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M E R C H A N T S ’ MAGAZINE M A Y , A rt. 1 8 4 0. I .— D O M E S T IC IN D U S T R Y . T he progress o f civilized nations lias been impressed with three dis tinct and strongly marked epochs. The first may be considered the era o f the fine arts, commencing with the period when Greece was in its full glory, and ending with the downfall o f the Roman Empire. The minds o f men, at that time, appear to have been turned less to produc tive industry, the establishment o f general comfort, and the diffusion o f useful knowledge, than to the arts o f luxury, which tended rather to be nefit the few than the many. Painting, sculpture, architecture, litera ture, poetry, and eloquence, flourished in their full meridian under the patronage o f the state. Poets were encouraged to recite their produc tions before the people, and were invested with the laurel crown, as a meed o f popular applause. Orators were upborne by the tide o f jiublic favor, and received the reward o f their exertions in the thunders o f an acclaiming populace. The chisel o f the sculptor was endowed with new life, and awoke from their marble beds the almost breathing forms o f the most perfect statuary. Fabius, the admiration o f all times, arose under the fostering hand o f taste. Y et, amid this luxury and refinement, the utmost ignorance prevailed. The minds o f men were pressed down by childish superstition. Barbarous forms o f amusement stamped the character o f the people with what appears to us to be a sort o f savage cast, and the most perfect models o f physical man were slaughtered to make a Roman holiday. Y et the monuments o f that period which have come down to us, furnish conclusive evidence that, notwithstanding the amount o f popular ignorance, superstition, and barbarity, which then pre vailed, there existed a taste in literature and the fine arts which has marked that epoch as the classic age. W hat architectural forms o f mo dern invention equal the exquisite proportions and finish o f the Coliseum or the Parthenon 1— edifices which cannot fail to convince us, that just to the extent in which we depart from them as models o f form, we leave the true principles o f architectural taste. W hat refinement o f m odem taste has ever exceeded the elaborate beauty o f the vases and other doV O L . II. — n o . v. 45 354 Dom estic Industry. mestic utensils which we now dig from the ruins o f Herculaneum and P om peii 1 W hat modern art does not shrink hack discouraged, even in its attempt to vie with the statues o f the Venus and the A pollo which now stand in the temple o f the Vatican 1 Or, if we turn to literature and eloquence, what more perfect models o f poetry, oratory, history, philo sophy, and rhetoric, do we find, than in the works o f H om er and D e mosthenes, o f Livy and Tacitus, and the orations as well as the philo sophical treatises o f Tully, concerning government, oratory, friendship, duty, and old a g e'!— works which are taught as textbooks in our schools, and without a knowledge o f which the education o f our youth is not considered to be complete. The next epoch appears to us to be the age o f political servitude, commencing with the introduction o f chivalry into Great Britain, and extending through that night o f a thousand years— the dark ages. D u ring the greater part o f that period, the energies o f the great bulk o f mankind appear to have been paralyzed, for the mass were chained as serfs to the soil, and the feudal system kept down their productive power. Books were confined to written parchments, and knowledge was de posited in the cloisters o f monks. The tenants o f the land were a sort o f realty, transferable with its property, and burdened with services, and fines, and amercements, and bound in allegiance to their lords. T he political pow er was vested to some extent in the monarch, but to a far greater degree in the haughty, stalwart, and armor-cased knights, whose pow er frowned upon the peasantry from the Gothic battlements o f their castles, — the men who, with noble and chivalrous, though some what barbarous traits, and great physical power, descended from time to time through their massive gates to avenge the insults given to the fair, or to punish any aggression upon their chartered rights. In such a state o f things, the pow er o f the rulers without much enlightenment was every thing, and the people were nothing. The land was divided and granted out to titled holders for actual or professed services. W ith all the elements o f knowledge in comparative chaos, in that age, without unity o f action or motive for improvement, the vessel o f state rolled heavily along upon the black waves, like a ship at midnight under a star less sky without a compass or a helm. Little was at that time done for the great cause o f human improvement. W hat motive existed in the minds o f those who wielded all the power o f the government to alter that condition o f things 1 W h at means o f amelioration were proposed by the great bulk o f the people, chained as slaves to the soil, and groping in ignorance under the combined action o f the church and the state. The consequences o f the political condition o f society were such as might have been expected. Comparatively little was done for the ad vancement o f civilization and the arts. Immense wastes were reserved as hunting grounds, and the soil was cultivated only so far as was re quired for the support o f the inhabitants. The morals o f the people, and the arts, were neglected. E ven the laws bore the badges o f vice, for they encouraged it; and although we are now shown the Gothic cas tles in which these knights o f feudal times lived, with the jackdaws hovering around their towers, and though we still view the gigantic coats o f mail which they wore, yet these have come down to us only as the re lics o f arbitrary power, vice, ignorance, and superstition. Bacon, by his system o f right reasoning, led the way to the establish Dom estic Industry. 355 ment o f the present age, which may be considered the age o f mechanical philosophy, o f general physical comfort, and productive industry. The minds o f men, from that time, aided by inventions in the arts, have been urged forward step by step, to vigorous and practical action for the general good. B y the agency o f successive political revolutions, the ele ments o f society are gradually working themselves clear. The energies o f men which were before devoted to the mere arts o f luxury, to the painting o f pictures and the sculpturing o f statues, the creation o f ediiices for the support o f power and pride, or to the upholding o f baronial pomp, are beginning to be devoted to the good o f the mass. The mari ner’s compass has sent the ships, which before clung trembling to the coast, fearless across the ocean with their rich freights, and made every sea a beaten highway. The art o f printing has diffused abroad, in vari ous forms, from the penny newspaper to the luxurious quarto, the means o f knowledge. P ow er has been gradually stealing from the few to the many. Benevolence, with its snow white banner, has traversed all climes. Chemistry has gone down from the desk o f the schools to labor with the husbandman, enabling him to quadruple his production— moulded from the sand on which we tread a transparent medium, through which we can discover myriads o f insects in a drop o f water which are impercepti ble to the naked eye, or explore the globes o f heaven. Philosophy has measured the tracks o f the planets, and leaving the cloister, teaches the mechanic the qualities o f matter, and the economy o f physical power. Geometry constructs the fortification, and builds iron roads across the land. The water is manacled like a slave, and made to w ork its own way to the sea. The air is forced to propel us across space, to lift the water for our use, and to assist us in war. Gunpowder enables us to destroy massive fabrics in a single day, which were impregnable to the battle axes and javelins o f the past. Machinery, in its various and com plex forms, has almost superseded the use o f human hands, and performs the labor o f almost all the arts, giving us the pow er to confine within the narrow compass o f the signet o f a finger ring the mechanism o f a watch which measures time with the utmost accuracy, to imitate the most ex quisite music and motions o f singing birds and the minutest insects, or to command a momentum o f a thousand horse power. A nd last o f all, comes coughing or splashing on, the powerful agency o f steam, binding together states with iron bars, ascending rivers, and crossing oceans, re gardless o f winds and waves. W e propose in this paper to enter into a somewhat enlarged discussion o f the character o f this productive labor, or domestic industry, in the Uni ted States. W e use the term, domestic industry,in abroad sense; namely, that physical pow er which should be exerted in this country, producing the materiel o f value, or which moulds it into a different form, either for consumption or exportation. Fertility o f soil, navigable advantages, hy draulic power, climate, and proximity to valuable markets, all go to make up the natural resources o f a nation, although the character o f the population has a much stronger bearing upon the condition o f a country; and it is equally clear that the same amount o f physical force applied upon a fertile soil, will yield a greater measure o f productive value than the same labor exerted upon a barren one. W e take the ground that our republic is not equalled in its capacity for production, by any tract o f territory o f equal extent on the face o f 356 Dom estic Industry. \ the globe, whether we consider its magnitude, its resources, or its geo graphical position. Our national domain, it is well known, extends from east to west a distance o f three thousand miles, and from north to south seventeen hundred, embracing an area o f about two millions o f square miles, a larger tract than is included within the jurisdiction o f any government, occupying one twenty-fifth part o f the soil on the face o f the earth. This soil, although various in its quality, is in the greater part productive, spreading out no sandy deserts or barren ridges o f any great extent. Running through various degrees o f latitude, and washed on both sides by oceans, it possesses a climate which is favorable to the growth o f all necessary articles o f food; yielding the grains, plants, and fruits o f the colder regions, as well as o f the tropics. W heat, com , oats, potatoes, rye, tar, pitch, turpentine, hemp, flax, cotton, sugar, tobacco, and all the vegetables yielded in the same latitude, and which are neces sary to the support o f animal life, or which are required in manufactures, may be gathered in the greatest abundance, and constitute its staple pro ducts. Its mountains and valleys abound in marble and granite, iron, copper, gold, lead, coal, and salt, besides many other minerals o f scarcely less value. The eastern portion o f the country bordering the Atlantic, although less productive, and more broken than the west by barren wastes and rocks, affords sufficient motive to industry to an enterprising and hardy population, and a large amount o f water pow er, which, by the aid o f machinery, has been used with great success, and it possesses the advantage o f lying on the great highway o f nations, having at its door a broad pathway o f navigation to any foreign port. A t the south, we have a land which waves with the golden harvests o f the sugar-cane and the rice field, or is whitened b y the snowy blossoms o f the cotton. A t the west, millions o f acres o f the richest mould are stretched out toward the Pacific to an unmeasured extent, inviting the labors o f the plough and the sickle. The territory so rich in natural resources, so fortunate in geographical position, is endowed with bold and gigantic features o f na tural scenery, and when in full bloom, is enrobed with magnificent vege tation. Chains o f lofty mountains lift themselves into the clouds, and picturesque and flowery landscapes sweep along its streams. Noble forests wave upon its hills, and echo in its valleys. Prairies, seemingly exhaustless, spread out their broad expanses amid the solitude, and stu pendous cataracts thunder down its precipices. Rivers, taking their rise in the distant interior, pour their treasures into the ocean, fertilizing the soil, and furnishing channels o f navigation from the remote inland village to the borders o f the sea. The Hudson and the Connecticut, the Delaware and the Potomac, enable us to penetrate the interior, and to discharge the pi'oducts o f our industry to their respective markets. A t the west, a chain o f lakes, the largest on the earth, furnishing thousands o f miles o f inland commerce, extend from the shores o f Vermont and N ew Y ork to the most distant banks o f Upper Canada; and the Missis sippi, the longest river on the globe, taking its rise amid the rice lakes o f the north, winding through three thousand miles o f territory most favorable for agriculture, and receiving in its course the Ohio and the Missouri, furnishes a channel o f exportation through the whole territory o f the west to the G u lf o f M exico. W e have stretched this outline o f our physical resources for the pur pose o f showing the extent o f the field in which American industry may Domestic Industry. 357 act; and we now proceed to a more particular examination o f the dif ferent sections, so far as they are characterized by different soils, cli mates, character o f industry, and capacity o f production. W e take first, the six states o f N ew England, and let us examine their natural advantages and the character o f the industry which acts upon their soil. In the first place, the climate is comparatively cold, and the stony land, o f primitive formation, is much broken by rocky ridges and barren hills, yet it yields to the hard labors o f the husbandman, corn, rye, p o tatoes, oats, and various other grains and vegetables, in sufficient abund ance for his support. The very barrenness o f the soil may, perhaps, in the main, be considered a blessing, for it tends in a high degree to the development o f that frugality, industry, and perseverance, which are the prominent traits o f its population. The rugged configuration o f the land, abounding in hills and precipices, furnishes water power, which is used in the propulsion o f a great number o f manufacturing establish ments, which have been already a source o f considerable wealth. Lying, as the frontier o f N ew England does, directly upon the sea, the enter prise o f the people, it is well known, has, in a great degree, been devoted to commerce, and a large portion o f its wealth has been obtained by the hardy enterprise o f its mariners. But, under all the natural disadvan tages which she has seemed to labor, containing, as she does, a more in hospitable soil than any other part o f the country, her population have accumulated an amount o f wealth, the offspring o f long continued exer tion, which is exceeded by that o f no other part. Indeed, the traveller in passing through the country can scarcely fail to be impressed with the air o f thrift and general comfort which pervades the community. In journeying through the territory, he finds it divided into lots which, if they appear somewhat rugged, and do not exhibit the utmost fertility, are cultivated with a spirit which evinces a prudent and thrifty husband ry. Cottages, sometimes o f plain, but more frequently o f painted boards, and surrounded by enclosed fields, dot the landscape at nume rous points; and a haystack at the side o f the house, opened for the cattle, show that all proper care has been taken o f the stock. The public works, rail-roads, bridges, roads, and charitable institutions, all indicate the utmost thrift and the benevolent forecast o f the people. The poultry, geese, and swine, which wander around the farm house, procure their own subsistence, and the moss covered bucket, which hangs in the well from a moveable beam, draws the purest water from the rock. School houses scattered through the settlements show that the means o f popular education are provided. I f we pass the waterfall, we find the machinery o f a mill in motion; or if we go into the larger villages or cities, we find the houses well built, presenting, an appearance o f the most perfect com fort and contentment; the streets well paved, the ports swarming with ships, and the whole territory populated by an active, healthful, and bustling class o f business men. T he states o f the south present a different aspect. W ith a soil more bountiful, and a climate more genial, than those o f the north, producing the fig, the pomegranate, the aloe, and the orange, besides other tropical fruits, the territory is no less strongly marked than the character o f the people. The white inhabitants o f a great part o f that region are unac customed to labor with their hands, deeming labor itself an ignoble em ployment. The low and level country bears the aspect o f repose, which 358 Dom estic Industry. is strongly contrasted with the more active appearance o f the north. The soil is cultivated by slaves, and the neglected roads, bridges, and other public works, evince the listlessness which is the natural consequence o f the social organization o f society. Even the houses o f the planters, constructed with less cost than those o f their northern brethren, show little regard to domestic splendor, although the seat o f elegant hospitali ty. The polished and open manners o f the slovenly clad planters, toge ther with an indifference and negligence which are their peculiar traits, impress one with the idea that he has arrived among a class o f impove rished noblemen. But few charitable institutions or manufacturing es tablishments meet the eye, and the golden robes o f the rice field, and the rich harvests o f the tobacco and cotton plant, are all the evidences which the country furnishes o f agricultural labor. Y et there is in the soil, although negligently cultivated, a productive power, which, i f right ly husbanded, would yield vast profit. Thousands o f bales o f cotton are annually shipped to feed the factories o f Manchester and Birming ham, and thousands o f kegs o f tobacco are exported to foreign markets, returning in showers o f gold, which is as recklessly spent as it is easily accumulated. D id the climate admit the same kind and amount o f la bor as at the north, and did the character o f the population favor the same degree o f physical energy as with us, we doubt not that it might be made the most wealthy section o f the country, possessing, as it does, a valuable staple, o f which the northern states are deficient. But the west must, after all, be considered the great agricultural sec tion o f the country ; by which tract we mean that portion o f territory which is included between the R ocky and the Allegany mountains, and termed the valley o f the Mississippi. This tract contains the largest body o f fertile soil on the face o f the g lo b e ; and when w e consider the advantages o f its inland navigation in the great lakes and the numerous streams by which it is watered, the cheapness and fertility o f the land, by which the husbandman can, b y the labor o f a day, procure a sufficient amount o f soil to support him for the year ; — all these advantages being held out as motives o f immigration, we doubt not that it is destined to be one o f the most opulent and powerful sections o f the republic. Its cli mate, although not as healthful as the older states, being productive o f bilious disorders, which are incident to every new country, is as genial as that o f any region within the same parallels o f latitude. In its north ern part, wheat and com , its staple products, are yielded in the greatest abundance; and it is well known, that although recently settled, the east receives the greater portion o f its flour from the older sections o f that valley, as well as large quantities o f pork. The middle portion pro duces the fruits and grasses in the greatest luxuriance, and large quan tities o f hemp, cotton, and tobacco. The main source o f wealth in its southern part, adjoining the G u lf o f M exico, is the production o f rice, sugar, and cotton. That portion o f our territory is no less rich in its mineral resources than in its agricultural products. Missouri has its iron mountain ; rocks o f pure copper are found upon the southern bank o f Lake Superior; ridges o f coal are scattered through a great portion o f its dom ain; gold is discovered in the soil o f Alabama ; and unknown quantities o f lead are imbedded in the hills o f Missouri, W isconsin, and Illinois. Thousands o f tons o f the produce o f the bordering region are transported in flat boats or steamers to N ew Orleans, through the Mis Domestic Industry. 359 sissippi, and millions o f barrels o f flour are shipped to the east through the lakes, besides sugar and cotton to an immense value, which are ex ported abroad. Even farther westward, in the region o f the elk, the Indian, and the buffalo, there are doubtless thousands o f acres o f land yet unexplored, equally productive, which, at some future time, will be the seat o f opulence and refinement. Such, then, are the resources o f the country; and we now come to a consideration o f the character o f the people, as conducing to the pro gress o f domestic industry. Although our republic was originally co lonized by emigrants from different parts o f E urope — English, Dutch, French, Spanish, Swedes, Finns, and Danes — all these colonial elements are merged in the preponderance o f the Anglo-Saxon stock. This is a people who, in every age in which they have lived, have marked a deep impression upon their soil, and left contemporary nations far behind them in the monuments o f human labor which they have erected. Such is the origin o f the Anglo-Americans, and they have vindicated that ori gin on this side o f the Atlantic, in building up an empire, more powerful in its present strength, and more rapid in its advancement, than any na tion o f which we have record, within the same period o f time. W ithin the limits o f two hundred years, they have pushed their commerce into every sea; with the weapons o f husbandry they have ploughed a thou sand hills and valleys ; they have established cities on her sea coasts and the borders o f her forests; they have planted manufacturing establish ments upon her water falls, and sent fifteen millions o f freemen, in the different departments o f the trades and the professions, to advance the strength o f the country, upon a field which two centuries ago was an echoing wilderness. This native vigor o f the Anglo-Saxon, which has been thus evinced abroad, has been augmented in the Anglo-Am erican by the policy o f our government. The Anglo-Am erican colonists were, for the most part, poor men, without high rank or title, who were obliged to hew out their own way. Some, it is well known, were induced to immigrate from religious motives, and others from motives o f gain, but in all we see traits which are not to be mistaken— the iron firmness and downright vigor o f the Anglo-Saxon. T hey came to a country in which a throne had never stood, without any invincible prejudices in favor o f prescriptive principles and forms. They planted themselves in forests fresh in the magnificence o f nature, and burdened with the resources o f national wealth ; and it was this very Anglo-Saxon spirit which enabled them to contend successfully, first with France and then with England, in two long and bloody contests, and to come out victors, securing to them selves the possession o f the soil. It was the spirit o f the Anglo-Saxon which afterwards embodied itself in the Constitution o f the United States, through which they have quadrupled their effective power. It is this which has given increased momentum to the productive industry o f the country, which places the great bulk o f the people on a broad platform o f equal rights, and has made them the source o f law, in war soldiers, in peace submissive citizens, pressing motives upon their minds, the strongest which can actuate ambitious men — a fair and open field — to secure the greatest good. It burdens the people with no taxes for the support o f an ecclesiastical establishment from whose faith they dissent. It gives no money o f the treasury to the maintenance o f a gigantic civil 360 Domestic Industry. list, to the purchase o f gems which are to blaze before titled rank only, and no part o f the soil is granted out to pets as a reward for imaginary services. Throwing aside all those encumbrances which might obstruct free industry, it says, in effect, to the people, “ Come, draw your nutri ment from the ample bosom o f your mother earth, and develop the resources o f your country, for your country is your commonwealth!” It is not our design to enter into an enlarged history o f domestic in dustry in the United States, but only to sketch distinct epochs in its progress. Our readers need not to be informed that the original colonists found our country a wilderness, and the commerce which was carried on for nearly a century, both by the French and English, was confined to the exportation o f furs, which abounded in the forests, and to the fisheries on our coast. E ven up to the period o f the Revolution, com merce had not advanced to any great extent. Our people were feeble dependencies o f the English crown, cramped in their means, and doomed to struggle with the disheartening labors o f new colonies planted in the forest. The policy o f Great Britain was at that time exercised against the manufacturing industry o f the people. A s early as 1731, the jealousy which existed on this subject induced the House o f Commons to pro pose a report with respect to “ any laws made, manufactures set up, or trade carried on, in the colonies, detrimental to the trade, navigation, and manufactures o f Great Britain;” and, in consequence o f an alarm ing discovery in respect to our manufacturing o f hats, it was ordained, that no hats or felts should be exported from the colonies, or “ loaded on a horse, cart, or other carriage, for transportation from one plantation to another.” In 1750, another law was passed, equally disgraceful to a generous people, prohibiting the “ erection or continuance o f any mill or other engine for slitting or rolling iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt hammer, or any furnace for making steel, in the colonies, under penalty o f two hundred pounds.” It was such causes, rather than taxa tion, that were the probable ground o f the Revolution. A t this period the tastes o f the people had not advanced to any degree o f extravagance. Articles o f luxury, i f they were ever introduced at all, were imported from E urope ; and the colonists, simple in their habits o f life, were contented to ride from farm to farm upon pillions, dressed in cloths woven from their own looms, and to acquire their subsistence between the handles o f the plough. This was the era o f the spinning wheel and the distaff, and their music was more often heard than is that o f theharp, the guitar, and the piano, atthe present time. Cotton, the valu able staple o f the south, was scarcely known to exist in this portion o f the w orld; and the first specimen o f that article, which was imported into Liverpool in 1784, was deemed an unlawful importation, not being con sidered the growth o f this country. Then came the Revolution, which furnished a motive for domestic production, cast off as we were from fo reign markets. But the energies o f the people were at that time turned rather toward the arts o f war than those o f peace ; and, even after the war was terminated, little could be done excepting to rebuild the shat tered fragments o f the social edifice. In 1789 the present manufacturing system o f the United States, which was the offspring o f the revenue laws, — and remaining until the embargo o f 1807— was commenced. Meantime Alexander Hamilton, in 1791, made his first celebrated report on manu factures. Cotton mills were erected in Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Domestic Industry. 361 other places, which worked up the raw material imported from the W est Indies. Under these laws, as well as the war which followed, excluding as it did all foreign importations, domestic manufactures and the me chanic arts received vast impulse, and the inventions o f Arkwright, H ar graves, Watts, W hitney, and Fulton, tended to impress its importance upon the public mind, so that at the peace o f 1815 a large amount o f capi tal was found invested in manufactures. A t this period the full action o f domestic industry was permitted to he exerted upon the soil. A t first the consumption o f the people was pretty much confined to necessary articles, luxury being limited to the few who were rich. The energies o f the nation had, moreover, been nearly exhausted by protracted wars. The soil was but partially culti vated, and machinery, then comparatively in its infancy, had not achieved those glorious triumphs which we have since witnessed. But a nation like ours, with all the freshness and elastic vigor o f youth, could not long continue in a state o f depression, and it soon cast about for the best channels o f exertion. Pacific relations for the protection o f commerce were soon established with the powerful commercial nations o f Europe. The treaty o f peace with England had opened to us the solid title and peaceful possession o f that immense agricultural region stretching around the great lakes, and colonies comprised o f vigorous and determined men, began to spread their settlements along the rivers and forests o f the west. Agriculture, commerce, and the mechanic arts, fostered by the facilities o f credit afforded by our expanding resources, began to thrive on an independent basis. Immigration from abroad began to pour in upon us, increasing the demand for food, and the physical labor o f the country; and the mass o f the people finding a wide and rich field o f en terprise around them, began to crowd into every department o f business. It was from these general causes that the republic has reached its pre sent condition. W hat is this condition 1 W ith a country prosperous in the produc tiveness o f its crops, without war, pestilence, or famine, our granaries overflowing with the produce o f the soil, our manufacturing estab lishments filled with the products o f machinery, and our work shops with the trophies o f the mechanic arts, with a commerce which is ploughing every sea, and a population possessing the same field o f action and the same vigor with their forefathers, the people are pressed down by ex treme embarrassment. This condition o f things cannot be traced to any want o f enterprise or capacity on the part o f the people. In all the depart ments o f human labor, commerce, agriculture, manufactures, and the me chanic arts, we have shown ourselves as a nation, to say the least, as apt as any other which has existed. In the mechanic arts, especially, we have attained a perfection which, considering the time in which we have had an opportunity to act, is remarkable. Our mariners are as hardy and adventurous as those o f other nations, and our husbandmen are as stout o f heart and vigorous as the laborers o f England. W e manufacture glass and the most ponderous kinds o f machinery at Pittsburgh, on the very edge o f the forest. Carriages and edifices, all the articles required for the furnishing o f our houses, or the ornamenting o f our persons, gold work, silver work, and iron work, the manufacture o f all the imple ments o f husbandry and all the tools o f trade, machinery, and ship build ing, may be performed here in as great perfection as in England. But V OL. II. — n o . v . 46 362 Dom estic Industry. i f the husbandman cannot sell his produce, the manufacturer his goods, and the tradesman the products o f his labor; if the merchandise o f the merchant lies undisturbed upon his shelves, and our ships float idle at our wharves, there must be certain causes for this state o f things, and some o f these causes we propose to consider. In the first place, then, it cannot be denied, that the present pressure has been, in a great measure, induced by the spirit o f extravagance which o f late years has spread itself throughout the country; the excess o f consumption over the amount o f production. Instead o f confining our selves within our means and the reasonable wants springing from our condition, we have expanded our expenses and the scale o f our operations in all departments o f pleasure and business, so far as our facilities o f credit admitted their expansion. The high degree o f prosperity found ed on the growing power o f the country, which was supposed to exist among us, has increased our adventitious wants, and induced a luxury which has pervaded all classes, and run like a contagious disease through the entire circle o f our population. W e perceive its evidences all around us; in the arrangements o f our houses, our equipages, our dress, and our amusements. The rich, who have had certainly more motive, because they have had the means to indulge in these luxurious habits, have set an example to the poorer classes, who could not afford to pay the cost. I f we enter upon the wharves o f our large cities, we find them crowded with imported goods, for which money must be paid to the foreign manufacturer, and which we might as well have produced ourselves. Turning to the shops o f our merchants, we perceive that their shelves are piled with goods o f foreign importation. The saloons o f our citizens are carpeted with fabrics from foreign looms, and their walls are adorned with imported paintings and statues. W e eat from imported plates, and with silver forks, wrought, perhaps, by the workmen o f Birmingham and Manchester. W e drink our imported wine from imported glass, and sip our imported coffee from imported china. W e support our theatres by imported actors, and drive our horses in imported trappings. W e contract foreign loans for the construction o f our canals and rail-roads, and build these rail-roads o f imported iron. W e dress our wives and children, as well as ourselves, in imported cloths and silks; and when we die, we are placed in our coffins in imported shrouds. The amount o f these importations can be accurately ascertained, by the state documents which are annually issued from the office o f the secretary o f the treasury. Although varying each year, according to the contraction or expansion o f the market, they are enormous. It is admitted by all, that within the last ten years we have imported silks to the value o f . . $118,000,000 W ines and s p i r i t s , ................................................. 41,000,000 I r o n , .............................................................................. 84,000,000 the whole making an aggregate o f two hundred and forty-three millions, a small fraction o f the whole o f our importations within that period, but all constituting articles which w e might have dispensed with or supplied ourselves. W e are here able to give, from the report o f the secretary o f the trea sury for 1839, the amount in dollars o f the importations to our coun try for the last six years, and also the amount o f the exports o f our do mestic produce within the same period o f time : Domestic Industry. 363 Value o f Imports. Value o f E xports o f Domestic Produce. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126,521,332 149,895,742 189,980,035 140,9S9,217 113,717,404 157,609,560 1834 1835 1S36 1837 1838 1839 T otal . . . 878,713,290 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81,024,162 101,1S9,082 106,916,680 95,564,414 96,033,821 100,951,004 Total . . . 581,679,163 In alluding to the measure o f extravagance which has borne so hea vily upon the country, we would not be understood to advocate an abstinence from all luxuries, or a recurrence o f the time, when men lived in their primeval state in huts, clothing themselves in skins, and feeding upon the spontaneous fruits o f the earth. N or do we profess to belong to that utilitarian class, which would confine all human enter prise to mere animal wants ; for these are objects which are no more exalted than those which actuate the beast. W e consider human socie ty not a collection o f fractions, but a unit. The different classes which compose it have, by the division o f labor, one common interest; and the luxury and refinement to which they administer by their own labor, is the necessary consequence o f civilization. A ll the means o f physical comforts should doubtless be secured ; but human exertion should not stop here. It should strive to improve the moral and intellectual man. Hence, we say, that every painting and every statue which has a ten dency to refine the taste, every book, every monument, every school, whicli is designed to add one noble sentiment to the human heart, is equally valuable with the means o f mere physical comfort. N or would we object to luxury indulged in moderate degree. It is to the encou ragement o f these interests, that individuals in the different branches o f the fine and useful arts look for a support. W hat would be the condi tion o f workers in silver, if no silver work was used 1 or o f the carriagemaker, if we were all doomed to walk 2 N or have we much respect for the miser, who with a niggardly selfishness denies himself the proper indulgences o f life, and locks up his gold in a strong-box. H e is not only o f no benefit to the world, but an absolute curse, for he keeps that back from circulation which, like the air we breathe when it flows freely through the community, gives vitality to the working classes, and vigor to the whole frame o f the mercantile body. The evil o f which we com plain, is the excess o f luxury over the means o f the people, while we ad vocate a moderate indulgence, believing that all classes are mutually de pendent upon each other for support, and that an injury to one is felt by all. Another reason o f the depression under which the country is now la boring, exists in the spirit o f over-trading which has pervaded the com- \ munity, the natural result o f the spirit o f extravagance. Individuals, in 364 Domestic Industry. commencing business, appear to have modelled their operations on too large a scale. They ha ve moulded their plans on the proportion o f the market which appeared to be spread out before them, or indulged in speculations which were found to burst like bubbles in their grasp — speculations in stocks and lands, which produced nothing but only a transfer o f title, and adding not an item to the solid wealth o f the country. W e do not doubt that the best, and in fact the only, mode in which we can save to ourselves the vast sums which are annually paid out for foreign importations, and found the fabric o f our wealth upon an inde pendent and solid basis, is to increase the domestic production o f the cmintry. W e have attempted to show that the physical resources o f the soil are eminently favorable for agricultural enterprise, and there are spread around us ample motives for its exertion. The land is cheaper than in any other country, and there is an independence and substantial comfort in the cultivation o f the soil by its own proprietor, which eminently fits it for the citizens o f a republican government. The various character o f this soil, as well as its fertility, and its navigable rivers, and public works, furnishing convenient channels o f navigation to foreign markets, renders this as safe and certain a track o f enterprise as we could adopt. But while we would have agriculture the grand foundation o f our na tional wealth, we would foster manufactures, commerce, and all the m e chanic arts. The manufacturing establishments which have already been erected in a portion o f our country, have gone on under the pledged faith o f the nation, and we wish to see them succeed, and turn out fabrics which will bear a comparison with the products o f foreign looms. N or would we, while we cherish these two important branches o f industry, neglect commerce, which is always the handmaid o f refinement and civi lization. W e wish to see our inland rivers and lakes whitened by its sails, and the sky o f every navigable stream darkened by the smoke o f the steamer. W e wish to see every fabric which floats the waves, be it the flat boat o f the Mississippi, the shallop o f the village stream, or the oak leviathan, driven by wind or steam, which ploughs the mid ocean, “ W here the argosies with portly sail, L ike signiors and rich burghers on the flood, Or as it were the pageants o f the sea, D o overpeer the petty traffickers That curtesy to them, do them reverence A s they fly by them with their woven wings,” freighted with the produce o f our soil. W e could wish to see every department o f the mechanic arts prosper ous under the fostering hand o f the governm ent; and we believe that a crisis is now approaching in which such will be found our only true po licy. The principle which the present crisis is inscribing upon the mind o f the nation, is that o f retrenchment and reform ; and we believe that the conviction is beginning to be strongly impressed upon us all, that we have too long depended upon foreign nations, and that we have within us all the resources o f mercantile independence. In order to show what our country may become, by the domestic in dustry which we have advocated, we need only glance at the present commercial condition o f England. H er people and ours are o f the same M oral and P olitical Freedom. 365 stock, and we see the little island, which appears like a speck in the ocean, achieving a reputation as the first commercial power on the globe. It is not the magnitude o f her domain, for our territory is more than fifteen times larger than the whole island o f Great Britain. It is not the fertility o f her soil alone, for we have thousands o f square miles o f equal value ; and it is not her geographical position, hut it is the pro ductive industry o f her people, which has made the island like a garden, and her manufacturing establishments the workshops and the mart o f the world. It is only by directing the enterprise o f our people to the right chan nels o f productive industry, and by cherishing this enterprise by politic and enlightened legislation, that we can become in fact, as we are now in name, an independent nation, and compete with England in the mar ket o f the world. There is no formidable obstacle in our way to prevent this result. W e have the soil, the climate, the resources o f navigation, the machinery, the mechanical skill, the freedom, and the physical vigor. In our own country, the four great branches o f national enterprise, com merce, agriculture, manufactures, and the mechanic arts, may each be directed to the aid o f the other, and to one great end. They are twin sisters, with golden tresses falling upon fair countenances, and with bo soms swelling with the exultations o f hope, bearing the olive branch o f peace and the horn o f plenty, linked hand in hand by the bonds o f affec tion. Like another Ariel, they will watch over the destinies o f the re public. They will enrobe the fields o f our wide spread country in rich harvests. They will hurry the operations o f the spindle and the water wheel, and bring the blessings o f independence to every man’s door. They will fill our warehouses with the products o f our own skill. They will induce an interchange o f the productions o f our different states, and thus strengthen the bonds o f our union. They will whiten our inland seas and rivers with commerce, send forward our ships and steam ves sels upon the ocean freighted with the products o f our own industry, and make us the first, as we are now, after the lapse o f only two centuries, the second commercial power upon the earth. A rt. I I .— M O R A L A N D P O L IT IC A L F R E E D O M . "W h a t is civil freedom, and for what is it valuable! H ow far do w e enjoy it! H ow far are our institutions fitted to preserve it ] These are questions which we are apt to leave without reply in our common ac clamations for liberty. God has created society for the benefit o f the individual man. H e looks down upon the world not as a congregation o f nations, or states, or cities, or villages, but as an aggregation o f individuals. The good order and happiness o f the mass, or of the majority, is not his ultimate object— it is the culture and happiness o f the individual man. It is not the world, but man; not society, but the soul, which directly interests him. Society was constructed for man, and not man for society. His discipline, growth, and excellence, were to be advanced only by means 366 M oral and P olitical Freedom. o f society, which the wisdom and benevolence o f God therefore frames. N ow , to imperfect beings, perfect and peaceful freedom is only compati ble with perfect isolation and solitude. Perfect freedom is complete lawlessness— a state in which each man consults only his own inclina tions and impulses. I f his feelings were all right, if his judgment were infallible, he might live in society without any other law than the law o f his own mind and conscience; but, being an imperfect and erring crea ture, a passionate and selfish being, and placed here as such, and for the very purpose o f disciplining his passions and eradicating his selfishness, living in the midst o f those equally disposed with himself to gratify their inclinations, it soon discovers itself to his reason, that the comfort and happiness o f all require that society should be under some regulation, and this regulation, whatever form it may take, is government. Govern ment, defined properly, is the laws by which society is regulated to the best good o f individual men. I observed in the first place, you will remember, that society is nothing in itself; has no interests o f its own — being in fact merely a name; that the individual is every thing in the sight o f God. Much more, then, is government, growing out o f society, unimportant in itself, having no independent rights, no divine authority, but entirely valueless and unauthoritative, except as far as it sustains society in its proposed influences upon the welfare o f individual man. The best government is that which renders society most favorable to the development o f individual man. Now , what is the true development o f individual man 1 Man’s whole dignity resides in self-control — self-go vernment. H e is designed to be ultimately a law to himself. H e has rebellious passions and appetites— he has a wandering and wavering will. H e is a kingdom made up o f discordant elements, o f contrasting and contending factions. H e is sent into the world as a tribe o f savages might be set in the midst o f a forest, to work out by experience, by conflict, by sorrow, by discord, their civilization and final establishment as a free nation. Indeed, the history o f the world is only the history o f the individual written in larger type. Man is born a savage, and passes through barbarism, and semi-civiiization, to his destined condition. Like the world, though in an inverted order, he has his iron, and his brazen, and his golden age. His development and destiny is the reduction o f his various faculties and propensities to their internal la w ; in other words, it is to self-government; and precisely in proportion as he governs him self, is he absolved from other government. H e is a freeman just to the degree in which he enslaves himself to his own conscience; for the only law which man is under obligation to obey, is the law o f right. That law is enforced by God, in penalties, as far as it is not voluntarily submitted to. Man’s excellence resides in a complete obedience to that law. H e is a free agent — he therefore obeys it voluntarily or not at all. A s far as he infringes it he suffers. But suffering by no means compels, though it may incline, and induce him to submit. The only freedom o f which he is capable, is the voluntary accordance o f his will with G od’s will. Then obedience is no longer slavery. H e is perfectly free; for the definition o f freedom is the undisputed exercise o f the inclinations; and when the heart loves the right, the will practises it as the very law o f its being, and is as free as though it made the law itself, having no disposition to change it. Y ou observe, then, that freedom, free agency, is the very essence o f M oral and P olitical Freedom. 367 man’s life and soul. A s far as he is compelled, he loses his worth. The whole purpose o f his creation is self-government, in other words, freedom; for this is the only freedom, as we have demonstrated, o f which man is capa ble. A ll laws, then, except the laws o f God, written in the constitution o f our nature, are in themselves offensive and opposed to man’s native li berty. Government is a necessary evil. I f society could exist without government, it were much better, and as far as it can exist without it, it should. That government is best, therefore, which allows the most free dom — that is, which allows man to act most as he pleases. The only apology for any government, as we have said, is this, that in the imperfect and undeveloped state in which we here exist, some restraints upon in dividual liberty are necessary to secure the largest freedom to the great est num ber; for all men have equal rights to freedom, and the weak must combine against the strong and institute laws in order to preserve their own liberties. Still, all along, you observe, that government is an evil because it substitutes force for voluntary obedience, might for right, and takes man out o f the control o f himself to place him under a foreign compulsion orrestraint. W e begto be understood here: we are notarguing against governments or laws, but we represent them as a necessary evil. In one sense, nothing is evil which the condition o f man renders neces sary, that condition being as much ordered by Providence as his existence itself. But whatever grows out o f the weakness, sin, or imperfection o f man, whatever is to be done away with in his progress in wisdom and goodness, is in itself to be called evil, being the attendant upon it, just as the physician is the growth or representative o f disease, and has his calling and existence done away by the prevalence o f health. Now , go vernment in itself being a necessary evil, on account o f its interference with the freedom o f man, upon which freedom his growth and excellence depend, it ought to be allowed only to the smallest possible extent. T o determine what this extent is, has been and continues to be the great problem. This had been much easier o f solution if the object o f society had universally been allowed to be the culture and happiness o f the in dividual ; but, on the contrary, false and mischievous notions have pre vailed in politics, which have quite overlooked man and the sou l; and governments have been constituted with reference to the preservation o f the rights o f particular classes, or for the security o f governors, or for the promotion o f objects subsidiary to the good o f the individual. There has always been an interested party, whose lust o f power has resulted in governments o f altogether unnecessary rigor. Absolute governments are the worst o f all governments, because they make no acknowledgment o f the right o f individuals. Tyrannies deserve reprobation, not so much because they infringe the actual liberty o f individuals, although this is bad enough, as because they strike at the very root o f human dignity, and are directly and flatly at war with the object o f life. It is for this reason that slavery is so much to be condemned and lamented — and all the more for the difficulties which perplex its removal— not that the im mediate happiness o f the slave is so greatly impaired, as that the great right o f his life, the great peculiarity o f humanity, the noblest privi lege o f his being, the inalienable claim o f manhood, is denied him. Take away free-agency and moral responsibility, and you reduce a man to a chattel, a tiling— you steal his soul away. This is the great objec tion to tyranny,that it shows no respectforman,no regard to conscience — 368 M oral and P olitical Freedom. that it destroys self-government— that it thus interferes with G od’s pri mary law in the creation and condition o f humanity. And governments are inimical to the best interests o f man, just as they infringe upon or disregard this principle. They approach perfection precisely as they allow to each man the largest possible self-control, or voluntary conduct, Consistent with the similar rights o f the other members o f society. A society o f thorough Christians would need no government. Each would be a law to himself; and love, which is the fulfilling o f the law, would secure justice to all. Christianity contemplates the final destruction o f governments, except as far as certain regulations, which will give no pow er to rulers, and will execute themselves, may come under this name. The excellence o f a government is to be determined by the effect it has upon the culture and happiness o f individual men. The largest freedom is essential to this, and our own government is to be prized above all others on this very ground. It seems to us that the oversight o f this plain principle is at the bottom o f that distrust which certainly possesses very many lovers o f law and order relative to our institutions. W e are not able to say, neither are we much concerned to know, how the practical action o f our government compares with that o f others upon the order, and peace, and submissiveness o f society. It seems to me to be quite a secondary question, how far it may facilitate commerce, or agriculture, ornourish the arts, or give dignity and importance to the coun try as one among the nations o f the earth. These interests take care o f themselves, and are by no means the highest interests o f man. W e ad vocate the views o f no party, nay know not distinctly what the views o f any party are; but government is not to be measured by such standards. W e strongly suspect, indeed, that free-trade will at some day be found most conducive to the interests o f society, although the practices o f other nations may require us, in self-defence, to adopt for the present other principles. But this is by the way. W hat we would say here is this : that the merits o f our government are not to be measured with certainty by the difficulties which may perplex its operation. F or instance, be cause freedom is sometimes abused with license— because the power o f the people is sometimes injudiciously exercised— because the liberty o f the press is sometimes perverted — because varieties o f opinion in reli gion, politics, and other like subjects, divide and agitate the community — it by no means follows that liberty is to be restrained, or that other forms o f government which prevent these evils are therefore better. They may be, nay, they certainly will be, attended with worse evils. Order, peace, submission, are merely negative. They are far from being the best things. Confusion with freedom is better than order with slavery. The peace o f an absolute government is the peace o f the grave. Its order is the harmony o f machinery. A llow men to be men in the ex ercise o f their individual wills, minds, and consciences, and they must needs dispute, contend, differ. Make them slaves, chattels, and they will be as docile and united as a herd o f sheep, or the spindles o f a factory. Those who abuse or distrust our institutions commonly take narrow views o f the objects o f society, and low views o f man. The ease, dignity, and elegance o f the upper classes o f England is certainly superior to our own. The subserviency, obedience, and handiness o f their domestics, infinitely surpasses any thing o f the kind we enjoy. The fine arts certainly flourish under a wealthy and leisurely nobility— they M oral and Political Freedom. 369 certainly straggle under republican influences. W hat then! Is society designed for the benefit o f a single class, or to promote the elegant ac complishments o f life I N ot so. The activity, and enterprise, and free dom, o f our whole people, is not to be depressed and restrained, that the few who are unwilling to help themselves, may enjoy more ease or ele gance in their domestic establishments. I f government be designed for the benefit o f society as society, without reference to the individual, other forms may possibly be shown to be more desirable than our own ; but on no other ground ; and even on this it would not be difficult to show that in the end, what is most favorable to individual growth must finally redound to the perfection o f society, so that Am erica may hope yet, to produce, in good time, a race o f artists and scholars that will sur' pass any the world has seen. A nd this is not an ebullition o f national vanity, but is based upon great principles. B e it remembered, that our government is the only one on the face o f the earth that in its very outset starts with an acknowledgment o f the great foundation o f all true governments, namely, the welfare o f indi vidual men — their equality, their right to freedom. It should occasion us no pride, but only excite our deep gratitude that our’s was the first Country where the noble experiment o f a government based upon the great law o f humanity was tried. It was by no accident and no human foresight that this trial was made. The progress o f human events com pelled it. The experience o f many centuries had been working out the ideas which are at the bottom o f it. A nd no sooner was a place found on the earth favorable to their foothold, than, by a necessary providence, they planted themselves there. It would seem as if G od had kept this con tinent from the discovery o f the world for ages, that it might not suffer by the experiments o f government then trying elsewhere ; that no tradi tional prejudices, or hereditary predilections, or time-hallowed political errors, might interfere with the establishment o f a government based upon truth and righteousness. N o where else could freedom then have found a safe asylum, much less a wide and generous home, when even now no nation o f the old world is prepared to give her a public welcome, received as she is by stealth by many faithful spirits in all lands. The greatest blessing o f all others in our political institutions, is that they are based upon true principles, by which I mean, principles in ac cordance with the nature and adapted to the progress o f individual man. They are free institutions, because man is by right a freeman, and the more free, the nobler and better. W hen we examine our government, w e are not to look at the evils that attend its operation, as though they belonged necessarily to it. The t e n d e n c v o f the institutions is to be regarded— their principle. A n error in principle is vital— an error in practice is venial. A government based upon false principles must act wrong, and worse and worse continually. A government based on right principles may occasionally err, but it must err less and less, and its very errors touch near a vital part. Thus the acknowledgment o f human equality is a fundamental truth. N o government can possibly answer the true ends o f government without it. But its publication is attended with misconception, vulgar pride, assumption and the idle exer cise o f authority on the part o f the people. But after all, what are these exhibitions o f bad taste, compared with the stupid inferiority and cringVOL. II. — n o . v. 47 370 M oral and P olitical Freedom. ing and broken spirited disposition o f the man in countries where this principle is denied. The freedom o f the press, too, is attended with considerable evils — with abuse o f public men, with political rancor, with constant excite ment ; but what is this, compared with the excellent benefits resulting from the free expression o f opinion, the widest exercise and publica tion o f thought, the dissemination o f truth on political subjects, the se curity which this general espionage over government gives us for its faithful discharge ! W here this freedom is not allowed, government may be less frequently disturbed, public men less abused, and public measures less questioned; but an ignorant and slavish submission to public authority will take the place o f a free and enlightened obedience. B e it observed, too, that while in other governments the necessary pro gress o f man in knowledge and pow er tends to overthrow their order, and introduce constantly more and more difficulty into their councils, so that nothing but more rigor, or else constant concessions to the demand for liberty, will preserve peace. In our own, increased knowledge is just what we ask to perpetuate our institutions. Every day must re move the practical difficulties in their operation. Thus, with our increa sed intelligence, which this very freedom o f the press facilitates, its own action will be regulated, its tone elevated, and its licentiousness fall under the ban o f public opinion, which is the only restraint compatible with freedom. Thus, too, the vaunted power o f the sovereign people— a true principle, however abused — will be exercised with more and more prudence, as the public mind becomes, through the activity and free inquiry which this very principle cherishes, more and more en lightened. It is very frequent for Americans to claim a more general diffusion o f knowledge among them than among any people. This seems to me not to be true. In the common sense o f education, the Scotch, the Ger mans, the Prussians, are far better educated. But what is true, and far more important, because it is to be traced to a principle — education must finally be more general and better here than any where else ; and even without the benefit o f as good schools here as abroad, which, how ever, we need nothing but time and experience to supply, even without school education, it cannot be denied, that there is infinitely more acti vity o f mind, more common sense, more practical ability, among us, than among any people. The public mind is stimulated in these United States to the most extraordinary and unexampled degree. The educa tion received from circumstances, from enterprise, from interest in pub lic affairs, from newspapers, from public responsibility, from the un shackled use o f the faculties, in fine, from the general intercourse o f man with man as an equal— the education which is received here from free dom, the good sense inculcated by our institutions, which lay broad and true ideas at the very bottom o f every citizen’s mind in his early infancy, and open his soul to truth, come from what quarter it may— this is the education, after all, which is most valuable, and which is here universal, taught in the great public school o f national feeling and habit. The ar tificial or school education o f these states is very imperfect, but every day is improving it, and the necessity and demand for it proceeds from the right quarter— from the people themselves. The value o f know ledge is here k n ow n ; those who ask for instruction are always ready M oral and Political Freedom. 371 pupils. The mind o f this people is vastly before their schools. There is thought enough in America to make a great national literature; but as yet we have no true book-makers— no retired students to collect and express it. There is genius enough here to produce great works o f art— but it is properly diverted into works o f great public utility. Our national roads, our rail-ways, our viaducts, our ships, our institu tions are our fine arts— our government is one great architectural struc ture. Men who, born elsewhere, would have been poets, artists, or scholars, are here workers— politicians, statesmen, public orators. The thought o f America expresses itself in action. There is too much to be done, for much to be well said. It is no subject o f regret that we have not a national literature or fine arts. Nothing but a diseased action in the public health could possibly have produced them at this time. A nd i f the public mind receive instruction from other sources, the great ends o f literature and arts are answered; neither having any value except for what they effect in developing and elevating the mind o f the people. The effect o f our institutions and condition is to exercise the faculties o f our people to an immense extent, and this is all that we should ask. T o set people thinking, is the greatest possible service you can render them. T o bring mind into activity is education ; books being a mere accident, and no essential part o f education, and doing for none any thing more than the incompletest portion o f their development. But we must draw these remarks to a rapid and forced termination. The substance o f the view we have taken, may be thus briefly compre hended. W e need to have an intelligent idea o f the real worth o f our institutions and o f freedom. Freedom is desirable in all things; because freedom o f will, o f conduct, o f thought, o f conscience, is the necessary condition o f human progress and the great principle o f human dignity. A free government is invaluable, because it leaves man as much as pos sible in his natural state— leaves him as much as possible to himself— to his self-government, self-control, and self-culture. Our institutions are principally valuable because they let us alone— more to be prized for what-they do not do, than for what they do. Our country flourishes and man improves, because, for the first time, humanity has a fair chance to act itself out. Man walks here without shackles, in no prescribed path, with no sentinels to stop his progress in any direction, or at any pace he may choose to go. Thus, faith in humanity is at the bottom o f our freedom; and it has been proved that the more free you make man, the nobler and the better he is. The more you cast him upon his own re sources— leave him to his conscience— neither support nor cumber his trade, his religion, his literature— but leave them all to struggle for life, the better they thrive. The great distinction and privilege o f an Ameri can is this, that he is permitted to be a man— a self-sustained, self regulating, a free man— the only man— not a subject, a slave, a machine — not in this caste, or that— belonging neither to the second or third estate— neither noble nor gentle, o f lords or commons.— But a man— with a human head and a human heart— a G od above and a conscience within— amid his fellows and equals — to work out his own happiness here and salvation hereafter, as he best can. This is freedom and humanity. G od’s government and man’s government reconciled. D e mocracy is thus theocracy, and conscience, the vicegerent o f God, is placed at the head o f our national institutions. 372 W hat constitutes Currency ? W e should end lamely, did we not point directly again to what we have constantly insinuated; that as the restraints o f civil government are loosened, the bands o f private government are to be lightened— that civil freedom is only safe to those who are in subjection to their own consciences. That nation is freest, after all, which is most in bondage to God. That man is the true freeman, whose will is reconciled to the right— who is not only absolved from the fear o f the law, but from the fear o f the future and its judgments. A few noble spirits have been free under the great est outward tyranny, because their minds could not be fettered; and men may be slaves in Am erica— slaves to public opinion, slaves to vice, slaves to fear, to the devil. Those who sin are the servants o f sin. A law against murder is no restriction upon a man who has no inclination to kill. But all laws, however light, are slavery to those who are lawless and vicious, and the requisition o f G od and conscience are the worst slavery o f all to those who do not become freemen in Christ Jesus, by learning to love the law, and so render their duty, their inclination, their necessity, their preference. The love o f the right and o f G od is thus the secret o f all freedom. It alike frees the slave o f the most absolute tyranny, and binds to the rule o f safety, the citizen o f the laxest freedom. The disciple o f Jesus is free every where— in Turkey or America, on earth and in heaven. A rt. I I I .-C A U S E S OF U N S T E A D IN E S S OF T H E C U R R E N C Y , AND THE R EM E D Y THEREFOR. NUMBER I. W H A T C O N S T IT U T E S C U R R E N C Y t A r e c e n t writer, in treating o f the currency, remarks, that there is no subject in relation to which more erroneous notions prevail. “ The ex pansion o f the currency, the contraction o f the currency, the deprecia tion o f the currency, are,” he continues, “ every-day expressions, and yet very few persons can precisely point out the elements o f which the cur rency is composed.” * Nothing can he more true. T he trade in money has been so universally the subject o f restriction and regulation, and has been so much mystified, that it is generally deemed incomprehensible; the consequence o f which is, that few persons attempt to understand it, al though the most important o f all trades, and the one which it is most desirable should be perfectly understood. W ith the single exception o f the maintenance o f peace, there is no matter o f equal importance with the establishment, and maintenance, o f steadiness in the value o f that commodity which is the measure o f the value o f labor and o f pro perty o f all descriptions. It tends to promote physical, moral, and in tellectual improvement, while unsteadiness and irregularity tend to pro duce physical, moral, and intellectual deterioration* Our readers will, therefore, w e trust, not be indisposed to give a little time to an inquiry into the causes o f unsteadiness that is so uniformly observed to exist, and into the mode o f preventing future changes. Ragueton Currency and Banking.—p. 181. W hat constitutes Currency ? 373 In the early period o f society, trade is carried on almost entirely by barter. The tenant pays his rent in labor, or in produce, and his land lord exchanges that produce for such commodities as are required for his consumption. W ith the increase o f capital, o f population, and o f trade, a medium o f exchange is adopted, and by slow degrees the sys tem o f labor and o f produce rents passes away. The tenant contracts to deliver money to the owner o f the land which he cultivates, and the purchaser o f a commodity delivers money to the owner in exchange for it. From an early period, gold and silver appears to have been used for the purpose o f facilitating exchanges— or as currency; but it is only within a comparatively short period that they have com e into general use in the internal commerce o f any nation. Even now, throughout a large portion o f the continent o f Europe, labor and produce rents are almost universal, barter exists to a vast extent, and money is little used. Nevertheless, among all civilized nations, silver and gold are the stand ards by which all values are compared. That they should have been thus universally adopted, results from the fact that, although dissemina ted throughout a large portion o f the earth, their production requires a larger amount o f labor than is required for an equal quantity o f any other commodity equally susceptible o f being rendered useful to man, and hence they will at all times exchange for more labor, or more o f the pro ducts thereof, than an equal quantity o f any other commodity, with a few unimportant exceptions. G-old is, therefore, said to be more portable than silver, and the latter more so than iron. The same pow er which would be required to move a ton o f silver could equally well move a ton o f iron, and therefore it is not in that sense more portable, but it is so in the fact that the first represents the labor o f forty or fifty thousand days, while the latter represents only that o f fifty or one hundred. Diamonds are still more portable than gold, but they are little used in the arts, and are incapable o f the subdivision required to fit them for use as a general instrument o f exchange. The labor required for their collec tion is great, and they owe to their rarity the estimation in which they are held. The annual consumption o f gold and silver is nearly equal to the annual product, and it tends constantly to increase, whereas o f diamonds there is almost none The owner o f any quantity o f the pre cious metals may feel assured that they will not be less useful fifty or a hundred years hence than they now are, and consequently that the desire to possess them will then be at least as great as it now is, whereas the own er o f diamonds can have no security for the continuance o f that taste which alone induces persons to pay extravagant prices for them. T he great consumption o f gold and silver takes place in those parts o f the world in which population and capital most abound, and where commodities o f the most expensive description are manufactured. There is the best market for them ; and hence there is a constant current from the countries which produce those metals, to those which consume them— from M exico, Peru, Russia, and others — to London and Paris. London is the centre o f capital for the world at large, and to that point is the tendency o f the current greatest; and that tendency, in a natural state o f things, is as constant as is that o f water to the ocean. Fall where it m ay— upon the highest hills or in the lowest valleys— we see water collecting in streams, constantly augmenting in volume, until they 374 W hat constitutes Currency ? finally discharge themselves into the great reservoir. In like manner we observe the small quantities o f silver produced in the various parts o f M exico gradually collecting together and directing themselves towards Vera Cruz, Tampico, or St. Louis, to be there exchanged for commodities required by the producers. Thence they pass off to N ew Orleans, N ew York, and other places, where they serve for a time the purpose o f facilitating exchanges, but at length are transmitted to Europe, to be there used in the manufacture o f the various commodities into the com position o f which they enter. W ith every approach to the great market, there is an increase in their exchangeable value, and thus a pound o f silver will command a larger quantity o f the conveniences and coqiforts o f life in N ew Y ork than at Potosi, and a still larger quantity in Lon don than in N ew York. This difference o f value constitutes the dif ference o f exchange, which, in a natural state o f things, is always in favor o f the gold-consuming countries— those which most abound in capital. Its extent is generally limited to the cost o f the transportation and insurance o f gold or silver. This centripetal tendency o f the precious metals observed throughout the world, prevails in nearly an equal degree between all the smaller centres o f capital, and the districts dependent upon them for supplies. Thus, every part o f the states o f N ew Y ork and Pennsylvania desires to place money in N ew Y ork and Philadelphia, and exchange is conse quently always in favor o f those cities, as in Massachusetts it is in favor o f Boston. They are the large streams through which the water o f the springs and creeks must pass to reach the ocean. W h ile remaining in the form o f coin, or bullion, the precious metals are useful only as instruments for facilitating exchanges, precisely re sembling carts and wagons, which add nothing to the quantity o f com modities produced, yet are highly useful in aiding exchanges between the producers and consumers. The more perfect the means o f trans portation, the smaller will be the amount o f capital employed in vehicles for transporting the products o f labor, and the larger will be the amount o f capital in the form o f ploughs, harrows, and other machinery, by aid o f which the quantity o f commodities is increased In like manner, we should find with every improvement in the facilities o f trade, a constant decrease in the amount o f gold and silver required for the performance o f exchanges, and an equally constant increase in the capital applied to agriculture and manufactures, causing a constant decrease in the propor tion between the medium o f exchange and the amount o f commodities to be exchanged. In the early ages o f society, there is little security for person or pro perty ; men have little confidence in each other, and credit is unknown. W hen exchanges are made, the commodities exchanged are delivered on the instant. The facilities o f transportation are small, and men seek money, because readily hoarded or transported. W ith the increase o f population and capital, men becom e daily more secure in the enjoyment o f the rights o f person and property; there is a constant improvement o f physical and moral condition, and confidence arises. It is no longer deemed necessary that all commodities should be paid for on the instant. Money is no longer hoarded. Its owners desire, on the contrary, to use it in trade, or to lend it to others who will so use it, and will grant them a compensation, in the form o f interest, for the advantage derived from its W hat constitutes Currency 1 375 aid. Shops are opened for the purpose o f trading in money, and those who possess gold or silver coin, or bullion, deposit it with the masters o f those shops for safe keeping. W ith the farther increase o f confidence, men are enabled to adopt labor-saving machines, termed checks or drafts, by which the money deposited to their credit is transferred. Another step in the progress o f confidence, gives us circulating notes, by means o f which money deposited in a bank is transferred from hand to hand with no farther trouble than that attendant upon the delivery o f the note. W e now have a mixed currency, composed o f the precious metals and o f pa per, convertible on demand into coin, a consequence o f the increased con fidence o f man in his follow man, resulting from the steady improvement o f physical and moral condition that acccompanies increase o f wealth and population. W ith every step in this progress, we should find a di minution in the proportion o f currency to production, and thus, that, the total amount o f a mixed currency would bear a smaller proportion to the trade o f the nation by which it was used, than would that o f another na tion whose currency consisted exclusively o f coin. A s every diminution in the proportion which capital employed in transportation bears to the merchandise transported, is an evidence o f improvement in the facilities o f exchange between places, so every diminution in the proportion which currency bears to exchanges, is an evidence o f an improvement in the facilities o f exchange among persons, the best system being that which affords the most perfect facility at the smallest cost. In the advanced state o f society now existing in Great Britain, and in the older states o f the American union, all exchanges are performed by aid o f money; that is, the party desirous to obtain any commodity, stock, house, or land, contracts to deliver in exchange therefor a certain number o f dollars, or pounds. The laborer contracts to exchange a certain quantity o f labor for a certain amount o f money. The landlord demands a certain quantity for the use o f his house, or his land. The shoemaker and the tailor demand dollars in exchange for their shoes or their coats. Every man who desires to change the form in which his capital exists, seeks some one who will contract to deliver money in exchange, and having done so, his next business is to find another who will, in exchange for money, contract to deliver him that commodity, or property, which he desires to possess. In this manner, all capital, as it becomes disengaged, or uninvested, assumes the form o f money, or o f claims for the receipt o f money. The laborer has accumulated a capital equal to the labor o f a week, and he has it in the form o f silver, or in that o f a claim upon his employer, or in that o f a bank n o te ; both o f the latter being convertible upon de mand into coin. B has sold to his neighbor a house, for the price o f which he holds his due bill, payable on demand in coin. C possesses a thousand dollars in silver, the produce o f one hundred barrels o f flour. D has twenty thousand dollars to his credit in bank, the produce o f land that he has so ld ; and E has a similar sum in circulating notes, re ceived in exchange for a bond and mortgage, or for a promissory note discounted for him at a neighboring bank. All these persons have capi tal uninvested, yielding them no return. A ll o f them can convert it into coin if deemed necessary, but so long as the power o f making a draft upon the employer, or a check upon the banker, or as the possession o f bank notes, places them upon the same footing, and gives them the same 376 W hat constitutes Currency 1 power o f purchasing commodities as i f they had the coin in their pockets — so long as capital in any o f those forms passes current as money, none o f them will deem it necessary so to convert it. On the contrary, C will, most probably, place his thousand dollars in a hank, in order to avail himself o f its services to transfer it to his order in such sums, and to such persons as he may desire, thus facilitating his exchanges. In order that capital in any form shall constitute currency, it is indis pensable that it be applicable to the fulfilment o f contracts for the deli very o f money; that is, if not in the form o f coin, it must be convertible thereinto on demand. A bond or note, payable in one, two, or three months, or years, cannot be so applied. Its owner may barter it, as he would a house, or a horse, but it is invested capital, and cannot he used for the purchase o f commodities, or for the payment o f notes, or other debts payable in money. I f he desire so to use it, he must find some one who has uninvested capital, and who is willing to invest it by purchasing his bond, and giving him money in exchange. A bank note, or the check o f an individual, that can be converted on demand, will pass current among fifty or five hundred persons, cancelling as many engagements for the delivery o f money ; but a hank post-note, or a check, that cannot be so converted, will only be received by those who are content to wait, upon being allowed a consideration for the delay and the risk attendant thereupon. It cannot obtain currency. The manufacturer who sells his goods on credit, must either have sufficient uninvested capital to enable him to pay the wages o f his workmen, or he must find some one who has, and who will exchange it with him for the notes he receives from the purchasers o f his goods. Contracts for the delivery o f money, to pass current as money, must be convertible not only at the time, but at the place at which they are held. The attention o f the reader has been drawn to the fact, that the precious metals tend always to the centres o f capital o f the various portions o f the world, and through them to the place o f chief consumption, which is L on d on ; and that there is a tendency to a constant increase in this ex changeable value as they approach that centre. A bill o f exchange drawn on London is therefore more valuable in N ew Y ork than a sum o f money equal in amount thereto ; and so is a bill on N ew Y ork in St. Louis, or a bill on St. Louis in M exico, their possessors having the pow er to claim a certain quantity o f gold or silver, which has paid the expense o f trans portation and insurance, on its way to the great market o f the world. The appearance o f such a bill in N ew York, has the effect o f arresting the efflux o f money to a similar amount, while the influx is not diminish ed, and thus the currency o f N ew Y ork is increased by every transfer o f uninvested capital from London, while every such transfer tends to dimin ish that o f the latter. A bill on N ew Y ork produces no such effect in London, until its owner, having transmitted it to the former, has recei ved money in payment, after the lapse o f one, two, or three months. It sometimes happens that contracts for the delivery o f money pass current in places where, from the natural course o f trade, they would not do so, without special arrangements for that purpose. A ll the bank notes o f Massachusetts pass current in Boston, because the banks through out the state have agreed to redeem them there. W ithout such agree ment, there would be always a discount upon those payable out o f the 377 W hat constitutes Currency ? city, equivalent to the delay and expense attendant upon sending them home for redemption. Claims for the receipt o f money, whether in the form o f bank credits or deposits— the notes o f banks or o f individuals— or o f bills o f ex change— can be current, and can act as currency, only when their owners have the poiver to apply them at the time and place to the discharge o f all engagements for the delivery o f money. T o constitute currency it is, however, essential, that in addition to the power, there should be t h e w il l to use, or to make currrent, capital e x isting in the several forms above described. G old buried in the earth, or deposited in strongboxes, is not currency. Its owner wants the will to use it. W henever there is an increase in the tendency thus to hoard the precious metals, the currency is dimin ished and prices fall. W henever there is a diminution o f that tendency, the currency increases and prices rise. G old or silverretained in the vaults o f banks to meettlieir engagements, is not currency. I f the holders exchange it with those who possess their notes, or have other claims upon them, it is merely a change o f the form in which the currency exists; but i f they lend it out without can celling their existing liabilities, it then constitutes an addition to the amount o f currency. Circulating notes, or certificates o f deposit, the owner o f which wants the will to use them, cease to be currency. Thus, let us suppose the amount on one day as follow s: Circulation, specie and notes . . . $5,000,000 Deposits, . . . . . . 10,000,000 $15,000,000 and that the owners thereof are all desirous o f investing it in the pur chase o f commodities, stocks, houses, &c., but that the m orrow brings with it news that war is likely to take place. This intelligence pro duces doubt as to the stability o f the existing state o f things, and the owners o f capital lose the desire o f making investments. The currency is reduced by this change o f will, and now stands thus: Circulation, . . . . . . $5,000,000 Deposites, the owners o f which require to use them for the performance o f existing engage ments, . . . . . . . 5,000,000 Total currency, . . . . $10,000,000 The remaining five millions are not current— they have ceased to have any influence upon the prices o f commodities or stocks, all o f which fall, because money has suddenly become scarce, although the apparent amount o f the currency is unaltered. I f doubt and uncertainty continue to increase, every person who has a claim for money desires to have it paid, and there is a constant diminu tion in the will to re-invest it. The consequence is a continued fall o f prices. The necessity for circulation diminishes with the diminished prices o f commodities and the diminished pow er to purchase them, and it gradually assumes the form o f deposits in bank, or in the coffers o f v o l . ii.— n o . v. 48 378 W hat constitutes Currency ? individuals. In this state o f things, the parties with whom these depo sits are made are not unfrequently, in order to prevent universal bank ruptcy, obliged to assume the responsibility o f loaning out the capital placed with them, and thus is produced the phenomenon o f an increase o f the apparent amount o f currency, with a vast reduction o f prices. W e now find — Circulation, $4,000,000 Deposits, 13,000,000 $17,000,000 But the owners o f eight or ten millions o f these deposits have not the will to use them. The institutions with which they are lodged now owe two millions more than at the first period, and their loans have increased two millions. They are more expanded, yet money is said to be scarce, and prices are reduced one third, or perhaps one half. W hat is now wanting is, that the owners o f capital should acquire the feeling o f con fidence that is necessary to produce a desire to convert their claims for m oney into commodities or securities, and thus to invest their capital. The moment that feeling arises, the debtors to the hanks are enabled to part with the property they hold, and the same operation cancels at once the liabilities o f the banks and their claims upon the community. The apparent amount o f currency is reduced, and prices rise. The real amount is increased, because the owners o f capital have acquired the desire to invest it. E very one familiar with the operations o f trade, must have been struck with the fact, that prices are frequently much lower when the liabilities o f banks, in the form o f circulation and deposits, are large, than when they are moderate in amount. A fter months o f severe pressure, during which it is supposed that those institutions have been steadily reducing their loans, it is found upon inquiiy that they are more expanded than ever, the simple reason o f which is, that individuals, alarmed at the pros pect o f a reduction o f prices, or the approach o f war, withdraw their capital from employment, placing it in the banks on deposit, thus increa sing the apparent currency, and the banks are compelled to lend out a part o f the capital thus deposited, to prevent the ruin o f those who have engagements to meet. A deposit in the bank o f England, to the credit o f a person residing in N ew Y ork, is not currency in the latter; but i f he grants his order for the delivery o f it, it becomes so, as those to whom it is granted can use it in discharge o f debts payable in London. H e receives the money that would have been transmitted, had he not made the draft. I f he wills to apply it to the purchase o f stocks or commodities, its character o f currency continues, but i f he deposits it in a strong box it ceases to be so. The proprietors o f uninvested capital retain it in the form o f coin, or bullion, or deposit it with individuals, or associations, to be transferred by means o f circulating notes, checks, or drafts. The total amount thus held may be applied to the purchase o f real estate, stocks, or commodi ties— may become current— if the owners will it, or they may hoard their gold, and let their deposits lie idle and unproductive to them, i f they want the will to invest it. In the one case, it constitutes currency; in the other, it does not. Currency is capital seeking investment. R ate o f Interest— Usury. 379 This definition is more comprehensive than that usually given, which embraces only bank notes and specie, and some o f our readers may be inclined to doubt its correctness, but a little reflection will, we think, sa tisfy them o f it. The man who transfers $1,000 by a draft on a neigh boring merchant, or broker, or by a check upon a bank, does so as com pletely as if he had delivered that amount in gold, or in bank notes. I f the person drawn upon does not possess that quantity o f uninvested capi tal, he must dispose o f a portion o f his invested capital to those who can give him money to meet the draft. H e must deliver that amount in such form as will enable the receiver to fulfil any contracts for the delivery o f money. , E very increase in the amount o f capital thus seeking investment, tends to produce a depreciation o f the currency, by raising the prices o f com modities. The term depreciated currency is, however, more commonly applied to those promises to deliver money which are in current use, and yet are not redeemed on presentation. M oney may thus be depreciated in reference to stocks, houses, and commodities, and bank notes and credits may be depreciated as regards money. In our next we will endeavor to show what are the causes which tend to produce variations in the amount o f currency. A rt. I V .— R A T E OF I N T E R E S T — U S U R Y . T h e House o f Representatives o f the Commonwealth o f Massachu setts, during its present session, passed an order that a select committee o f five be appointed to consider the expediency o f modifying or re pealing all laws regulating the rate o f interest, except so far as may be necessary to establish a legal rate in cases where there is no rate speci fied. A nd that said committee also inquire into the expediency o f pro viding by law, that a rate o f interest greater than six per cent, shall in no case be taken, and that a violation o f such law shall be considered a penal offence, and be punished by fine and imprisonment. The reports o f the majority and minority o f that committee have been transmitted to us, b y thejpoliteness o f the Hon. John P . Bigelow , Secretary o f State. It is not possible to insert them at length in this number o f our magazine; we have endeavored to present, by liberal extracts from their pages, a fair view o f both arguments. The report o f the majority quotes the broad principle laid down by a distinguished writer, “ that no man o f ripe years and sound mind, acting freely, with his eyes open, ought to be hindered, with a view to his own interest, from making such bargain in the way o f obtaining money as he sees fit. N or should any body be hindered from supplying him upon any terms he thinks proper to accede to.” This principle the majority report affirms to be manifestly correct; an opinion which we consider to be sound and true. “ The principal reasons,” says the majority report, “ in favor o f a legal regulation o f the rate o f interest, are two. First, that money possesses an attribute which is possessed by no other commodity, and which is given to it by law, namely,— it is the measure o f value. Second, some regulation is necessary to protect the needy borrower from the rapacity 380 R ate o f Interest— Usury. o f greedy usurers, who would take advantage o f his necessities i f the law did not protect him. A slight examination o f these reasons may he useful in this inquiry. “ D oes money, then, possess any attribute not possessed by other com modities'? “ M oney is found in the early stages o f civilized society. The precious metals appear to have been adopted as a measure o f value, by all na tions, on account o f their being better adapted to the desired purpose than any thing else. In the exchanges o f property, to which a civilized state o f society gives rise, it early becomes necessary to find some com modity which would answer as a measure o f value in effecting these ex changes. For, as the seller o f one article might not be able to obtain, from the person to whom he was selling, other articles necessary for his use, but be obliged to procure them from a third person, it would be necessary for him to take some article in payment which would be re ceived by such third person, or i f he must deal with several persons, an article which would be received by any or all o f them. The precious metals are well adapted to this purpose. T hey are so valuable for many purposes, as to be desired by every body. T hey are not destructible. T hey are easily transported from place to place. They are divisible in to minute parts, so as to be equally useful in the smallest and largest ex changes. F or these and other reasons, they appear to have been adopt ed by general consent. A nd inasmuch as they were easily adulterated, and it was not always convenient to ascertain their weight, it was found necessary for governments to cut them to pieces o f a given weight, and affix a stamp certifying that these pieces were o f such weight and o f a given fineness, which stamps were originally a mere mark upon the in got, but changed by degrees to a stamp upon the sides and edges o f the coin.” “ N ow the gold and silver in its uncoined state, is an article o f mer chandise in the eye o f the law, and is bought or sold in the market at a price higher or lower, according to the relative proportion o f the supply to the demand. Does, then, the stamp o f the government change its character? That stamp is merely a certificate that the piece is o f a cer tain weight and fineness.” * * * * “ It is not perceived that the coining imparts any value to the metal, or clothes it with any special attribute.” . “ Gold and silver, therefore, would seem, not only as bullion, but as coin, to take their value in the market according to the proportion that the supply o f them bears to the supply o f other things.” * * “ I f we suppose a state o f things when money is worth six per cent, interest, and the profits o f business will enable a borrower to pay that rate, and leave him also a fair remuneration for his time and skill; and then suppose another state o f things, when, owing to an unfavorable balance o f trade, or a famine, which makes it necessary to export the specie in the country to pay for bread, or to any other cause, the supply o f money is reduced one half. Prices have fallen. The same amount o f money will command twice the value o f other articles which it would before, or twice the quantity o f real estate. The value o f money has doubled, — and doubled in obedience to laws that no legislature can control. But the law forbids the taking o f greater rate than it allowed before, and thus inflicts an injury, it may be, on all parties. There is a R ate o f Interest— Usury. 381 demand for money from debtors to pay existing debts. The obstacle thrown in the way o f borrowing it at such rate as it is worth, compels them to throw property into market, and sacrifice it at a half or a third o f its value, when the scarcity o f money may be owing to temporary causes, and a loan for a short time, at a small sacrifice in the way o f in terest, might have saved a much greater loss. There is also a demand from persons who wish to purchase property at the current low rates. These are prevented from giving what they think it for their interest to give, and from thus creating a competition for property that would prevent^that ruinous sacrifice which must be made in many cases. And if any person loans money at the legal rate, in this state o f things, and re ceives payment when the currency has been restored to its former rela tive value, he can only receive half as much as he lent. H e receives the same nominally, but it will command but half as much o f any descrip tion o f property as it would command when the loan was made.” “ Regulation o f the rate o f interest has been thought to be necessary by many, because, were not a rate fixed by law, borrowers would be sub je c t to the extortions o f usurers, and needy men, in particular, would be at the mercy o f avaricious capitalists. It is,however, the opinion o f many, and that opinion is becoming more and more prevalent, that these re strictions not only do not benefit borrowers, but are an actual injury to them. F or in loaning money at a rate o f interest above that which is allowed by law, the first step is to break the law and becom e liable to its penalty. The lender takes this risk into the account, and charges a pre mium for assuming it, which the borrower must pay. Parties also dis like to be known in evading the law, and are thus led to act through brokers ; and it is frequently remarked among men o f business, that usurers will ask and obtain through brokers prices for money which they would not think o f asking if they acted openly for themselves. These expenses are all to be borne by the borrower, in addition to the bro kerage, and are all to be traced to the operation o f the law.” # # * # # “ It is a matter too notorious to be denied, that notwithstanding the restraints o f law, money takes its market value. It is quoted in the newspapers d aily; and it must be apparent, that such is the state o f pub lic opinion, that an enforcement o f these restrictions is an impossiblity which the law cannot achieve. Now , where any law is openly and uni versally disregarded, it is a serious question whether it should be per mitted to remain on the statute book. Public opinion is o f superior au thority to legislative enactment. Legislation in opposition to it is worse than useless. N ot only does the law at variance with public sentiment becom e a dead letter, but the non-observance o f it tends to engender a disposition on the part o f individuals to disregard law whenever it may be for their interest or convenience to do so. “ There is another consideration which deserves attention. The ten dency o f the laws regulating the interest o f money, and fixing a maxi mum rate which may be taken, is to favor monopoly, and in a remote degree, if not directly, promote those convulsions in the business com munity, with which in this country we seem destined to be periodically afflicted. The law fixes the maximum rate at six per cent. Immense sums are to be loaned by institutions which are under the eye o f the au thorities, and cannot take any greater rate. Large amounts are also H ate o f Interest— Usury. 382 loaned by individuals, who from conscientious scruples, or perhaps some fear o f the law, feel confined to that rate. Circumstances occur which raise the market value o f money above six per cent. A s money is in de mand, those who have it to loan receive many applications for it. The law has fixed the rate o f six per cent, as the highest that may be taken. The lender having this fixed in his mind, only considers which applicant offers the best security. A s men are apt to be captivated by great names, the probability is, that the money will be loaned to overgrown houses o f high credit, or corporations o f large nominal capital, and turn ed away from the hands o f the industrious and enterprising part o f the community, who are driven to usurers to borrow at a greater rate, with out the benefit o f that competition which would exist among lenders were there not a law which prevents these lenders from coming into open market. It is remarkable that, in the crisis o f 1837, those houses that were most extensively engaged in business, and supposed to be the most substantial, were among the first to yield to the pressure. And it is not improbable, that the tendency o f the laws to turn the current o f floating capital into the hands o f parties o f high reputation for wealth, was the primary cause o f their too great extension and final failure.” The majority o f the committee entertaining these views, were o f opinion, that it was desirable to expunge from the statutes o f the state the laws relating to usury, as among those unproductive o f good, and which were practically disregarded. But they suggest reasons why an entire repeal o f those laws would not now be expedient; they think, however, “ that the way might be seen clear, to take one step towards the repeal o f laws, which can be looked upon only as relics o f ancient ignorance and prejudice, leaving it to succeeding legislatures to act far ther in the matter, as the public good may require.” They therefore reported a bill, that no person should thereafter be liable to certain portions o f existing laws, for taking, upon any loan o f money made after the enactment o f the bill, a greater rate o f interest than six per cent., when such greater interest shall not have been taken for a time longer than six months. Provided, however, that corporations or banks are not to demand or receive, in any way, any greater rate o f interest or discount than such corporations are now allowed to take by law. The report o f the minority, the author o f which stood “ solitary and alone,” is written with ability, and its style and argument are creditable to the dissentient member. W e have already devoted so much space to this subject, that we feel obliged to condense the argument o f the mi nority report into as brief space as possible. The author commences with the remark, that the “ experience o f all nations and ages has found it necessary to protect the great mass o f the community from the avarice and extortions o f money dealers and usurers. And this common expe rience and practice o f mankind is certainly one argument in favor o f such law s;” referring to the laws regulating the rate o f interest. * * * # “ There is no more money in the world to be let at one rate o f in terest than another. The usurer does not make the money that he lets, it is created by government, and ought not to be increased or diminish ed, and the alternations o f scarcity and plenty produced by usurers, is a crime deserving o f the severest punishment. The reason for leaving the price o f every thing else to take care o f itself, instead o f being an R ate o f Interest— Usury. 3S3 argument in favor o f leaving the interest o f money to take care o f itself, is the strongest reason against it. W hen the price o f any thing rises, it stimulates a greater production, and the supply is made to meet the demand. But when, on the other hand, the price o f money rises, as it cannot stimulate the government to make more money, every person uses it more sparingly, and consequently prices fall, when, i f the mea sure o f value had not been tampered with by usurers, prices should have risen or remained stationary. M oney is designed to point out to the community the scarcity and plenty o f every thing else. But how can it do this, i f money itself is liable to the alternations o f scarcity and plenty 1” * * * * “ M oney is not like any thing else in the world. It can hardly be said to he a consumable article. It is so durable, that a large part o f the gold and silver in use before the Christian era, is still supposed to be in ex istence ; and the productiveness o f the mines but barely serves to keep up in the world the wear and tear o f these very indestructible materials; the amountinuse, therefore, must always remain about the same, and none o f the reasons for the rise and fall o f the prices o f any thing else, can he applicable to money.” “ It is often contended, however, that the price paid for the use o f money is no more susceptible o f legal regulations than the rent o f houses, the price o f goods, or the wages o f labor. But the interest o f money is not analogous to any o f these things, unless there is a kind o f analogy between interest and rents. But, then, rents o f all kinds de pend, in a great degree, upon the interest allowed on money. I f the in terest on money were twelve per cent, instead o f six, the rents o f houses and lands would o f course be doubled. N o man could afford to make improvements, or undertake any kind o f business, that would not pay the interest on the capital invested. So if interest were reduced, every one must see that rents, dividends, and profits, would also he reduced. H ow absurd then, it is, to compare the laws against usury with a law fixing the rents o f houses and lands, when it is evident, that this very law against usury does, in fact, fix the rate o f rents in the most effectual way it can be done.” * * * * “ W e are often told that both the borrower and the lender desire the repeal Qf the usury laws, that it is for the interest o f the borrower to hire money as cheap as possible, and o f the loaner to get as much as he can for the use o f his money, and the whole matter can be safely left with them. There is more plausibility than truth in these assertions. F or it is obvious, upon a little reflection, that the interest o f the borrower and that o f the lender is not, upon the whole, adverse to each other. It is for the benefit o f the borrowers as a class, to have the rate o f interest h ig h ; because a high rate o f interest enables more men to give up business and live upon the interest o f their capital, and consequently leave more business to be done by the borrowers o f money. The lower the rate o f interest, the more business requiring the investment o f large capital would have to be done by the real owners o f wealth. It is there fore for the benefit o f the borrowers, as a class, to have the rate o f interest high enough to bribe the capitalist to lie still, and suffer the borrowers to he the conductors o f most o f the speculating, mercantile, and manu facturing business o f the community, although in this way the people are 384 R ate o f Interest— Usury. obliged to support two sets o f men, instead o f one, in these employments. There is no reason why the borrowers, as a class, should desire to have the rate o f interest low. The borrower does not pay the interest on the money he borrows, any more than the auctioneer pays the auction tax, or the merchant the duties. The borrower, the auctioneer, and the mer chant, know that these are each a method o f indirect taxation; that the interest, the auction tax, and the duties, are all to be repaid to them with jirofits by the consumer. It is the consumer, then, and not the borrower, the auctioneer, and the merchant, that has an interest to have all these different contrivances o f indirect taxation reduced down to the lowest rate consistent with the general good. “ The experiment o f repealing the laws against usury has been tried in almost every country, and found to be pernicious. The rate o f inte rest was formerly fixed in England at ten per cent. This law was re pealed in the sixteenth century, and for nineteen years the interest on money had no legal limit. Lord Burleigh, in the reign o f Elizabeth, re stored the law, giving the following reasons: ‘ that the repeal o f the sta tute against usury, had not been attended with the hoped for effects, but that the high price for money, on usury, had more and more abounded, to the undoing o f many persons, and to the hurt o f the realm.’ In 1685, the rate o f interest was reduced to eight per cent. A nd Sir Thomas Culpep per, a writer o f great knowledge, in speaking o f the good effects o f this reduction o f the rate o f interest, writes thus a few years afterwards : ‘ This good success doth call upon us not to rest here, but that we bring the use o f money to a lower rate, which now I suppose will find no op position— for all opposition, which before the statute was made against it, is now answered by the success.’ Oliver Cromwell reduced the rate o f interest from eight to six per cent., and the reduction was confirmed after the restoration, on the following grounds: ‘ F or as much as the abatement o f interest from ten in the hundred in former times, hath been found by notable exjserience, beneficial to the advancement o f trade, and improvement o f land by good husbandry, with many other considerable advantages to the nation, and whereas in fresh and recent memory, the like fall from eight to six per cent., hath found the like success to the general contentment o f the nation, as is visible by several improvements, & c.’ A il the writers o f those times seem to agree in the descriptions o f the benefits conferred upon the nation, b y the several laws reducing the rate o f interest. Finally, in 1714, the rate o f interest was reduced to five per cent., upon the ground, ‘ that the reducing the rate o f interest to ten, and from thence to eight, and from thence to six in the hundred, hath from time to time been found beneficial to the advancement o f trade and the improvement o f lands, &c.’ It should, besides, be remembered, that the repeal o f the usury laws in the state o f Alabama, was attended with such a rise in the price o f money, and other ruinous consequences, that they were re-enacted in less than one year after they were re pealed. “ But it is often said, that the laws against usury are not enforced, that the price o f money is promulgated every day in the public papers, and that it is sometimes two or three per cent, a month, and that laws which are not enforced had better be repealed. But the evil consists in this, that the penalty against usury has been repealed, while the law against usury exists on the statute books. There was no complaint o f the non- 4 Rate o f Interest— Usury. 385 enforcement o f the law, while the penalty for taking excessive usury was a forfeiture o f principal and interest. W h o would dare to let money to another, at unlawful interest, when he knew that the law made the bor rower a competent witness to convict him o f usury 1 But the chance o f losing the interest, or treble the interest, is not enough to restrain any body that has a mind to do so, from taking excessive usury. But let the former penalties be restored, and we shall never again hear o f money shaving, at two or three per cent, a month.” Such being the opinions o f the author o f the minority report, he ap pended to it a bill to restrain excessive usury; which provides, that every contract for the payment o f a greater rate o f interest than six per cent, should be void, and that, i f an action be brought on such a contract, the defendant should recover full costs, and the plaintiff’ forfeit both princi pal and interest. That whenever a greater rate o f interest than six per cent, shall have been paid, with or without the principal or any part o f it, the parties paying may recover back all he had paid, both o f princi pal and interest, i f process be commenced within two years from the time when the last payment was made. That any person who directly or indirectly shall receive any greater interest than six per cent., shall be deemed guilty o f a misdemeanor, and liable to a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, or imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both. The reports have not been acted upon by the house, so far as our knowledge extends. W hen they come up for consideration, they will unquestionably elicit a most interesting discussion, which may prove o f great importance and value to those in other states, whose attention has been directed to a matter o f such universal concern, as the laws relating to the rate o f interest upon loans, and punishment o f usury. Public opinion appears to be in favor o f a repeal or modification o f the usury laws throughout the country. The citizens o f Philadelphia have recently petitioned the legislature o f Pennsylvania, for a repeal o f the law in relation to promissory notes and acceptances having not more than six months to run. The memorialists refer to the beneficial effects which have been experienced in England, during the late severe money crisis, from the adoption o f a similar measure, as regards paper having twelve months to run. A pamphlet published in London, in January last, entitled, “ Remarks on the management o f the circulation, and on the condition and conduct o f the Bank o f England, and o f the country issuers during the year 1839, by Samuel Jones Lloyd,” fully corroborates this assertion. Mr. Lloyd is an eminent banker, and is favorably known as the author o f several publications on currency and banking, and his testimony is therefore valuable, as founded both upon practice and theory. W e give an extract or two from Mr. L loyd’s pamphlet. A t page 54, he says: “ W ith a view o f strengthening the hands o f the bank, (o f England,) and enabling it to check the otherwise irresistible demands for increased issues upon discount, the usury laws, so far as they affected the rate o f interest charged upon discount o f bills, have been repealed, and great benefit has arisen from this measure. It is difficult to say to what ex tremity the hank would have been reduced at the present moment without this protecting power. “ The partial repeal o f these laws, has been o f incalculable advantage VOL. II. — n o . v. 49 The Opium Trade— England and China. 386 to the commercial community, b y securing the free circulation o f capital, and the power, hy the inducement o f higher interest, o f determining the application o f it to those quarters in which the demand for it may he most intense. This is the true source from which public and private credit in periods o f emergency ought to be sought, and from which it will he obtained, more legitimate in its character and more effectual in its purpose, than that which is derived from an improper tampering with the circulation. O f this, recent circumstances have afforded a striking illustration.” The author then refers to the case o f the agency o f the hank o f the United States, which was enabled to negotiate a large loan, in conse quence o f this modification o f the usury laws, and proceeds thus : “ The inducement offered in the case to which we have alluded, was great; because it required a strong temptation to induce capitalists to di rect their resources to that quarter, whilst the object to he gained was worth a high price. Had the same rate o f interest been charged to a small dealer in a transaction o f limited extent, we should have heard much o f the harshness, extortion, and injustice perpetrated under a re peal o f the usury laws. This example, however, as well as general reasoning, may teach us to recognise the policy, as well as the justice, o f leaving every man free to judge o f his own interests, and to decide for himself the price which it may he worth his while to pay for obtaining a certain advantage, or for protection against an apprehended danger. The unexampled firmness, with which the pressure under which the trading world is still suffering, has hitherto been supported, is probably attributable to a combination o f causes; hut there can be no doubt that the fr e e circulation o f capital, resulting fro m the modified repeal o f the laws by which it was restrained, has materially contributed to this result. Happily in this case, as in m'ost others in commercial affairs, where there is free competition, the interests o f the community and that o f the individual are never at variance.” A rt. V . — T H E O P IU M T R A D E — E N G L A N D A N D C H IN A . T he belligerent attitude recently assumed by England towards China, has produced, and is still creating, consequences which must ere long end in the entire suspension, i f not utter annihilation, o f our valuable Chinese trade. In either case, the most ruinous results will fall heavily upon the interests o f our wealthy and enterprising merchants, many o f whom are largely engaged in it, and who are free from the slightest sus picion o f having trafficked in the interdicted drug— a practice held in such abomination by the Chinese emperor. A s the opium traffic to China, from the time o f its commencement until the enactment o f the bloody drama lately produced by it in that country, has throughout combined to call into existence the measures by which our commerce is likely to suffer permanent and irreparable injury, its history, and the effect it has produced upon the inhabitants, and inci dentally upon the government o f China, must be known and apprecia I The Opium Trade— England and China. 387 ted, before the great causes which have influenced the emperor to adopt a strict, perhaps severe course o f policy, for its suppression, can he fully understood. It is now more than seventy years since, that Colonel Watson, then an officer in the service o f the East India Company, first proposed to take advantage o f the taste manifested by the Chinese for opium, by shipping it from British India to support the revenue o f the company. N o considerations o f morality or religion were urged against this novel, and, to Christian men, somewhat startling expedient, which was at once adopted by the council, and measures taken for carrying it into imme diate effect. Before this period, the amount consumed by the Chinese did not ex ceed two hundred chests annually. This was admitted by their emperor'upon the payment o f a slight duty, entirely on account o f its medi cinal qualities, and wholly ignorant o f the baleful influences produced by it, when habitually used as a stimulant. In 1767, the number o f chests had increased to one thousand, at which annual rate it continued for several years affer. The East India Company were, during this period, in the full and profitable enjoyment o f the trading monopoly o f half the eastern w o rld ; and the cultivation o f opium within their territory, and its importation, was insignificant, when compared with other vast interests, from which their revenue was derived. And this affords an explanation o f the in difference manifested by them towards increasing this traffic, when the income derivable from it was so little necessary to their prosperity, and at the same time fully accounts for its immense increase, after their com mercial and trading franchises were thrown open to all British subjects, and freely shared by individual competition.. In 1781, larger adventures were made in opium for the Chinese mar ket, and immense profits were realized from its sale. As a natural con sequence, the trade was continued upon a scale o f increased magnitude, and during the same year, the Bengal government freighted an armed vessel with it, the proceeds o f which were paid into the treasury o f the company at Canton. Three years afterwards, another ship, containing a still greater quantity than any that had preceded it, was sent to China from British India, throughout the territories o f which it was annually cultivated. This extensive introduction o f the drug among the Chinese, and the intemperate use which they made o f it, gradually injured a great portion o f them ; and instances o f its destroying the physical and intellectual energies, and finally the lives o f its votaries, were alarmingly frequent. T o those unacquainted with the destructive consequences resulting from the continued use o f opium, the recital would be sufficient to fill their imaginations with the most frightful images o f human suffering. The habit, slowly yet surely, coils itself around the miserable victim, until he is chained in the half-clutched grasp o f death; and when once he becomes enslaved by it, his doom is sealed, and no hope on earth is left for him. T o resist the destroyer is beyond his strength ; and we have the testimony o f eminent medical men, men o f experience too, that direful consequences, and even death, would often result from sudden and total abstinence. Like alcohol, opium, in the mind o f its new votary, creates bright and 388 The Opium Trade— England and China. pleasing visions, although its effect is much more powerful. "When ta ken by those whose constitutions and intellects are unimpaired, all ob jects appear clothed in a gorgeous and heavenly light. The most bright and glorious imaginings are conjured up by its influence, and their fan cies are bound in the glittering spell o f a mighty enchantress. But when it has brought upon the wretched victim disease o f mind and con stitution, the effect produced by the drug is fearfully changed. Instead o f creating pleasurable sensations, the imagination clothes surrounding objects in all the frightful horrors o f hell. Every gloomy thing which a distempered vision can create haunts the mind, peopling it with dreary and revolting imagery. Sleep no longer furnishes repose, for it brings with it the most unearthly and frightful dreams; and a state o f mental misery, too dreadful to be borne, inflicts its daily and nightly curse. But the effects o f the poison do not stop with intellectual destruction. W hile under its influence, the gestures o f the victim are frightful; the eyes have an unnatural brilliancy, and the expression o f his countenance is fearfully wild. The physical debility which results from the excitement is awful. The appetite is sobn destroyed, every fibre in the body trembles, the nerves o f the neck become affected, the muscles get rigid, the diges tive organs are rapidly impaired, the frame becomes emaciated, the me mory speedily fails, and he becomes prematurely old, until at length his very existence is a deep, a dreadful punishment; and after offering up to the revengeful god which his appetite has created, the powers o f his intellect, the health and energies o f his body, and the last gleam o f his moral perceptions, death casts around him her dark shroud, and he is re moved from the scene o f his mortal sufferings. The destructive effects we have described, in a short time after the increased introduction o f opium into the Chinese empire, developed themselves among the inhabitants with alarming rapidity. From a few isolated cases o f disease, suffering, and death, the number swelled to thousands, until 1796, its baleful influences had become a na tional curse. W hole communities were infected by the poison, and health, happiness, fortune, and life, were cut off by the destroyer. The Emperor o f China saw the rapid strides o f the deadly agent, which he had suffered to enter his dominions while clothed in its original garb o f a simple and useful medicine, and wondered that it could so soon have become transformed into the fell murderer o f his subjects, and trembled as he looked upon the vast amount o f human suffering and death which its votaries had already heaped around this altar o f their mad idolatry. H e saw them sacrifice to its worship, their families, their friends, their future hopes and jo y s ; and traced to its demoralizing source, the powerful elements that would, unless annihilated, number the days o f a dynasty whose years were told by tens o f centuries. Detesting the considerations that could urge an increase o f revenue by permitting the longer introduction o f a drug so deleterious in its conse quences, the emperor created, and caused the promulgation o f a law, by which, in 1796, its importation was wholly interdicted, and those found guilty o f smoking it were pilloried and bambooed, and the venders and smugglers made liable to the severer penalties o f banishment and death. A s no treaty existed with any foreign power by which its introduction into his dominions was guarantied or sanctioned, his right to interdict it The Opium Trade— England and China. 389 was deal', absolute, and unlimited ; and in prohibiting its traffic under the penalties we have mentioned, he committed no infringement o f the commercial rights o f other nations ; and the subjects o f Great Britain, although deeply interested in its continuance, were entirely destitute o f the slightest foundation for complaint. This law, although universally known by all foreign merchants,'was openly disregarded, and opium, in defiance o f its mandates, was still sold to the infatuated Chinese in increased quantities, and at higher prices than before. The supineness and utter inefficiency o f the Canton authorities to enforce it, permitted its violation with impunity by the .English, through whom nine tenths o f the drug was introduced, while all attempts to punish the native vender were rendered abortive, by the refusal o f the wretched consumer, even under torture, to divulge his name. In a short time, bribery and corruption were resorted to for the purpose o f silencing the subordinate officers employed by the empe ror, that the introduction o f the drug might be continued with greater safety; and the destructive appetite engendered by its use, and the pro hibitions existing against it having greatly advanced its price, the impor tation from British India continued to increase, and its dreadful influ ence upon the Chinese progressed with startling rapidity. Again and again, did the emperor o f that nation send forth his stern and strict de crees against the deadly traffic; but they were unheeded by those upon whom it was showering the wealth o f princes, and unheard by the wretched beings to whom the knell o f its discontinuance would have sounded with more solemn dread than the warning voice o f their own immediate de struction. The East India Company, by whose merchants most o f it had been imported, and throughout whose dominions its cultivation was rapidly increasing, at length became fearful that if they continued openly to deal in it, their other trade to China, which was o f much greater impor tance, would be injured, and their servants were commanded not to im port it in the ships o f the company, under pain o f being dismissed from their service. I f this prohibition had proceeded from the desire to cause a discon tinuance o f the iniquitous traffic in which they had been engaged, their motives would have been worthy o f an enlightened, a humane, and Christian age ; but as the end will show, their object was widely differ ent. Notwithstanding their refusal to employ their own vessels for its continuation, a monopoly was created, by which more than half the opium raised in British India was cultivated under their direction, and for their benefit, expressly for the Chinese market; which, after being sold in Calcutta to private individuals at an immense profit, was shipped to Canton, its original place o f destination. As the situation o f England with reference to the opium traffic cannot be thoroughly understood, and the principles upon which she has acted, and will continue to act, in her relations with China, appreciated, without an acquaintance with the nature and extent o f interest which her govern ment and East Indian subjects possess in its continuance, it becomes necessary to bestow upon these a brief examination. Previous to the 10th o f April, 1814, the East India Company enjoyed the rich mono poly o f the entire eastern trade; and the extent and variety o f their commercial transactions and interests, prevented them from paying much 390 The Opium Trade— England and China. regard to the cultivation o f opium within their territories, and as we have before remarked, furnished the entire cause o f forbidding its transpor tation. Since that period the trade has been opened to all English sub jects, and private competition soon triumphed over its unwieldy rivals. A s the revenue derived from their commerce decreased, it became ne cessary to resort to some means by which the deficiency could be sup plied, and as the officers o f that company have never been remarkable for morality or conscientious scruples wdien their interests chanced to weigh in the opposite balance, the extended cultivation and sale o f opium within their dominions, intended for the Chinese market, was de termined upon. The regulations by which this has been accomplished, and the tyrannical means through which they have been enforced, are characteristic o f the colonial policy which Great Britain has ever pur sued, and which is productive o f more horrors to the miserable men over whom it is exercised, than has ever fallen to the lot o f those whom modern slavery openly and avowedly chains. The extent o f territory occupied by the poppy in India, and the amount o f capital, and number o f inhabitants, engaged in the preparation o f opium, are much greater than in any other part o f the world. The provinces o f Malwa, Benares, and Patna, furnish the principal quantity, and almost every chest o f the drug exported from India bears one o f their names. Although the chiefs o f the former province are subject to British con trol, yet its soil is not under the management o f the company, but they derive no inconsiderable sum from the transit duties levied upon the opium raised within it, as it passes through their territory, on its way to Bombay or Calcutta, where it is sold, principally to British merchants. But in the latter provinces, the company have for many years exercised over the inhabitants an authority quite as despotic as that by which the serfs o f Poland and Russia were ever ruled. The owners o f the soil, who are called Ryots, are compelled annually to cultivate, for the com pany, a certain portion o f their land for the production o f opium. N o one is suffered to cultivate it for his own benefit; and should he under take it without first entering into an agreement with the company at their fixed and arbitrary rate, his property is immediately seized by their officers, and he is compelled either to destroy his poppies, or to give ample security for the faithful delivery o f the product. Advances o f money are made to him through their subordinate offi cers and servants, and if the R yot refuses to accept the advance, it is thrown into his house; and should he attempt to abscond for the purpose o f avoiding this unjust imposition, he is forcibly seized, the advance is tied up in his clothes, and he is thrust into his’ house and there confined, until, perceiving resistance useless, he submissively wears the chains which oppression in its worst form has thus thrown around him. Immense tracts o f land, the richest and most valuable o f any in Bri tish India, which were formerly used for the cultivation o f more useful and less deleterious plants, have, for several years past, been covered with poppies, produced by the system o f tyranny w e have described. E very successive year has marked their increased spread, and has brought with it and heaped upon the weak and unoffending natives ad ditional wrongs and multiplied cruelties; and even the miserable pit tance which the company advance to compensate them for their labor The Opium Trade— England and China. 391 and the use o f their soil, is more than three fourths absorbed in passing through the hands o f corrupt,and oppressive officers before reaching its legitimate owners. But the poor natives must not resist, or their fate is rendered still more wretched, and the few rights they are permitted to enjoy entirely wrested from them. The officers o f the company, their legalized plunderers, are suffered to exercise unlicensed arbitrary powers. A s the cultivation o f the drug is forced upon them, they are suspected o f concealing it for private sale and personal advantage; and the surveil lance exercised over them, for the purpose o f detection and punishment, is attended with hardships and the vilest oppression. In order to extort bribes, all which they hold most dear is violated, and the privacy o f their miserable abodes, and the sanctity o f their females, must be purchased from the police and custom house searchers, at what ever sums their grasping avarice may induce them to demand. A nd all these manifold outrages upon the liberties o f men— these barbarous impositions and cruelties— these palpable, repeated, and continued vio lations o f morality, religion, and common justice, are perpetrated and sanctioned by the laws o f enlightened England— that Christian, slaveryhating nation, whose statesmen profess to look upon the institution o f slavery in this country with indignation and holy horror, and who de nounce its authors as the enemies o f liberty, Christianity, and freedom. L et them turn from us, and look upon the dark face o f their vast Indian empire, and there mark the gloomy bondage o f millions and tens o f mil lions, chained to the cultivation o f a drug, the consequences o f which are misery, disease, and death; let them there examine the cruel mockery o f a system o f laws which, although nominally conferring freedom and the rights o f acquiring and enjoying property, in reality fastens upon the victim a severe and lasting bondage— making him a miserable slave upon the soil which he is told to call his own; and then let them, i f they dare, publish to the whole enlightened world the true features o f Ameri can and British slavery, side by side, and let heaven judge between the horrors o f each, and hurl retribution upon that nation which is most guilty, and for our own we should have no fear. Great Britain cannot charge the responsibility o f the enormities we have mentioned, upon her colonial government; nor has she ever been ignorant o f their extent and cruelty. The whole subject o f Indian re venue and commerce, was before the imperial parliament in 1832, and the cultivation o f opium constituted its most prominent feature. A mass o f evidence was spread before a committee o f investigation appointed by the house o f commons, in the course o f which the iniquitous and wicked measures by which the company compelled the cultivation o f opium, were fully and forcibly delineated; and the manner in which its traffic with the Chinese was carried on, developed and explained. But the revenue o f India derived from it, and the immense amount o f capi tal which was invested in it by British merchants engaged in the Chinese trade, triumphed over the considerations o f morality, justice, and na tional honor; and in the report o f the committee, received and sanctioned by both houses .of parliament, it was declared inexpedient and improper to reduce the revenue o f British India by annihilating the opium interest; and upon these grounds did England openly countenance, and in effect legalize, a traffic, which was annually destroying millions, and which was carried on in open violation o f Chinese laws and international right; 392 The Opium Trade— England and China. and in doing this, she made herself responsible for all the direful con sequences that have since resulted from it; and a part, perhaps but a small part o f them, has been the execution by the Chinese authorities o f thou sands o f their miserable people for smuggling the interdicted drug from the British ships; the destruction o f property, health, and life, which it has caused throughout the Chinese E m pire; the vast injury it has created to the trade o f all nations whose vessels visit Canton; and finally, the recent insane and bloody career o f Captain Elliot in the waters o f that port. Since this openly expressed determination by the parliament o f Great Britain to continue its cultivation, the quantity o f opium pro duced in India has rapidly increased, as will be seen by the following statement o f the amount sold by the East India Company at Calcutta, from 1800 to 1837. In the season ending— Chests. Sicca Rupees. 4 ,0 54 . . fo r . 3 ,142,591 . . they sold . (( . 4,561 . . “ . 8 ,0 70 ,9 5 5 (( . 4,006 . . “ . 8 ,255,603 K . 8,778 . . “ . 1 1 ,255,767 (( . 12,977 . . “ . 1 3 ,215,464 M . 16,916 . . “ . 2 5 ,3 9 5 ,3 0 0 The value o f the Sicca Rupee varies, its lowest rate being about fortysix cents. Taking it at this valuation, the opium sold by the company in 1837 would amount to eleven millions six hundred and eighty one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight dollars. The actual costs to the company, o f producing and selling it in Cal cutta, is three millions eight hundred and ninety-three thousand nine hun dred and forty-six dollars, leaving them a profit o f seven millions seven hundred and eighty-seven thousand eight hundred and ninety-two dol lars. The table o f sales which we have given, is taken from Mr. Mont gomery Martin’s useful and elaborate work, entitled “ Statistics o f the Co lonies o f the British E m pire'' and m aybe relied upon as perfectly accu rate, while our information in respect to the profit derived from the drug is obtained from the official accounts o f the company. This vast sum forms a part o f the revenue o f Great Britain. The East India Company are the trustees o f the crown, and as such, are ac countable for its just and proper management. B y an act o f the British Parliament, all the real and personal property belonging to them, was, on the twenty-second day o f April, 1834, vested in the crown, subject to all claims, debts, contracts, etc., then in existence, or which might be created by competent authority. B y this act, the functions o f the company were made wholly political, and they were to continue the government o f India, with the concurrence and under the supervision o f the board o f control, till the thirtieth o f April, 1854, and all participation in commercial interests was taken away. From this it will be seen, that since the twenty-second day o f April, 1834, the government o f Great Britain has been deeply interested in continuing the opium traffic. Its annihilation since that period, would have cut off a material source from whence her revenue is derived, and would have produced great embarrassment in the management o f her Indian possessions. The measures taken for the purpose o f increasing 1 800 1810 1820 1830 1835 1S37 The Opium Trade — England and China. 393 the cultivation o f the drug, since its imperial proprietor succeeded to the enjoyment o f its profitable returns, are conclusively evident o f a deter mination to make this branch o f the royal revenue as large as possible. In 1835, as our statement shows, the number o f boxes sold in Calcutta was twelve thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven, and the sum re ceived for them amounted to six millions seventy-nine thousand one hun dred and twelve dollars forty-four cents ; while in 1837 the number o f boxes had increased to sixteen thousand nine hundred and sixteen, and the amount for which they sold had advanced to the enormous sum o f eleven millions six hundred and eighty one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight dollars, almost one hundred per cent, in the short space o f two years. This immense increase in the cultivation and sale o f the drug, under the express sanction and authority o f the English government, has been produced solely and openly for the Chinese market— the ultimate desti nation o f all the opium raised in British India; and in an article written by D . Butler, M. D., late opium examiner o f the Benares agency, “ On the preparation o f Opium for the Chinese market,” communicated to the Benares and Behar agencies, in 1835, and published in the Journal o f the Asiatic society o f Bengal, in March, 1836, the purpose for which the poppy is cultivated, and the drug prepared to such a vast extent, is plainly and unequivocally declared. From this article, it appears that the Chinese value any sample o f opium in direct proportion to the quantity o f hot-drawn watery extract obtaina ble from it, and to the purity and strength o f the flavor o f that extract when smoked through a p ip e ; and the whole aim o f the agencies is to prepare it so that it may retain as much as possible o f its native sensible qualities, and its solubility in hot water. And it is on account o f its su perior qualities upon these points, that Benares opium brings a higher < price in the Chinese market than that o f Behar, Malwa, or Turkey, the last o f which, however, is mostly consumed at home, although during some years two thousand boxes o f it have been imported into China. Our statement o f the quantity o f opium sold in Calcutta, does not em brace that produced in the Malwa district, the cultivation o f which is not monopolized by the company, although, as we have before stated, they levy heavy transit duties upon it as it passes through their dominions to Bombay and Calcutta, where it is sold. And as this adds materially to the revenue o f Great Britain, and yields rich profits to the English merchants, by whom the whole o f it is purchased, the greatest exertions have been made to extend its cultivation within this district; with what success will be seen, from the fact, that in 1821, but two thousand two hundred and seventyeight chests were produced, while in 1835, the number had swelled to twelve thousand nine hundred and thirty-three; but forty-four less than were raised in the provinces o f both Benares and Patna, and in 1837 the amount had increased to nearly fifteen thousand. In 1838, the East India Company, and through them the English go vernment, derived a revenue o f at least three millions o f pounds from the cultivation o f opium within the districts o f Benares and Patna, and the duties levied upon that produced in Malwa, besides the vast sums which were made upon its sale in the Chinese market by British merchants, which has tended greatly towards enriching the commerce o f the English nation, has served to create and keep the balance o f trade with the east V O L . I I .— N O . I V . 50 394 The Opium Trade— England and China. in her favor, and, what is o f still greater importance, the glittering current o f English gold and silver which formerly flowed into the Chinese em pire is long since stayed; opium has taken its place, and for several years past has caused a torrent o f the precious metals to rush in the op posite direction. Indeed, viewing this subject apart from the great questions o f religion and morals, happiness, and human life, and both England and China have important pecuniary interests staked upon the event, and one o f them must suffer deep and lasting injury in the important national results likely to follow. Both o f them cannot escape: the former must surrender that portion o f her revenue derived from a system o f smuggling approved and sanctioned by her government, or the latter, after being robbed o f her money, — when the “ sycee silver” shall have entirely “ oozed” out, and her national wealth, the foundation o f her strength, shall have departed, — will fall an easy unresisting prey to a rapacious and powerful adver sary. Having, as we believe, explained and defined the true foundation and source o f nearly the entire opium traffic, and the golden considerations that have induced the English government to create its ten fold increase within the last few years, we will return to an examination o f the policy pursued by the Em peror o f China for its destruction, whose measures and decrees, owing to the incapacity or bribery o f his officials, do not appear ever to have been rigorously enforced against foreigners until the appoint ment o f the imperial commissioner Lin, in March, 1839. That they were not sternly and strictly executed was not the fault o f the emperor. It is entirely chargeable to the lenity, corruption, and forbearance o f his officers, and the lawless daring, rendered formidable by armed force, with which the drug has been smuggled into his dominions. In 1816, the H on g merchants, who have always been compelled b y the emperor to assume many heavy, and often unreasonable responsibilities, • in the conduct and management o f the Chinese trade, were, by an im perial decree, bound to ascertain and report any vessel engaged in its importation, that the reception o f her cargo might be refused, and mea sures taken to drive her from the waters o f China; and whenever a ship arrived in port, they were obliged to execute a bond that she had no opium on board. It is needless to say that these regulations were en tirely ineffectual for the accomplishment o f the object intended. I he H ong merchants participated largely in the profits derived from the ille gal traffic, and the reports made by them to the imperial court were falsely colored to advance their interests, and British merchants, who, i f we were to credit the assertions o f M. Jardine, made at a public dinner given him by the resident foreign merchants on the eve o f bis departure from Can ton, “ occupy a high place among the merchants o f the East,” and who are “ not smugglers,” did not hesitate to bribe the subordinate Chinese offi cials silently to permit the introduction o f opium by paying from sixty to eighty dollars upon each chest. The consumers were increasing upon a scale o f fearful rapidity, and those whose duty it was to execute the laws, were daily surrendering themselves victims to the alluring poison. The native venders o f the drug were not slow to imitate the criminal base ness o f the more enlightened and Christian Englishman, by purchasing silence from the subordinate authorities at the expense o f thirty, forty, and at times eighty dollars per chest. The Opium IV ade— England and China. 395 Smuggling was openly carried on in Chinese boats built expressly for that purpose, and formidably manned and armed, and the mandarin boats, or those commissioned for the capture o f smugglers, were seldom bold enough to attack their more powerful adversaries, who, even if greatly overmatched in numbers and strength, would never yield, preferring death by the sword, to strangling, which was their doom if taken. Against such a powerful combination o f circumstances, all tending to add to and perpetuate the traffic, the imperial decrees, with all the trem bling fear and respect entertained for them by many o f the Chinese, interposed but a feeble barrier, and every few months saw new ones pro mulgated, to be violated like those b y which they had been preceded. In 1833, the amended law upon the subject was as follows : “ Let the buyers and smokers o f opium be punished with one hundred blows, and condemned to wear the wooden collar for two months. Then let them declare the seller’s name, that he may be seized and punished with death, and in default o f his discovering the vender, let the smoker be again punished with-one hundred blows, and three years banishment, as being an accomplice. Let mandarins and their dependents, who buy and smoke opium, be punished one degree more severely than others; and let governors o f provinces be required to give security that there are no opium smokers under their jurisdiction, and let a joint memorial be sent in, representing the conduct o f those officers who have connived at the practice.” That this law was sufficiently rigid and severe to prevent the intro duction and use o f opium, cannot be doubted; and that it failed to ac complish these ends, shows the laxity with which it was enforced, and the 'treachery, bribery, and cunning, by which it was evaded. I f rumors o f this grand scheme o f smuggling chanced to reach the ears o f the emperor at Peking, new and severer edicts were thundered forth against it, which, upon reaching Canton, were calculated to effect nothing, except, perhaps, to cause the vessels engaged in it to move far ther from the city until the excitement caused by their first appearance had subsided; or to produce a few hostile encounters between the man darin boats and smugglers. In this manner were the laws transgressed by the natives, while fo reigners looked upon them with contempt, or treated them with open ridicule. Some instances occurred, in which the execution o f their pro visions were en forced; but the punishment had ever fallen upon the ig norant, degraded Chinese, instead o f reaching the foreign merchants, who were enriched by the nefarious traffic at the expense o f fortune, friends, happiness, and life. The following statement, taken from a work entitled, “ China: its state and prospects with especial reference to the spread o f the Gospel,” exhibits the consumption o f opium in that country from 1825 to 1837 ; although from the extreme difficulty attendant upon ascertaining all that has been smuggled in at various avenues, we imagine that it does not embrace the entire amount introduced during that period. Value in Dollars. Chests. 1825 1830 1832 1836 1837 9,621 18,760 23,670 27,111 34,000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . about . . . . . 7,608,205 12,900,031 15,338,160 17,904,248 23,000,000 396 The Opium Trade— England and China. The unexampled increase, o f this abominable traffic, in violation o f Chinese laws and maritime regulations, and the seeming impossibility o f effecting its destruction, combined with the financial policy o f enlarging the national revenue by its continuance, in 1836, induced H ew Naetse, vice president o f the sacrificial court, an officer o f considerable dignity, to present a memorial to the emperor at Pekin, praying for the un limited introduction o f the drug into the empire on payment o f a duty. The reasons by which he enforces this recommendation, although termed “ sage expositions” by a writer in a la te number o f Blackwood’s Magazine, have impressed us with a very different estimate o f their m o ral or political value. Take, for example, the following, in which the waste o f human life is considered, by this high officer, o f slight impor tance, when compared with the loss o f revenue and Chinese silver, which he contends the free importation o f opium would obviate. “ It will be found on examination, that the smokers o f opium are idle lazy vagrants, having no useful purpose before them, and are unworthy o f regard or even o f contempt. A nd though there are smokers to be found who have overstepped the threshold o f age, yet they do not attain to the long life o f other m en ; but new births are daily increasing the population o f the empire, and there is no cause to apprehend a diminu tion therein.” Again ; after advancing the strange proposition, that the more severe the penalties are that exist against the traffic, the more bribery and cor ruption would be resorted to for the purpose o f evading them, and the more frequent and palpable violations o f the law would be perpetrated; and that, for these reasons, all prohibitory enactments should at once be removed, he proceeds to state, that, “ W ith regard to officers civil and military, and to the scholars and common soldiers, none o f these must be permitted to contract a practice so bad, or to walk in a path which will lead only to the utter waste o f their time, and destruction o f their pro perty ;” and he recommends, “ that it be enacted, that any officer, scho lar, or soldier, found guilty o f secretly smoking opium, shall be immedi ately dismissed from public employ, without being made liable to any other penalty.” And farther:— “ Besides, the removal o f the prohibitions refers only to the vulgar and common people, those who have no official duties to perform. So long as the officers o f government, the scholars, and the military, are not in cluded, I see no detriment to the dignity o f governm ent; and by allow ing the importation and change o f the drug for other commodities, more than ten millions o f money will annually be prevented from flowing out o f the central land.” These “ sage expositions” furnish their own comment, which renders it unnecessary for us to say one word as to their irreligious and demorali zing tendency. The important document in which they are contained, was ordered by the emperor to be submitted to the H ong merchants, and Tang, the governor o f Canton. The principles embodied in tbe re port made by them, and transmitted to the imperial court at Pekin, did not materially vary from those contained in the memorial o f H e w Naetse, and in accordance with his views, they advised the legalization o f the traffic, upon payment o f fixed duties. In the autumn o f 1836, Choo Tsun, member o f the council and the The Opium Trade— England and China. 397 board o f rites, and H ew Ken, sub-censor over the military department, fellow-ministers o f H ew Naetse, presented counter-memorials, in which the deleterious effects o f opium are forcibly presented, and the destruc tive consequences that its habitual use was inflicting upon the Chinese eloquently described. They reasoned strongly against revoking the ex isting prohibitions, and maintained that it would be wholly insufficient to prevent the export o f silver, while the enervation and corruption o f the Chinese would be fearfully increased, i f all restraints imposed upon the use o f the drug were removed ; and concluded by advising the prompt adoption o f vigorous and energetic measures, for the annihilation o f the entire opium trade. Refusing to increase his revenue at the expense o f the happiness and lives o f his subjects, the emperor determined upon the extermination o f the traffic at any sacrifice ; and the immediate result o f the memorials w e have mentioned, was a special edict, by which he commanded certain foreign merchants engaged in it to leave Canton. This was partially evaded, and the traffic continued throughout the year 1837, and until the summer o f 1838, the dealers paying to the subordinate local authorities seventy-five dollars per chest for conniving and assisting in these whole sale smuggling operations. But the miserable and deluded Chinese did not so easily escape the penalty o f outraged laws. Many o f them were taken, condemned, and execu ted ; and those engaged in smuggling the drug, were hunted down and killed by the mandarins and their soldiers. Fierce encounters were continually occurring, and the blood o f the poor natives was poured out to the last drop, in carrying on a traffic that was conferring upon guilty foreign merchants, who were the sole instigators, the wealth o f princes. The emperor at length saw that its abolishment was impossible while foreigners were suffered openly to bring the drug into the port o f Can ton, and the neighboring waters, and he formed the determination o f co ercing them, if necessary, into obedience o f his laws. For this purpose, Lin was appointed high commissioner from the court o f Pekin, to pro ceed to Canton, where he arrived on the tenth o f March, 1839. H e was invested with plenipotentiary powers, and was authorized to create and execute such measures as he should deem necessary and right. B om and educated in one o f the maritime provinces, and having had an early acquaintance (as he says) with all the arts o f foreigners, he was well qualified to discharge the arduous duties o f his trust. H e is des cribed as about fifty-five years o f age, o f middling height, rather stout, and o f stem demeanor It is said that he received from the emperor in person the seal o f his high commission, and that the monarch recounted to him the evils that had long afflicted his children, and, adverting to the future, paused and wept, and turning to the commissioner, said, “ how, alas, can I die until these direful evils are removed 1” Having made his entrance into Canton, eight days were occupied by Lin in malting inquiries ; and on the nineteenth o f March, two special edicts were issued, one to the foreigners o f all nations, and the other to the H ong merchants, both o f which caused great consternation and excitement. The foreign merchants were required to deliver up to the Chinese govern ment all the opium which they possessed on board their store ships, and strict commands were issued that “ not the smallest atom must be conceal ed or witheld.” They were also required to give a bond, written jointly 398 The Opium Trade— England and China. in the foreign and Chinese languages, that their vessels which should re sort to Canton would never again dare to bring opium ; and that i f any was brought it should be forfeited to the government, and all the parties should suffer the extreme penalties o f the law, and that such punishment should be willingly submitted to. Promises o f rewards, and the continu ance o f prosperous trade, were made to such foreigners as would at once comply with these requisitions, and threats o f punishment, according to the severe terms o f the law, were thundered against those who refused to deliver the hated drug, and three days were allowed them to determine upon the course they should think fit to pursue. These were the terms upon which past transgressions were to be forgi ven and forgotten, and by which men who had in a thousand instances vio lated laws, the penalty o f which was death, were to be pardoned and their numerous offences blotted out. W hat would have been the punishment which the laws o f Great Britain would have inflicted upon the offenders under such circumstances l Suppose a gang o f American smugglers, or merchants, to preserve the analogy, had been for years engaged in smuggling goods into the Liverpool market, in open defiance o f English laws. W ould the delivery o f the interdicted articles', and a bond to “ go and sin no more,” save the offenders from the punishment they had so criminally provoked l L ook at the statistics o f crime in England, and its punishment, and the records o f centuries contain the answer. The edict issued by the high commissioner to the H ong merchants, enumerated the many instances in which they had been guilty o f conni ving at the introduction o f opium, and threatened one or two o f their num ber with instant death, unless they earnestly and faithfully endeavored to procure its delivery, and prevent its importation. A third edict immediately followed, by which all foreign residents were forbidden to leave Canton ; and the factories were surrounded by armed men, to enforce its obedience. The running o f passage boats between Canton and Whampoa was suspended, and all communication between the two places was closed. On the twenty-first o f March, the general chamber o f commerce was convened, for the purpose o f consi dering upon the expediency o f complying with the demand o f the high commissioner; and after a protracted and animated discussion, a com mittee was appointed to report upon the subject, and a communication was transmitted to the H ong merchants, stating that the delivery o f the opium was o f such vital importance, and involved such complicated in terests, that no answer could be given until time should elapse for reflec tion and deliberation. This was immediately laid before the imperial commissioner, who was dissatisfied with its im port; and the H ong merchants returned from Canton to the foreign factories, and, at their request, a special meeting o f the chamber was called, at which they expressed their apprehensions, that unless some opium should at once be delivered, one or two o f their number would be beheaded in the morning; and it was finally agreed that one thousand and thirty-seven chests should be surrended to the go vernment to be destroyed. The reception o f this contemptible amount was promptly rejected by the commissioner, and demands for an addi tional quantity were made. The report o f these energetic and unexpected proceedings having reached Macao, Captain Charles Elliott, ch ief superintendent o f the trade The Opium Trade— England and China. 399 o f British subjects in China, immediately published a notice, requiring all English vessels to proceed forthwith to Hongkong, hoist their national colors, and place themselves in a posture o f defence. A s no demonstrations o f violence had been exhibited towards foreign ers at Canton, except such forcible measures as were absolutely neces sary to compel the delivery o f the interdicted drug, and which the im perial commissioner was bound by every principle o f national justice, and by the solemn official oath he had taken, to en force; and as not the slightest indications existed, by which Captain Elliott could have ap prehended an attack at sea, his notice was entirely unnecessary and un warranted, and was calculated to excite the greatest confusion and alarm, without the least foundation. But in issuing this, he had not consummated hi's egregious folly and blustering cowardice ; for on the following day, the twenty-third o f March, a second nqtice was published, in which he declared his entire want o f confidence in the justice and moderation o f the Chinese govern ment ; expressed his opinion that it had committed what, according to the genius o f enlightened nations and the principles o f reason, was, i f not an act o f declared war, at least its immediate and inevitable prelimi nary ; declared it impossible to maintain continued peaceful intercourse with safety, honor, or advantage, till definite and satisfactory explana tions had passed; avowed his intention to demand from the Chinese government passports for all British subjects within ten days; stated that the Portuguese authorities at Macao had pledged themselves to af ford English subjects, resident there, every protection in their p o w e r; and wound up his genuine John Bull tirade, by declaring that should the passports be refused for more than three days from the time his ap plication for them should reach the Chinese'government, he should he driven to the conclusion that it was its intention to detain all British sub jects as hostages, and to endeavor to intimidate them into unsuitable concessions and terms by the restraints o f their persons, or by violence upon their lives or property, or by the death o f native merchants in im mediate connexion with them both by ties o f friendship and interest. T o this mad proclamation he attached a sort o f codicil, kindly offer ing the benefit o f his bombastic observations to all the foreigners in China. Immediately after its publication, this sapient and most dignified com mercial representative o f her majesty jum ped into his cutter, and started for Canton, where he arrived the next day about sunset, when the same measures were adopted by the Chinese authorities for his detention, as were enforced in respect to other foreigners. On the twenty-sixth o f March, a proclamation was issued by the impe rial commissioner, “ desiring foreigners to deliver up their opium under four heads, or for four reasons all o f which partook more o f Christian forbearance and official lenity, than the warlike preparations o f Captain Elliott would have led us to hope. The first was, that “ they ought to make haste and deliver it, by vir tue o f that reason which heaven hath implanted in all o f us.” The second, that “ they ought to deliver it, in compliance with the laws o f the land.” Thirdly, that “ they ought to make immediate delivery o f the opium, by reason o f their feelings as men.” 400 The Opium Trade— England and China. And, fourthly, that “ they should give it up, by reason o f the neces sity o f the case.” These were each supported by elaborate and sound arguments, which would do honor to the statesmen o f more enlightened nations; and in conclusion, the high commissioner remarked, that “ he, and the governor and lieutenant governor cannot bear the idea o f being unnecessarily harsh and severe; and therefore it is that his mouth is wearied as it were en treating and exhorting.” And he promised the foreign merchants, that having once made the delivery o f it, their trade should go on more flour ishing and abundantly than ever, and that tokens o f regal'd should be heaped upon them to overflowing. When this document reached Captain Elliot, his war excitement had nearly subsided, and a determination to retr eat from his disagreable po sition had assumed its place. Accordingly, on the morning o f the twenty-seventh o f March, he is sued a public notice to British subjects, in which he says: “ Now I, the said chief superintendent, thus constrained by paramount motives affecting the safety o f the lives and liberty o f all the foreigners here present in Canton, and by other very weighty causes, do hereby, in the name and on the behalf o f her majesty’s government, enjoin and re quire all her majesty’s subjects now present in Canton, forthwith to make a surrender to me, for the service o f her said majesty’s government, to be delivered over to the government o f China, o f all the opium under their respective control, and to hold the British ships and vessels engaged in the trade o f opium, subject to my immediate direction, and to for ward me without delay a sealed list o f all the British owned opium in their respective possession. A nd I, the said chief superintendent, do now, in the most full and unreserved manner, hold m yself responsible for and on behalf o f her Britannic majesty’s government, to all and each o f her majesty’s subjects surrendering the British owned opium into my hands to be delivered over to the Chinese government.” This requisition was promptly answered by the delivery o f twenty thousand two hundred and eighty-three chests, worth, at cost prices, ten or eleven millions o f dollars. On the fourth o f May, most o f the opium having been delivered, an edict was issued, by which all foreigners, with the exception o f sixteen who had been the most deeply engaged in the interdicted traffic, were set at liberty, and the trade re-opened under certain restrictions. This surrender o f the drug was made by Captain Elliott for and in the name o f the British government, as he himself expressly asserts. It was entirely voluntary, and even supposing that the Chinese had no right to demand it, we are at a loss to conceive upon what principle o f inter national law the English crown could recover it back. It is true that her merchants were detained until it was given up, and had it been wrong fully wrested ffom them, Great Britain would be bound to require resti tution. But it was sold and delivered to their own government, and then quietly and unresistingly surrendered to the Chinese authorities, without so much as the entry o f a protest against the measure. B y this act, and the guarantee by which England, through her authori zed agent, has agreed to pay for the drug, her unqualified acknowledg ment to the whole world is recorded, that she as a nation has been guilty o f a participation in the opium traffic, and has taken the settlement o f the The Opium Trade— England and China. 401 entire question into her own hands. That the Chinese were perfectly right in demanding it, cannot he doubted, for by their own laws, suppor ted by every known principle o f international right, and common justice, it was forfeited the moment it entered their waters, and they would have been justified in seizing it, and in punishing those who imported it with the severest penalties attached to the offence. A nd there can be no doubt but the detention o f Captain Elliott was in strict accordance with the laws o f nations, and that the circumstances more than justified it. H e was the superintendent o f British trade in China, and one o f his highest and most sacred duties as an officer was to cause those under his control to respect and obey the laws o f that nation. And how was this obligation on his part performed 1 H e well knew that the introduction o f opium was illegal, and that he was bound to prevent its importation by British merchants; and yet he suffered— nay, encoura ged and openly sanctioned it, and by so doing made his own government responsible for its continuance, and compelled Great Britain, as an hono rable and enlightened power, either to recall him, and disavow his acts, onto bear the consequences o f the continued outrages committed against the acknowledged rights o f an independent state. His official character did not exempt him from amenability to Chi nese laws. H e was a commercial agent, with a commission to watch over the commercial rights and privileges o f his nation, and was not such a public minister, as to be entitled to the privileges appertaining to that character, nor was he entitled to the special protection o f the law o f nations in any greater degree than a consul, whose powers, duties, and liabilities, his much resembled. In all civil and criminal cases, he was subject to the laws o f China, while within its jurisdiction, and could not, like an ambassador or other public diplomatic minister, claim an exemption from them on account o f the commission with which he was invested. The right, then, o f the Chinese to detain him, even on suspicion o f his encouraging or countenancing the opium trade, was perfectly cle a r; and when the ground upon which he was imprisoned amounted to a certainty that he was, by his official influence, aiding and promoting it through Bri tish merchants, by whom more than nine tenths o f it was carried on, will it for one moment be contended that the high commissioner was not per fectly justified in the measures he adopted. F or the purpose o f engaging in the trade as opened on the fourth o f May, it became necessary to execute a bond, that any ships trading to Canton, after the autumn o f 1839, which, upon examination, should be found to have opium on board, should, together with the cargo, be confis cated, and the parties left to suffer death by the laws o f China. A rea diness to comply with this requirement was immediately expressed by Mr. Snow, the consul for the United States, and Van Basel, the Dutch consul, and they advised the merchants o f their respective countries to sign the bond, and renew the suspended trade. But the solemn mockery o f justice, and the gross violation o f the na tional rights o f China, o f which Captain Elliott had been so long and criminally guilty, had not ended. H e had regained his liberty by disgra cing his nation throughout the enlightened world; and all apprehensions o f personal violence, which had so recently tamed him into submission, were removed, and no sooner did he perceive a disposition on the part o f 51 VO L. I I . -----N O . V. 402 The Opium Trade— England and China. British merchants to give the required bond, than he promulgated a pub lic notice, declaring that it was dangerous to confide to the Chinese go vernment the administration o f any judicial process concerning foreigners, and that the proposed investigation by the authorities o f China, as to whether foreign vessels were engaged in the opium traffic or not, would lead to excessive risk o f their committing acts o f juridical spoliation and murder. • W e believe this to be the boldest act o f unwarranted insolence ever perpetrated by any public officer o f a foreign state, against the dignity o f a sovereign and independent pow er ; andnot only did it show a deter mination to insult the Chinese emperor and nation, but it betrayed the most abject ignorance o f the foundation and principles o f national juris prudence, and the universal law o f nations. B y what mode, we would ask Captain Elliot, was it to be ascertained that a ship had opium on board, unless the authorized officers o f the Chinese government were permitted to conduct the investigation, and by what laws were the offenders to be punished unless by those o f China1? W ere they to be sent to England, and there tried ? W ith just the same show o f propriety and justice could the government o f this country de mand, that any o f our citizens taken in the act o f smuggling goods into Great Britain, should be transported here for that purpose. The offence is only against the laws o f the nation in which it is com mitted ; and a merchant o f the United States or England, who has been engaged in Canton as a smuggler o f opium for half his life, has been guilty o f no infraction o f the laws o f his native land, or o f international right. N or could the execution o f the bond vary in the least degree the lia bility o f the offenders to be punished if found guilty, or strengthen the right o f the Chinese authorities to search the vessels o f all foreigners within their waters for a discovery o f the interdicted drug, and to visit upon transgressors the full penalty o f the laws they had outraged. The maritime regulations o f the emperor, were as broad and severe as the terms and import o f the required bond; and the only object in demand ing it must have been to prevent a recurrence o f the old excuse, that “ the foreign merchants were ignorant o f the existence o f any prohibitions against the opium traffic, and o f the penalties to which those engaged in it were liable.” Subsequent notices by Captain Elliott soon followed, in which he ex pressed himself to be entirely without confidence in the justice or modera tion o f the Chinese government, declared that it had refused to fulfil the most solemn obligations, and used language so entirely devoid o f courtesy, respect, or even decency, that should its like character be employed against our government by the British minister at Washington, his sovereign would be bound to recall him; and upon a continued neglect to do this, it would then become the imperative and sacred duty o f our executive, for the preservation o f national dignity, to order him to leave the country, for- a breach o f his privileges in insulting the power to which he had been sent as an ambassador. On the 4th o f J une, a special proclamation was issued, by order o f the high commissioner, stating that all the opium had been surrendered, and that foreign ships were at liberty to engage in honorable traffic; and strongly invited all o f them to embrace the opportunity, and not be deterred The Opium Trade— England and China. 403 from it by the representations and advice o f the British superintendent. But the latter had expressly enjoined the subjects o f Great Britain against executing the preliminary bond, and had required all British shipping to anchor off Macao, and not to enter the port o f Canton. The British merchants resident at the latter place, were recommended to leave under his direction; and on the 23d o f June, with two or three exceptions, none but Americans resided in Canton; and since the opening o f the trade,none but American ships had entered the port, and these, consisting o f ten or eleven In number, had, according to the Chinese Repository, found no dif ficulty in carrying on their trade as formerly. A ll o f the English mer chants had gone to Macao, which is occupied and defended by the Portu guese ; and after remaining there a short time, had embarked on board their vessels, with their property and valuables. On the 31st o f August, the imperial commissioner issued a proclama tion, setting forth that' Lin W eihe, one o f the people o f the empire, had been murdered by British sailors, and the refusal o f Captain Elliott to deliver up the murderer; and commanded the Chinese local officers, civil and mi litary, to cut off from the English all supplies o f water and provisions from the coast. In consequence o f these measures, which the right o f the Chinese go vernment to create cannot be questioned, Captain H. Smith, commander o f her majesty’s armed ship Yolage, on the 11th o f September, issued an official public notice, that it was his intention, at the requisition o f Cap tain Elliott, to establish a blockade o f the river and port o f Canton, and that notice o f the blockade would be subsequently promulgated. This, although its establishment would have been clearly illegal, so much so that the vessels o f any nation would have been fully justified in disregarding it, was never actually declared. The responsibility was too great even for the ch ief superintendent to assume, who, we presume, searched in vain, as we have since done, to find any precedent to sus tain a blockade, on the ground o f a refusal by the blockaded party to furnish provisions to the subjects o f a foreign power. The American merchants having monopolized the entire trade to Canton, from which’ they were deriving enormous profits ; it excited the jealousy o f the English, who earnestly requested Captain Elliott to enter into some arrangement with the Chinese government, by which they could resume their commercial operations. T o this he assented, and upon representing to the high commissioner that the strictest search should be made for the murderer o f Lin W eihe, and that when found he should be immediately delivered up to the Chinese authorities for punishment, and declaring that until he could receive instructions from his sovereign, previous to which the space o f four months must intervene, the required bond could not be given, an agreement for the resumption o f trade was entered into, which was to the following effect: “ M acao, October 20th, 1839. “ It has been agreed between their excellencies the high commissioner and governor on the one side, and the chief superintendent o f the trade o f British subjects on the othei', that, under existing circumstances: “ 1. The British trade may be carried on outside the Bucca Tigris, without any necessity o f signing the bond o f consent to Chinese legisla tion, (to be handed to Chinese officers,) upon the condition that the ships be subjected to examination. 404 The Opium Trade— England and China. “ 2. That the place o f resort shall he the anchorage between Armughoy and Chumpee. “ 3. It is fully understood, that the vessels, while discharging their cargoes outside the Bogue, shall pay the measurement charge in the same manner as i f they went up to Whampoa. The pilots’ charges shall also he paid as usual. The linguist shall be paid in like manner. “ 4. The vessels proceeding to Armugkoy will transport their cargoes by means o f chop boats, and will undergo search by the officers.” This agreement was hardly signed, before it was impliedly cancelled by the entry o f the Thomas Coutts, a British merchant ship, into the river, and her subsequent arrival at Whampoa, after having voluntarily signed the required bond, which Captain Elliott had informed the high commissioner could not be done until after the instructions o f his sove reign had been received, and which statement had formed the basis o f the agreement between them. Under these circumstances, the high com missioner believing, as he had every reason to, that he had been grossly deceived by the ch ief superintendent, and having ascertained that the latter had under his protection at Macao a large quantity o f opium re cently arrived, the delivery o f which had been demanded and refused, and it being notorious that the interdicted traffic was carried on along the whole coast by British vessels, numbering at least twenty, and that the drug was selling from 1,000 to 1,600 dollars per chest, a special edict was issued on the twenty-sixth o f October, demanding the murderer o f Lin W eihe, and commanding all British vessels to give the required bond, as had been done by the Thomas Coutts, or to depart from the coast within three days, under pain o f being punished in conformity with the laws o f China. Captain Elliott immediately issued a notice, requiring all English merchant ships at Macao to weigh anchor and proceed to Tungkoo B a y ; and determining upon wreaking revenge upon the Chinese for his fan cied injuries, he went on board the ship o f war Yolage, and with the armed ship Hyacinth in company, proceeded to Chumpee, under pre tence o f delivering a chop to the commissioner. Upon arriving there, the officer commanding the Chinese war junks was surprised and alarm ed ; and as the most strict prohibitions existed against suffering British vessels, and particularly armed ones, to enter or remain there, he order ed his fleet to approach, for the purpose o f ascertaining their object. Cap tain Elliott commanded them to keep o ff; and on their nearer approach, although without manifesting the slightest demonstration o f an attack upon him, he ordered his ships to open their fire, which was done with such deadly effect, that in less than half an hour five out o f twenty-seven junks were sunk, one was blown up, and about five hundred, and, as is stated in some reports, nearly nine hundred, o f the Chinese were kill ed, or rather murdered. The only injury sustained b y the English, in consequence o f the fire from the junks, by which the Chinese endeavored to defend them selves and effect a retreat, was, according to the Bombay Courier o f D e cember 24, only a twelve pound shot in the mizzen-mast o f the Hya cinth, although some accounts state that a few were killed and wounded. H ere, then, we have the bloody consummation o f Captain Elliott’s official career. One act in this great national drama is concluded, but we fear it is not the last. A wholesale murder o f weak and almost unresisting Chinese, has been The Ojriuvi Trade— England and China. 405 perpetrated in their own waters, and within the exclusive jurisdiction o f their maritime laws, by the armed ships o f a foreign power, with whom peaceful relations had been maintained for a period o f two hun dred years. It was committed, too, under the most unjustifiable and ag gravating circumstances, and at a place where British ships o f war had no right to enter, and from whence the whole commerce o f England had been lawfully shut out. A nd that Captain Elliott should have been the first to commence the fire, does not more strongly show his utter want o f provocation to this deed o f bloodshed, than that he was determined upon its perpetration. Before embarking upon his murderous project, the decree expelling him and the vessels o f his nation from the waters o f China, had been received, and he had taken the precaution to have all British merchantmen remove beyond the power o f the Chinese war junks, and then, with an avenue for safe retreat widely thrown open, and with nothing to embarrass his flight, he proceeded to the deliberate per petration o f an act, which did not more deeply violate and outrage the dearest rights o f China and her subjects, than the universal law o f na tions, and o f heaven itself. And yet, in the broad face o f the facts we have enumerated, England dares to think o f restitution, and threatens to compel it at the cannon’s mouth. But what is the restitution she requires 1 and upon what ground is it demanded 1 The answer is plain. H er merchants are clamorous for payment o f the opium delivered to Captain Elliott, and her govern ment cannot honorably refuse to accept his official drafts in their favor, particularly after openly sanctioning the traffic ; and determined not to lose what she is powerful enough to wrest from weak and oft-wronged China, the thunders o f war are to be opened. But this is not all. She is resolved not to relinquish the opium trade, and probably will not hesitate to enforce its continuance at the point o f the sword. Its destruction would cut off three millions o f pounds ster ling from her revenue, which even now has been deficient more than three millions o f pounds in meeting the expenditures for the last two years. Already has a powerful armed fleet been despatched for the coast o f China, consisting o f three ships o f the line, a number o f frigates, besides several smaller vessels, with nearly fifteen thousand men on hoard ; and should they openly commence hostilities against the Chinese, the rapid strides with which the power o f Great Britain has advanced in India, furnishes the history o f its termination in that empire ; and the exclusive commercial privileges enjoyed by her subjects in Bombay and Calcutta, show how soon the ships o f other nations would he shut out from the port o f Canton. The merchants o f this country are seriously affected by the great ques tion here presented, and the protecting mantle o f national strength should he thrown around their interests in the eastern world. The government o f the United States is bound by the most sacred obligations to the per formance o f this high duty, and cannot shrink from it, without the sacri fice o f individual wealth, and the forfeiture o f national honor; and should Great Britain invade the Chinese empire, blockade its ports, and expel from its waters the commerce o f other lands, the whole enlightened and Christian world ought solemnly to protest against it, as an unwarranted act o f arbitrary power, committed in violation o f the broad principles o f eternal justice. 406 Mercantile Biography. A rt. V I .— M E R C A N T IL E B IO G R A P H Y . I n presenting to our readers the present paper, embracing biographi cal notices o f merchants who have been eminently distinguished for the energy manifested in the pursuit o f their various vocations — from the most humble beginnings to the proudest results o f human industry— for their public and private virtues, and the influence which they have ex erted on the domestic, moral, political, and intellectual condition o f man kind, we would offer a few prefatory remarks. It has been said, and with truth, that neither the past or present age has presented a single life from which, if a faithful narrative were writ ten, some valuable information might not be drawn. I f such an asser tion be tenable, when applied to the recorded actions in the great mass o f society, charged with its follies and crimes, how much more forcibly must it apply to the biography, which selects and holds up as mirrors to the world those only whose wisdom and virtue are calculated to make a lasting and beneficial impression; which, while it consecrates the ashes o f the dead, rescues from the destructive influence o f time all that is worthy o f remembrance— presents us with the living characteristics o f the man as he stood before a scrutinizing earthly tribunal— enables us to follow him from the dawn o f intellect to the termination o f an active, well-spent life— to see him triumphing over every obstacle which poverty or misfortune presented to his indomitable mental and physical energies — and finally, to appropriate to ourselves the results o f an experience thus presented. In reference to American merchants, we intend that the “ biographical notices” shall furnish a supplement to the future history o f our country, in which those finer shades o f character, most interesting to the community, which are lost in the wide survey and generalizing spirit o f the historian, shall be faithfully and accurately delineated. A s the second commercial country on the globe — with ships naviga ting every sea and bartering with every nation— our merchants necessa rily fill an important station in the world’s eye; on their honor, integrity, and energy, depend our national character abroad, and our internal con dition at home. A fertile and extensive territory may form the basis o f our wealth; but commerce is to its productions what machinery is to the raw material— it fashions, shapes, and sends forth. It is an historical fact, that Napoleon, when his imperial flag waved over thirty millions o f people, derisively designated England as the “ nation o f shopkeepers.” Time, however, with its train o f events, taught him to see, in his sad reverses o f fortune, when stript o f his glories— exiled to a solitary rock in the Atlantic — deserted by his fol low ers— a monument o f fallen grandeur and defeated ambition— that to the pecuniary sacrifices and the devoted patriotism o f the “ shopkeepei’s” he was indebted for that unyielding opposition to his sway by which Britain was distinguished, when, by his celebrated decrees and embargoes, he had closed the ports o f E urope against her shipping; when monarchs were his puppets, thrones his footballs, and subjugated nations the outposts o f his military camp. I f such were the national consequen ces attendant on the mercantile character and resources o f England, what importance must ultimately attach to them in a country like our own, the shores o f which embrace two oceans— the commerce o f Mercantile Biography. 407 which already competes with its great rival, in every quarter o f the globe— whose extensive lakes are whitened with the sails o f inland navigation, and whose rail-roads form a chain o f internal communica tion which unites the most distant sections o f an active population— levelling mountains, extending over rivers, and setting distance and time at defiance? Taking leave o f the influence which the mercantile character exerts upon our external relations, we will now briefly advert to its effect on our physical, moral, and intellectual conditions. T o our merchants we are chiefly indebted for the temples o f religion, the halls o f benevolence, the marts o f commerce, and the noble literary institutions which adorn and distinguish our cities. A m ong the latter institutions, we might place the “ Athenaeum at Boston,” the “ Institution for the Blind,” the “ United States Bank and Girard College in Phila delphia,” the “ Exchange at Baltimore,” the “ Astor House,” and last, though not least, the “ Mercantile Library,” the proud boast o f our city. Never has a nobler monument been erected to departed worth, than this twenty-thousand volumed association, with her lectures and her great moral influences, offers to the memory o f her mercantile founders, whose names are engraven in indelible characters on her portals, and are conse crated in her prosperity. N ew Y ork may safely challenge the world to produce an institution o f a similar character, so important in its consequences to a rising and energetic community. In the midst o f the fluctuations o f commerce, and the energies neces sarily devoted to its steady advancement, it will be seen, that the mer chant has not been undistinguished among the moral and religious bene factors o f mankind, or unmindful o f the injunction left by the mild Founder o f Christianity to his followers— “ G o ye forth unto all nations, and preach unto them the gospel o f truth.” W e ow e to the benevo lence o f our mercantile community a great portion o f the means raised to support missionaries among the aborigines, while some o f its mem bers, unaided, have sent forth the bearers o f the gospel mission to the most distant nations o f the earth. The mental and physical endurance which has distinguished the mer cantile character, particularly in our own country, is not one o f its least extraordinary features; many o f its possessors, who now rest from their labors, rose from extreme obscurity— saw their hopes and expectations blasted again and again— yet rising with renewed vigor from every stroke o f fortune, eventually succeeded in acquiring an affluent inde p en den ce; — the just reward o f their unabated perseverance. N or should the untarnished honor and integrity o f the merchant, un happily exemplified in the ruinous commercial change to which he has been subjected for several past years, pass unnoticed; many, it is too painfully true, have been compelled to sink in the struggle, but, like the wife o f Ca;sar, have preserved a purity o f character untainted even by suspicion. In devoting a portion o f the Magazine to Mercantile Biography, we are influenced by a desire to exhibit the strong points o f character which have distinguished the patriarchs o f commerce, as furnishing ex amples to the young merchant o f the present and future times, and as a stimulus to the attainment o f the enviable distinction which they have acquired. 40S Mercantile Biography. The sources from which the following notices have been selected are various, and, generally, more contracted than we could have desired. In the future numbers we shall enter more into detail, as examples are furnished, which we respectfully solicit from those who may have it in their power to aid us in this department. The first name which we present to our readers, at this time, is that o f GEORGE CABOT, a distinguished merchant and statesman, bom in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1752. H e was educated as a merchant, and for several years visited foreign countries as a factor for his father, who was an enterprising and opulent ship owner. H e was considered a young man o f talent, and soon after commencing business, he was elected a member o f the Massa chusetts Provincial Congress— o f which General Warren was president. The good people o f Massachusetts, wishing to alleviate the distresses o f the times, proceeded to consider the propriety o f fixing a maximum price upon foreign goods. This he opposed with such strength o f reasoning, as to prevent any restriction upon commerce. During the war, he was an active merchant— he, with his brother, ha ving at one period o f the contest, twenty privateers o f a large class, carrying from sixteen to twenty guns each. These vessels were very successful for four or five years ; but the British, towards the close o f the war, having lost more than one thousand seven hundred merchantmen, grew wiser, and fitted out a large number o f frigates and gun brigs, that were superior in force to most o f our privateers, and a great portion o f them were taken. The Cabots were severe sufferers, losing nearly all their armed ships before the war closed. W hen peace was restored to the couutry, Mr. Cabot was active in bringing the people to see the necessity o f forming a sound and perma nent general government. W ith others, he used the public press to enlighten the country upon the great doctrines o f civil and political li berty. H e was active in establishing a state constitution for Massachusetts, and afterwards, in 1788, was a member o f the convention for adopting a constitution for the United States. Soon after the constitution, went into operation, he was chosen by the legislature o f Massachusetts as a senator in congress. In 1798 he was appointed, by John Adams, Secretary o f the Navy, but he declined the appointment; yet he took an active part in assisting the government to build and equip a navy. Liberal loans were subscribed by the merchants in every part o f the country, and Mr. Cabot was among the foremost. The government, fired at the insults and indignities offered our commerce by France, were so active in building ships o f war, that a few months were sufficient to take the timber from the forests to construct a sloop o f war, and in a few more days to get her ready for sea. A respectable force was soon on the ocean, and earned laurels whereever they met the enemy. During these dark hours o f our history, when Hamilton and Ames were full o f apprehension for our destinies, Mr. Cabot was laboring with them in opening the eyes o f the people, blinded by party feuds. It is said that Ames, always flowing, and sometimes too redundant, consulted Mr. Ca bot in regard to his publications, and frequently submitted to his judg ment when they differed in opinion. William Gray. 409 F or many years o f the latter part o f his life, Mr. Cabot resided in Bos ton, where he was held in the highest estimation. I f there was a matter o f mercantile usage to be settled, he was consulted ; — if there was a misunderstanding between merchants, he was made arbitrator; aye, even i f there were an affair o f honor to be settled, his opinion was law. In 1815, he was elected from Suffolk county as a member o f the Hartford Convention, and was made president o f that body. W here he was, every one was satisfied that all would be done with decency and correctness, both in manner and principle. H e was brave, and discreet as brave. His ambitious days, if ever he had any, were over, and prudence and judgment were, at the time o f the Hartford Convention, his great charac teristics. The person o f Mr. Cabot was o f the finest cast. H e was tall and well proportioned. His head was a model for the sculptor. There was a classical expression o f the countenance, that made him the object o f observation to every stranger. His movements were dignified, and his voice sonorous and commanding. Looking at him, you would say, there is a gentleman; and no one would question the assertion. H e was as amiable as excellent; there was no asperity in his nature. H e took a broad and noble view o f every subject, and uttered his opinions with fearlessness, but with modesty— and his decisions were as oracles. Mr. Cabot died in April, 1823, in the seventy-second year o f his age ; and enjoyed through that long period, all that philosophy, philanthropy, and religion, could give to life. The civic wreath o f such a man should be green forever. WILLIAM GRAY, one o f the most successful o f American merchants, was bom in Lynn, in the county o f Essex, and commonwealth o f Massachusetts, in the year 1751. H e came, when quite a boy, to Salem, and was an apprentice, first to Samuel Gardner, Esquire, an active merchant, but left him and finished his apprenticeship with Mr. B.. Derby, also a business man o f that place. Young Gray was an enterprising and indefatigable appren tice, and had acquired the confidence o f the principal merchants in Salem when he commenced business for himself, which in that careful and in dustrious town, was a fine capital to begin upon. Mr. Gray was early prosperous in his affairs, and in less than twenty-five years after he had commenced business, was considered and taxed as the wealthiest man in the place, where there were several o f the largest fortunes that could be found in the United States. H e was all activity, and at times had more than sixty sail o f square rigged vessels. It was a fact that no moderate breeze could blow amiss for him, for every wind o f heaven carried for him some vessel to port. F or more than fifty years o f his life he rose at the dawn o f day, and was shaved and dressed before the common hour for others to rise. Being dressed, his letters and papers were spread before him, and every part o f his correspondence brought up. H e was, at the same moment that he put millions on the adventurous tracks for gain, with the boldest character, careful o f all the small concerns o f expen-, ditures. This he considered as belonging to the duty o f business. H e had married, in early life, Miss Chapman, o f Marblehead, the daughter o f a distinguished lawyer. They had five sons and one daughter. Mrs. Gray was a woman o f great powers o f mind, well cultivated, and for many years was among the first in the social circle. V O L . II.— n o . v . 52 410 Mercantile Biography. During the embargo, Mr. Gray took side with Mr. Jefferson, notwith standing his interest suffered greatly. His ships were rotting at the wharf. This course brought against him his old friends, and raised up a nume rous host o f new ones. H e now removed to Boston, and was elected Lieutenant Governor o f the state. H e had several times been elected to the state senate, but politics were not his strong hold, and he sunk the great merchant in the common-place politician. His immense wealth was used for the wants o f the government, with the liberality and confidence o f one who believed that a government should not be poor when indi viduals were rich. It is doubtful whether any capitalist in the United States did so much for the exigencies o f government as Mr. Gray. And while others were speculating on the depreciation o f securities, no one will hpsitate to saythat his exertions were dictated by patriotism, with only the hopes o f an honest remuneration. A fter the close o f the war, he launched again into commerce, but not with his former success. Times had changed, but he had not changed with them, and what was a safe cal culation once, was not so n o w ; but still there can be no doubt but that he died a rich man, although no public inventory was ever taken o f his estate, as his heirs gave bonds to pay debts and legacies— all the law o f that state requires. Mrs. Gray died about tw o years before her husband, and his eldest son since his death. Mr. Gray was happy in his family, and was always a domestic man. H e was worn out with the fatigues o f business at the age o f seventy-four, and departed this life November fourth, 1825. PHILIP LIVINGSTON, descended from a respectable Scotch family, and was b om at Albany, January fifteenth, 1716. H e was educated at Yale College, and gradua ted with the class o f 1737. H e became a merchant in N ew Y ork after leaving his Alma M ater; and as there were but few well-educated mer chants in Wall-street at that time, he was soon quite at their head, and o f course had offices at his command. In 1754 he was an alderman o f the city o f N ew Y ork, and after serving in this capacity for four years, was sent to Albany, as a representative o f the city. In this body he soon became a leader, and directed its attention to the great interests o f com merce ; N ew Y ork being then behind Boston and Philadelphia in her ex ports and imports. H e was one o f the committee o f correspondence with the agent for the colony in England,'the celebrated Edmund Burke; and his letters abound in information and critical remarks. Mr. Livingston was in congress in 1776, and affixed his name to the declaration o f inde pendence, for which he was a strenuous advocate. H e was a member o f the senate o f N ew Y ork, on the adoption o f the state constitution; after which, under the provisions o f that constitution, he was elected a member o f congress; but he was not long permitted to devote himself to the ser vice o f his country, for on the twelfth o f June, 1778, he died, with angina pectoris, or the dropsy o f the chest, often twin messengers o f death. H e was a warm and fearless patriot in severe times, when thick clouds en veloped our political horizon. FRANCIS LEWIS, one o f the N ew Y ork delegation in congress when the declaration o f independence was made, was bom in W ales, in 1723. H e was partly educated in Scotland, and then sent to Westminster, where he became a Robert Morris.— Benjamin Rickman. 411 good classical scholar. In London he became an apprentice to a merchant, with whom he continued until he was o f age. H e then left England for Am erica with handsome prospects, and set up business in N ew York. H e was agent for die British colonies in 1756, and was taken prisoner and carried to France, from which country, on his exchange, he returned to New York. H e was a lover o f liberty, and stood foremost amongst the sons o f freedom. In 1775, he was sent a delegate from the provincial congress o f N ew Y ork to the continental congress, and was there when the declara tion o f independence was made. H e continued in that body for several years afterwards, and rendered great service as a commercial man. H e suffered much for his patriotism, the British having destroyed his property on Long Island. H e had, however, the satisfaction o f seeing the country prosperous, though he was not. H e died on the thirtieth o f December, 1813, in the ninetieth year o f his age. ROBERT MORRIS was a native o f England, but came to this country when quite young, and was educated in Philadelphia. After finishing his education, he en tered a counting-house, and in a fewyears became conspicuous as a thorough merchant. W hen the revolution broke out, Mr. Morris sided with the colonists, and was distinguished as a patriot. H e was elected a delegate to the second continental congress, and was in that body in 1776, when the declaration o f independence was signed. During the whole war, he was considered the ablest financier in the country, and Washington had recourse to him, when he could not procure any thing from congress. In 1781, Mr. Morris was appointed superintendent o f finances, and was, per haps, the only man in the country fit for the office. H e had a most arduous task to perform; it was indeed gigantic, for it involved all the duties o f every department o f the government, so far as money was concerned. Washington had the highest confidence in him, and Franklin thought him a most wonderful man. H e surprised all by his power o f raising money for public exigencies, when our credit was under the worst circumstances. H e provided Washington with money to carry on his southern campaign against Cornwallis, the defeat o f whose army ended the war. H e died on the eighth o f May, 1806, in the seventy-third year o f his age. It may be said o f him that he was a great public benefactor. BENJAMIN PICKMAN was bom in Salem in 1740. H e was the son o f a distinguished mer chant in that town, and was graduated at Harvard College, in 1759. H e entered his father’s counting-room after leaving college, and soon took a high stand in society. W hen the revolutionary war broke out, he was lieutenant colonel o f the Salem regiment, but he had not made up his mind that the time had arrived a separation o f the two countries. H e was a friend to his own, but could for not come to the doctrine o f a sudden dismemberment. H e went to E ng land under a furlough from the legislature, and there did much good in assisting the unfortunate who were taken prisoners in the first years o f the struggle. H is wife and family remained in this country until the war closed, and o f course his estates were not confiscated. In 1784 he re turned to his native land, and was greeted with kindness by his old friends. H e now commenced business again as a merchant, but in the 412 Laws relative to Debtor and Creditor. British spoliations lost no small part o f his property. The treaty made by Jay returned him his property, and the fair interest on the same. H e now relinquisher] all business, took his money and invested it in Ameri can stocks, and lived on its incom e,— most ample means for his pur pose. His table was one o f the best in the country. H e was classical, delicate in his feelings, and unshaken in his opinions, and every one was satisfied with his hospitable board. His conversation was generally directed to ancient history, or to that o f our country. H e was at home in either, but made no parade o f his learning. H e was a man o f no ordi nary talents, and o f more than ordinary taste in classical literature. A s an antiquary he was second to n o n e ; he garnered up all that was curi ous or strange in his neighborhood, and was ready to give it to the pub lic provided his name could be kept out o f sight. H e now placed the enjoyments o f life in ease, and never swerved from his principles. H e was blessed with an excellent wife and a de lightful family. They were around him and administered to his com forts. H e had three sons and two daughters, and all were devoted to his happiness. H e rejoiced in the success o f all he k n e w : his heart was full o f philanthropy. His person was noble, his height over six feet, his countenance quiet, calm, but manly, and hardly bore the ordinary marks o f age. In the 81st year o f his age he sunk to sleep, without having suffered many o f those pains and aches which mortal man is liable to, in this scene o f struggle and anguish. There were but few men in this world o f so good a disposition, fewer still o f so much intelligence or refinement, and none o f greater purity o f character. A r t . V I I .— L A W S R E L A T I V E TO D E B T O R A N D C R E D IT O R . f NUMBER TWO. MISSOURI. The following b rief abstract o f the laws o f Missouri, relative to the means o f enforcing debts against the citizens o f that state, prepared by Messrs. Primm & Drake, attorneys at law, at St. Louis, Missouri, has been politely furnished for publication in our magazine, by Joseph C. Hart, Esq. o f N ew York. W e also subjoin a complete and accurate statement o f the times o f holding courts in Missouri. The points to which we shall advert, relate : F i r s t — T o suits on bonds, bills, and notes. S econd — T o suits b y capias. T h ir d — T o suits by attachment. F o u r t h — T o proving indorsements and partnerships. I. Suits on bonds, bills, and notes. These, by a recent law, are made triable at the term o f court to which suit is brought, if the defendant shall have been personally served with pro Laws relative to Debtor and Creditor. 413 cess, twenty days before the commencement o f the term. This change will enable a creditor to obtain his m oney; before, under the former law, he could have had a judgment. II. Suits by capias. A capias may he obtained against a debtor: upon the plaintiff, or some person for him, making an affidavit,* stating that the plaintiff has a sub sisting and unsatisfied cause o f action against the defendant, on what ac count the same accrued, and that the defendant is about to remove out o f this state— or that the defendant is not a resident o f this state— or that the p lain tiff is or will be in danger o f losing his demand unless a capias be al lowed, and the dfendant held to bail. I f the plaintiff’s demand be liquidated, the amount due must be spe cified in the affidavit; and when the affidavit shall state that the plaintiff is or will be in danger, &c., thefa cts and circumstances, from which such danger is inferred, must be stated in the affidavit. III. Suits by attachment. An attachment may be obtained, upon filing a bond, as subsequently Stated, and an affidavit, setting forth that the defendant is justly indebted to the plaintiff, after allowing all just credits and set-offs, in a specified sum, and on what account, and that the affiant has good reason to believe, and does believe, either 1st, That the debtor is not a resident of, nor residing in the state o f Missouri; or, 2d, That he conceals himself, or absents himself, or has absconded from his usual place o f abode, in the state o f Missouri, so that the or dinary process o f law cannot be served upon him ; or, 3d, That he is about to remove his property or effects out o f this state, so as to defraud, hinder, or delay his creditors; or, 4th, That he has fraudulently conveyed, assigned, removed, conceal ed, or disposed o f ; or is about to convey, assign, or dispose of, any o f his property or effects, so as to defraud, hinder, or delay his creditors; or, 5th, W here the debt was contracted out o f this state, and he has ab sconded, or secretly removed his property or effects to this state, with intent to defraud, defeat, hinder, or delay his creditors. In addition to the affidavit, a bond, in the following form, must be filed at the commencement o f the suit: “ Know all men by these presents, that w e ,---------- as principal, and ---------- as security, are bound to the state o f Missouri, in the sum o f---------dollars, for the payment o f which w e bind ourselves and our legal rep resentatives by these presents. Sealed with our seals, and dated this ---------- day o f ---------- ,18— . “ The condition o f this obligation is such, that whereas----------as plain tiff is about to institute a suit by attachment, in the---------- Circuit Court, against---------- as defendant, returnable to the----------Term, 18-------,o f said court, for the sum o f ---------- dollars; now i f the said plaintiff shall pro secute his action without delay and with effect, and shall pay all damages which may accrue to the defendant or any garnishee by reason o f said * A n y affidavit, taken to be used in this state, should be sworn to before a judge o f a court o f record, and the clerk o f such court should certify, under the seal thereof, the official character o f the judge. 414 Laws relative to Debtor and Creditor. attachment, or any process or proceeding in said suit, then this obligation to be void, otherwise to remain in force.” This bond must be signed by one or- more securities, resident bouse holders in the county in which the suit is to be brought, and must be for a sum at least double the amount o f the demand sworn to. IV . O f proving endorsements and partnerships. In a suit by endorsee o f a note, bond, or bill o f exchange, the handwriting o f the endorser must be proven. This may be done by an affi davit o f some person acquainted with it, attached to the instrument sued upon, and filed in the suit twenty days before the day o f trial. It would, therefore, be advisable, in all cases where such p roof may be necesssary, to send the affidavit with the claim. A partnership may be proven, also, by an affidavit filed in the case twenty days before the day o f trial, setting forth the names and respec tive places o f residence o f all the partners, the name or firm of the part nership, the general nature o f the business, and where transacted, the time o f the commencement o f the partnership, that it still exists, if such be the fact, and i f not, when the firm was dissolved. An affidavit o f this kind should, therefore, always accompany a claim upon which suit is to be brought by a firm. THE CIRCUIT COURTS Throughout the state are hdd in the different counties, asfollow s: Audrain, 1st Mondays in March, July, and November. Barry, 1st Thursdays after 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. Benton, 3d Mondays after 4th Monday in March, July, and November. Boone, 1st Mondays in April, August, and November. Buchanan, 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. Caldwell, 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. Callaway, 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. Cape Girardeau, 3d Mondays in February, June, and October. Carroll, 1st Mondays in April, August, and December. Chariton, 1st Mondays in January, May, and September. Clarke, 2d Thursdays after fourth Mondays in March July, and November. Clay, 3d Mondays in April, and August, and 1st Monday in December. Clinton, 1st Thursdays after 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. Cole, 1st Mondays in March, July, and November. Cooper, 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. Crawford, 1st Mondays in March, July, and November. Davies, 2d Mondays in April, August, and December. Franklin, 3d Mondays in February, June, and October. Gasconade, 2d Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. Greene, 1st Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. Howard, 4th Mondays in April, August, and December. Laws relative to Debtor and Creditor. Jackson, Jefferson, Johnson, L a F ayette, Lewis, Lincoln, Linn, Livingston, Macon, Madison, Marion, Miller, Monroe, Montgomery, Morgan, Newton, N ew Madrid, Perry, Pettis, Pike, Platte, Polk, Pulaski, Ralls, Randolph, Ray, Ripley, Rives, St. Francois, Ste. Genevieve, St. Charles, St. Louis, Saline, Scott, Shelby, Stoddard, Taney, Van Buren, W arren, Washington, W ayne, 415 2d Mondays in April, August, and October. 2d Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Thursdays after 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Mondays in April, August, and October. 1st Thursdays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Mondays after 4th Mondays in April, August, and November. 4th Mondays in April, August, and December. 3d Mondays in April, August, and December. 1st Thursdays after 4th Mondays in April, August, and December. 4th Mondays in January, May, and September. 1st Mondays in January, May, and September. 1st Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. 3d Mondays in April, August, and November. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Thursdays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays in March, July, and October. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Mondays in March, July, and October. 3d Mondays in January, May, and September. 4th Mondays in April and August, and 2d Monday in December. 1st Mondays in February, June, and October. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Mondays after 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays after 4th Mondays in April, August, and November. 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Mondays in March, July, and November. 4th Mondays in March, July, and November. 2d Mondays in February, June, and October. 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 3d Mondays in March, July, and November. 4th Mondays in April, August, and November. 2d Mondays in March, July, and November. 1st Thursdays after 1st Mondays in February, June, and October. Mercantile L aw Reports. 416 A rt. V I I I .— M E R C A N T IL E L A W R E P O R T S . FIRE INSURANCE----EXTENT OF THE POWERS OF INSURANCE AGENTS TO BIND THEIR PRINCIPALS.----IMPORTANT DECISION ON A FIRE POLICY.---- INSU RANCE----GENERAL .AVERAGE---- TECHNICAL TOTAL LOSS---- PARTIAL LOSS ----ABANDONMENT---- SALE OF VESSEL BY THE MASTER---- VALUATION---MARINE INTEREST. FIRE INSURANCE----EXTENT OF THE POWERS OF INSURANCE AGENTS TO BIND THEIR PRINCIPALS. T he following interesting case in the Supreme Court o f New York, o f lire insurance, involves the question o f the extent o f the powers o f agents to bind their principals, and as a large proportion o f the insurances in the country are effected through agents, we publish a full report o f Judge Bronson’s opinion. Samuel Lightbody v. North American F ire Insurance Company. This was an action brought to recover two thousand dollars on a po licy o f insurance, issued by the agent o f the North American Insurance Company, residing in the city o f Troy. The facts, as offered in evi dence, were these : The plaintiff resides in the city o f Utica, and was the owner o f a block o f wooden buildings, which he wished to get in sured, and sent a survey o f the property to a friend, residing in the city o f Troy, requesting him to get it insured in some responsible company in Troy or Albany, authorizing him to pay one half per cent, premium. The person to whom the survey was sent called on H . Z. Hayner, Esq., agent o f the North American Fire Insurance Company, and inquired if he was authorized to take risks in the city o f U tica ; being answered in the affirmative, he presented him the survey, and asked at what rate he would insure that property. Mr. Hayner requested that he would leave the survey with him for a few days, that he might examine it before agreeing upon the premium. In about a w eek’s time he called again, and they agreed upon the premium, at one half per cent., which was paid at the time, and a receipt taken for the same. That same night, March 30th, 1837, those buildings, with many others, were destroyed by fire. Subsequently to this, the agent gave the insured a»policy o f insurance, according to agreement, signed by the president and secretary o f the company, and containing the incorporate seal. There were two points o f defence set up b y the defendant’s counsel; one was, that the policy was o f no validity, having been delivered after the buildings had been destroyed; therefore it could not obligate the company to pay for what did not exist when it came into the possession o f the plaintiff. The other point o f defence set up, was, that their agent was restricted by the company to insure only in T roy and its vicinity; and, therefore, by insuring in Utica he had transcended his authority, and consequently could not bind the company by his acts. In answer to which, it was urged by the plaintiff’s counsel, that the delivery o f the policy after the fire was no new contract, but that it was in accordance with the general custom to take a receipt on effecting an insurance, and afterwards re ceive the policy o f the company. F ire Insurance. 417 In answer to the other objection, it was contended, that the plaintiff was not bound to inquire what instructions the agent might have received from the company to regulate his conduct; that it was enough for his pur pose to know that he was their authorized and accredited agent, for the general purposes o f insurance, and that i f he transcended his instructions he was amenable to the company; and that an individual, who had not the means o f knowing what those instructions were, ought not to suffer on this account. The Court ruled, that the objections could not be sustained, and direct ed the jury to find for the plaintiff the full amount claimed. Exceptions were taken by the defendant’s counsel, and the case having been carried to the Supreme Court, the following is the opinion o f the Bench, decided at the late term in Albany. B y the Court, Bronson, Judge. W ithout intending to intimate any opinion on a question which may be made between the principals and their agent, I shall presume, for all the purposes o f this case, that the agent departed from his instructions in taking a risk at Utica. This hypothesis will not aid the defendants. Haynev was a general agent for effecting insurance on behalf o f the company, and acted within the general scope o f his authority in taking this risk. Although he must answer to his principals for departing from their private instructions, he clearly bound them, so far as third persons, dealing with him in good faith, are concerned. The question is not so much what authority the agent had in point o f fact, as it is what powers third persons had a right to suppose he possessed, judging from his acts and the acts o f his princi pals. Perkins v. Washington Insurance Company, (4 Cowen, 645.) This rule is necessary to prevent fraud, and encourage confidence in deal ing, (2 Kent, 620.) It is difficult to conceive how the defendants could have conferred a more unlimited authority upon the agent, so far as third persons are concerned, than they did by furnishing him with policies al ready executed by the officers o f the company, and ready to be delivered to any one who might wish to contract, after his name, the subject insured, extent o f the risk, and date o f the transaction, had been inserted in the contract. The plaintiff had a right to believe that the defendants re posed unlimited confidence in Hayner in relation to the subject o f his agen cy; and it would be a monstrous doctrine, to hold that they may now discharge themselves by setting up their private instructions, which were wholly unknown to the plaintiff when he entered into the contract. The rule is different in relation to a special agent: he cannot bind his principals beyond the precise limit o f his authority. But Hayner was a general agent, acting within the scope o f his p ow ers; and if he was wrong in taking this risk, that is a question to be settled between him and his principals. The objection that this was a special risk, and that Hayner had no authority to take special risks without consulting the company, depends on the same principle as the objection already noticed, and requires no separate consideration. There is no ground for imputing bad faith to the plaintiff, or to his agent, Knowlson, who negotiated the contract with Hayner. So far as appears, the plaintiff did not know that the defend ants had an agent in U tica; and if he had known that fact, he did not instruct his agent at Troy to insure with the defendants; Knowlson call ed on Hayner, because he saw from the sign on his door, that he was an VOL. II. — no. v. 53 418 M ercantile L aic Reports. agent for making insurance. H e asked Hayner if he had authority to take risks in Utica, and the agent answered, he thought he had. There was nothing in this calculated to excite a doubt concerning the extent o f the agent’s p o w e rs; and besides, the counsel did not suggest on the trial, as they did on the argument, that there was enough to put Knowlson on inquiry; it is too late now to raise that question, if there was ever any ground for making it. The offer to prove that risks in plaintiff’s block were very hazardous, was o f no manner o f consequence, so long as there was no pretence that plaintiff had either misrepresented the true character o f the risks, or omitted any thing which should have been stated in the survey on which the defendants acted, nor was it a matter o f any moment that the defend ants’ agent at Utica had refused to take risks in that block, and would have refused this risk had it been offered to them ; that fact could prove nothing against the plaintiff; and had the plaintiff known that R. & S., the agents at Utica, had refused to insure other buildings in the same block, which is more than the defendants offered to prove, that would not alter the case. Because other persons could not obtain insurance, it did not follow that the plaintiff could not; and if the plaintiff himself had been refused by one agent or company, it did not preclude him from applying to another. I f he was chargeable with no concealment or misrepresentation affecting the contract which was made, it cannot be avoided on the ground that one, or even a dozen, other persons have re fused to make a similar contract with him. The defendants did not avow on the trial that they intended to impute fraud to the plaintiff, but if they had done so, the several offers o f evi dence did not go far enough to raise such a question. I f the policy was well delivered, it took effect by relation from the day o f its date, which was the day on which the premium was paid and the contract concluded. (Jackson v. Ramsay, 3 Cowen, 75, and cases cited.) It was the manifest intent o f the parties, that the contract should sepa rate from the day o f its date, so as to give the plaintiff the same legal remedy which he would have had if the policy had in fact been deliver ed on that day, and the law will give effect to that intention. This doctrine was not directly denied on the argument, but it was said that the policy was not duly delivered on the twenty-first o f April, for the double reason that the power o f the agent was then at an end, and the plaintiff had notice that the defendants refused to ratify or be bound by his act in making the contract. Although the defendants told the plaintiff on the twenty-first o f April that the authority o f Hayner had been revoked, the letter o f revocation was not even written until the next day, and it was not received by Hayner until the twenty-third o f A p ril; so far as the agent was concerned, he not only pursued his authority in delivering the policy, but he acted in perfect good faith to wards his principals, for he had no notice that they intended to put an end to his agency. The delivery was well made, and bound the defend ants, unless there was something in the circumstances o f the case which should have precluded the plaintiff from receiving the policy when it was offered to him. H ow does the question stand in relation to the plaintiff? H e had, as we have already seen, made a valid contract with the defendants, and was entitled to the usual evidence o f that contract, a policy o f insurance. F ire Insurance. 419 H e could, I thlnlc, have maintained an action on the case against the de fendants for a refusal to deliver the policy, in which he would have re covered damages to the full amount o f his loss. But if his remedy at law be questionable, he had a perfect equitable right to the delivery o f the usual policy, which he might have enforced in the proper forum. (P er kins v. Washington Insurance Company, 4 Cowen, 645.) Having this equitable right to the policy, he was clearly at liberty to receive it, when voluntarily tendered to him by one who had authority to tender it. It would be a refinement in law, if not in ethics, to hold a man precluded from accepting that which was rightfully his due, because he happened to know that the debtor did not intend to discharge his obligations. The plaintiff'was not told that the authority o f Hayner had been, or would be, revoked, until his second call at the defendants’ office on the twenty-first o f April, and for aught that appears, the policy had then been delivered. But suppose the delivery was after the second c a ll; the plaintiff was not chargeable with notice that the powers o f the agent had been revoked, for such was not the fact. The defendants can claim no thing on the ground o f having given information that was untrue. The only notice, then, which could properly be imputed to the plain tiff, was notice that the defendants intended to revoke the powers o f the agent. Immediately afterwards, i f it did not happen before, Hayner met the plaintiff, in pursuance o f the appointment previously made at Troy, and delivered the policy. There was no false suggestions or de ceit on the part o f the plaintiff; he neither said nor did any thing to in duce the delivery. The matter then comes to this : the plaintiff accept ed that which was voluntarily tendered, and was his rightful due, with the knowledge that his debtor did not intend he should have it. That cannot be a good impeachment o f his title. Although the plaintiff’ could not sue on the receipt for premium, that paper was properly received in evidence as a part o f the transaction. The objection to reading the policy in evidence, is disposed o f in what has already been said ; and so also with the objection that the prelimi nary proofs showed a loss accruing previous to the execution and deli very o f the policy. There are, I believe, no other exceptions which were not abandoned on the argument. N ew trial denied. IMPORTANT DECISION ON A FIRE POLICY. T h e new V ice Chancellor, Murray Hoffman, Esq., has lately made a decision in the case o f Charles Me,E vers and others v. the Receivers o f the Merchants' F ire Insurance Company, which shows how careful parties sustaining loss by fire should be in performing the conditions o f their policy. The premises, in the present case, were destroyed by the great fire in 1835. They were then worth the full amount o f a policy which had been effected with a certain insurance company. Receivers stood ready to pay a dividend o f 6S per cent, on the policy, if so decreed. There were, also, other funds for a final dividend, which had not yet been declared. The pleadings contained certain averments as to the omission to g iv e 420 M ercantile L aic Reports. notice o f the loss; and some p ro o f was taken upon that subject, all o f which are particularly stated in the following opinion o f the Court. The Assistant Vice Chancellor. — “ Various objections have been made, on the part o f the receivers, to the relief prayed by the b ill; I have formed so decided an opinion upon the question o f the omission to give proper notice o f the claim, that I shall not enter into the examination o f topics, no conclusion upon which could vary the decree” I must make. The policy contains the following: “ persons sustaining loss or damage by fire shall forthwith give notice thereof in writing to the company, and, as soon as possible, they shall deliver as particular an account o f their loss and damage as the case will admit, signed with their own hands, and they shall accompany the same with their oath or affirmation, declaring the said account to be true and ju s t; the whole cash value o f the sub je ct insured; and various other particulars prescribed. A certificate under the hand and seal o f a magistrate, is also to be produced, stating his examination o f the circumstances attending the fire, etc., and until such proof, declarations, and certificates are produced, the loss shall not be payable.” The pleadings in these cases have distinctly raised the point, whether notice was given or n ot! The issue was raised by the allegation o f the original bill, that it was duly given shortly after the fire; and by the de nial, on the information and b elief in the answer and the averment, that no such notice was given until after the appointment o f receivers, in May, 1S36, more than four months subsequent to the fire. The secretary o f the company has been examined, and disproves the allegation so far as his information extends. The president, or other officers, who might have received it, as suggested at the bar, have not been examined. It is out o f the question to presume notice under such circumstances. It is, however, said, that the receivers have, by their conduct, impliedly admitted that proper notice was given. This depends mainly upon their letter, addressed to the complainants on the 20th o f July, 1836. In that they urge various equities, chiefly that the other securities, held by the N ew Y ork Insurance Company, should be resorted to, and it is said they do not urge the want o f notice as a ground o f resisting the claim. They do, however, suggest, whether they are at all answerable, out o f the funds o f the Merchants’ Insurance Company, to pay the claim on the policy, or any part thereof. A nd they apprize them that they shall re sort to all legal and equitable means to contest the claim under the p o licy. There is no admission o f notice in this. N or is there such in any act or statement o f the receivers which has been pointed out. Neither can they be bound by any implied waiver o f notice. An express waiver o f any legal technical defence to a claim, would be as great a breach o f duty as an abandonment o f the most equitable one. In the case o f the receivers o f the Life and Fire Insurance Company, the chancellor treated them as bound to resist the claim o f holders o f certain securities, called bonds, upon grounds o f a legal nature, which, as between the stockholders and the claimants, at least, had but little equity in them — (sect. 3, page 224.) Under these circumstances, the Court must proceed to the question, whether the neglect to give the notice, until more than four months after the loss, is fatal to the claim. It is urged, that the omission may be waived, as well as the omission to give full preliminary proofs o f loss; and that such waiver may be im F ire Insurance. 421 plied, from no objection being made on that account, and the refusal placed upon other grounds. The case o f V os v. Robinson, (9 John. Rep. 195,) as to a marine policy, and o f Dawes v. the N. R . Insurance Com pany, (7 Cowen, 462,) upon a fire policy, have been cited to this point. The former, as well as other cases, establish, that a defect in pre liminary proofs may be waived. But the waiver must be made by a competent authority. In the latter case it was held, that the president o f the Fire Insurance Company was not authorized by the charter to waive the full preliminary p roofs; although it was admitted that, had they been dispensed with by a board o f directors, or a committee autho rized to settle the claim, the company would have been bound. But the president had no more power to dispense with the terms o f the contract than any other stockholders. It would be difficult to sustain the proposition, that the receivers could dispense with what the contract requires. It is, however, certain, that in this case they have not dispensed with it. The important case o f Inman v. the Washington Insurance Company, (12 W endell, 455,) has been cited and commented upon to sustain this defence. It appears to me to establish, beyond controversy, that no action could be sustained at law. What right bas a court o f equity to declare a different rule 1 I cannot find any equity arising from accident or any other cause on the part o f the complainants, much less from the fraud o f the defendants, which affords such equity. The original bill cannot be sustained. Then the question is, whether the relief asked by the cross bill can be given 1 I f the case rested between the Merchants’ Insurance Company and the N ew Y ork Insurance Company alone, I should have no difficulty. The law o f the court, whatever doubt may have before existed, is now certain. N o instrument, deemed to be void by a court o f equity, and which it will not enforce or make the ground o f a decree asserting a right, ought to remain in existence, provided the pleading enable the courts to annul it. The doctrine is fully stated by Justice Story. (2 Story’s Equity, 10. 700 ; see also, Goddard v. Garret, 2 E q. Ab. 371, pi. 2 ; French v. Conelly, 2 Anst. 454; Hamilton v. Cummings, 1 Johns. C. R. 320.) M y doubt arises, first, from the injury that may result to other and in nocent parties from the neglect o f the company. But I am bound to consider that the company was the agent to assert their rights as well as its own, and that all the other parties had a right to supervise their con duct, and to see that their duty was performed. A t least they must, al though unfortunately, abide by the company’s n eglect; and the omis sion o f proper notice is a defence against all, wheresoever the fault may lie. But, n e x t: I consider that, before the court can decree the cancelment o f an instrument, it must see clearly that no person but those before it can sustain the claim under it ; otherwise, the remedy should be a per petual injunction against, the parties to the suit. I do not see that any person, except Elliott, Lamb, the company, or Raymond and his assignee, can possibly have any interest in the question. The original bill must be dismissed, and a decree be made under the 422 M ercantile L aw Reports. cross bill for delivery up o f the policy o f insurance. Under the pecu liar circumstances o f the case, I think each party should bear his own costs. INSURANCE----GENERAL AVERAGE---- TECHNICAL TOTAL LOSS---- PARTIAL LOSS ----ABANDONMENT---- SALE OP VESSEL BY THE MASTER---- VALUATION---MARINE INTEREST. T he case o f James L . P . Orrok and, others v. Commonwealth Insurance Company, recently decided by the Supreme Judicial Court o f Massa chusetts, was an action on a policy o f insurance on the brig Rolla. The plaintiffs claimed for a total loss. The defendants admitted themselves to be liable for a partial loss, but not for a total loss. It appeared that the insurance was on tim e; that the Rolla, on the 9th o f February, 1835, during the time covered by the policy, struck upon a rock in the Mediterranean Sea, while pursuing a voyage from Barcelona to Vera Cruz, intending to touch at Gibraltar for provisions; that on the next day after getting off the rock, she was compelled, by the injury she had received, to put into Roquetas, where the captain pro cured eight men to go on board and assist in pumping; that on the fol low ing morning she was driven to sea by the violence o f the wind, but succeeded in reaching Malaga on the 15th o f February; that, at Malaga, by the advice o f the American consul, a survey was called, and the sur veyors reported, that it was necessary that the vessel should be unloaded, in order to examine her; that this having been done, another survey was called, and a report made by the surveyors in writing, which concluded by recommending that the vessel should be so ld ; and that the captain afterwards, by the advice o f the consul, and in pursuance o f such report, sold her by auction. It farther appeared, that the cargo consisted o f wines, and other arti cles which were not o f a perishable nature ; and that the vessel was re paired in about ten days so as to be enabled to make a voyage across the Atlantic. The plaintiffs abandoned the vessel on the 5th o f August, 1835; and there was evidence that the captain arrived in Boston on the 10th o f the preceding July. The defendants introduced, as a witness, John S. Tyler, an insurance broker in Boston, who testified, that, according to the usual manner o f adjusting losses in Boston, the expense o f the eight men from Roquetas, and that o f the first survey while the cargo was on board, would be charged as general average; that the expense o f the second survey, if on the vessel after the cargo was out, would be a partial loss; that the cost o f the carpenters’ work and labor, and all the expenses necessary in order to make the surveys, would follow the surveys respectively, and be general average or partial loss, as the principle to which they were incident was the one or the other; that the expenses o f lighterage, boat hire, hire o f the vessel in which the cargo was put, and all the ex penses respecting the cargo, would be general average; that wages, and the cost o f provisions, from the time o f bearing away for a port o f neces sity, etc., if the vessel had been repaired, during such repairs, and until she was again upon her voyage, would also be general average; and that if, in order to make the repairs, money was raised on bottomry, one Marine Insurance. 423 third was deducted from the marine interest paid, and two thirds only charged to the underwriters. A t the trial, the counsel for the plaintiffs, upon the cross-examination o f Samuel F . Holbrook, a shipwright, who was introduced as a witness by the defendants, proposed the following question: “ A s this vessel and the injury to her have been described, would she, after being repaired, be o f less value than before the injury happened V’ This question was objected to by the defendants; and the judge ruled that it could not be proposed. The plaintiffs contended, that i f the master could not have made com plete repairs at Malaga, for less than one half o f the value o f the vessel, but could have made partial repairs at Malaga and then carried his ves sel to Gibraltar, and there made complete repairs, at an expense in the whole not exceeding one half o f such value, he was not bound to have made partial repairs at Malaga, and then have gone to Gibraltar for complete repairs ; but the judge was o f a different opinion, and instruct ed the ju ry accordingly. The plaintiffs contended, that the valuation in the policy was not con clusive, and that they had a right to show, that the vessel was o f less value, and especially that she was o f less value at Malaga, the port o f necessity; but the judge instructed the ju ry otherwise, and ruled, that the valuation in the policy was conclusive. The plaintiffs farther contended, that i f the valuation in the policy was conclusive, still the premium should be excluded, in determining whether the insured were authorized to abandon; and that as the valuation in the present case was eight thousand dollars, including the premium o f seven per cent., an excess o f one half o f seven thousand four hundred and forty dollars, would authorize an abandonment; hut the judge ruled otherwise, and instructed the jury, that the insured were not authorized to abandon, unless the expense exceeded one half o f eight thousand dollars. The plaintiffs contended, that in determining whether the expense o f repairs authorized an abandonment, the whole o f the marine interest necessary to be paid was to be included; hut the judge ruled otherwise, and instructed the jury, that only two thirds o f the marine interest were to be included, that is, that the deduction o f one third new for old was to be made from the whole cost (including the marine interest) o f the items subject to such deduction. Several other points were made by the plaintiffs, at the trial, which were overruled by the judge, and a verdict was rendered for a partial loss only. The case was argued before the full court on a motion by the plaintiffs for a new trial, and the court decided that the verdict o f the ju ry was right. They made the following, among other, points: 1. That on the question whether the cost o f repairs would exceed half the value o f the vessel, evidence tending to show that she would have been o f less value after being repaired than she was before the in jury, was inadmissible. 2. I f the injury sustained by a vessel insured is not o f such a nature and extent as to warrant an abandonment, it is not such a case o f necessity as will warrant a sale by the master. 3. In determining whether the expenses in repairing an injury sus Commercial Regulations. 424 tained by a vessel insured under a valued policy, will exceed half o f her value, and thus constitute a technical total loss, the valuation o f the ves sel in the policy is conclusive as to her value. 4. W here, in such case, the policy provides that the insured shall not have a right to abandon unless the loss exceeds half the amount in sured, and the valuation includes the premium, the loss must exceed one half o f the whole valuation, including the premium, to authorize an abandonment. 5. I f it is necessary to raise money at marine interest for the purpose o f repairing a vessel insured, the rule o f deducting one third new for old is to be applied to such interest, in determining the amount for which the insurers are liable. 6. The vessel’s proportion o f items o f general average is not to be add ed to the partial loss, in order to make up the loss o f fifty per cent., which authorizes an abandonment. COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS. AN ORDINANCE CONCERNING THE LEVEE DUTIES IN AND FOR THE PORT OF NEW ORLEANS. The General Council o f the Municipalities o f New Orleans, in conformity with the 20th section o f the A ct o f Incorporation, approved 8th March, 1830, ordain as follows: A rticle 1. The levee or wharfage duties, on ships and other decked vessels, and on steam vessels, arriving from sea, shall be fixed as follows : On each sea vessel under 75 tons.....................................................$12 00 “ “ of75 and under 100 tons.......................... 15 00 “ “ 100 “ 125 20 00 “ “ 125 “ 150 25 00 “ “ 150 “ 200 30 00 “ “ 200 “ 250 40 00 “ “ 250 11 300 50 00 “ “ 300 “ 350 55 CO “ “ 350 “ 400 00 00 “ “ 400 “ 450 65 00 “ “ 450 “ 500 75 00 “ “ 550 “ 600 85 00 “ “ 600 “ 650 95 00 “ 11 650 “ 700 110 00 .......... '..............120 00 “ “ 700 “ 750 over 750............................................................. 130 00 A r t . 2. The payment o f these duties shall be exacted and collected by the munici pality within whose limits such vessels may have moored, after their arrival from sea in port; and an extra duty, of one third o f these rates, shall be paid by all vessels which may remain in port over two months, the same to be recovered at the commencement o f the third month; and if they remain in port four months, then they shall pay a farther additional wharfage, of one third o f said rates, atthe commencement o f the fifth month, and be privileged to remain until the expiration o f six months from date o f original ar rival and mooring, without a farther charge being imposed on them. A rt. 3. When any vessel shall be removed from that division o f the port in which it shall have originally paid duty, to another division o f said port, under the jurisdic tion o f anolher municipality, said latter municipality shall be entitled to receive from the municipality to which said duty had been first paid, in the following ratio, v iz .: One halt o f the duty actually paid or due, if said vessel have not remained longer than fifteen days in that part o f the port in which it was first moored ; one third, if said ves sel have remained longer than fifteen days, but not more than twenty-five days ; but if beyond twenty-five days, not any part o f said duty shall be recovered. Nevertheless, Commercial Regulations. 425 the municipality in whose limits said vessels shall afterwards be moored, shall have the right to levy and collect the extra duty o f one third o f the rates mentioned in Article 1, on the conditions mentioned in Article 2; provided, that no farther charge or extra duty shall be exacted from any vessel which may have removed from one part o f the port to another, for the mere purpose o f forthwith proceeding to sea. A rt . 4. A ll vessels or steamboats coming from sea, which, after their arrival in port, shall proceed to, and return from, any plantation or other place, with a cargo, or part o f a cargo, o f any kind of produce whatever, and shall again enter the port for the pur pose o f discharging the same, shall pay, on returning from any such trip, a levee duty o f eight dollars over and above the duties fixed by the 1st Article o f this ordinance, the same to be collected by the municipality within whose limits said vessels may discharge said produce. A rt. 5. The levee duties on steam vessels navigating on the river, and which shall moor and land in any part o f the incorporated limits o f the port, shall be fixed as follows: On each steamer under 75 tons..........................................................$ 8 00 “ 11 o f 75 and under 100 tons................................. 12 00 “ “ 100 “ 150 16 00 “ “ 150 “ 200 20 00 “ “ 200 “ 250 25 00 11 “ 250 “ 390 30 00 “ “ 300 “ 350 35 00 “ “ 350 “ 400 40 00 “ “ 400 “ 450 45 00 “ “ 450 “ 600 50 00 “ “ 500 “ 550 55 00 over 550 .................................................................... 60 00 A rt. 6. A ll steam vessels employed as packets, and plying regularly between this port and the ports in the Gulf o f Mexico, including Havana,’shall pay no other or higher rate o f wharfage than is-imposed by this ordinance on steamboats navigating the Mis sissippi. A rt. 7. The duties specified in the preceding Article, shall be paid on the mooring and landing o f said steamers in port, by their captains or other agents, to the officer en trusted with their collection by the municipality within whose limits said vessels shall have moored and landed. A rt. 8. After the payment o f these duties, said steamers shall be entitled to remain thirty days in that part o f the port which may have been designated by the munici pality to Which it belongs; and any steamer remaining over thirty consecutive days, shall pay an additional duty o f two dollars per day, until its final departure from port, the same to be collected daily; and if any steamer leaves its first landing place, to take a berth and be moored in another municipality, it shall pay said additional duty of two dollars per day, to the collector o f the municipality into whose, limits it shall have been removed, whether said term o f thirty days shall have expired or not at the time o f such removal. A rt . 9. Steamers employed as tow boats, and which shall have received on board any produce, the whole or any part o f the cargo o f a vessel, and shall discharge the same on the levee, shall pay the same duty as is specified in Article 5, according to their ton nage; said duty to be collected by the proper officer o f the municipality within whose limits such discharge shall be effected. A rt. 10. T ow boats shall pay, for each time they may moor to take in wood or other fuel, eight dollars to the municipality within whose limits they may moor and take in said fuel. A rt. 11. The following levee dues shall be exacted on all flat boats, barges, keel boats, pirogues, and all other raft, crafts, & c.: On each flat boat, either fully or in part laden with produce, materials, or mer chandise o f any kind....................................................................................... $10 00 On each barge, measuring 70 feet or more in length........................................ 10 00 On all barges, keel boats, or boats measuring less than 70 feet, and not ex ceeding 15 tons burthen................................................................................... G 00 4 Oil On all other boats not described in the present ordinance.............................. 1 00 On each coasting pirogue................................................................. ................. The owners or keepprs o f boats used as places o f depot for any article what 1 00 ever, shall pay a duty, per day, o f ..................................................... ........... The following duties shall also be levied: On being broken up, if in the incorporated limits o f the port, each flat boat,. 4 00 vol , ii.— no . v. 54 426 Commercial Regulations. On each steamer, or other vessel than flat boats, being broken up within said limits.......................................................................................................... 10 00 On rafts o f timber not containing more than 25 logs each raft...................... 5 03 On each raft o f timber containing more than twenty-five logs, then in the ratio of that increase. On each craft measuring 40 tons or under, employed to carry sugar, molas ses, wood, or any other description o f merchandise, there shall be levied, 4 CO on each trip, a duty o f ............................................................................. ...... On all craft exceeding forty tons each, employed as above, shall also be le vied, on each trip, a duty o f ............................................................................ G 00 A rt. 12. A ll boats or other vessels arriving within the limits o f the port, with fish, meat, vegetables, eggs, or any and every other kind o f provisions, expressly for the purpose o f supplying the several markets, shall be entirely exempt from paying any levee dues; but the same, and all other description o f craft otherwise employed, whether particularly mentioned in this ordinance or not, shall pay duty according to the tariff above ordained. A rt. 13. The time allowed for all pirogues, flat boats, boats, barges, and keel boats, to land their cargoes in port, shall be fixed at twelve days from their original arrival, after which said craft shall pay daily an additional duty, on each barge, boat, or keel boat over 70 feet in length, o f ........................................................................ ...................SI 00 75 And less than 70 feet lon g................................................................. ................... And in the event o f any said vessels removing from one municipality to another, from their first place o f landing, they shall pay daily said additional duty to the latter municipality, whether said term o f twelve days shall have expired or not. The time allowed for discharging o f boats or other craft not otherwise described in this ordinance, is fixed at twelve days from their arrival in port, after which said boats and craft, and all rafts and floats, shall be taken out o f the incorporated limits o f the port, under penalty o f being fined $25 for each day they may be found in violation of the law, said fine to be paid by all owners, masters, keepers, or consignees o f said flat boats, rafts, or floats, for each and every day they may refuse to comply with the dispo sitions o f the present ordinance ; said fine to be recovered before any competent tribunal, on the evidence o f the proper officer whose duty it is to see the levee or port ordinances carried into effect. Provided, however, that this clause in the present ordinance shall not deprive any o f the municipalities o f the right o f granting a specific privilege for said flat boats, rafts, or floats, to be broken up and used within any one o f their respect ive limits. A rt. 14. It is hereby expressly forbidden to all owners, masters, consignees, or other persons, to sell, or cause to be sold, on board o f any o f the aforesaid craft, under any pretence whatever, wine, beer, cider, and spirituous liquors, in quantities less than a barrel, under a penalty o f fifty dollars for each contravention; said fine to be paid by them in the like manner, and on the like evidence, as are described in Article 13. It is also expressly forbidden to smoke, or allow to be smoked, meat o f any kind on board o f said craft, under the penalty, in the manner levied, and on the evidence above men tioned. A rt. 15. All barges, flat boats, keel boats, or other craft, in which shall be exposed for sale in the part o f the port assigned for their accommodation during the said term o f twelve days, any produce, goods, or merchandise, brought on board from a distance less than 100 miles above the city o f ‘New Orleans, excepting sugar, molasses, and cotton, the staples o f Louisiana, shall be fined in a sum o f not less than $ 50, nor exceed ing $100, the same to be recovered in the manner set forth in Article 13. A rt. 16. In case any person should furnish any false reports relative to the cargoes, owners, or consignees, or the date o f such crafts entering the port, or in any manner in terfere with or imp'ede the officers o f the several municipalities in the free exercise o f the duties devolving on them, said person or persons so contravening shall, on conviction, pay a fine o f not less than $20, nor exceeding $100, for each contravention. A rt. 17. It shall be obligatory on the part o f captains o f vessels and steamers, and also on masters, owners, and keepers of all crafts, flat boats, rafts, and floats, to pay the aforesaid duties onboard of their respective vessels, a receipt for which shall be deliver ed to them by the proper officer o f each municipality, in order to prove payment thereof, in case any o f said vessels, craft, &c., be removed from one division o f the port to another. A rt. 18. A ll the fines imposed by this ordinance shall be for the benefit o f the muni cipality within which any contravention thereof may have been committed; the same to be levied on the evidence o f the wharfinger, and if voluntarily paid, the receipt for the same shall be given by the treasurer; but if they be resisted, then their recovery shall be effected by and before an authority or court of competent jurisdiction. Commercial Regulations. 427 A rt. 19. It shall be a special duty o f the wharfinger for each municipality to make a weekly report to the comptroller thereof, o f all and every description o f vessels, their tonnage, &c., which may each day enter and moor within the limits of the port under his superintendence; which weekly report shall be carefully filed in the office o f said comptroller, for farther reference and examination, and in regular rotation o f dates. A r t . 20. Be it farther ordained, that, from and after ten days’ promulgation o f this ordinance, the wharfage collectors o f the three municipalities shall cause to be kept, by the enrolling clerk at the custom house, a record book, in which daily entries shall be made o f every vessel which may arrive from sea, specifying their names, their masters, consignees, where from, and their tonnage, having three marginal spaces on the right hand, headed, municipality Nos. 1,2, 3, respectively, which space shall be from time to time filled up with the signatures o f the three several wharfage collectors, indicating that they have received the wharfage due to their respective municipalities, by each of whom the expense o f procuring and maintaining said book o f record, if any, shall be borne and paid in three equal proportions. A r t . 21. Be it also ordained, that, in the event o f the resignation or suspension o f any officer or officers employed as collectors o f any o f the branches o f the revenues belonging to either o f the municipalities, he or they shall be forthwith required to de liver up to the treasurer o f the municipality whence his or their appointment was de rived, all his or their books, accounts, and vouchers appertaining thereto. A rt. 22. The present ordinance shall be put in force in ten days after its promulga tion by the mayor; and the execution o f such dispositions thereof as relate to the po lice o f the port, shall specially belong to the officers appointed by each o f the munici palities for this purpose. A rt. 23. A ll previous ordinances, or parts o f ordinances, relative to levee dues, and to the police o f the port, and which may be at variance with, or opposed to, the provisions o f the present ordinance, shall be, and the same are hereby repealed. HOSPITAL MONEY. Extract from Chapter X IV . Title IV . o f the Revised Statutes o f the State o f New- York, entitled, “ Ofthe public health” S ec . 7. The health commissioner shall demand, and be entitled to receive, and in case o f neglect or refusal to pay, shall sue for and recover, in his name o f office, the following sums, from the master o f every vessel that shall arrive in the port o f New York, namely: 1. From the master o f every vessel from a foreign port, for each cabin passenger, one dollar and fifty cents; for each steerage passenger, one dollar. 2. From the master o f each coasting vessel, for each passenger on board, twenty-five cents; but no coasting vessel from the states o f New Jersey, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, shall pay for more than one voyage in each month, computing from the first voyage in each year. S ec . 9. Each master paying hospital monies, shall be entitled to demand and recover, from each person for whom they shall be paid, the sum paid on his account. S ec. 10. Every master ofa coasting vessel shall pay to the health commissioner, at his office, in the city o f New York, within twenty-four hours after the arrival o f his ves sel in the port, such hospital monies as shall then be demandable from him, under the provisions o f this title; and every master, foreach omission o f such duty, shall forfeit the sum of one hundred dollars. IMPORTANT TO BOOKSELLERS. It is stated in the London Morning Post, that Messrs. Black and Armstrong, foreign booksellers, of Wellington-street, Strand, have addressed circulars to the trade, to inform them o f the successful resultofa memorial to the Treasury, on the subject o f the exports on which drawback is claimed. The Board o f Excise has issued a warrant, stating, that in future no objection will be made to the introduction o f pens, pencils, inkstands, rulers, sealing-wax, wafers, and other articles o f stationery, or o f books not entitled to drawback, into packages containing paper or books intended to be exported on draw back, provided that, in the case o f stationery, the quantity packed shall not exceed in weight one fifth o f the weight o f the paper, and in the case o f books not entitled to draw back, one tenth o f the weight o f the drawback books contained in the package in which they are placed, and provided the exporter .shall cause to be marked in a legible man ner on the outside o f each package, in the presence of the packing-officer, the nett weight o f each; and the nett weight o f the articles or books not entitled to drawback, pack ed with them; and the tare o f the package. 428 Commercial Statistics. COMMERCIAL STATISTICS. COMMERCE OF CONNECTICUT, FROM 1791 TO 1838. 1701 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 179h 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1606 I f 07 1808 isoy 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 Imports. Domestic. Foreign. .. .. ... 1,238,388 1,486,882 1,353,537 1,522,750 1,519,083 397,781 655.228 762,785 991,216 7*20,805 938,729 1,042,776 383,135 587,007 574,290 574,500 437,851 415,830 36 >,189 479,353 480,941 570,634 684,686 695,454 567,100 493,925 450,985 335,610 482,073 430,468 427,603 421,419 487,510 431,176 523,103 513,610 10.183 £9,223 90,190 193,078 105,644 15,910 11,255 5.858 38,138 5,574 360 6,799 £9,819 3,064 683 6,101 10,007 5,959 1,120 5,218 4,584 13.439 23,175 27,620 6,985 3,901 810 997 £5,460 7,023 9,487 Total. 710,353 879,753 770,255 812,765 819,465 1,452,793 814,506 763,128 1,143,818 1,114,743 1,446,216 1,606,809 1,248,571 1,516,110 1,443,727 1,715,828 1,624,727 413,691 666,513 768,643 1.032,354 780,805 974,303 1,043,136 363,135 593,806 604,139 577,564 438,534 421,931 376,187 485,312 452.061 575,852 689,270 708.893 590,275 521,545 457,970 389,511 482,883 430,466 427,603 422,416 512,970 438199 532,590 513,610 312,090 507,094 456,463 581,510 707,478 736,194 630,004 485,174 309,538 269,583 405.056 437,715 352,014 385,720 439,502 468,163 318,849 343.331 214,267 149,162 169,770 186,535 168,798 191,309 160,488 181,960 334,870 £01,839 367,861 339,870 350,110 429,531 464,592 478,664 464,467 254,769 163,684 187,521 253,361 873,829 448,595 100,707 230,229 347,436 176,837 205,470 238,190 208,756 196.193 262,375 242,496 306,936 275,933 274,703 189,823 238,562 166,544 125,386 113,185 114,528 87,122 83,443 82,742 106,521 * Ending 30th o f September. * Dr'backs paid on foreign merchandise exported. EXPORTS. Duties on f o reign m er chandise im ported. Years. Compiled from Official Documents, by S. Hazard, Esq., o f live U. S. Statistical Register. 33 1,198 376 1,796 33 685 30,398 37,819 21,0-21 15,748 15,721 53,522 21,402 47,150 80,488 114,715 114,896 24,314 16,729 8,312 3,709 14,220 24,557 35,261 5,595 5,855 5,701 3,038 1.298 2,910 1,437 6,098 5,157 10.856 6.369 12.196 1.620 29,304 20,503 12,433 6,069 3,887 374 1,441 2,164 Registered tonnage. 18,140 16 523 18,015 20,511 23,549 26,045 19,634 23,549 31,632 31,260 34,465 24,940 26,770 23,683 29,563 26,026 27,071 22,297 21,306 22,671 26,502 29,953 24,241 £5,016 33,472 24,624 21,127 13,499 14,378 14,341 14,084 16,419 16,258 14.558 13,084 13.351 14,704 16,814 16.916 14,989 17,064 21,068 21,805 •24,939 26,112 27,398 23,716 28,451 00 00 85 59 91 39 25 44 63 39 58 05 54 67 31 37 11 87 46 35 65 54 00 54 12 62 64 31 30 67 85 84 81 75 78 36 76 44 42 05 43 85 33 79 74 35* 03* 19* 429 Commercial Statistics. COMMERCE OP THE UNITED STATES. Years. | Value o f Exports from each State fo r ten years, ending 30th September, 1838. piled from tables appended to a Report o f the Secretary of the Treasury. Maine. 105,740 96,184 111,222 115,582 155,258 80,870 81,681 15,520 34,641 74,670 808,079 658,256 925,127 349,820 377,399 334,372 3-28,151 188.165 138,693 132,650 Massachu setts. 8,254,937 7,213,194 7,732,763 11,993,768 9,683,122 10,148,820 10,043,790 10,384,346 9,728,190 9,104,862 Rhode Island. 390,381 278,950 367,465 534,459 485,481 501,626 296,003 228,420 488,258 291.257 Connecti New York. cut. 457,970 389.511 482,883 430,466 427,603 422,416 519,270 438,199 532.590 543,610 Years. Vermont. New Jersey 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 8,022 8,324 11,430 61,794 32,753 8,131 74,041 62,809 44,217 28,010 4,089,935 4,291.793 5,513,713 3,516.066 4.078;951 3,989,746 3,739,275 3,971,555 3,841,599 3,477,151 7,195 52,253 34,514 16,242 45,911 51.945 88,826 74,981 40,333 36.844 4,804,465 3,791,462 4,308,647 4,499,918 4,062,467 4,163,245 3,925,234 3,675,475 3,789,917 4,524,575 928,097 753,973 1,220,975 1,154,474 1,002,816 820,394 517,639 [326,871 469,209 373,113 Years. 1829 737,832 1830 670,522 805,573 1831 1832 981,443 1833 1,019,831 1831 834,167 1835 1,059,367 1836 850,986 955,952 1837 935,532 1838 N. Hamp shire. South Carolina. Georgia. Ohio. Michigan. Alabama. Louisiana. 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 Pennsylva District of Delaware. Maryland. Virginia. nia. Columbia. 2,004 8,175,586 4,981,376 7,627,031 5,336,626 14,728 6,575,201 3,959,813 58,394 7,752,731 5,515,883 8,434,325 6.270.040 225,544 11,207,778 7,567,327 241,451 97,204 11,338-016 8,890,674 3,718 13,684,376 10,722,200 11,220,161 8.935.041 132,844 11,042,070 8,803,839 139,827 1,588 12,392 9,234 9,054 36,021 64,830 61,231 69,790 125,660 1,693,958 2.294,594 2,413.894 2,736,387 4,527,961 5,670,797 7,574,692 11,184,166 9,671,401 9,688,244 Com 3,787,431 4,791,644 4,150,475 4.510,650 4,467,587 5,483,098 6,064,063 6,192,040 3,702,714 3,986,228 20,119,011 19,697,983 25,535,114 26,000,945 25,395,117 25,512,014 30.345,264 28.920,438 27.338,419 23,008,471 North Carolina. 564,506 399,333 341,140 342,041 433,035 471,406 319,327 429,851 551,795 545.223 Florida. 12,386,060 56,086 15,488,692 7,570 16,761,989 30,495 16,530,930 65,716 18,941,373 64,805 26,557,524 228,825 36,270,823 61,710 37,179,828 71,662 35,338,697 90,084 31,502,248 122,532* * For Kentucky, Tennessee, and Indiana, none put dow n; and for Mississippi, the value for 1837 only, stated at $304,831. BANKRUPTCIES IN FRANCE. From the 1st o f January, 1839, to the 1st January, 1840, 1,013 bankruptcies were de clared for the department o f the Seine; v iz .: 58 in January, 08 in February, 79 in March, 84 in April, 86 in May, 100 in June, 91 in July, 107 in August, 84 in September, 103 in October, 79 in November, and 76 in December. The total amount o f these failures was 60 millions o f francs. Commercial Statistics. 430 VALUE OF EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES, Great B ri France and. Spain and Netherland Sweden 4* Denmark 4** dependen dependen and depen tain de dependen dependencies cies. dencies. pendencies cies. cies. 12,832.301 11,806,238 9.882,679 13,214,698 14,424.533 16,111,442 20,335,066 21,441,200 20.255,346 16,252,413 6,388,094 6,049,051 5,661,420 6,399,193 6,506,041 6,296,556 7,069,279 8,081,668 7,604,002 7,684,006 4,622,120 4,562,437 3,096,609 6,035,466 3,566,361 4,578,739 4,411,053 4,799,157 4,285,767 3,772,206 957,948 961,72.0 540,078 515,140 420,069 494.741 602,593 700,386 507,523 355,852 2,311,174 2,014.085 2,000,793 2,207,551 1,839,834 1,857,114 1,780,496 2,122,469 1,640,173 1,299.927 •SAVdA Portugal dr dependencies China. Hanse Towns. Russia. West Indies generally. Texas. 1829 1830 18311832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1833 322,911 279,799 294,383 296,218 422,561 322,496 521,413 191,007 423,705 232.131 1,354,862 742,193 1,290,835 1,260,532 1,433,759 1,010,483 1,868,589 1,194.264 630,591 1,516.692 386.226 416,575 462,766 582,682 703,805 330,694 585,447 911,013 1,306,732 1,048.289 369,619 247,121 635,627 562,954 367,773 408,643 450,516 513,996 467,557 339,052 Mexico. Columbia. Central America. Brazil. Argentine Republic. Chili. 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1831 1835 1836 1837 1838 2,331,151 4,837,458 6,178,218 3,467,541 5,408,091 5,265,053 9,023,221 6,041,635 3,880,323 2.164,097 767,348 496,990 658,149 1.117,024 957,543 795,567 1,064,016 829,255 1,080,119 724,739 239,854 250,118 306,497 335,307 575,616 184.149 183,793 189,518 157,663 243,040 1,929,927 1,843,238 2,076.095 2,054,794 3,272,101 2,059,351 2,608,656 3,094,936 1,743.209 2.267,194 623,052 629,887 659,779 923,040 699,728 971,837 703,918 384,933 266,008 236,665 1,421,134 1,536,114 1,368,155 1,221,119 1,463,940 1.476,355 941,884 937,917 1,487,799 1,370,264 jww ilSlSlllil 28,071,084 31,647,831 39,901,379 37.268,556 39,782,210 50,797,650 60,167,699 61,487,550 61,217,485 58,843,392 jtojw 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1831 1835 1836 1837 1838 Years. Years. To each o f the following Foreign Countries, for ten years, ending 30/A September, 1838. From a Report o f the Secretary o f the Treasury. 1,007,928 1,247,880 COMMERCIAL PROGRESS OF FRANCE. The following statistical notes o f the industry o f France are given in the Journal G in tra l: “ In 1819 the quantity o f merchandise conveyed in French vessels was only 726,000,000 kilogrammes. In the year 1833 it was 1,206,956,000. In 1819 the duties upon public carriages amounted to only 3,101,358 francs; in 1838 they were 6,200,000 francs. The amount o f machinery exported in 1820 was only 216,500 francs; in 1838 it was 3,980,607 francs. In 1818 there was only sufficient cotton machinery in France to spin 16,914,217 kilogrammes o f cotton in a year, but in 1838 it had so increassed that 5l millions were spun.”. Commercial Statistics. 431 COTTON TRADE. Table showing the equality o f prices in Charleston, Savannah, and Havre, down at the latter place, with charges as at foot. The charges noticed at the bottom o f each table are included in the prices. EXCHANGE. CTS. 5 10 6 6i 7 n 8 8i 9 9* 10 10i 11 Hi ia 61 64 68 71 75 78 82 85 89 92 96 99 103 5 15 10 60 10 60 10 60 10 60 10 60 10 60 05 61 65 68 72 75 79 82 86 89 93 96 100 103 5 20 64 16 68 20 72 24 76 28 80 32 85 37 85 62 65 69 72 76 79 83 86 90 94 97 101 104 5 30 5 25 20 75 30 85 40 85 40 95 50 05 60 15 70 62 66 69 73 76 80 84 87 91 94 98 101 105 59 16 73 30 87 44 01 58 15 72 35 92 50 63 66 70 73 77 81 84 88 91 95 99 102 106 15 65 25 85 45 05 65 25 85 45 10 70 30 5 35 63 67 70 74 77 81 85 88 92 96 99 103 107 5 00 65 30 95 60 25 90 55 20 85 50 15 5 40 63 67 71 74 78 82 85 89 93 96 100 104 107 84 50 18 85 52 19 86 53 20 87 60 27 95 CHARGES. At Savannah.— Commission for purchasing, per cent.; commission for drawing, 1£ per cent.; insurance against fire, 1-6 per cent.; rope, mending, and drayage, 25 cents per bale; insurance over sea, I f per cent. At Havre.— Freight, lc. per lb., and 5 per cent, primage; duty, 22 francs for 50 kilo grammes ; landing charges, storage one month, and delivery, 2 francs per bale; and all other charges at Havre, including loss o f interest, commission, and brokerage, 5£ pfer cent.; tare bonification, 3 kilogrammes per bale, and ropes at 3. Remarks.— £c. difference in the freight, is I f centimes; fc. in the price o f cotton, is from 1,75 to 1,80 centimes. 100 lbs. at Savannah yield 41,20 kilogrammes at Havre. N. B. The above table also applies to Marseilles. Table showing the cost o f Cotton bought at Savannah, laid down in Liverpool, with charges, as annexed. EXCHANGE. CENTS. 5 8 8i 9 9i 10 101 11 Hi 12 121 13 131 5 6 6 6 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 97 27 56 86 16 46 75 05 34 63 92 22 6 5 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 9 93 22 51 80 10 39 68 98 27 56 85 15 8 7 5 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 9 88 17 46 76 05 34 63 91 20 49 78 08 5 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 8 8 8 9 84 12 41 70 99 27 56 85 14 42 71 01 9 5 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 79 08 36 65 94 22 51 78 04 34 65 95 10 5 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 75 03 31 59 88 16 46 72 97 28 56 86 ch arges. Commission for purchasing, 2| per cent.; commission for drawing, lh per cent.; insurance against fire, 1-5 per cent.; rope, mending, and drayage, 25 cents per bale ; insurance to Liverpool, 1& per cent.; loss o f weight. 5 per cent., from weight paid for to landing weight; freight, fd. per lb., and 5 per cent, primage; duty, 5-16 per lb., or 2s. lid . per 100; landing charges, 3s. per bale; brokerage in Liverpool, £ per cent.; two months interest and commission, 4d. % / Bank Statistics. 432 Table showing the equality o f prices in Liverpool and Havre, f o r American Cottons. Havre. L ’pool. 5 d. equal to francs 70 10 duty paid. 73 30 .......... 5i 76 40 .......... 5h 79 55 .......... 5} 82 65 .......... 6 85 85 .......... 6* 88 95 .......... 6j 95 20 .......... 7 98 40 .......... 7* 101 50 .......... 7§ 104 70 .......... 7i 107 80 .......... 8 8J 8i 8} Ill 10 ........ 114 10 117 30 .......... .......... BANK L ’pool. 9 d. 94 9i 91 10 10i 104 lOf 11 114 Hi m 12 124 Havre. equaltofrancs 120 35 duty paid. 123 60 .......... 126 70 .......... 129 75 .......... 132 95 .......... 136 05 .......... 139 25 .......... 142 30 .......... 145 50 .......... 148 60 .......... 151 80 .......... 154 80 .......... 158 05 .......... 161 20 .......... STATISTICS. BANKS OP BALTIMORE. The following statements, (says the Baltimore Patriot,) as exemplifying the practi cal operation o f the banking system in Maryland, will, o f course, command attention. A s regards the relative amount o f specie and circulation possessed by the banks, the statement, in its aggregate, shows the Maryland banks to be in a condition which would have been deemed one o f undoubted soundness and safety. Their aggregate specie, to their aggregate circulation, as shown by the annexed tabular statement, made up from these returns, is about as one to two. Ten years ago, one to three was gene rally held to be a safe proportion. The reflection that naturally arises is, that banks which, in a period o f suspension, are able and willing to contract their issues and to maintain their circulation at so low a point as two to one, compared with their specie, must be, in the main, conducted with prudence and caution, and are, therefore, likely to deserve the public confidence. Condensed View o f the condition o f the several Banks o f the City o f Baltimore, on the 6th January, 1840. BANKS. Capital. Farmers’ & Planters’. . 600.425 Franklin...................... 628,070 Comm’cial & Farmers’ 512.426 ‘yV’estern..................... 589,050 Marine........................ 309,220 Union.......................... 1,845,562 Merchants’ ................. 2,000,000 Baltimore................... 1,199,350 Mechanics’ .................. 580,634 Chesapeake................. 428,397 491.950 Farmers & Merchants’ 333.950 Citizens’ ...................... Investment Discounts in stocks. 13,050 803,264 215,888 905,202 106,761 606,931 67,661 740,089 24,229 383,763 880,588 2,053,068 161,874 2,200,753 90,140 1,891,900 114,817 652,235 41,315 640,634 90,671 500.809 405,690 Specie. 75,852 72,056 124,042 100,295 58,201 104,689 205,597 120,020 78,976 31,327 34,357 31,350 Circula. 223,870 278,049 117,485 165,315 107,310 306,420 178,750 280,053 228,280 122,530 107,380 83,435 Deposits. 179,981 443,161* 207,540 93,540 109,788 769,866t 311,324 466,192 309,796 198,115 35,967 39,238 T otal................ 9,499,004 1,807,004 11,784,338 1,036,765 2,198,867 3,224,498 * O f which sum, ©194,844 is a deposit o f the state. + O f which sum, $366,543 is a deposit o f the state. 433 Insurance. BANK OF ENGLAND. Quarterly average o f the weekly liabilities and assets o f the Bank o f England, from the 10th o f December, 1839, to the 3d o f March, 1840, both inclusive, published pursuant to Acts 3 and 4 W illiam IV., chap. 98: ASSETS. LIABILITIES. Circulation...................£16,678,000 Deposits....................... 7,896,009 Securities.....................£23.223,000 Bullion......................... 4,271,009 £•24,574,000 £27,494,000 This return shows an augmentation in the currency to some extent. Compared with the last account, there is an increase upon each item— on circulation, £167,000; on de posits, £326.000; on securities, £242,000; and on bullion, £307,000. The actual stock o f bullion in the Bank at this moment, is estimated to be about £4,500,000. INSURANCE. ANNALS OP INSURANCE IN THE WEST. The first Insurance Company established in the west, was at Lexington, Kentucky, which went into operation about 181G, but ceased to exist in one or two years. The second was theold Cincinnati Insurance Company, established in 1818, which issued some fifty or sixty policies, and in one or two years closed up its concerns. The third was the old Louisville Marine Insurance Company, which was established in or about the year 1818, and issued two hundred policies or upwards, and some years afterwards wound up its affairs. The fourth is the Cincinnati Equitable Fire Insurance Company, established in 1823, and is now in operation, and conducted en the principles o f Mutual insurance. The fifth was the Ohio Insurance Company, established in 1827, at which period there was no local insurance company in the west, with the exception o f the Equi table Fire Insurance Company referred to, the Fire and Marine Insurance being at this period confined to the eastern offices, and their agencies in the west. T o those fa miliar with the history o f that period, it will be recollected that for several months pend ing the establishment o f the. Ohio Insurance Company, it was exceedingly doubtful whether it could be put in operation, from the difficulty of disposingof a sufficient amount o f the stock; but having commenced its operations, its success was decided, and two years afterwards arose, in 1829, the Cincinnati Insurance Company. These two companies had, by their charters, a capital o f $250,000 each. The same year, the Louisville Marine and Fire Insurance was organized, and went into opera tion, capital, $200,000. In 1830, three new offices were established in the west, viz.: the Louisville Mutual Fire Insurance Company, the Louisville Merchant’s Insurance Company, and the Wabash Insurance Company, with an aggregate capital of $100,000. In 1831, two more were added, viz.: the Madison Insurance Company in Indiana, and the Missouri Insurance Company at St. Louis— aggregate capital, $200,000. In 1832, three more were added, viz.: the Firemen’s Insurance Company at Cincinnati, the Lansingburgh Insurance Company, and the New Albany Insurance Company in Indiana — aggregate capital $100,000. In 1833, but one was added to the number, viz.: the Frank lin Fire Insurance Company, at Frankfort, Kentucky—capital, $100,000. But in 1834, seven new offices were chartered at Warren, Dayton, and Cleveland, in Ohio; at Maysviile and at Louisville, in Kentucky; and at Jeffersonville and Rising Sun, in Indiana—• aggregate capital, $300,000. In 1635, nineteen additional offices were established, viz.: seventeen in Ohio, and two in Kentucky— aggregate capital, $1,600,000. In 1836, VOL. II.----NO. V. 55 434 N avigation . fourteen more were chartered, v iz .: eight in Ohio, three in Kentucky, two in Indiana, and one in Missouri—aggregate capital, $1,800,000. In 1837, twenty-two more were chartered, viz.: two in Ohio, seven in Indiana, and thirteen in Missouri— aggregatecapital, $4,000,000. The foregoing enumeration, however, embraces only the offices chartered in the four western states o f Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, and Missouri. No office was estab lished in Tennessee, Illinois, western Pennsylvania, or western Virginia, until 1832, since which, fifteen or twenty companies have been established in these states, with an aggregate estimated capital, $1,500,000. Mississippi and Louisiana have been omit ted in the foregoing calculation, as our statistics do not furnish adequate data for the oc casion, but we estimate the amount o f capital in these two states at, perhaps, $300,000. Thus, we perceive, that in 1826, twelve years since, there was no local insurance office in the western states, north o f Natchez, except the Equitable Fire Insurance Com pany at Cincinnati; that in 1833,, seven years after, there were only twelve, with an ag gregate capital of $ l ,800,000; but that in the four succeeding years, to the spring o f 1838, the number was increased to considerably more than one hundred, the whole wield ing, in the aggregate, the immense capital o f $15,000,000. STATISTICS OF N A V I G A T I O N . STEAM NAVIGATION. Mr. "William C. Redfield, o f New York, has furnished for publication the following statements relative to steamboat accidents : The number o f miles navigated by steam vessels connected with the port o f New York, in five years ending 31st December, 1824, was about2,827,750, with an aggregate of 4,796,000 passengers; o f whom 38, or one in 126,211, lost their lives. Twelve accidents occurred. • During the five years ending at the close o f 1833. the estimated number o f miles run was 4,216,200, with an aggregate o f 9,419,700 passengers. Number o f accidents, 5. Lives lost, 62: or one in 151,931, During the five years ending 31st December, 1838, the estimated number o f miles run was 5,467,450; aggregate number o f passengers, 15,886,300; number o f accidents, 2; lives lost, 8 ; or one in 1,985,787. The average number o f miles to each explosion the first o f the above periods was 235,646; in the second, 843,240; in the third, 2,733,725. The estimated average pressure of steam used during the first period, was 7 inches; second period, 14 inches; third period, 18 inches. It appears from the average results o f this table, says Mr. Redfield, that during even the first period o f five years after the navigation was thrown open to public com petition, the ratio o f steam accidents was only equal to one, for more than 20,000 trips or passages; and that the average loss of life was only equal to one, for more than 126,000 passengers exposed. Thus, at the fair outset o f this noble enterprise, a degree o f safety was attained for the passengers, such as may well challenge comparison with any artificial means o f transit or locomotion that have-ever been resorted to by the human race. FRENCH STEAM NAVIGATION. The Courier Fran^ais states, that the example o f the merchants o f Marseilles in sub scribing for shares towards the raising o f Trans-Atlantic Steam Navigation Compa nies, has been followed at Nantes, Bordeaux, and Havre. At Bordeaux, it adds, the subscriptions amount to 3,000,000 francs, and at Havre, to 4,175,000 francs. T o this we may add, that the chamber o f commerce o f Bordeaux has summoned a meeting o f the mer chants o f that city, to deliberate on the best means o f establishing the line ofcommunica- 435 Miscellaneous Statistics. tion in question, and a committee o f five gentlemen has been named in consequence. The commissioners o f the subscribers to the Marseilles company are instructed, says the “ Temps,” to request Admiral Baudin to lend his experience and influence towards the prompt accomplishment o f their object. The Minister o f the Marine has ordered to be built, at L ’Orient, a steam ship to carry engines o f 450 horse-power. It is to be called the Cuvier, after the celebrated naturalist, and will be the largest in the French service. Its length will be greater than a threedecker, and it will be sufficiently capacious to carry 1,200 troops. LIGHT-HOUSE AT THE PENINSULA OF JUTLAND. T he Department o f State at Washington has received notice from the Danish go vernment o f the erection o f a new light-house cn the easternmost point o f the peninsula o f Jutland, called Fom as, or Foreness, o f which the following particulars are communi cated, for the benefit o f our navigators: A new light-house has been erected on the easternmost point o f Jutland, called Fomas, or Foreness, projecting into the Kattegat passage, situated five eighths o f a Danish mile northeast half east from the entrance o f the harbor o f Grenade, H miles west southwest half west from the light-house o f Arholt, and 71 miles northwest and a quarter north from the Island o f Hesselder. The light is placed on a quadrangular tower, at the height o f 67 Danish feet above the sea, and may be seen at the distance o f three and a quarter miles by a person standing ten feet above the sea. The light is given by six lamps, which revolve every three minutes, in such a manner, that the spectator sees every half minute a bright light, which lasts about six seconds, and is invisible for twenty-six se conds following. MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. TABLE OF REVENUE, EXPENDITURE, AND PUBLIC DEBT OF FRANCE. RECEIPTS. Direct Taxes. Francs. Land T a x ............... 244 873,409 Poll T a x .................. 29,400,000 Personal Estate. . . . 35,665,000 Doors & W indow s. 32,340,000 Patents.................... 29,818,500 Miscellaneous......... 1,827,000 EXPENDITURE. Civil L ist.................................. Funded D ebt........................... Sinking Fund......................... Guaranties due by Treasury. Unfunded Debt........................ Life Annuities........................ C hamber o f Peers.................. Total .......... 373,923,909 C hamber o f Deputies.............. Registration, Stamps, Domains 193,225,000 Legion o f H on or.................... Felling o f Tim ber................................. 24,000,000 Pensions........................ Customs......................................154,300,000: Ministry o f Justice................. Excise on liquors, tobacco, &c,.171,000,0001Foreign Affairs...................... Post Office................................. 34,290,000jReligion.................................... Lotteries......................................... 8,000,000 Public Instruction............... Gaming Houses................... 5,500,000, Ministry o f the Interior. . . . . . Fines............................................ 3,300,000 Commerce and Public W orks ~ ~ ' ------------- 'w a r ........................................... Sundry Proceeds....................... 11,047,482 N avy........................................ Extraordinary Resources. Finances ................................. Administration and Collection Balance o f 1 8 3 1 .... 131,467,267 o f Revenue.......................... Sale o f W o o d .......... 50,000,000 -181,467,267 Repayments, & c...................... Total Receipts............1,160,053,658 Francs. 18,000,000 215,763,242 43,093,621 9,000,000 16,000,000 6 ,200,000 700.000 600.000 3,302,417 58,389,654 19,469,700 7.502.000 34,804,600 2,575,030 3.380.000 123.500,000 307,434.030 65.000,000 22,787,500 118,211,833 42,989,445 T ota l........................... 1,097,708,102 436 Miscellaneous Statistics. CANALS OP NEW YORK. Year. Statement o f the amount o f Tolls received on the several Canals o f this State, in each year, fro m the 1st day o f January, 1820, to the 1st day o f January, 1840. Compiled from the Annual R eport o f the Canal Com missioners. Erie Cham plain Canals. 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1836 1827 1828 1829 183) 1831 1832 1833 1834 1833 1836 1837 1838 1839 5.437 34 14 3.88 47 64,072 50 152.958 33 349,761 07 566,112 97 762,003 60 839.058 48 835.407 28 795,054 52 1.032,599 13 1.194.610 49 1,195,804 23 1,422,695 22 1.294.649 66 1.492,811 59 1,553,269 37 1.239,052 49 1.516.373 98 1.510,785 22 Oswego Canal. 2,757 2.439 12,335 16.271 19,786 22.950 22,168 29.180 30,436 21,033 27,260 34,162 67 44 18 10 20 47 02 62 20 56 41 42 Cayuga, Crooked Seneca Ca Chemung Lake Chenangt nal. Canal. Canal. Canal. 279 8,643 11,987 12.920 13,893 17,174 18,130 20,430 23,522 15,968 18,397 18,747 70 49 81 39 04 69 43 11 92 86 57 47 „..t 694 3,378 4.720 5.086 4.333 4,394 5,187 00 05 44 38 80 67 27 200 1.473 1,829 2,365 1,526 2,013 1,721 Total. 5,437 14,388 61,072 152,958 340,761 566,112 762,003 |859,058 838,444 813,137 1,056,922 1,223.801 1,229,483 84 1,463,715 40 1,339,799 63 1,548,672 51 1,614.680 58 11,164 51 1.293,129 31 20,407 98 1,588,847 31 15,778 33 1,616.382 34 47 40 33 07 97 60 48 65 45 12 98 47 £2 56 39 38 £0 87 G2 17,830,905 84l 247,831 32l 177,093 48 27,794 61 11,130 58 47,350 74 18,392,109 57 EXTENT OP THE FISHING INTEREST IN MASSACHUSETTS. The statement which follows is compiled from the statistical tables published by or der o f the Legislature o f Massachusetts, and indicates the extent o f the fishing interest o f the commonwealth, for the year ending 1st day o f April, 1837. The whale fishery is not included in this account. Vessels employed in the cod and mackerel fishery............................ 1,290 Tonnage of same................................................................................ 76,089 Number o f quintals o f codfish caught............................ ..................... 510,554 Value o f same................... $1,569,517 Number o f barrels o f mackerel caught................................................. 234,059 Value o f same.......................................................................................$1,639,042 Number o f bushels o f salt used in cod and mackerel fishery...............................837,141 Hands employed.................................................................................. 11,146 Capital invested....................................................................... $2,683,176 SILK MANUFACTURE IN FRANCE. According to a recent statistical statement, there are in France 84,648 looms, produ cing annually a value in silks of/211,540,C00, (or $40 000,000.) These looms give oc cupation to 169,280 workmen, and em p loy/139,623,330 o f silk, ($26,118,0110.) The price o f work is f 70,926,670, ($13,300,000)— or about J 3C0, ($56 25) for each work man. The profit and interest o f the capital employed is/2 1 ,000,000. The manufactures o f Lyons alone occupy 40,000 looms, and employ 80.000 work men. They produce 100 millions o f francs, (near $20,000,000.) The home consump tion of France in silks is 73 millions o f francs, (14,000,000,) and the exportation is /138,550,000, ($26,000,000.) Mercantile Miscellanies. MERCANTILE 437 MISCELLANIES. Foreign Importations.—In evidence o f the points assumed in the paper on Domestic Industry, (in the present number,) we give, in a separate form, a more minute specifi cation o f the articles o f foreign importation. That this specification is accurate, may be ascertained from the annual documents which are issued from the office of the secre tary o f the treasury. Prom these it may be learned how small a portion o f our importa tions are actually necessary, from the more improved state o f the arts abroad, and the cheapness o f labor, and how large a portion we might with advantage have produced ourselves, thus avoiding the drain upon our capital, and the influence o f that power which is holding down the gigantic energies o f our country, like Prometheus chained to the rock. W e import burr stones and sulphur; antimony and clay; rags and bark o f the cork tree; undressed furs, raw hides, and skins; plaster o f Paris and barilla; dye-wood, mahogany, and animals for breeding; pewter and tin; brass and copper; gold and silver bullion; coffee and teas from India and China; cocoa, almonds, currants, and prunes; figs, raisins; mace, and other spices; nutmegs, cloves, cinnamon, and pepper; pimento, cassia, ginger, and camphor; silks and worsted; lace veils, shawls, and shades, and other manufactures o f silks and worsted ; camlets o f goats’ hair and ca mels’ hair; cashmere o f Thibet and worsted stuff goods; linens, bleached and unbleach ed; ticklenburgs, osnaburgs, and burlaps; brown and white sheetings, bolting cloths, and w ool; quicksilver and opium; crude saltpetre ; cloths, and cashmere, merino shawls o f wool, and blankets; woollen hosiery, gloves, mitts, and bindings ; woollen and worsted yarn ; cotton, white, dyed, printed, and colored; cotton hosiery, gloves, mitts, and bindings, twist,yarn and thread; nankeen, silk piece goods, and sewing silk, from India and from other places; thread and cotton lace; linens, dyed, colored, and checked, and other manufactures o f flax; sail duck, and other manufactures o f hemp; leghorn straw and chip hats; grass flats and braids; hats o f wool, leather, and fur; side-arms, fire-arms, drawing knives, cutting knives, hatchets, axes and adzes ; socket chisels, steelyards, and scales; beams and vices; sickles, scythes, spades, and shovels; squares o f iron, and wood screws; manufactures o f copper and brass, tin, pewter, and lead; cabinet ware, leather, marble, gold, and silver; precious stones, set or otherwise; watches, glass ware, china, and porcelain; earthen and stone w are; saddlery; plated, gilt, japanned, and trimmed coach and harness furniture; carriages; slates, quills, black lead pencils; paper hangings, hair cloth, and hair seating; brushes, copper bottoms cut round, silver and plated w are; raw silk, indigo, and unmanufactured w ool; flannels, booking, and baizes; Brussels, Wilton, and ingrain carpets; floor cloths, furniture, oil cloths, and cotton bagging; Madeira wine, red and other wines o f France and Sicily, red sherry o f Spain, Austria, Germany, and the Mediterranean; wines from other countries, and foreign distilled spirits ; molasses, vinegar, beer, ale, porter; spermaceti and other oil from foreign fisheries; olive oil, castor, linseed, hemp seed, and rape seed; teas from other places than India or China; chocolate; white, brown, and clayed su gar; loaf sugar, sugar candy, other refined sugar, syrup o f sugarcane; cayenne pepper; tallow, wax, and spermaceti candles; cheese and soap; tallow, lard, beef, pork, and bacon; butter; saltpetre, and salts; oil o f vitriol; snuff, cigars, and other manufac tures o f tobacco; cotton, gunpowder, bristles, glue, dry ochre, ochre in oil, white and red lead ; whiting and Paris white; litharge, sugar o f lead, lead in pigs, bars, and M ercantile Miscellanies. 438 sheet; shot; leaden pipes and old lead ; cordage, (tarred,) and cables, (untarred,) and yarn, twine, (pack and thread ;) corks ; copper rods, and bolts; nails and spikes; mus kets and rifles; iron and steel ware; tacks, brads, and sprigs ; nails, spikes, iron cables, and chains; mill cranks, mill saws, anchors, and anvils; blacksmiths’ hammers and sledges; iron castings, round iron or braziers’ rods; nail or spike rods ; sheet iron, hoop iron, casement rods, slit or hammered iron, iron in pigs, bar iron, old iron, steel, hemp, alum, copperas, wheat flour, salt, coal, wheat, and oats; potatoes ; paper, (folio and quarto post, cap, drawing, writing, printing, copperplate, stationers’, and sheathing, binders’ wrapping, or box boards ;) books; apothecaries’ vials and bottles; perfumery, and fancy vials and bottles ; demijohns, glass bottles, and window glass ; fish, playing cards, boots and bootees, silk shoes, prunella, nankeen, leather, morocco, and kid shoes; felt hat bodies, wholly or partly o f wool. COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES. A report has been published from the Department o f State o f the United States, in obe dience to a resolution adopted by the senate at the last session o f congress, showing the nature and extent o f the privileges and restrictions o f the commercial intercourse o f the United States with foreign nations. The Baltimore American furnishes a brief but cor rect analysis o f the secretary’s report, from which it appears, that in 1815, congress enact ed a law repealing all discriminating duties upon foreign vessels and cargoes, to take effect in favor o f any foreign nations, “ whenever the president shall be satisfied that the discriminating or countervailing duties o f such foreign nation, so far as they operate to the disadvantage o f the United States, have been abolished.” Twelve nations, v iz .: Austria, Brazil, Central America, Denmark, Ecuador, Greece, the Hanseatic cities, Prussia, Russia, Sardinia, Sweden, and Venezuela, have met the proposition in a spirit o f liberality. In the ports o f all these countries, American vessels, with their cargoes, whether the produce o f the United States or not, are admitted on the same terms as the vessels o f those countries respectively. If outward bound, they are entitled to the same drawback or bounties on goods exported, as domestic vessels are. W ith Great Britain, Prance, the Netherlands, Mexico, and Texas, our commercial re lations are o f a more restricted character. These nations severally confine the principle o f equality to the direct trade. That is to say, Great Britain admits the vessels o f the United States into her ports on payment o f the same tonnage duties and charges as British vessels, with these conditions: First, that the vessel be built and owned in the United States, and navigated by a master and a crew three fourths o f which are citizens o f the United States; and second, that the goods composing the cargo be the produce o f the Uni ted States, which in practice limits the import trade to the direct intercourse between one country and the other. Thetradeof the United States with the British Colonial posses sions is regulated by treaty stipulations or by diplomatic arrangement. In all cases, however, some restrictions are observed, giving an advantage, in general trade, to Bri tish bottoms. The importation from the United States o f all goods but those o f their own produce is mostly prohibited. Prance admits the vessels of the United States into her ports on payment o f a discrimi nating duty o f five francs,or ninety-four cents, per ton over and above that paid by French vessels. In the importation of articles, the produce o f theUnited States,nodifference is made between French and American vessels; but in reference to other articles, the discri minating duty prevails in favor o f French bottoms. In the Java trade, under the government o f the Netherlands, the productions ofthe Uni ted States, and o f other countries, are admitted at a duty o f seven and four fifths per cent. M ercantile Miscellanies. 439 ad valorem, if imported in Dutch vessels, and fifteen and three fifths per cent, ad valorem, if imported in vessels belonging to the United States. Chili and the Ottoman Dominions admit our vessels and productions upon the foot ing o f the most favored nations— reserving the privilege o f giving a preference to their own. Five Powers, viz.: the Argentine Confederation, Belgium, China, Hayti, New Grenada, Portugal, Spain, the T w o Sicilies, and Uraguay, are left free to deal with the commerce and the navigation o f the United States as they may think proper, without any other check than our countervailing legislative provisions. W ith three of them, however, Belgium, Portugal and the T w o Sicilies, negotiations are on foot for the con clusion o f commercial treaties. IMPORTANCE OF AFRICAN COMMERCE. Elliot Cresson, Esq. in a letter addressed to a member o f congress, observes, thatthe im portant fact stated in Gen. Buchanan’s last despatch, that there were then thirty-seven sail o f British ships, many o f them 800 to 900 tons burden, in the Bonny river, receiving cargoes o f palm oil, an article only recently entering into the list o f African exports, gives but a faint idea o f the native commercial resources o f that vast continent. No less than 35,000 tons o f this article have been imported into England in a single year— worth, at 9c. per pound, its present value in our market, $7,056,000. Stop the slave trade, says Mr. C., and the export may be increased tenfold. Again, the sugar estates o f W es tern Africa, destroyed by Portugal on thediscovery o f America, were deemed the finest in the world. Africa may yet afford us an immense supply, as sugar cane is one o f her indigenous products. Her native coffee, too, o f which twelve or fourteen varieties grow wild in the forests o f Liberia, is unsurpassed in quality, and may be raised to any extent. Ship-timber, furniture and dye-woods, o f almost endless variety, also abound, and even now are shipped to a large amount. One o f my London friends, says Mr. Cresson, told me that in M ay, 1832, he received eighteen cargoes of African oak from Sierra Leone. Cam wood, now worth $90 per ton, maybe obtained from our colonies to almost any extent, as soon as roads shall be extended into the interior, and they w ill be very important to our cot ton and woollen manufacturers. Ivory, gold dust, gums, ostrich feathers, drugs, hides, goat skins, cotton, manilla hemp, indigo, rice, corn, pepper, beeswax, (and all the products o f the tropics may be added,) would form the basis o f a commerce, which, if duly promoted, would probably, within the next twenty-five years, rival in importance the whole o f that between us and Great Britain, twenty-five years ago. A t the present time, under all the desolating influences o f the slave trade, Britain enjoys an immense trade with Africa. One o f her commercial houses alone, received returns in three years, amounting to about $1,500,000, principally in gold, ivory, and gums. Another, in Liverpool, realized a profit o f £30,000, by a single voyage, from ivory and palm oil. This commerce absorbs a large amount o f British manufactures, and though still com paratively in its infancy, is estimated by her writers to afford a clear annual profit o f several millions. Mr. Cresson sees no reason why England should enjoy this mono poly; and the trade might certainly be made as important to the Americans as to them. The subject deserves attention. DUTY ON SALTPETRE. The importations o f several cargoes o f saltpetre, recently, into the United States, from Calcutta, have given rise to the question, as the article appeared o f a doubtful character, whether it was crude, ox refined; the importers claiming it as crude, and the collec tors contending that it was refined, or partaking o f a character other than crude. The 'Mercantile Miscellanies. 440 Comptroller o f the Treasury, under date o f March 21st, 1840, in a circular to the col lectors o f the customs, thus settles the difficulty. “ From information derived from intelligent officers o f the customs, experienced mer chants, scientific and practical chemists and manufacturers, and the books treating on the subject, confirmed by personal inspection and analysis, I am o f opinion that the saltpetre o f commerce, such as is usually brought in bags from India, is not in fact crude, a portion o f the earthy substance in which it is found being removed by artificial pro cess; and that, on the other hand, it cannot be considered refined, within the meaning and intent o f the law, it still retaining a portion, greater or less, o f the impurities neces sary to be removed before it be fit for the use o f refined saltpetre, or be recognised as such in the language o f trade. “ By the act o f 27th April, 1816, there was levied upon all kinds of saltpetre, an ad va lorem duty o f 7J per centum: the act o f 22d May, 1824, levies a duty o f 12| per cen tum ad valorem, upon all articles not therein specified, and these paying a duty o f 7J per cent, under the act cited. The same act specifies refined saltpetre as liable to a speci fic duty o f 3 cents per pound. The act o f 14th July, 1832, specifies crude saltpetre as exempt from duty: it necessarily follows, that the article now in view, being of an in termediate character, and neither crude nor refined in the true senseofthe terms, is with held in its general classification with either of the specified articles, and consequently remains by law liable to the duty o f 124 per centum, ad valorem. A BUSHEL OF GRAIN. The last Legislature o f Indiana passed a law prescribing a uniform mode o f ascer taining by weight the quality o f the different kinds o f grain that shall pass for a stand ard bushel in that state, as follows: wheat 60 lbs., avoirdupois; rye 46; corn 56; bar ley 4 8 ; oats 33. DONATIONS TO THE MERCANTILE LIBRARY ASSOCIATION. The Board of Directors take pleasure in acknowledging the receipt O f Donations in Books— from Messrs. W m , W o o d ; H. W . Stevens, twenty-one volumes; Geo. Zabriskie, Esq.; Mercantile Library Association o f Boston; Henry F. Fish; Geo. C. Baker; John H all; Gulian C. Verplanck, Esq.; H. N. Otis; Isaac Barton ; Manuscript Tales in the Persian Language, designed as exercises for the stu dent, from Henry P. Marshall; Common Council, through I. Paulding, fifteen volumes; Edward Henriques; W . H. L. Bogart; W . Richards N oyes; Charles F o x ; fortyeight volumes from Hon. John C. Spencer, Gulian C. Verplanck, and A . C. Flagg. O f a Case o f Birds—from S. R. Trowbridge, and another from “ A Friend,” through A . G. Zabriskie. O f Oil P aintings;—“ Classic Ruins,” from Peter R. Brinckerhoff, E sq.; “ View o f Washington and the Potomac,” from Russell H. Nevins, Esq.; “ View o f Jones’s Falls,” from W . Brenton Boggs, E sq .; “ The Student,” from H . H. Elliott, Esq.; an ancient painting, from F. A . Conkling, Esq. O f “ Boydell’s Folio Shakspeare Gallery,” a valuable collection o f plates, from pic tures painted for the purpose o f illustrating the dramatic works o f Shakspeare, by the artists o f Great Britain, from Augustus E. Silliman, Esq. The Board o f Directors are desirous o f forming a permanent gallery o f paintings and sculpture,— the basis o f a collection o f choice works o f art. The above donations o f paintings may be considered as an incipient step to this object, o f cultivating a taste for the fine arts among our members. This effort to collect the works o f art, more par ticularly the productions o f our native artists, will be hailed with pleasure by all the friends o f the association. Several o f our artists have already given promise o f works from their pencils.