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CONGRESS, f i r s t

Free Coinage of Silver •




OF C O L O R A D O ,


FridayI August 11,1893.

The House having under consideration the Dill (H. R. 1) to repeal the Sherman l a w -

Mr. PENCE said:
Mr. SPEAKER: Were it not for the extraordinary interest of
the people who have sent me here, in the solution of this question and in the termination of this discussion, I certainly should
not presume, a new member, and here upjn the first day of the
discussion, to take advantage of the opportunity given me by
grace of the Speaker of the House. But there is not a district,
saving and excepting only the district of my colleague from
Colorado, whos3 people, old and young, all of them, will watch
with as much concern the developments of tha next fourteen
I w is sorry, Mr. Speaker, to note the tone and words of the
gentlein in from Maryland [Mr. RAYNER] who opened this discussion; sorry to see him carry here what we have seen carried
now so long through the columns of the metropolitan press, a
disposition to treat those of us in Western districts who happen
to live in the rugged hills where silver is digged, as if we were
foreigners or aliens. I do not exactly gather the ren son why the
gentleman from Maryland should speak of the Treasury Department acting the p_rt of a pawnbroker to ths silver miners of
Colorado and Nevada. Mayhap the gentleman knows more of
pawnbroking than I do; I know but little. Maybe it was because
as I thought then, the sign that is hung out is a golden sign, and
the strife within Is to deliberately, constantly, always, Jew down
the men who bring the silver to them.
That that has been the policy of the present Department is
now beyond doubt. It seems to me, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman might have passed by any such allusion as he made to
those who have builded up the empires of Colorado and Nevada.
It is true that the people of Colorado mine silver, and, under the
law since 1873, are compelled to sell it and can not coin it. It is
true that they must come with it as a commodity, and not as a
coin metal, and it is because the people of that section have come
to understand that the platform promises were what the gentleman from Maryland called them, 4 4 glittering ketch words
suppose " catch words" was in tended—that within the last twelve
months there has been there, not only within the cations among
our hills, but upon all the broad acres of our prairies, an assertion in line with the feeling of political independence which has
wiped old party lines and distinctions absolutely out of existence,
and not a man there but stands ready to give some reason for his
action and for the faith that dwells in him.
Mr. Speaker, some of us in Colorado had been Democrats until,
from the gallery of this House, a year ago last March we wit^
nessed a scene in the Fifty-second Congress, a Congress with an
overwhelming Democratic majority pledged to the remonetization of silver according to the "glittering catch words" of its
platform —until, I say, we saw that House of Representatives assembled in this Hall and saw that it required the vote of the gentleman who was then and is now Speaker to make a tie, to prevent the untimely death of the Stewart silver bill which had
passed the Senate.
That was whit put to more serious thought those of us who
had been Democrats all our lives and had never learned how to
scratch a ticket. That, followed by the acts which came later
in the year, was what drove us out of the Democratic party.
And I am here to bring to the seriou3 attention of the members of this House the reasons of the political uprising which occurred there, and to trace it, if I may in the short time allotted to
me, directly and distinctly to this issue. It was not due to the
issues that have been mentioned in the Democratic or the Re-



publican press, not to the tariff issue, and above all, not to the
iss .ie spoken of by the New Xovk Sun, which claims that the
Democratic party came into power because Mr. Reed of Maine
had been a Czar! [Laughter.]
Mr. Speaker, in 1834, when the silver issue was first formally
presented before the people, the Damocratic party declared its
position in unequivocal terms, and at that time every Democrat
in the land, East and West, accepted its declaration as standing
for the remonetization of silver. The scene here today is strange
enough to attract the attention of every thoughtful voter. Is it
possible that the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. R A Y N E R guttering the sentiments he do. s, and the gentleman from Missouri
[Mr. BLAND], uttering the sentiments he does, were both elected
last fall upon the same identical platform? [Laughter and applause.]
Yes; since 1884 and the departure that was inaugurated between November, 1884, and March, 1885, just such incongruous
possibilities have sprung up within the lines of the good old
Democracy. When the Democratic party in 1884 met in convention it declared itself in this language :
We believe in honest money, the gold and silver coinage of the Constitution, and a circulating medium convertible into such money without loss.

That meant the remonetization. of silver at its old ratio, and it
was so accepted by the producers of this country, and the p^arty
that had lost its power and its prestige in 1860 was reinstated at
the other end of this avenue; but, before the inauguration of
March, 1885, that platform had been deliberately slapped in the
face iind sp it upon. What followed during the four years of
the first Cleveland administration? Not one sincere effort, so
far as the Administration was concerned, to remonetize silver.
When in 1888 the pirty convention met, we found that the
Democratic party, not being brave enough, not having temerity
enough, to go before the American people and again present Mr.
Cleveland upon a silver platform, was absolutely silent upon that
question, and the Republican party, which it seems to me has
been for many years " working" one side of the street, while the
other fellows worked the other—the Republican party declared:
"VYe have always recommended the best money known to the civilized
world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all commercial nations
in the establishment of an international standard which *hall fix for all the
relative value or gold and silver coinage.

No, Mr. Speaker, I mistake. I have read the language of the
Republican platform of 1884 ; but in 1888 the Democratic platform having been, as I have said, silent on the silver question,
the Republicans declared their position in this language:
The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as
money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic Administration in its efforts to demonetize silver,

[Laughter and applause.]
Mr. Speaker, it is not my purpose here or now to go one step
farther in allusion to political parties or to take part in a partisan discussion. Anything like that would be farthest from my
purpose to-day. Elected last fall by a people as brave, as buoyant,
as hopeful as any constituency which ever in any day has honored any member of this House, I know that now their industries lie prostrate, pinned to the earth by the course ^ of the
present Administration; by the course of the past Administration; by the surrender, past and present, of those who had been
elected upon silver platforms and silver pledges.
I certainly would be guilty of a violation of my duty to them
if I should at this time go into any partisan discussion which
might be calculated to alienate from the silver forces one single
positive or negative man, one single positive or negative vote.
And inasmuch as the Democracy dominates in this House—inasmuch as, according to all reports which we have been able to
obtain, the bulk of the vote in favor of silver must come from
that side—I desire to recall to them the words of one or two of
their own statesmen. Inasmuch as the doubt which exists, exists as to how votes shall be cast by members of the majority of
this House who were elected last fall upon the platform adopted
at Chicago, I want to remind them of some words of their own
^ M a y I be permitted to read, without sending to the Secretary,
the words of that statesman who, when unfettered and free,
standing the manly representative of ^an independent constituency uttered the words of wisdom with which he has always



been gifted and which, until lately, have been accompanied by a
courage equal to their wisdom and patriotism. Mr. Carlisle
upon this floor, in 1878, used the words which I am about to read.
And how came he to use them? Let me recite one or two explanatory circumstances. Senator Stanley Matthews had introduced at the other end of the Capitol the resolution known as
" the Matthews resolution," which recited the nature of the legislation that governed the issue of various bonds, and concluded
with this language:

proportion of them are to be found maintaining by their vote today the position maintained by their representatives in the corn
and wheat States in last October and November?
A little time passed by, Mr. Speaker, and we first took serious
alarm this summer. We still had hoped against hope, and even
now hope, perhaps, against hope. But last June when from the
pen of the gentleman [Mr. COCKRAN] who now leads, as I understand it, the New York Democracy in this assiult against silver
in this country—when he in the North American Review in
his article on the financial outlook said to the world and to us

liesolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring therein),
all the bonds of the United States issued under the said acts of Congress
hereinbefore recited are payable, principal and interest, at the option of the
The recent utterances of the President and of the Secretary of the TreasGovernment of the United States, in silver dollars of the coinage of the ury, however, anpear to settle the question that the present Administration
United States, containing 4121 grains each of standard silver; and that to is determined to use all the means at its command to maintain a gold
restore to its coinage such silver coins as a legal tender in payment of said standard—
bonds, principal and interest, is not in violation of the public faith nor in
derogation of the rights of the public creditor.
and when further he said—
The question of free coinage of silver by the United States may be excluded
At that same time this House had under consideration impor- from
as nobody deems the passage of such a law within the
tant matters in this same line. The gentleman who so long and limitsconsideration,
of possibility during the present Administration-

bravely has borne the silver standard—the gentleman who preceded me in this discussion—*4Silver Dick" BLAND, as we love
to call him in our country—was at that time chairman of the
coinage committee which had in preparation a free-coinage bill.
The Matthews resolution, which had passed the Senate within
a few hours after its introduction by a vote of 43 to 22, ;came to
this House, and three days afterward it was passed by this House
without debate by a vote of 189 to 79. Mr. Carlisle voted for
the resolution, and when a few days afterward, on the 21st of
February, 1878, the Bland coinage bill was under consideration
in this House, he, then untrammeled and free, a leader and not;
a follower, a sender of messages, not a bearer, used these words:
I know that the world's stock of precious metals is none too large, and I
see no reason to apprehend that it will ever become so. Mankind will be
fortunate indeed if the annual production of gold and silver coin shall keep
pace with the annual increase of population, commerce, and industry. According to my view of the subject, the conspiracy which seems to have been
formed here and in Europe to destroy by legislation and otherwise from
three-sevenths to one-half of the metallic money of the world is the most gigantic crime of this or any other age. The consummation of such ascheme
would ultimately entail more misery upon the human race than all the wars,
pestilence, and famine that ever occurred in the history of the world. The
absolute and instantaneous destruction of half the entire movable property
of the world, including houses, ships, railroads, and all other appliances for
carrying on commerce, while it would be felt more sensibly at the moment,
would not produce anything like the prolonged distress and disorganization
of society that must inevitably result from the permanent annihilation of
one-half of the metallic money of the world.

At that time the Democratic side of the House applauded these
words. Do they stand ready to applaud these words now? Do
they believe that Mr. Carlisle uttered a truth, or do they propose, under the use of what one of the gentlemen from the State
of New York, in a recent article in the North American Review,
spoke of as the " use of all the means in the hands of the Administration"—do they propose, under such pressure now, to follow
in the surrender that tlu Secretary of the Treasury himself has
I do not believe, Mr. Speaker, that all the trust that has been
placed by the people in the promises of the two great parties
has been entirely misplaced. I do not—and shall not until the
last moment and under compulsion—accept the declaration now
made, that the President having construed the platform of 1892,
all those who were aligned with him last fall must accept his
construction. It is true that his message was not an entire surprise to the people of the West. We had here and there for
some time been noting the signs of the times—trying to determine what the indications were and what must inevitably be the
result of this discussion and of the action of the Administration.
While Mr. Harrison was President Mr. Carnegie contributed
to the columns of the North American Review, hie fanitws arti
cle upon the " A B C of money," and seemed to speak for many
when he said that, though a life-long Republican and a life-long
protectionist, if in the next campaign (that was the campaign of
1892) there should be upon one side a candidate who was a single
gold-standard man and a free-trader, and upon the other.a high
protectionist in favor of the double standard, he, Andrew Carnegie, the owner of fortunes which we had supposed were chiefly
gained through protection, should support the free-trade, goldstandard man.
Is it any wonder that we were put to thought, to serious
thought? But last fall the Chicago platform in our section, as
in all of the'wheat, cotton, and corn States of this Union, had received that construction which has been placed upon it by the
gentleman from Missouri [Mr. B I I A N D ] here to-day, and not the
construction placed upon it by the gentleman from Maryland
[Mr, RAYNER], and we still believed that it was possible that
the promise was to be kept. Many hesitated and doubted, and
those who had been for life allied with the Republican party
turned to the Minneapolis straddle of last year and claimed
that it must be accepted as meaning the coinage of silver. If
that be true, where are the members of this (the Republican)
side of the House who used to maintain that construction? What


well indeed might those who had hoped as against hope have become terrorized with fear and apprehension. And since that utterance of last June, followed by this construction which Mr. Preston, Acting Director of the Mint, placed upon the Sherman law
of 1890, an encouragement thereby was given to the English
creditors, who in the nature of things desired a gold standard
in this country, little by little the hopes of our people have been
cast down, and not, Mr. Speaker, until within the last fortyeight hours have the hopes of any of us been revived. And why?
Because we have found upon consultation with members of this
House, upon both sides of it, that they appreciate and realize the
fact that the people who sent them here sent them with the expectation that under no conditions and under no circumstances
would a surrender on this vital principle be made to such a message as that which has been sent to us by Mr. Cleveland; and
that the people—I do not mean the bankers who meet every night
and flood us with petitions, nor the committees of boards of trade,
but I mean what George Wil3on, of Missouri, calls " the fellows
who follow the mule in the corn rows under the hot July and
August suns"—I mean that these people still believe that this
House of Representatives, equal in dignity with the body that
sits in the other end of this Capitol, equal in power, closer to
the people, fresher from their midst, will not sooner hang out
the white flag of surrender than will the gentlemen of the higher
body at the other end of the building. And within two weeks
the people will have come to know whether that conclusion is
well founded or otherwise.
I say, then, Mr. Speaker, that we have renewed our hopes because the members of this House cannot fail to recall, when once
reminded of it, that nowhere, at no time, at no State convention
within the limits of the United States, except once in the State
of Massachusetts two years ago, has the Democratic party ever
presumed to declare for the single gold standard now urged by
the President. No member of the House in the majority, and
but few in the minority, and none in the smaller minority to
which I belong, came here with any other expectation upon the
part of the people who sent them than that silver would be raised,
not stricken down; elevated, not made prostrate; and that the
standard dollar which has been the Republican dollar, which has
been the Democratic dollar, which has been the dollar of all the
people, should redkive, not the cold shoulder, but the bright and
warming and beaming smile of the members on all sides of this
Is there any member here from a wheat^ or cotton State who
feels that he can go home and explain to his people that he did
a p&fcrioto duty aad welWulfiited the commission with whieh he
was intrusted when he suddenly, without notice to his constituents, surrendered to the call of the gold-standard men? It may
be that there are those who can. I mention this, not as a threat,
but as a simple reminder to the members of this House that the
same voters who sent us here last fall by their suffrages certainly have not all of them become forgetful of the conditions
upon which we were sent. They have not all of them failed to
regard the understanding upon which we were honored and
Upon what theory, I ask, can a Republican minority, by a preponderance of its votes or by any considerable number of its
votes, find justification before the people of this country in carrying out the behest and command of a Democratic Administration? Upon what line or theory are they to explain when they
go home next time that their duty was patriotically performed
and that their pledges were fulfilled? It is strange—and we have
regarded it as strange since this discussion originally began—
that to-day, not perhaps amongst the members of this House,
and I will not say so, but in the columns of the metropolitan
press, Democratic and Republican, we find the same men who,
upon the tariff question, have for years and years besought the
American people to stand out against England, and England's

pauper conditions, and to maintain here under our own bright
Stars and Stripes an American policy, now most active in trying
to prevail upon the members of this House, by their editorial
utterances, to surrender absolutely any idea of America having
any policy of her own upon the money question.
We find this true in the press of both of the great parties, and
why doosit happen? How does it happen that those who were
so jealous of the American plan and the American policy, who
have so roundly denounced the attsmpt of the Democracy to
surrender to the Cobden Club and to the free traders of England and to bring our poor laboring men into competition with
tho pauper laboL* of Europe, how does it happen that now and
here upon this question of greater importance you protest that
we must wait upon.England, that we must not remonetize until
England consents, and that when we remonetize we must do so
at a ratio which meets with the approval of England?
What! Wait upon England to fix the ratio for us? With one
twenty-fifth of the population of the earth, producing two-fifths
of the silver, shall we yield the entire vantage that comes thereby
to them? Just as well say to them that by arbitrary law, final
and irrevocable, we would go into international commission with
England and Germany to determine what should be the price of
the wheat, the corn, and the cotton; for, aB they need the one they
need the other, and like as they must have the one they must
have the other.
But we find this condition of affairs: W e find, according to
the claims that are made, a considerable proportion of the Republican minority stmding re ady to do that which they never
would do for a President of their own selection—ready to surrender.
*Let me say to the gentlemen from the West and South that
in the East we find no difference. When this vote comes, two
weeks f roin now, unless the political denomination of each member is designated, when you go down the call of the "ayes" who
support the message of the President, how are you to tell the
Eastern Democrat from the E tstern Republican?
According to prophecies made, you will find them standing
together; and I maintain, now and here, to the members from
the West and South, that there should ba that same degree of
vigor and energetic organization for the protection of our people that you find down here, east of the Allegheny Mountains.
Regardless of party,Democrats and Republicans alike, you should
find a determination and a purpose to redeem now, in Washington, the promises that were made out in Illinois and Tennessee and Iowa last September and October. Unless that is
done, the reckoning that must finally come—mentioned now in
no sense as a threat—must be one that will call upon the members of those sections for a plain and candid explanation of the
reasons for the surrender now contemplated by the bill introduced by the gentleman from West Virginia [Mr. WILSON].
I say, why is it, Mr. Speaker, that, regardless of party, we find
the Eastern and Northeastarn members of this House united?
"Because, according to the course of the financial legislation over
since the war, every benefit has been diverted to them and every
burden has been shifted upon our Western people. And when I
speak of our Western people I allude now only to those who dwell
In the mining States. Those who dwell in mining States went
into the vastnessss of those hills, into that wilderness upon the
very frontier of what you gentlemen in your old-time geographies marked ds the Great American Desert, and by their energy
and pluck they have there builded up an empire of w e a l t h T h e y
went there under what protection of the Federal law? They
went there under the protection of a law that had been upon our
books since the days of Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson.
Never once had that policy been interfered with. Never once
had any of the people asked that it be revoked. Never once
under any circumstances had there been any body, commercial
or otherwise, asking for the repeal of that law.
Now, the transaction done in this House in 1873, according to
all the testimony from members of both political parties then
here represented, was done covertly and secretly by fraud; and
the people who had settled that section, who had. developed the
mines of that country, who had produced the silver necessary
for the money uses of this land, had no notice in the world that
the doors of the mints at Philadelphia, New Orleans, and Carson were to be suddenly, without notice, without demand from
anywhere, closed against their product. .It is not necessary now
and here, or at this day, to review any of the testimony as to the
manner of the demonetization of silver.
W e all know to-day that there lives but one man, and he the
senior Senator from Ohio, who pretends that the demonetization act was demanded by anybody, or that anybody except himself understood it to be a demonetization act. And from that
tilne, as soon as the people understood that silver had been
stricken down or assaulted, an effort has been made by the
people of this country to secure from one or the other of the



great political parties a promise that has been made in each successive campaign for its remonetization.
Mr. Speaker, I do not know—of course, no man can tell now—
how many there will be to follow the course of the eminent gentlemen who but a few years ago stood upon this floor and advocated the remonetization of silver and who to-day are members
of the President's official family and seem to be committed against
that policy. It is hard and difficult, at this stage of the proceedings to reach any determination; but I have said, and say again,
that the people in whose behalf I speak upon this floor still are
gathered together to-day in their homes and idly around the
furnaces where the fires have been compelled to expire.
In that Commonwealth which possess 3d but six months ago a
degree of wealth equal to any State in this Union, they*are
bracing each other up to-day with the expression of hope that
in this body there will be found enough and more than enough
to stand against the message of the President, and to stand for
the fulfillment of the promises that have been made, to stand
courageously and valiantly in behalf, not of the creditor class
but of the debtor class of this land, and here finally to say by
their votes that the time has not yet come when one branch of
this Government can be compelled by another, or driven by another, or persuaded or cajoled by another into an act which will
add to the amount of the indebtsdness of every debtor and add
to the credit of every creditor, whether on this or upon the other
side of the Atlantic Ocean.
Let me ask of the gentlemen from the New England States,
while it is to your plain advantage to increase the value of the
dollar, while it is to your advantage to make it so that it will
take more of wheat and more of corn and more of the products
of every kind of the broad acres of the West with which to buy
it, whether that product is purchased or taken in the payment of
a debt: Can you afford as Americans, can you afford as the
fathers of the boys and girls who went into our country and
there raised the flag and extended the wealth and the territory
over which it \vaves— can you, because of the pitiful percentage
of advantage you will get, voto for a policy which gives the
bulk and the majority of the increase of credit to those who have
no citizenship or interest in this land?
It is true, as we look upon it in the West, that Boston will get
its share of the benefit of sustaining the law which the President seeks. It is true that New York will also; but after all,
London, England, will have four-fifths of it. Can you, Representatives from the New England States, afford as patriots, as
Americans, for the pitiful share of advantage you will secure,
join in the demand of England for the legislation that is here
Why do I suggest this? Mr. Speaker, only a year or two ago
we in the West heard, as you did in the South and East, the
proclamation of the "Plumed Knight," who was then upon his
visit in Prance, I believe, and we remember that the cable carried to us and to you the account of the vast increase of the
wealth of this land, and we joined and shared in the pride and
satisfaction that came to us when that eminent leader of his
party pointed out that we not twice more, but five times more
than any other nation upon the face of the globe, had increased
our wealth from 1880 to 1890; and so we had.
We found an aggregate wealth of sixty billions to sixty millions of people; and a simple arithmetical calculation gave us
the average for every man, woman, and child in arms in the
country at $1,000. I do not know what "the facts were in Massachusetts. The average there may have been all right, but
in Iowa, Colorado, and some other States, the average was not
found to turn out exactly right. The aggregate was all right,
-but a further study was had and the same census upon which our
pride in the West had been founded, the same sworn returns, reports, ind statistics which had filled us with satisfaction and
joy, pointed out to us that within that decade the increase in
wealth5of Massachusetts alone had been $569,000,000.
Five hundred and sixty-nine millions! If that were true, what
must be the increase of wealth in the broad, rich acres of Illinois
and of Indiana? Well, the same statistics brought us to a realization of the fact that Nebraska, and Iowa, and Illinois, and Indiana, and Louisiana, and Mississippi, and Alabama, and Georgia, and North Carolina, nine empires of rich acres, teeming
with industrious men and women, containing fifty-eight times
as many acres as Massachusetts, fourteen times as many people
to start with in 1880, and twice as much assessed value, the
census, I say, brought us to a realization of the fact that the
whole nine of these great empire States had gained in wealth in
the same period but $559,000,000. Massachusetts alone had
gained ten millions more than the entire nine!
These are the facts and figures, gentlemen of the House of
Representatives, which have been studied in the humble cot*
tages and homes of the western plains and hills. These are the
conditions which the people there will no longer hesitate to re-



buko. It is no wonder that Mr. Carnegie, standing not only /or
a protected diss but for the creditor class, for th© class 1 hat
holds the evidencss of indebtedness over all the productive
Eections of this country, the class that holds the State and county
and town and city and township bonds of every agricultural
State and levies the .first tribute as an interest charge that is
levied up^n the people's toil—it is no wonder that he should say
th-it if he were compelled to relinquish either the dimes which
came to him through protection or the dollars which came to
him through infamous and imbecile financial legislation, he
would hold on to the dollars and say good-bye to the dimes. It is
no won 'er that he should say that in 1892, if put to a selection
betwe n a free trade gold-st indard candidate and a high-protection double-standard candidate, he would support the free
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. R A Y N E R ]
spoke of the Sherman -law as one that had brought crisis and
disaster upon this country by its enforcement. The trouble has
been th it at no time since its enactment has either the letter
or the spirit of that law been enforced.
It seemed very strange to ui that any bill which purported to
pro .*ide for either the purchase or the coinage of more silver
should be'called by the name of the u Sherman act." It seemed
anom-ilous to us that a bill sometimes called a silver bill should
at other tim :s bd c 'lied the Sherman bill, and it took some timo
and some res ^areh to discover why the Senator from Ohio, whos:s
position on this subject has always been understood, should in
1890 ha ve votsd for and supported a measure which provided for
the use or the purchase of more silver than was provided for
under the Bl ind-Allison act. It of cours3 was found to ba the
proviso in that bill, which permitted the Secretary of thB Treasury, after a fixed date, in the exercise of his discretion, to practically terminate and cut oft' all coin ige of silver.
It was not because the law provided for the purchase of four and
one half million ounces of silver per month as against $2,000,000
worth under the Bland law that the Senator from Ohio gave it
his support. It was bee ius3 after a fixed-time—the 1st of July,
1891—the Secret iry of the Treasury, in the exercise of his discretion. was given authority to cat off entirely the future coinage of silver, and that was done. I t was that proviso-inthe bill



that secured the support of the Senator from Ohio. Mr. Speakor,
it is not, and it has not been at any time, the extent of the use
of silver, but the kind of the use of silver, to which our people
have objected.
When Mr. Harrison l ist fall spoke of an enlarged use of silver, inline with his policy of purchasing it at the lowest possible
prica and as a commodity, the objection upon our part was not
to the ext3nt of the use, but to the kind of use. Upon the tloor
of the Senate in ISoO and odd, when there was a discussion upon
the repeal of the Missouri compromise act, Mr. Benjamin, of
Louisiana, spokj in fceliig terms against an arbitr try law tint
would prevent him from carrying into the State of Missouri the
beloved family servant that had dwelt with him for years; and
the Senator from Ohio, Mr. Wade, in answering him, said:
The law and we do not protest asrainst the Senator carrying with him his
colored servant into the State of Missouri. What we protest against is his
selling her after he gets hor there.

Mr. Speaker, as I h ive said, it is the kind and not the extent
of the use of silver that we complain of; and we believe, as sincerely as any class of citizens over believed in a political tenet,
that the rehabilitation of silver will be as directly and positively
to the advantage of all the producers on all the acr.s in the
West and South and to the laborers in the as it will bo to
the advantage of the silver miners in the mountain States.
As to figures and statistics touching this matter, I shall trust
to my colleague and others who may follow me in this discussion to advise the Hous?. Without detaining the House further,
I thank it for its attention. [Applause.]
The SPEAKER. The Chair desires to call attention to a portion of the language of the order adopted this morning. v That
order provides that the daily sessions of the House shall continue
from 11 a. m until 5 p. m., and that " night sessions m \y be held
for debate only, at the request of either side." Unlass some provision be made for a ni'jfht session, the Chair, at the hour of 5
o'clock, will dec'.arc the Mouse adjourned until to-morrow morning at 11 o'clock. The Oh air does not kno w the disposition of
the House as to a night session; that matter the House will determine for itself.