e five y e a rs o r m o re, a n d b u r ia l e x p e n se s o f $5,884
fo r 32 w ho le f t no d e p e n d e n ts.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
MONTHLY EE VIEW OF THE BUEEAU OF LABOE STATISTICS.
803
A ssociated C h a k it ie s and C it iz e n s ’ R e l ie f A s so c ia t io n , D is t r ic t of C o lu m
b ia . Mending broken lives.
Joint yearbook for year ended September
30, 1916. Social Service House, 923 H Street ATI7., Washington, D. C.
[1917]. 48 pp.
I n 1916 th e A sso c ia te d C h a ritie s c a re d fo r 2,767 fa m ilie s , o f w h ic h 1.508,
o r 54 p e r c e n t, h a d in th e m tw o o r m o re c h ild re n u n d e r 14 y e a r s o f age. T h is
is 700 le ss fa m ilie s th a n w e re c a re d fo r in 1915. I n th e s e fa m ilie s d e s e rtio n
o r n o n s u p p o rt w a s a fa c to r in 715, in te m p e ra n c e in 527, re c o rd e d c o n v ic tio n
o f c rim e in 130, a r r e s t s fo r ju v e n ile d e lin q u e n c y in 110, a n d ille g itim a c y in
291. P e rm a n e n t w o rk w a s s e c u re d fo r 168 p e rs o n s a n d te m p o ra r y w o rk fo r
198 p e rso n s. D u rin g th e y e a r a to t a l o f $28,582.39 w a s s p e n t fo r re lie f a n d
a id . T h e to ta l re c e ip ts fo r th e y e a r a m o u n te d to $54,622.16.
A sso c ia tio n
C ana d a .
of
G o v e rn m en ta l L abor O f f ic ia l s
of t h e
U n ited S ta tes
and
Proceedings of the third annual convention, Buffalo, A. Y., July
11-20, 1916. John T. Fitzpatrick, Secy.-Treas., 604 Produce Exchange
Bldg., Kansas City, Mo. 58 pp. Price, 35 cents to members, 50 cents to
nonmembers.
C o n ta in s a rtic le s a n d p a p e rs on fa c to ry in sp e c tio n , N ew Y o rk I n d u s tr i a l
C om m ission, in d u s tr ia l p re p a re d n e s s , in d u s tr i a l c o n d itio n s in C a n a d a , h u m a n
sid e o f in d u s try , u n ifo rm le g isla tio n , u n d e r w r i te r s ’ la b o r a to r ie s , a n d s a f e ty
w o rk in C a lifo rn ia .
B olton
and
D is t r ic t O pera tiv e C otton S p in n e r s ’ P ro vin c ia l A sso c ia tio n .
Thirty-seventh annual report for the year ending December 31, 1916, to
gether with the financial statement for the year ending December 16, 1916,
and a summary of the accounts. Bolton [EnglandJ, 1917. 222 pp.
B oston C h a m b e r of C o m m erce . Noncontributory old-age pensions and health
insurance. Report of the special committee on social insurance. [Boston,
1917.] 15 pp.
T h is p a m p h le t is n o te d on p a g e 759 o f th i s is su e o f th e R e v ie w .
----- Special committee on daylight-saving plan. An hour of light for an
hour of night. Boston, 1917. 30 pp.
Rising costs of living. A thesis presented, to the faculty
of the graduate school in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of doctor of philosophy, University of Pennsylvania. George Banta
Publishing Co., Menasha, Wis. 1916. 87 pp.
C o n s u m e r s ’ L eague of t h e C it y of N e w Y ork . Annual Report. New York,
1916. 30 pp.
D eba ters ’ H andbook S e r ie s . Government otvnership of telegraph and tele
phone. Compiled by Katharine B. Judson. The H. IT. Wilson Co., White
Plains, A. Y., and New York City, 1914. 204 PPB o u c k e , O. F red .
C o n ta in s 20 a r tic le s in th e g e n e ra l d isc u ssio n o f th e q u e stio n , 7 a r tic le s on
th e a ffirm a tiv e sid e a n d 38 a rtic le s on th e n e g a tiv e sid e. T h e re is a n e x te n s iv e
b ib lio g ra p h y c o v e rin g 16 p ag es.
---- - Selected articles on Government ownership of railroads.
Compiled by
Edith M. Phelps. The H. IF. Wilson Co., White Plains, A. Y., and New
York City, 1916. 201 pp.
I n th is book th e r e a r e 9 a r tic le s on th e g e n e ra l s u b je c t o f G o v e rn m e n t o w n e r
sh ip . 22 a rtic le s on th e a ffirm a tiv e sid e o f th e q u e stio n , a n d 15 a r tic le s on th e
n e g a tiv e side. T h e re is a ls o a c o m p re h e n siv e b ib lio g ra p h y .
-----
Selected articles on municipal ownership.
2d ed., 1914.
Compiled by Joy E. Morgan,
C o n ta in s 11 a r tic le s on th e g e n e ra l s u b je c t o f m u n ic ip a l o w n e rsh ip , 13 on
th e a ffirm a tiv e side, a n d 12 on th e n e g a tiv e sid e o f th e q u e stio n , “ R esolved,
T h a t m u n ic ip a litie s in th e U n ite d S ta te s sh o u ld ow n a n d o p e ra te p la n ts f o r
s u p p ly in g lig h t, w a te r, a n d tr a n s p o r t a ti o n ” ; a lso a b ib lio g ra p h y .
92746°— 17----- 11
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
804
MONTHLY REVIEW OP THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
Opinion of Supreme Court, reprinted by the Chamber of
Commerce of the United States. Supreme Court of the United States.
No. 797. October term, 1916. Francis M. Wilson, United States Attorney
for the Western District of Missouri, Appellant, v. Alexander New arid
Henry C. Ferris, as Receivers of the Missouri, Oklahoma & Oulf Railway
Co. Appeal from, the District Court of the United States for the Western
District of Missouri. (March 19, 1917.) 38 pp.
E ly , R ic h a r d T . Outlines of economics. Third revised edition. Macmillan,
1916. 769 pp.
E ig h t -h o u r L a w .
A c o m p re h e n siv e te x tb o o k on econom ics, tr e a tin g , am o n g o th e r s u b je c ts , th e
n a tu r e a n d scope o f econom ics, th e p rin c ip le s a n d p ro b le m s o f p ro d u c tio n a n d
co n su m p tio n , w ag es, la b o r p ro b le m s, a n d la b o r le g isla tio n .
of W o m e n ’s C l u b s . Industrial and social conditions de
partment. Outlines of work (bibliography). Vol. 1, 1916-1918. 48 Wood
land Avenue, Glen Ridge, N. J. 48 PP- Price, 5 cents..
G en er a l F ederation
G e n er a l S o ciety
of
M e c h a n ic s
and
T ra d e sm en
of t h e
One hundred and thirty-first annual report, 1916.
C it y
of
N e w Y ork .
New York, 1917. 83 pp.
T h is so c ie ty , in c lu d in g a b o u t 500 m e m b e rs, h a s fo r its p r im a r y o b je c t “ m u tu a l
a id , a s s is ta n c e in c a se o f sic k n e ss o r d is tre s s , a n d c a re fo r th e w id o w s a n d
o rp h a n s o f th o s e w ho sh o u ld d ie w ith o u t p ro p e r ty .”
H o f f m a n , F red erick L . Facts and fallacies of compulsory health insurance.
An address read in part before the section on social and economic science of
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, December 28,
1916, and the National Civic Federation, January 22, 1917. The Prudential
__ Press, Newark, N. J., 1917. 101 pp.
T h is p a m p h le t is n o te d on p a g e 754 o f th i s is su e o f th e R e v ie w .
I m m ig r a n t s ’ P rotective L ea g u e . Eighth annual report for the
year ending
January 1, 1917. 11404 South Michigan Avenue, Chicago [1917]. 31 pp.
T h e p r im a r y p u rp o s e o f th is le a g u e is to p re v e n t th e e x p lo ita tio n o f im m i
g r a n t s w ho a r r iv e in th is c o u n try w ith o u t k n o w le d g e o f o u r c u sto m s o r la n g u a g e
a n d ig n o r a n t a s to how to re a c h th e i r d e s tin a tio n s in th e q u ic k e s t a n d s a f e s t
m a n n e r. I n 1915, 3,439 im m ig ra n ts c a m e to th e le a g u e to c o m p la in o f som e
in ju s tic e o r to a s k fo r ad v ice . W h ile th e le a g u e d oes n o t c o n d u c t a n em ploy
m e n t ag en cy , i t re c e iv e d 1,337 a p p lic a tio n s fo r w o rk a n d su cceed ed in p la c in g
619 (46.3 p e r c e n t) in p o s itio n s ; 38.6 p e r c e n t o f th o s e p la c e d w e re P o lish a n d
B o h e m ia n s.
La Fatigue et, la Repose. La Fatigue. La Conservation des
Forces. La Médication par la Repose. Paris, 1912. 360 pp.
L agrange , F .
T h is v o lu m e is a sc ie n tific tr e a ti s e on fa tig u e , its c a u se s, sy m p to m s, a n d
effects, a n d th e p h y sio lo g ic a l effects o f re s t. I t in c lu d e s m u s c u la r a n d c e re b ra l
fa tig u e a n d d is c u sse s in p a r t ic u l a r th e e s s e n tia l c h a r a c te r is tic s o f f a tig u e a s
a ffe c tin g th e o rg a n s o f th e body.
Forty-first annual report of the president, treasurer, and
attorney, for the year 1916. 239 Broadway, New York. 1917. 62 pp.
L egal A id S o ciety .
T h is so c ie ty “ d iffe rs fro m m o s t c h a ritie s , in t h a t it a im s to p ro v id e fo r th e
p o o r n o t a lm s b u t rig h ts , n o t s p e c ia l p riv ile g e s b u t j u s t d u e s .” In 1916 th e
so c ie ty h a n d le d 41.646 c a se s a t a n e x p e n se of $44,648.87, o r $1.07 each , a n d
c o lle c te d fo r c lie n ts th e su m o f $128,005.10, o r a n a v e ra g e o f $3.07 p e r case.
O f th e a p p lic a n ts 39.9 p e r c e n t w e re n a tiv e s o f th e U n ite d S ta te s , w h ile th e
n e x t h ig h e s t n u m b e r (11.6 p e r c e n t) w e re R u ssia n s.
M cM il l e n , .Ta m e s A delbert . The Gary system ; a bibliography. University of
Rochester, Rochester, N. Y., 1917. 15 pp.
Compulsory health insurance. Annual meeting
addresses, the National Civic Federation, under auspices social insurance
department, Hotel Astor, New York City, January 22, 1917. Headquarters,
thirty-third floor Metropolitan Tower, New York City. 74 PP-
N a tio n a l C iv ic F ed era tio n .
T h is p a m p h le t is n o te d on p a g e 751 o f th is is su e o f th e R e v ie w .
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
805
MONTHLY EE VIEW OF THE BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
N a tio n a l C o n s u m e r s ’ L ea g u e . R e p o r t f o r t h e y e a r s 1 9 1 4 , 1 9 1 5 , a n d 1 9 1 6 .
Y o r k C ity, F e b ru a ry ,
■
------
N ew
1917. 82 pp.
T h e eigh t-h ou r d a y f o r w a g e-ea rn in g w o m en .
T h e U n ited S ta te s S u p re m e
C o u r t u p h o ld s th e C a lif o r n ia la w . L i s t o f e ig h t-h o u r laics.
W o m e n in
i n d u s t r y se r ie s N o. 1 4 . N a tio n a l C o n s u m e r s ’ L e a g u e , 289 F o u r th A v e n u e ,
N e w Y o r k . D e c e m b e r , 1916. 12 pp.
This is a brief of the decision, with excerpts therefrom, of the United States
Supreme Court upholding the California eight-hour law for women.
N e w Y ork P robation
and
P rotective A s so c ia t io n .
130 E a s t T w e n ty -se c o n d , S t r e e t, N e w
R am sey,
A. R. J.,
and
W esto n ,
H.
D u t t o n if- C o ., N e i v Y o r k , 1 9 1 6 .
Y o rk C ity.
C la u d e .
E ig h th an nual
1916. 72 pp.
A m a n u a l on ex p lo siv e s.
rep o rt.
E. P.
116 pp.
A nontechnical work on the nature and manufacture of explosives. There are
chapters dealing with the history and development of explosives, explosive
mixtures, nitric esters, aromatic nitroexplosives, fuses and detonators, appli
cation of explosives to naval and military and to engineering purposes, indus
trial poisoning among explosives workers and its prevention and legislation.
S w e n s o n , R t n eh a r t ,T. P u b l i c r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e r a t e o f w a g e s . T h e I L W .
W i l s o n C o ., M h i t e P l a i n s , N . Y ., a n d N e w Y o r k C i t y .
1917.
74 pp.
Discusses the historical development of public regulation of wage rates in
England, Australasia, and the United States, constitutional aspect of minimumwage legislation in the United States, and the test of experience. Also contains
an analysis of modern minimum-wage legislation and a short bibliography.
T
ourret , J a c q u es .
14 9 pp.
L e S a la ir e m in im u m , d e s o u v r iè r e s à do m icile,
P a r i s , 1916.
A re v ie w o f th is v o lu m e w ill a p p e a r in a f u t u r e n u m b e r o f th e M o n t h l y
R e v ie w .
U n iv e r sit y
of T e x a s . B u l l e t i n : 1 9 1 6 , N o . 6 0 . S o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c s u r v e y o f
s o u th e r n T r a v i s C o u n ty , b y m e m b e r s o f th e T e x a s A p p lie d E c o n o m ic s C lu b
in c o o p e r a tio n w i t h th e d iv is io n of p u b lic w e lfa r e , d e p a r tm e n t o f ex te n sio n .
A u s t i n , 1 9 1 6 . 1 6 4 PP- I l l u s t r a t e d ,
G., and T ead , O rdw ay . W o r k a n d p a y . A s u g g e s t i o n f o r
r e p r e s e n ta tiv e g o v e r n m e n t in in d u s tr y .
R e p rin ted fro m Q u a rte rly Journal
o f E c on om ics.
F e b r u a r y , 1917. pp. 241-258.
V a l e n t in e , R obert
G. P. W e l f a r e a s a n e c o n o m i c q u a n t i t y .
C o m p a n y , 1915.
191 pp.
W a t k in s ,
B o s t o n , H o u g h t o n M if f lin
This is an essay offered in competition for prizes of $1,000 and $500 set aside
by Hart, Schaffner & Marx to encourage American youth to study economic and
social subjects.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
@FedFRASER