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HUNT’S MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE COMMERCIAL REVIEW. MARCH, 1 856. Art. I.— RUSSIA, AND THE PRINCIPLES OF THE ARMED NEUTRALITY. [A recent number of the Deutsche Vienteljahrsschrifl, a leading periodical of Germany, contained an article on the “ International Policy of the Maritime Powers, and the Progress of the Law of Nations,” from the pen of Professor Wurm, of Hamburg, -well worthy of attention. After a brief survey of the advance made in this science since the days of Frederick the Great, especially with regard to the rights of neutrals, the writer enters upon his more especial task— one for which he proves himself eminently fitted— the exhibition of the origin and early history, hitherto somewhat obscure, of the armed neutrality and the political re lations of England and Russia at the time of its formation. The theme is suggested by, and derives much new light from recent publica tions, revealing the secret diplomatic intercourse of the period between the courts of London and St. Petersburg ; and in his treatment of it the writer manifests not only the thorough research and independent spirit of inquiry which are char acteristic of German scholarship, but evinces a keenness of scent and shrewd pen etration in arriving, through the devious and hidden paths of diplomacy, at the truth— a bold and terse facility in enunciating it peculiarly his own. The article would thus at any time have commanded attention, but at the pres ent moment especially the war going on in Europe between these two powers lends it additional importance and fresh interest, none the less for the curious in version it presents of the attitudes of those countries toward each other as well as toward France, Turkey, and the rest of Europe at that time, as compared with those now exhibited. Of the chapter in question, therefore, wo present to our readers a translation, confident that it will prove to them an acceptable employ ment of our pages.] 276 , Russia and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. T he origin o f the first armed neutrality, and the consequent relations between England and Russia, have been exhibited in a new and surprising light— first by a Memoir o f Count Gortz, later by the Diaries and Cor respondence o f Lord Malmsbury, and lastly by the Memorials o f Charles James Fox, published two years ago by Lord John Russell. It is difficult to comprehend the impatient, almost anxious haste with which England, occupied by the struggle with her American colonies, threatened by the Fam ily P act o f the two Bourbon houses o f France and Spain, threw herself upon Russia. To obtain an alliance, offensive and defensive, were the instructions o f Sir James Harris (first Lord Malmsbury) when he was dispatched in 1778 to St. Petersburg. The first answers were evasive— that Russia made only defensive alliances— that the name o f offensive alliance was repugnant to the empress— that the course of events, too, must be awaited— that the newly-arisen question o f the Bava rian succession m ight lead to fresh complications in Europe. Sir James Harris was not long kept in the dark as to the motives w hich interfered with his suit. Count Panin was a Prussian, and Fred erick the Great had never forgotten that England, in the second half of the seven years’ war, had, under the influence o f Lord Bute, basely de serted him. This it was w hich led him to seek the Russian alliance, the evil consequences o f which he lived to see and— we may conclude from expressions o f his at the time o f the Confederation o f Sovereigns— to re pent. N or did Russia conceal that she had an especial object in view, the furtherance o f which was the price at which she would sell her al liance. She would not pledge herself to take arms against France, unless England would engage to make com m on cause ayainst the Turks. For Tu rkey,it was urged, was Russia’ s natural enemy, just as France was Eng land’s. The ruling idea, writes Harris, June 4, 1779, is the establishment o f a new Eastern empire in Athens or Constantinople. I f the king finds Russian assistance indispensable, there is but one way to obtain it. This romantic idea must be gratified. Harris meanwhile seeks, by means o f Potemkin, to com e directly at the empress. H e succeeds. There is no lack o f personal distinction shown b y her to the ambassador, or o f assurances o f friendship towards England. W e ll if it did not all end in words, and if it were not so troublesome to keep Potemkin up to the m a rk ! The correspondence soon betrays by what means the zeal o f “ m y friend ” had to be quickened. “ M y friend ” is very rich— he is not needy ; yet accepts with alacrity. The friend is very aristocratic; scarcely will a less sum suffice than that Torcy once offered in vain to the Duke o f Marlborough, which, as will be remembered from Torcy’s Memoirs and from Flasson, was two million francs. The money, it would seem, is p a id ; for the friend is in the best humor. It is curious to notice how Harris falls in his demands. In September, 1779, he no longer ventures to ask for an alliance; a simple declaration addressed to the courts o f Versailles and Madrid will satisfy him— to be enforced, o f course, by a suitable naval armament. Catherine confesses she can devise no sufficient pretext for meddling in the affair. The Eng lish ambassador replies, that for a Russian autocrat o f the seventeenth century to have so spoken were conceivable, but that Russia has since be com e a leading power in Europe, and now the affairs o f Europe are the affairs o f Russia. “ I f Peter the Great,” he adds, with well-meant flattery, “ could see that the navy which he created was now important enough , Russia and the Principles o f Ine Arm ed Neutrality. 277 not only to take a place by the side o f that o f England, but to assist her in the assertion o f naval supremacy, he would confess that he was not the greatest o f Russia’s sovereigns.” The empress seems pleased with this notion, the result being that she requests Sir James to hand in his views in writing. Two months later— November 5, 1779— George III. writes himself to “ our sister ” the empress Catherine, and now the royal wishes not only do not aspire to an alliance, but no longer even to the open declaration. A mere demonstration will satisfy them. “ The employment, the mere display o f a portion o f the Russian fleet will restore and insure the peace of Europe, as the league which has formed itself against me will be thereby destroyed, and the balance o f power which that league sought to disturb, will be preserved.” That this is throwing one’s self away, I will not s a y ; but never, surely, has one leading power so urgently plead her helplessness to another. A nd it is important to know that these transactions immediately preceded the armed neutrality. On the 18th o f January, 1780, intelligence reached St. Petersburg o f an order just issued at Madrid, directing that all vessels bound to the Medi terranean be brought into Cadiz, and their cargoes sold to the highest bidder. Potem kin was convinced that the empress would not stand this. “ Par Dieu, vous la tenez !” he exclaimed. Reports o f the ill-treatment o f Russian vessels followed ; the empress issued orders— directly, as was her wont, and not through Count Panin— to equip the vessels at Cronstadt. Potemkin was overjoyed. The ambassador m ight be assured that it was from his representations the empress had been led to this course, and he might look upon the British fleet as already stronger by twenty sa il; he even declared that the empress herself had sent him to be the bearer o f the joyful tidings, (to the ambassador,) which were known to no one else. During the next four days the ambassador is twice present at small even ing parties; the empress is full o f goodw ill toward him and his country. “ If any false plot is here concealed, it is too well devised for me to dis cover i t : if m y representations should be the means o f deluding your lordship, it will be because I myself labor under a complete delusion.” W hile JSir James is writing thus to to Lord Stormont, the last touch is given to the world-renowned declaration o f the armed neutrality. In the declaration o f the 28th o f February, 1780, five points are stated as fundamental principles o f the natural law o f nations— such as cannot be disregarded by the belligerent powers without violation o f the law o f neutrality. The first and second points we quote verbatim :— 1. That neutral vessels can pass free from one harbor to another, and along the coasts o f the belligerent nations. 2. That goods belonging to the subjects o f the belligerent powers shall, unless contraband, be free in neutral vessels. The third clause refers to the existing treaty with England, as declara tory o f what is to be regarded as contraband. The fourth indicates pre cisely the conditions which constitute a blockade. The fifth provides that the above principles shall form the basis for the procedure and decisions of the prize courts. A n y one who remembered the correspondence between the Prussian and English cabinets, who recalled the Hubner controversy in 17.59, must have felt that the first point in all its scope had never been acceded to by 278 , Russia and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. Great Britain, and that the second was utterly at variance with the prin ciples uniformly insisted upon (unless in exceptional treaties) by the Brit ish cabinet. Conscious o f this, and with the warm congratulations o f P o temkin still ringing in his ears, Sir James Harris might well characterize the Russian declaration as a “ mountebank’s feat.” Indeed we could scarcely blame him had he been as m uch at a loss with regard to the identity o f the intentions o f Catherine, and her favorite, as the Irishman was with regard to his own— when he declared that he had not always been such a bad-looking chap, but that he had been changed at nurse. That Catherine was not aware how seriously she was injuring England, that such an intention was far from her, and that neither she nor Potem kin were playing a false game with Harris, we shall take for granted. It was the opinion o f Maria Theresa that Catherine was not aware what she had done, a remark o f hers to this effect occurring in Flasson. She be lieved, however, that the declaration, originally favorable to England, had been changed to one adverse to England, through the influence o f Panin. The dispatches o f Sir James Harris convey a different Impression. It is there expressly asserted, (March 7, 1780,) that the whole was the em press’s own act, without the advice or even consent o f Count Panin. P o temkin’s confidant informed him, (upon promise o f a g ood reward,) on the 6th o f May, 1780, that the five points were contained in a rough draft, w hich the empress sent to Count Panin, and that this minister had in his revision o f it added n oth in g ; who put these points into her head he could not say, but presumed, as she had for several months seen frequently her agent at Hamburg, St. Paul, and Count W oronzow , president o f the Board o f Trade, that she arranged the points in conversation. A n d here perhaps we have the key to the whole transaction. Frederick St. Paul appears in the year 1771, in Hamburg, in the capacity o f Russian consul-general to the Ilanse towns— from 1778 as charge d’affaires ad interim— becomes councilor in 1787, tenders his resignation in March, 1791, and dies, after a long illness, on the 14th o f April, 1792. H e had becom e in 1776 a member o f the Patriotic Society— which affords a strong presumption that he lived in the atmosphere o f John George Busch, where hatred o f England’s overbearing policy, indignation at the principles which Sir James Meryatt, the “ hell judge,” introduced into the British admiralty, were the natural growth, and where belonged to enlightened efforts for the improvements o f the world’s Commerce. The suggestions o f a man of this school, during a visit to St. Petersburg, m ay naturally have been ac ceptable to the president o f the Board o f Trade, and from their conversa tions the five points have sprung. This supposition readily explains the affair without presuming a counter intrigue o f Panin, o f which there is in Harris no trace. Moreover, though Catherine may have had no very clear ideas about Commerce, or o f the manner in which her five points would affect the English interests, still her composed and ingenuous bearing towards the English embassador, was, in another view, not so unaccountable as we might imagine. From a careful perusal o f the dispatches o f Sir James Harris, it appears that as early as the 11th o f January, 1780, he made in behalf o f his court this very important concession : “ A s the king o f England was convinced that the empress would never allow her subjects in time o f war any trade which would be injurious to England, and tend to strengthen her enemies by land or water, the empress might be assured that the navigation o f her , Russia and the Principles o f the Ar.med Neutrality. 279 subjects would never be interrupted or arrested by the cruisers o f Great Britain.” The editor has quite correctly recognized in this declaration a renunciation as to Russian ships, o f the right o f search. In this renuncia tion, however, lies plainly something more. I f Russian ships are not brought to, to ascertain what is on board, it is, practically, enabling them to protect, by means o f their neutral flag, goods belonging to the enemies o f Great Britain. It is difficult to see how any control could be thus ex ercised even over contraband o f war. Later (May 26) the embassador complains to Count Panin o f the notorious deception by means o f which Russian houses lend their name and flag to Spanish and French houses, to protect their goods against British cruisers; at the same time he ad d s: “ Our cruisers will not molest Russian subjects in pursuit o f their business, if her imperial majesty gives a solemn assurance that she will not permit her flag to cover and protect this unjust and, to British subjects, so injuri ous trade.” A ll turns evidently upon fa ith and integrity. Thus the widest scope is given to the Russian flag. Harris also takes credit to the British admiralty for having, when Russian ships, as often happened, carried naval stores to the enemies o f England, taken no notice o f the occurrence, and o f having made ample compensation, whenever, ow ing to short compulsory delay, ship or cargo had suffered. It may be that England determined upon this concession to the Russian flag the more readily, that only a few ships, comparatively, o f this nation ventured outside the Baltic, (only five, it is stated, in the year 1781.) But the concession was in fact, so far as Russian vessels were concerned, equivalent to an acceptance o f the second o f the live points. Can we, then, wonder, that Catherine was not prepared for the bitter complaints from England, when she demanded f o r all neutral flags, upon principle, what had already been granted exceptionally to R u ssia? Generosity— sharing with others alike— the thought o f imposing the law o f reason and moderation upon the powerful in favor o f the weaker— a proud conscious ness o f effecting this by a mere declaration or, if necessary, by an arma ment in support o f the declaration— this flattered the em press; but that it should be at England’s expense was not in her intention. The attitude o f Great Britain at this time is remarkable. W h ile reply ing to all the separate powers who had joined the armed neutrality by simply referring them to the Law o f Nations and existing treaties, one ministry after the other exhausts itself in vain attempts to prevail upon the empress o f Russia by valuable concessions to abandon the idea o f a neutral alliance, and win her to the alliance with England. “ Is there not,” asks Lord Stormont, O ctober 28, 1780, “ any object worthy the ambition of the empress— any concession desirable for her Com merce or her navy, which could induce her to lend us powerful assistance against France, Spain, snd our rebel colonies ?” “ Prince Potemkin,” replies Harris, D e cember 5, 1780, “ gives me to understand plainly that the only concession which can allure the empress into an alliance with us is Minorca.” And if we must make a sacrifice, says Harris, let us rather make it to one frien ds than to our enemies. Minorca is actually offered (in February, 1780,) to the empress, but in vain. N ot that the offer does not flatter her, that she would not like to have M in orca ; she yearned for i t ; but, according to Potemkin, she could not bring herself to adopt the course which would have given her the possession o f i t ; she was not disposed to risk a war, having no longer the heart for bold enterprises. 280 Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. Meanwhile, the sentiments, the tone, the temper, even, o f the empress are constantly changing. In the long and confidential interview with Sir James Harris, on the 18th o f Decem ber, 1780, she exclaimed:-—“ Mais quel mal vous fait cette neutralite armee on plutot nullite arm ee!” In September, 1781, Harris thinks her zeal considerably c o o le d ; in the fol low ing May, that the empress is heartily tired o f the armed neutrality. In September, again, the empress, he says, will not rest till she has made this pet idea o f hers a general la w ; and adds, it is extraordinary she should not have perceived how worthless the measure will be to Russia in peace— how troublesome in w ar; that it should not occur to her that she had already, in introducing this Quixotic system, expended far m ore than she and her neighbors could ever reap from it. England had (D ecem ber 20, 1780,) declared war with Holland, the dealings o f the latter with the American rebels having com e to her knowl edge. The adhesion o f H olland to the armed neutrality occurs a fortnight later, (January 3, 1781.) Catherine had never yielded to the entreaties o f the D utch for her assistance, though she offered her intermediation, which England did not decline. The English, said the Russian Vice-Chan cellor, in February, 1782, m ight have peace with H olland on their own terms whenever they would accept the principles o f the armed neutrality. The next m onth came the ministerial crisis in England. On the 28th of March, the day after Fox entered the ministry, a cabinet council is held, and it is intimated to the Russian ambassador that they stand in readiness to negotiate a peace with the D utch upon the basis o f the treaty o f 1764, (that is, acknowledging that free ships make free goods,) and at once to conclude an armistice. On the 2d o f April, Harris receives instructions from Fox to represent this concession as in consequence o f the respectful deference which the king is ever disposed to pay to the views and wishes o f the empress. This has its effect, and so decidedly, that on the 21st of June Harris is enabled to report, under seal o f secresy, the determination o f the empress to make her intercession effective by a powerful armament in case the Dutch should still defer peace. But Fox is resolved to g o still further. A cabinet council o f June 20th (the minutes o f which, in F ox’s hand, have been printed by Lord John Russell) recommends to the king to make known to the Russian ambassa dor that his majesty desires to accede entirely to the views o f the empress, and to form the closest ties with the Court o f St. Petersburg, and that his majesty is w illing to make the principles o f the imperial declaration of February 28, 1780, (i. e., o f the armed neutrality,) the basis'of a treaty between the two countries. From an accompanying letter o f Fox to Harris it appears that even this did not satisfy him. Harris’s reply to Fox in a private letter (likewise published by Lord John Russell) strikingly illustrates the state o f affairs. In the letters pub lished in his correspondence, he has repeatedly declared that either war, if they did not object to it, must be at once declared with Russia, or the principles o f the armed neutrality must be, as to Russia, recognized. That, in the latter case, they m ight rely upon it that these principles would he forgotten, and the alliance dissolve itself. H e now says, most decidedly, that in the event o f a maritime war the empress will be the first to violate its principles, so inconsistent are they with her ideas o f self-defense, and that a system, originating in misunderstanding, and maintained from ob stinacy and vanity, can only be kept alive by opposition. A n d the neu , Russia and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. 281 trals, he adds, are at this very mom ent practically enjoying the immunities which England withholds only in form. “ W e may contest the fairness o f what the neutral alliance demands, but we must submit to the law which it prescribes.” H is counsel is, to exchange with the empress alone an act o f adhesion to the neutral alliance, in the same manner as the emperor (Joseph) had done, and as Portugal was on the point o f doing. This would better com port with our national dignity than a public recognition, which might seem to arise fr o m fea r. W hen this private letter reached London, Fox was (since July 5tli) no longer minister. W h en Lord Shelburne, after the death o f Lord R ock ingham, took the lead o f the ministry, Fox, from personal motives, re signed. H is successor, Lord Grantham, gives this testimony in his favor, in a private letter to Sir James Harris, July 2 8 th :— That the more favor able sentiment in St. Petersburg and Berlin is, without doubt, the result o f the language held by F ox. “ H is measures were great though hastily put into execution.” Quite otherwise judged, a year later, W illiam Pitt in his great speech upon the pseace. “ The Dutch were not disarmed by the humiliating tone o f the administration o f the R ight lio n , gentleman.” W h at were the motives o f F ox? W as it a generous homage which he offered to principles ? W as it the conviction that England’s former system conflicted with the natural rights o f neutrals? N o. It was the belief that Russia, above all things, must be made a friend. There still reigns in Germany the greatest confusion as to the party view o f the W h igs and Tories in respect to Russia. Numberless distorted judgments upon the jrresent position o f affairs arise from the belief— en tirely groundless and at variance with the whole course o f history-— that the W h igs and their successors havd'been the natural and sworn opponents to Russia. A n y one familiar with the policy o f Charles James Fox, the great oracle o f the modern W h igs— the ideal, by-the-by, o f Lord John Russell— is not surprised by certain sentiments uttered recently in Parlia m e n t-ce rta in acts o f compliance in the conferences o f Vienna. To counteract this erroneous impression it will be necessary, above all, to compare Fox’s own words in confidential letters to Sir James Harris. W hen, in consequence o f the coalition with Lord North, whom he had a few years before declared deserving o f the scaffold, Fox again entered the ministry, he wrote, on the 11th o f April, 1783 :— “ Alliances with the northern powers have ever been, and must be, the policy o f every enlight ened Englishman.” On the 16th o f M a y :— “ I regard the court at which your are as that whose friendship is o f all the most important to Great Britain. The great pride o f m y administration o f a few years ago was the progress I flattered m yself I made in demonstrating to her Russian Imperial Majesty how earnestly the ministry desired to follow her counsel and merit her confidence.” On the 27th o f July “ The post which you are now on the point o f quitting (that o f ambassador at St. Petersburg) is, in my judgment, by far the most important in the present state o f affairs of all public places.” N or was this a transient m ood. On the 30th o f July, 1792, Lord Malmsbury (Sir James Harris had meantime acquired this title) says, in his diary, o f Fox, at whose house he had passed the morning, there being present besides only Thomas Grenville, “ llis partial ity for a Russian alliance is very great.” The alliance with the “ northern powers ” in general, which Fox recom mended, is further elucidated by this declaration, July 27, 1783 :— “ I con 282 , Russia and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. fess m y favorite scheme was an alliance with Prussia, Denmark, and Russia.” A s to Prussia, the draft (in French, and entirely in Fox’ hand, discovered and printed by Lord John Russell,) o f a confidential dispatch in cipher, addressed to the Prussian ambassador, and intended evidently for the eye o f the old king, is surprising enough. This document is a general concession o f all the great political errors committed by England, and by which she had been brought into so deplorable a state. Never, surely, has party-spirit arraigned political opponents before a foreign tribu nal so unsparingly. “ The breach with France,” it declares, “ was an event that everybody except our predecessors had long expected.” “ W ith shame,” it continues, “ do I recount all this, so humiliating for m y own nation ; but the weaker we have been, the more is it the duty and interest o f those who wish us well, to assist us with word and deed.” •Counsel and support, therefore, it is which Fox solicits o f the old king, and like wise his intercession with the empress o f Russia, to induce her to devote m ore attention to English affairs. Lord John Russell believes the letter actually went. H e does not seem to have taken any hint from it. In Parliament, also, Fox manifested his leaning to Russia. In the mem orable debate o f the 29th o f March, 1791, when a royal message asked for a grant o f war supplies, in order to the reduction o f the Russian force, when Pitt and Herzberg were endeavoring to stay the advance o f Russia, backed by Austria, on the Black Sea, it was Fox who exclaimed in deris ion, that it was something new for a British House o f Commons to hear the greatness o f Russia represented as a matter o f an xiety; that twenty years before, Great Britain, f a r fr o m wishing to protect the Turks, had even conducted the Russian vessels into the Black Sea. W h en Catherine incorporated the Crimea, Verg-eunes proposed to make a general protest. I was at that time one o f the ministers o f his majesty, and the answer which I recommended was this :— “ That his majesty would make no pro test in the affair, nor put any impediment in the way o f the empress.” England, added Fox, supported Russia in her design o f building up an ex tension o f her own empire on the ruins o f the Turkish. The truth of these historical references is as indubitable as is the short-sightedness with which Fox, in continuation, says that llezakow is a single small fortress, and asks if it would be politic, for the sake o f a single city, to carry on war with Russia. It would be madness for us, he added, madness to ex hibit to the world a jealousy o f Russia's growing power on the B lack Sen. W h y assistance should be lent the Turks in asserting their supremacy o f the Black Sea was to him inconceivable. Finally, he bitterly inveighs against the supercilious tone which the ministers had allowed themselves to make use o f toward the empress; and, that no doubt might remain that the tw o divisions o f the W h ig party (for the breach was already complete) were equally blind with regard to the power o f Russia, on the same evening Burke came out with the observation that it was something quite new f o r the Turkish Em pire to he regarded as belonging to the E u ropean balance o f power. Burke besides reproached his former friend and recent enemy with having, through an emissary, conducted a secret negotiation with the Rus sian Court, behind the back and contrary to the expressed wish o f the cabinet. Sir Robert Adair, who undertook that journey to Russia, has, at an advanced age, with that touching devotion to Fox’s memory which pervades all his writings, repelled this accusation in the appendix to the Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. 283 second volume o f Fox’s memoirs. Sir Robert, however, frankly disclosed that it was part o f the policy o f the W higs, in 1791, to bring over Russia, as a rising maritime power, to the English system, as a counterpoise to the naval power o f France, recently strengthened by the family-pact with Spain. These indications o f the W h ig foreign policy make many other things, besides the submissiveness o f Fox to the armed neutrality, intelli gible to the reader. In vain we seek to discover Fox’s real conviction with regard to the principles at issue. A few hints, however, are afforded in Lord Malmsbury’s .Journal o f 1801, vol. iv., at the time o f the second armed neutral ity. Fox, it would appear, did not think it expedient to contest those doctrines longer, after Europe had once pronounced itself for them, but hoped, by assenting to them, to obtain great advantages for England. The friendship o f the empress, especially, he endeavored to purchase by large concessions and unbounded flattery. H e never directly asserted that he considered the right o f search on the high seas o f neutral ships as strictly based in law, but he pronounced it a measure o f great importance, and its renunciation a great sacrifice, only to be counterbalanced by great and substantial advantages. W hen, in 1801, F ox strenuously opposed the northern war, and loudly declared the demands o f the neutrals just, Thomas Grenville supposed he held this language because he wanted peace at any price, and hoped it m ight again fall to his lot to conclude a peace and take a seat in the cabinet. Although the principles o f the armed neutrality were established only in this manner, though the rights o f neutrals were to the leader o f the English W h ig party nothing m ore than a matter o f convenience and in strument o f negotiation, yet in the hand o f the authoress o f the armed neutrality they are the same. It has been supposed hitherto that the first armed neutrality died a natural d ea th ; that the diplomacy o f England dealt separately with her opponents, and the alliance once sundered, Russia silently relinquished her leadership, as well as abandoned the motto — “ Free ships, free goods.” To Sybel belongs the credit o f having first brought to light (in the second volume o f his History o f the Revolution ary Period) the negotiation in consequence o f which Russia resigned her claims. In the articles o f the peace, concluded with France and Spain in 1783, England renewed the stipulations o f Utrecht with regard to the neutral flag. It could not be said that she made any concession to the armed neutrality, since she only restored previous treaties. Holland, on the con trary, which had before received from England the admission o f the same right o f the neutral flag, could not in the peace o f 1784 obtain a renewal of it, notwithstanding Great Britain determined to make this concession to the Americans, when forced to recognize their independence in the peace o f Versailles, September 3, 1783. Y et Holland and North Am erica had both belonged to the armed neutrality. It was by this politic course that England succeeded in severing the alliance; two o f the powers aban doned the claims, to substantiate w hich they had entered the alliance. That in 1786, she renewed the former stipulations with France, upon the basis o f the treaty o f Utrecht, was justified by the ministry, in replying to an attack o f the Marquis o f Lansdowne, upon the ground that nothing was more improbable than a naval war in which one o f the two powers, England or France, should remain neutral. 281 Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. W ith Russia England had not been at war, so there was no occasion for a peace, and the long-talked-of treaty o f Commerce (the former having expired in 1 *786) was purposely, no doubt, avoided. On the verge o f the French Revolution, the second partition o f Poland came near causing a misunderstanding between England and Russia. Pitt by no means shared the infatuation under which Lord N orth labored, as we learn from Lord Mahon, with regard to the first partition o f Poland. That he did not make a formal remonstrance to the second, was because Catherine found means to make a concession w hich seemed to him o f sufficient importance to justify his silence upon the occasion. Sybel furnishes us, from the dispatches o f H ogguer, the ambassador of the Netherlands, with the follow ing information. The ambassadors of the maritime powers received immediate intelligence o f the conclusion o f the treaty o f partition between Russia and Prussia, (on the 23d o f January, 1793.) Lord W hitw orth at once, in January, and without awaiting in structions, entered an earnest protest. Councilor W a rkoff had the face to reply that future events could not be foreseen, but at present no parti tion would take place. The lying system, however, could not long be kept up. As early as the 6th o f February, Ostermann communicated to Lord W hitw orth the instructions to be sent to W oronzow , the Russian ambassador at London, which contained the concilatory declaration that Russia would renounce all privileges o f the armed neutrality, and allow England to do whatever she thought lit with regard to it. On the 11th o f February a promise was added not only to forbid the subjects o f Russia all trade with France, but to insist upon the adoption by the Courts of Stockholm and Copenhagen o f a like regulation. A letter o f Catherine’s to W oronzow empowered him to declare that if England could find means to hinder the partition o f Poland the empress had no objection ; that she was only forced to it by Prussia against her w ish ; and that she would be glad to make a treaty o f alliance and Commerce, and would await the propositions to that end o f the English ministry. These propositions were not long deferred. In consequence o f them two treaties were, on the 25th o f March, 1783,- subscribed at London. One renewed the treaty o f Com merce o f 1766 ; the other contains the alliance o f war against “ the persons who carry on the government in France,” and in it this remarkable fourth article:— “ Their majesties pledge them selves to unite all their efforts to hinder other powers not involved in this war, on this occasion o f com m on interest to every civilized State, from giving, by reason o f their neutrality, any protection, direct or indirect, to the trade or property o f the French at sea or in the ports o f France.” Thus does the authoress o f the armed neutrality unite herself with Eng land to refuse to the neutral fla g the protection o f enemy's property— that very protection w hich Russia had insisted on, which England had with held. The prophecy o f Sir James Harris was fulfilled. Catherine had not only turned her back on her own principles, but the English manifests against Russia, o f D ecem ber 18, 1807, could say with justice that no power had applied the English doctrine with greater harshness and sever ity than Russia under the Empress Catherine. It was, indeed, a triumph for Pitt-— the more brilliant that the humiliating measures o f his rival had been useless. A n d at what price did P itt purchase this triumph ? A price, we answer, at which England never hesitated whenever an advan tage was to be secured. The Catalonians, the Genoese, the Sicilians, the Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. 285 Norwegians can testify whether England’s policy ever scruples, if anything is to be gained thereby, to subject a free people, as far as it depends on her, to a foreign despotism. Such is the connection o f the armed neutrality with the partition o f Poland. Other times came, and another ruler sat on Russia’s throne. Paul’s stormy temper, the recklessness o f his foreign policy, the unaccount ability o f the second half, at least, of his reign are well known. Violent enmity to the English prompted him to again bring forward the principles of the armed neutrality, which his mother had once denied, and to add to them another. This principle, the fifth, was not altogether new. It pro vided that when trading vessels sail under armed escort of a man-of-war, the simple declaration o f the commander that there is no contraband on hoard shall absolve the trading vessels o f all search from the belligerents. The Netherlands, as early as 1051, asserted this principle with C rom w ell; Denmark had, in her maritime laws o f 1683, enjoined upon the command ers o f armed escorts to resist all search; the doctrine was held by Eussia in September, 1781, in the case o f a Swedish vessel as against Spain, and subsequently adopted by her in several treaties. Denmark and Sweden had, after the secession o f Russia, still clung to the principles o f the armed neutrality. Danish and Swedish captains had, during the war o f 1799, made a spirited resistance to the attempts o f the English to search vessels sailing under their convoy, and though superior force had at length disarmed, it had not intimidated them ; by means o f negotiation, and ow ing to the appearance o f a British squadron in the Baltic, Denmark was at length induced, in a preliminary convention o f the 20th o f August, 1800, to reserve the question o f right for further dis cussion, and meanwhile discontinue her armed convoy. Two days before the signing o f this convention the Emperor Paul issued an invitation to the Baltic states, Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, to enter into an alliance for the restoration o f neutral rights. H e at the same time laid an embargo on all English property found in Eussia. H is wrath against England was still further inflamed by the non-delivery o f Malta, in violation, as he maintained, o f the treaty. Nothing could be less agreeable to the northern powers than to be forced into an alliance, prompted unquestionably by enmity to England, and exposing them to her resentment. In vain the king o f Sweden sought by his personal presence at St. Petersburg to effect a mitigation. D en mark’s position was awkward. In the face o f the convention she had just signed, she was now to assert, if necessary with arms, a right, the discus sion o f which she had postponed, while she had renounced its practice. And what was to becom e o f Prussia’s system o f neutrality, so carefully cherished since the Peace o f Basle. These governments, as we see from their measures, obeyed, not a prin ciple which they had voluntarily adopted, but the dictate o f the ill-temper of one stronger than they. Sweden and Denmark entered into the Rus sian alliance on the 10th, Prussia on the 18th o f Decem ber, 1800. A t the close o f March, 1801, the Danes took possession o f H amburg, or rather of the gates and walls, laid an em bargo on English property, and destroy ed the buoys and other marks o f the channel. “ The occupation of H am burg,” says an English writer on International Law, “ was at best but an attempt to defend the law o f nations by means o f a direct breach o f it, an attempt to assert a contested principle by the violation o f one universally 286 Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. recognized, to protect a questionable right by an unquestionable wrong, and to extend the privileges o f neutrals by a grievous infringement of neutrality.” A similar outrage committed by Prussia, also upon Ham burg, though not known to our English author, exhibits an equal want of principle and confusion o f ideas. A n English cruiser had captured a Prussian ship in the Texel, and brought it into Cuxhaven. Prussia re quired the Ham burg authorities to take the prize forcibly from the Eng lish and restore it to the owner. N ow it is one o f the incontrovertible maxims o f the law o f nations, known to all the world, except Mr. Yon Ilaugvvitz, that the neutral cannot take upon himself the decision o f the legality o f a seizure, except when the capture has been made in violation o f his neutral jurisdiction, or the prize has been taken from one o f his own subjects and brought by chance into his territory. Neither o f these was here the case. In vain did the Ham burg Senate expound what was consistent with neutrality and what was n o t; in vain did it take counsel o f fear and purchasing from the Englishman his prize, bestow it on the owner. Ritzebuttell was none the less occupied by the Prussians. Hanover, too, was occupied by them, and indeed it is difficult not to suppose a secret understanding between the Elector o f Brandenburg and his colleague o f Hanover. A t all events Prussia did not do enough to satisfy the Emperor Paul, who let her feel his strong hand by forbid ding, in a ukase o f the 13th o f February, 1801, all internal trade destined ultimately for England, to pass through the Prussian states. That Prussia was spared by England is also apparent. Charles Grey, subsequently Earl Grey, in the debate on the address in 1801 said openly : “ It is not the policy o f a great nation, but a low, contemptible subterfuge not to attack Prussia, who is considered strong, while we attack Sweden and Denmark because known to be weak.” It was for Denmark to bear the brunt. In the naval battle o f Copen hagen, on H oly Thursday, A pril 2, 1801, victory was dearly purchased by the English. The armistice o f A pril 9th suspended for a fortnight the treaty o f armed neutrality, whose author Emperor Paul was murdered in the night o f the 23d o f March. Thus Sweden escaped with only menaces. An alteration in the policy o f Russia was, immediately upon the accession o f Alexander, held out prospectively, and on the 20th o f A pril formally announced by Count Pahlen. Assurances were given o f Alexander’s wish for peace, provided, “ the justice and moderation o f the cabinet o f London would permit him to reconcile the requirements o f humanity with what the emperor owed to the dignity o f his crown and to the interests of his allies.” Fair w ords! A nd how did Russia manage it? In the maritime con vention o f June 17, 1801, it was in express words declared that the neutral flag shall not protect enemies’ property. After this principle o f the armed neutrality, twice with so much emphasis proclaimed to the four winds, had been thus, without a blow , disavowed by Russia, no one can wonder that upon occasion o f the new demands she was equally compliant. She contented herself with the compromise, that vessels under armed convoy m ight be searched b y ships o f war, but not by mere cruisers, and was amiable enough to allow a little word to be smuggled in the definition of effective b lock a d e; where before a blockade was recognized only when constituted by vessels stationed for the purpose, and sufficiently near, it was now open to the English, as they boasted in Parliament, either to Russia, and the Principles o f the Arm ed Neutrality. 287 station their vessels or to cruise about and capture neutral vessels as guilty of breach o f blockade, if they happened to be “ sufficiently near ” to exe cute this achievement. Sweden and Denmark had been driven into the second armed neutrali ty by Paul. Russia now left them by her secession no choice but to sub scribe to the maritime convention. The blood had all been spilt in vain. Let us hear the judgm ent o f two witnesses, a Frenchman and English man, upon the character o f Russia’s compliance. V ignon says: “ The convention o f June 17 is one o f the most disgraceful treaties that a great power has ever signed ; for the renunciation o f a most precious right can never plead for itself the excuse o f necessity ; the conflict o f the principles proclaimed on the 16th o f December, 1800, with those admitted on the I7th of June, 1801, is one o f the proofs only too frequent, how wretched ly off is a country where all is so little to be depended upon as are the life and temper o f one man.” Alison sa ys: “ This treaty is so far glorious for England, that it confirms the correctness o f the English conception o f the law o f nations in this important particular.” Alison further declares, that no greater encomium can be bestowed upon this treaty, than was pro nounced by Napoleon, who says: “ Europe saw with astonishment this ignominious treaty signed by Russia and imposed upon the Danes and Swedes. It was equivalent to conceding to the English Parliament the sovereignty o f the seas, and subjecting to it all other states. The treaty was such as left England nothing more to desire; a power o f the third rank would have been ashamed to sign it.” But it was not enough for Russia to have twice proclaim ed and twice disavowed the principles o f the armed neutrality. Hostility to England was the m otto which in the Peace o f Tilsit pro cured to the Emperor Alexander, at the expense o f both friend and foe, (as Prussia knows,) the alliance and favor o f Napoleon. The Russian manifesto o f Novem ber 7, 1807, exhausts itself in virtuous indignation over the piratical expedition o f England against Copenhagen. “ The em peror declares that no relations can be resumed until Denmark shall have received satisfaction from England.” “ He proclaims anew,”— so runs the manifesto— “ the principles o f the armed neutrality, that monument o f the wisdom o f the Empress Catharine, and pledges him self never to act in op position to that system." It has fared with the one pledge as with the other. Russia has not only not procured any satisfaction to the Danes, but has done what it could to rob them o f N orway. And on the 1st o f August, 1809— not two years after the vow was registered— appeared a ukase, the second article o f w hich provides th a t: “ vessels freighted in part with fabrics or products o f hostile countries, are to be arrested, the goods confiscated, and sold for the benefit o f the crown. But in case the said wares compose more than half the cargo, then not only the cargo hut the ship also shall be confiscated.” 288 A Chapter in the H istory o f Art. II.— A CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF CURRENCY AND BANKING IN NEW ENGLAND. T he circular which follows was prepared by the H on Nathan Appleton, o f Boston, in the year 1808, and the signers o f it were the principal firms o f that city at the time, engaged in the trade with the country, most of them being importers o f European goods. This circular possesses much interest as an important incident in the history o f the currency o f N ew England. The object o f it was to remedy, if possible, the great inconvenience and the apprehended dangers of the excessive issue o f the country bank notes for circulation, by discrediting those banks in the different towns o f N ew England that refused to pay their notes in specie. This object was fully accomplished, while at the same time confidence was strengthened in those banks that promptly and honorably m et their obligations. The extract at the close o f this article from a pamphlet, published in 1831 bv Mr. Appleton, entitled “ A n Examination o f the Banking System o f Massachusetts, in Reference to the Renewal o f the B ank Charters,” con tains a slight sketch o f the history o f the banking system o f N ew Eng land, w hich illustrates the important effects o f this circular at the time it was issued. It was the first step in a movement which may be said to have terminated in the establishment, in 1824, o f what has been called “ the Suffolk Bank System,” the operation o f which was so efficient and successful in causing the notes o f all the banks o f New England, both city and country, to be at par in Boston, and in every part o f those States. The main object, however, in publishing this circular now is, to call at tention to the statement accompanying it, respecting some o f the results o f the business and o f the condition, after the lapse o f forty-eight years, o f one hundred and nine business men, com posing sixty-four firms, whose names are attached as the signers o f it. It has been so often repeated, that to most people it has becom e a settled maxim, that o f the individuals who engage in trade and Commerce in this country, not more than three in a hundred are even moderately successful; or, rather, that ninety-seven out o f every hundred w ho engage in business are unsuccessful, and fail sooner or later. If this is generally true, the result with regard to the signers o f this circular is very extraordinary. But we have never believed it to be true. The accuracy o f the statement may be relied on. It was prepared by one o f the signers o f the circular, who was the youngest o f the number— one w ho has been ever since, and still continues, in active business, and for many years has been as much respected for his integrity o f character, his munificent liberality, and his zeal in prom oting useful and philanthropic objects, as for the intelligence, sagacity, and success in business which lias rendered him one o f the wealthiest survivors o f the signers o f this cir cular. CIRCULAR. B oston, 1808. To the Cashier of Batik. S ir :— The subscribers, merchants and traders in the town of Boston, from a disposition to afford every facility and convenience to their country customers, have been in the habit, since the establishment of country banks, of receiving the Currency and Banking in N ew England. 289 bills issued by them in payment for goods, or debts, at -par; and which they were for a good while enabled again to circulate without loss. Within the last two years, however, many country banks have unwarrantably abused this confidence placed in their bills, by refusing payment of them, when presented, or by opposing every obstacle which chicanery and artifice could invent, to delay or evade it. The obvious consequences have followed— the public confi dence has been shaken, their faith in written promises of institutions, avowedly established as patterns of punctuality, no longer exists. Country bank paper has depreciated, and cannot be negotiated without a discount, which varies from two to four per cent. W e have, however, in hopes this unwarrantable conduct would be abandonded, continued to receive this paper at par, and borne the loss of the discount, till our patience is exhausted, and our suffering interest calls imperiously for a change of measures. W e have therefore found ourselves compelled to send the bills home for payment, and in case of refusal shall proceed to the collection by due course of law. W e beg you will communicate this letter to the President and Directors of Bank, and hope that by a prompt payment of their bills, they will save us from the disagreeable necessity o f resorting to the legal alternative. W e are, sir, your very obedient servants, B. & T. Wiggin, S. & N. Appleton, Bellows, Cordis & Jones, Sewall, Salisbury & Co. Gore, Miller, & Parker, S. & H. Higginson, Kirk Boott, Otis & Dwight, Knowles & Hurd, Parker & Appleton, James & John Carter, Benjamin Kich, Storrow & Brown, Haven, Williams & Co. Bond & Prentiss, Gassett, Upham & Co. Rice, Reed & Co. Peter Diekerman, Phineas Poster, Minchin & Welch, Munroe & Grosvenor, Seth W right & Son, David Greenough, C. & G. Barrett, William Appleton & Co. Colburn & Gill, Giles Lodge, Cabot & Lee, John Tappan, S. J. Prescott & Co. Joseph Nye & Son, N . & R. Freeman, Tuckerman, Shaw & Ro gers, P. & S. Clark, Smith & Otis, Freeman & Cushing, Pratt & Andrews, Richardson & Wheeler, Eben Francis, Thomas C. Amory & Co. Timothy Williams, Bryant P. Tilden, Cornelius Coolidge & Co. Thomas Wigglesworth, Joseph Tilden, Uriah Cotting, William Shimmin, Andrew Eliot, Stevens & Joy, Samuel May, John Grew, Jonathan Phillips, Ebenezer & John Breed, Torrey, Symmes & Co. Joshua Davis, Whitney & Dorr, Samuel Dorr, Luther Faulkner & Co. Howe & Spear, John Binney, Samuel Billings, David S. Eaton, Lovejoy & Taggard, Whitney, Cutler & Ham mond. Of one hundred and nine individuals, representing the sixty-four busi ness firms who signed the above circular to the hanks in the year 1808, there were only twenty-six living on the 1st of January, 1856 ; 83 o f the number have closed their accounts on earth. F ifty (50) of the one hundred and nine individuals were unsuccessful in business, and only six of that fifty are now living. F ifty- nine (59) o f the one hundred and nine may be considered as having been, in a greater or less degree, successful in business, as they ac quired property and never failed. O f this number twenty are now living. T hirty-two (32) of the number acquired sufficient property to be hide pendent and comfortable, varying in amounts, but none supposed to exceed one hundred thousand dollars. T hirteen (13) acquired fortunes varying from one hundred thousand to three hundred thousand dollars. 19 VOL. xxxiv.— NO. III. 290 Seven thousand Seven lars, four A Chapter in the H istory o f (7) acquired fortunes o f between three hundred and five hundred dollars. (7) acquired fortunes supposed to be at least one million of dol of whom are now living. The above statement has been prepared with much care, and is believed to be c o rre ct; it is certainly sufficiently so for the present object, o f show ing the pecuniary result o f the business o f these gentlemen. It may be doubted if a m ore favorable result could be found in the experience of nearly half a century, in any country, or in any profession or pursuit, taking a list o f names, as occurs in this instance, without selection, except that it may be presumed they constituted the prominent firms in Boston, engaged at the time in a particular branch o f trade. The results shown by this statement are at variance with the popular idea that few o f those who engage in commercial pursuits in this country are successful. It presents a m ore cheering prospect to the young mer chant, and is m ore encouraging to him to persevere in intelligent and use ful enterprise, than the popular notion alluded to, which would discourage him at the start with a belief that, exert himself ever so much, there are only three chances in a hundred that his efforts will avail h im ; that sooner or later, after years o f exertion with industry, and frugality, and integrity, he can hardly expect to avoid being a ruined and disappointed man. It is hoped that this statement o f the actual result o f the business of one hundred and nine merchants, covering half a century o f time, may help to destroy this disgraceful and, as the writer believes, unmerited stig ma on the merchants o f this country, which has been so often quoted and repeated to discourage the enterprise and blast the aspirations o f our young merchants. They certainly com m ence their career with greater advan tages o f education, and o f aids, by means o f mercantile libraries and asso ciations, for mental culture and obtaining business information, than was com m on fifty years ago ; it remains for them to prove whether they possess equal advantages in habits o f industry, o f application to business, and of integrity o f character, all o f which was absolutely requisite to insure suc cess as a merchant. The effect o f the foregoing circular, and its importance as an incident in the history o f the currency o f New England, which renders it worthy o f now being recorded in the Merchants' Magazine, to redeem it from ob livion, will be apparent in reading the follow ing extract from the pamphlet by the H on. N athan A ppleton, published in 1831. This extract also contains many interesting facts in the history o f banking that should not be forgotten. W e deem it important to preserve them, and occasionally to refresh the minds of business men with them, that they may avail of past experience to guard against future dangers. W e would preserve, also, and call attention to the carefully-considered views and opinions o f a gen tleman so thoroughly acquainted as Mr. Appleton with commercial sub jects, and particularly with the operations o f the currency laws o f Euro pean countries, as well as our o w n ; a gentleman who has publicly and privately done much for the Com m erce o f the country', and to elevate the character o f American merchants. The differences o f opinion with regard to important principles o f the currency question in this country often arise from the different points of view in considering it. T oo many o f our business men are disposed to consider it merely in reference to their purchases and sales and the pay Currency and Banking in N ew England. 291 ment o f their debts; they sometimes think that the m ore unsound and fluctuating the currency m ay'he the better for them. This is particularly the case with a class o f needy traders or speculators, who are constantly in debt and o f doubtful credit. Such men cannot comprehend w hy one kind o f money is not as good as an oth er; they usually think it extreme folly to talk o f a sounder currency, or o f any advantages in specie over paper money. There is another and a higher view o f the subject o f cur rency, o f far greater importance to the com m unity; it is, that the cur rency should be a just standard o f value, operating with equal justice to the creditor and the debtor, to the honest farmer, mechanic, or laborer, to the experienced banker, and to the skillful trader. In this view it becomes a question affecting the character and morals o f the community as well as their p ock ets; it affects the general business o f the country, the importa tions o f merchandise, and the value o f property o f all kinds. It is in this latter view that Mr. Appleton has considered the subject o f the currency in this extract from his pamphlet. It will be perceived that the principles and opinions expressed are sound and useful, and as applic able to the present condition o f the banks and o f the currency question in this country, as they were when published a quarter o f a century ago. The pamphlet is now out o f print. W e are quite sure, therefore, our readers will require no apology for the length o f the extract:— The period is not very remote when it was considered by many persons injuri ous and improper to call on a bank for specie in payment of its bills; when the brokers who sent home the bills of country banks were denounced as speculators and bloodsuckers, whose extirpation would bo a public benefit. Respectable men have been known, in the halls of legislation, to defend the conduct of banks in in terposing obstacles to the payment o f their notes to brokers, who had bought them up at a discount. About the year 1806, the State of Vermont established a State Bank, with several branches, on the principle that no capital whatever was necessary to banking operations; borrowers were furnished with the bills of those banks, on paying one-third of the amount into the bank in specie, and giving their notes for the other two-thirds. The borrowers would naturally take care that the notes which they gave to the bank should not be more valuable than those they received in exchange. It is not surprising, therefore, that the banks soon failed. It is a fact, however, that a Boston broker was brought before a grand jury for demanding payment in specie for the bills of one of those banks, on the complaint of the Attorney-General of the State, as guilty of an indictable of fense. These mistaken views have long since passed away. Bank operations have be come better understood. Bank notes are no longer considered as money, but as the representation of mo ney, and of no value any farther than money can be obtained for them. A bank professing to deal in money, or to loan money, is understood to give to every per son dealing with it a free choice to receive money or bank notes at his option j and the bank is expected to exchange the notes so received for the money they represent, when the convenience of the holder leads him to ask it, with equal promptitude and courtesy. The common consent of mankind has established gold and silver as the common measure of the value of all other commodities, and the common medium for ex changing them, and has given them, in the state of coin, the name of money ; some nations making use of one of these metals, some of the other, and some of both. The laws of the United States have established the currency of both gold and silver, at the option of the payer; but owing to a change in their relative values since the passage of the laws regulating the mint, (1792,) gold has ceased to make any part of our actual currency, which now consists entirely of silver. By our 292 A Chapter in the H istory o f mint regulations, gold is estimated to be worth fifteen times the same weight of silver ; whereas, in the markets of Europe, for many years, gold has commanded about fifteen and four-fifth times its weight in silver. Of course, whenever gold makes its appearance in the country, it is sold as an article of merchandise, com manding a premium of from four to six per cent over the rate established by law. It is an interesting question, whether a change should or should not be made in our mint regulations, in order to bring gold into circulation according to the original plan. A report of the Secretary of the Treasury on this subject was laid before Congress during their last session, accompanied by numerous docu ments and tables. The Secretary arrives at the conclusion that it is impossible so to regulate the proportion of these metals to each other as to secure their circulation together, and that silver is the more eligible standard of the two. It does not come within the plan of this essay to enter into a discussion of this subject. The writer is of opinion, however, that such a reduction in the weight of our gold coin as would equalize it, as near as may be, with the present value of silver, and thus bring it into partial, if not general, circulation, would be a decided improvement in our system.* The business of banking may properly be defined the trade or traffic in money, or in securities for the payment of money, excluding all trade in merchandise other than bullion or foreign coins. The issuing notes for circulation is incidental to the business of banking, but does not make a necessary part of it. The famous Bank of Amsterdam never issued notes. The Bank of England does so to a great extent, being the great fountain of paper circulation for Groat Britain. The bankers of London, how ever, never issue notes. In the United States there has never, probably, been a bank established which has not issued notes for circulation ; in fact, the issuing such notes is, most fre quently, the leading object and motive. It may well be questioned, however, whether it would not be an improvement in our system, to separate, in many cases, the right of issuing notes for circulation from the other branches of banking. The public have a deep interest in the solidity and good management of a bank of circulation, whilst they have comparatively none in the management of a bank employing their own funds in making discounts tuily, or in buying and selling bills of exchange. It would seem, therefore, that banks of the first class should be es tablished on a principle of safety, and guarded with a care and vigilance which might be dispensed with, in a great measure at least, in respect to those of the second class. The place where a bank note is payable is of the utmost importance, in order to secure its general currency at par. That place must be the commercial center of the district through which it is to circulate. The constant demand for remittances to this central point will give to bank notes payable there a constant equality with, or preference over, specie, through all the district of country drawing their supplies from that center. Thus a bank note, payable in Boston, will have a nat ural circulation through all that part of New England trading to Boston, or draw ing their supplies from thence ; but the moment the line is passed into the district drawing their supplies from New York, bank notes payable in that city can alone supply a pure circulation, and so of the other great cities. The depreciated paper currencies which have, at different times, inundated so many parts of the United States, have generally been owing to a departure from correct principles in this particular; to the forcing into circulation the bills of banks situated in places * A greater change than is here suggested was made by the law o f 1834, by which gold coin is made current at the rate o f sixteen times its weight in silver. The effect o f this law was, practically, to change our currency from silver to gold, even before the discovery o f gold in California. So great was the export of silver, in consequence of this excessive reduction in the value of gold as compared with silver, and the inconveniences resulting from the want o f it for change, that the law of 1852 was passed, authorizing a silver coinage, made current in limited quantity at some thing like - per cent above its actual value. This has remedied the evil, our currency now consist ing, like that o f Great Britain, of gold as its substratum. Currency and Banking in N ew England. 293 more or loss remote from the commercial centers, toward which all circulation tends. A hasty sketch of the course of banking in Massachusetts willfully illustrate this truth, as respects ourselves, and ought to furnish us a lesson of some use for the future. The Massachusetts Bank was established in Boston in 1784, being the second bank established in the United States; the Union Bank in Boston in 1792 ; banks in Salem and Newburyport soon after; and by the year 1803, no fewer than twelve country banks had been established in Massachusetts, extending from Kennebeck east, to Northampton in the interior. Numerous banks were also incor porated about this time in the adjoining States. While the only bank notes in circulation were payable in Boston, they were preferred to specie, both in town and country; but from the moment the notes is sued by the banks of places at even small distances made their appearance, the question arose whether they should be received at the Boston banks; the practice was fluctuating, sometimes at par, sometimes at a small discount. The country banks considered it a great hardship, that the Boston banks should send home their bills and demand specie for them, instead of putting them in circulation again. Public opinion took the side of the country banks, and the Boston banks, very unadvisedly, gave up receiving the bills of out-of-town banks altogether. The consequence was, that the bills of country banks obtained the entire circula tion even within the town of Boston. The Boston banks had given them credit and currency, their solvency was not doubted, and for all common purposes they became equally current with the bills of the Boston banks, which were only ne cessary for the purpose of making payments at those banks. A double currency was thus introduced— the one called “ foreign money,” or “ current m o n e y t h e other “ Boston money ”— the difference being, for several years, about 1 per cent. It was deemed a sort of heresy to call this difference a discount on country bills ; it was a premium on Boston money— a scarce commodity, only wanted for partic ular purpose; precisely as the difference in England between Bank of England notes and guineas, at the period of the greatest depreciation, was held to be a pre mium on gold. This state of things introduced a new branch of business and a new set of men —that of money brokers— whose business it was to exchange these currencies, one for the other, reserving for themselves a commission of about one-quarter of 1 per cent; or in the language of the day, giving a premium of three-quarters per cent for Boston money, and selling it at a premium of 1 per cent. While the quantity of foreign money continued moderate, it was thus kept afloat by the demand for circulation, as persons wanting money to send into the country, or for other pur poses, where foreign money would be received, would buy and employ this cheaper currency, rather than use the more valuable bills of the Boston banks. But the business of issuing these notes being a profitable one, the supply ere long exceeded the demand, and, as the channels of circulation overflowed, the brokers began to send the bills home for payment. The state of the currency became the subject of general complaint, the brokers were denounced as the authors of the mischief, as the cause of scarcity of money, and the country banks made no scruple of throwing every obstacle in the way of their opex-ations. It is a well-known principle, that when a currency is tolei-ated, composed of materials depreciated in different degi’ees, the inferior, or the most depreciated currency, will eventually expel, not only the pure, but also the less de preciated parts of the currency, and this equally whether it consist of paper or metal; the mass of the community being wholly insensible to the process of de preciation going on. In conformity with this principle, the nearest banks were naturally called on first, and it was soon discovered that a bank could be made profitable in proportion to its distance from Boston, and the difficulty of access to it. The establishment of distant banks became a matter of speculation, the fa vorite location being the remote parts of Maine and New Hampshire. In oi'der to equalize and extend the circulation of foreign bank notes, an insti tution was incorporated in 1804, call the Boston Exchange Office, with a capital 294 A Chapter in the H istory o f consisting wholly of such notes, in which currency it received deposits, collected notes, and made discounts. The experiment, however, was not very successful; brokers continued to send home, the bills of the nearer banks, until they disap peared, and the discount on foreign money continued to increase as the bills of the more distant banks predominated. In the meantime, an individual, perceiving how convenient an engine the Ex change Office might be made for the purpose of circulating the notes of particu lar banks, undertook one of the most extraordinary speculations ever attempted in any country— no less than the control and monopoly of the circulating medium of bi ew England. He bought up at a great premium nearly the whole stock of the Exchange Office, of several distant banks, as the Berkshire and Penobscot, and of several in Rhode Island, amongst others the celebrated Farmers’ Exchange. Ip several of them he apparently obtained the entire control of their issues. The funds so obtained were invested in the purchase of real estate, and the erection thereon of the enormous pile, since destroyed by fire, known by the name of the Boston Exchange Coffee House. Had the money thus placed within his control been employed judiciously, it is difficult to say what might have been the result, But under the enormous in vestment, in property wholly inconvertible, he became pressed for means, and was forced to push his bank-notes into circulation on any terms. In this state of things, the discount on country bank-notes rapidly increased, and the obstacles to making payments were multiplied in equal degree. Many ingenious methods of counting money were invented, in order to create delay ; and the custom was in troduced of giving drafts on an agent in Boston at 10, 20, and 30 days, which were extended by degrees to 60, and even 90 ; and in consequence of the drafts being in some cases dishonored, the parties were permitted to retain the bills as security, when they required it. The discount on foreign money increased to 4, and even to 5 per cent. By this time the merchants and dealers engaged in country trade, on whom the burden of this depreciated currency fell most severely, thought it time to interfere. In the autumn of 1808 they raised a fund for the purpose of sending home the bills received in the way of business for payment, with the determination of en forcing it by bringing numerous suits in case of refusal. This soon brought the currency to a crisis. The Farmers’ Exchange Bank suddenly failed, under the most alarming circumstances: the shock upon the public was tremendous. The Berkshire Bank soon followed. The discovery that banks could fail, affected the credit of all, and in the course of the year 1809, the greater part of the country banks in Massachusetts, Maine, and New Hampshire, having any considerable amount of bills in circulation, stopped payment. Some of them recovered, but a great number proved irredeemably insolvent. It would probably be a moderate estimate to put the losses by the bank failures of that period at a million of dollars. N o change of system followed, with the exception that a law of the State, taking effect in 1810, imposed a penalty of 2 per cent a month on every bank refusing or delaying payment of their bills when demanded, which has had the effect of secur ing punctual payment, except in cases of acknowledged bankruptcy. For some years after the explosion of 1809, the amount of bills of distant banks in circulation was moderate; and in 1814 the New England Bank adopted the measure of receiving the bills of all the banks in New England, at a discount varying according to distance, but in no case exceeding 1 per cent, and on condi tion of a sufficient permanent deposit being kept good, they were returned to the banks issuing them at the same rate of discount; the bills of banks not keeping such deposit, were sent home for payment. This arrangement was the source of considerable profit to the New England Bank, which induced other banks to become competitors for the deposits of the country banks, and for a few years the discount was fluctuating from £ to \ per cent. In 1824 the present system was adopted, by which the bills of all the banks of New England are received in Boston at par. The system is this: certain banks in Boston have contributed a sum agreed on to a common fund, and in con- Currency and Banking in N ew England. 295 Bideration of the use of that fund, one of them— the Suffolk— undertakes to receive all New England bills from the associated banks as cash, and collect them from the country banks. The mode of doing it is as follows : the country banks are invited to keep a fund in deposit at the Suffolk Bank for the redemption of their bills, and by doing so, it becomes a very simple operation to both parties. If they decline, the bills are sent homo for payment, in which case, nothing is re ceived but specie. The trouble and inconvenience attending this mode of pay ment soon induce the ctfuntry bank to yield to its true interest, and keep up the deposit, since thereby it can keep in circulation a larger amount of bills than it would otherwise be safe to attempt. Under this system the character of the currency has become wholly unexcep tionable ; all New England bank-notes are virtually redeemable in specie, at par, at the counters of the associated banks in Boston, and this equally whether the banks issuing the notes agree to it or not. It was, in fact, the subject of great complaint with many country banks, that their bills should, thus be raised in value to an equality with specie against their own consent. But the public being ben efited by the change, they have been obliged to submit in silence. It is, in fact, apparent that in all the changes of our currency, the quality of be ing exchangeable for specie in Boston has been that on which every bank-note has depended for circulation. N o matter whether the specie has been advanced by friend or foe, by broker or banker, at par or at a discount, it was the fact or the belief, that money could be had for it at Boston, which alone has given it general currency. It is true, that up to 1824, the currency has been depre ciated ; and the measure of that depreciation has always been the rate which it was necessary to pay in Boston to convert that currency into specie. During the first period— from 1800 to 1809— the paper dollar of country banks was grad ually depreciating from 100 to 95 cents, according to the price which a Boston broker would give for it. So, from 1814 to near 1824, the currency was nearly uniform at about 99 cents to the dollar, because that sum would be paid for it by the New England Bank in Boston. During the first period the currency was depreciated, and to that evil was added another uncertainty or fluctuation in the amount of depreciation ; during the latter period depreciation was the only evil, the rate being nearly uniform.* No argument can be necessary to prove that a depreciated currency, whether uniform or fluctuating, is one of the greatest evils which can befall a nation, hav ing reference to its legislation. It is true, with us each individual has the remedy in his own hands, no one being obliged to receive anything but gold or silver. But experience shows that this right will have very little effect in checking the evil in small transactions. The shopkeepers and small dealers think it better to raise the price of their goods than to turn away a customer who offers them any thing which has obtained a currency as money. The only security against a de preciated currency with us lies in the fact that the bills of the banks in circulation shall be redeemable at par in Boston. The present system would leave us nothing to desire in this particular, could we be assured of its permanence; but of this there is good reason to doubt. The principal inducement to the associated banks to appropriate the necessary * This state o f things was certainly an improvement on the other, although it is not to be con cealed that it favored the circulation o f the bills of distant country banks. A great increase o f their circulation accordingly took place during this period. The bills were put in circulation through Boston brokers, and a large portion o f their funds employed in Boston. At the same time, the sys tem afforded no security to the p u b lic; their being received at the New England or other banks de pended on their deposit being kept so good as to leave no doubt of their solvency. The banks were the first to discover symptoms of weakness, and sure to take care o f themselves. The failures o f the Hallowed and Augusta, Castine, Wiscasset, Hallowed, Bangor, and Kennebeck banks, took place in 1820, 1821, and 1822, under the operation o f this system. The bills of these banks in circulation at the time of their failure cannot have been much short of a million of dollars. The official return of the three first named, four months before their failure, gave four hundred and sixty thousand dollars as the amount of their circulation. 296 Currency and Banking in N ew England. fund to this purpose, undoubtedly was the belief that the measure would materially increase their circulation. This they had a right to expect; but this effect has been in a great degree defeated by the establishment of banks in the immediate vicinity of the city, as at Charlestown, Cambridge, Roxbury, & c.; banks which owe their existence to this system, and have acquired a large circulation. Besides, a few banks are bearing a burden for the sake of an advantage which is equally shared by all the banks of the city and vicinity, and there is necessarily much uncertainty in the permanency of an association of doubtful individual ben efit under such circumstances, however beneficial it may be to the public. There is, however, another point in which the deficiency of our present system is much more apparent, about which there can be no dispute— that is, the inade quacy of our provisions to guard against bankruptcy, against bank failures. No other evidence of this need be required than the fact, that within the last eighteen months two among the banks most recently chartered in the Commonwealth, have stopped payment and proved deeply insolvent; while a third has been found, on examination, in a situation of so much uncertainty as to induce a repeal of its charter. Or, if other evidence be necessary, it exists in the list of banks, chartered by the State of Massachusetts under the existing system, which have become bankrupt, and all since the year 1809, v iz .: Berkshire, Northampton, Penobscot, Hallowell and Augusta, Lincoln and Kennebeck, Bangor, Castine, Kennebeck, Wiscasset, Passamaquoddy, Sutton, and Bclchertown— twelve banks failed in twenty years. Surely it is time to pause, to inquire if there be no remedy, before it is too late, by renewing the charters of all the existing banks on the present system. The cause of failure in all these cases is easily traceable to one source—the original want of capital. Solid capital is the only safe basis of a paper circula tion. Country banks have frequently if not generally been established with very little real capital; the motive and object in their establishment not having been the investment and employment of capital, but the profit to be derived from the circulation of bank-notes. There is nothing censurable in establishing them for this purpose ; if the public require and choose to employ a depreciated currency, there is nothing censurable in undertaking to furnish it. It were idle to employ capital where capital is not wanted. There is no difficulty in setting a bank in operation with no permanent capital. The responsibility of such a bank rests en tirely on the character and responsibility of the debtors to the bank. I f managed with prudence and skill, no difficulty occurs. But such institutions, under the best management, are not the proper basis of a general circulating medium. It has not been uncommon for banks to have been gotten up with a view to furnish funds for private speculation or the private use of the principal stock holders ; or the same object has been sometimes accomplished by buying up a majority of the stock, so as to control a choice of directors. It is obvious that banks so situated furnish a very unsafe circulating medium, since the solvency of the bank depends on the success and solvency of the principal stockholders, who, in such cases, are usually the directors. It is believed that in all cases of bank failures in Massachusetts, the failure of the principal stockholders and directors has accompanied or preceded the failure of the bank. The great point, therefore, to be guarded against is, the liability of banks to fall into few hands, to be used for their private speculations. The pamphlet goes on in remarks upon the bank tax, which the author proposes to change from one per cent, on the capital o f banks, to three per cent on their circulation. 297 Commerce o f the United States. Art. I I I . — COMMERCE OF T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S * N U M B ER X X III. R E S I D E N T C O M M IS S IO N E R S OF C U S T O M S — D U T Y O N G L A S S , T E A , P A P E R , & C . — N O N -IM P O R T A T IO N A G R E E M ENT— HOW OBSERVED BY D IFF E R E N T E A C H P A R T Y — R E T R E A T OF T H E C O L O N IE S — R E A S O N S OF T H I S D IF F E R E N C E — E F F E C T S ON M I N I S T R Y — N O N -I M P O R T A T I O N L I M I T E D , W I T H T H E D U T Y , T O T E A , E T C ., E T C . T ub beneficent acts o f 1760, removing or modifying recent legislative obstacles to the commercial prosperity o f the colonies, had the effect o f renewing the enterprise o f the provincials in its former vigor. The results upon the interests both o f England and o f America, though embarrass ments still existed, were such as fully to justify the retreat from the revenue experiments o f the preceding years, and ought to have precluded every thought o f their revival. The year 1767 was allowed to come in favor ably, and among the earlier legislation o f the year some little encourage ments were extended to colonial trade. Rice was permitted free export from the colonies to Great Britain until Decem ber 1 o f the same year, and Sago-powder and Vermicelli until D ecem ber 1, 1781. The act permitting the export o f Rice in British built ships, navigated according to law, to any part o f Europe south o f Cape Finisterre, being about expiring, was renewed. The free import into England o f Cochineal and Indigo from America, as provided in an act o f 1760, was also continued. But the urgent necessities o f English finance still endured. The House and W in dow tax had been added, in 1766, to the burdens o f the realm, and amid the embarrassments which surrounded them, a ministry which had come in as professed friends o f colonial exemption, and which was headed by the Earl o f Chatham himself, could not refrain a longing look toward the abundant resources o f North Am erica. Even amid the good endeavors o f 1766, a coercive essay in favor o f the defeated principle of taxation, was determined upon. A s the preliminary provision was made the same year for sending troops to America, and by the amendment to the Mutiny act, alluded to, the incipient step in the renewed policy was taken, but in a form so feeble and hesitating as to make the attempt ut terly ridiculous. It was solemnly enacted that the colonial governments should provide the troops thus sent with, in addition to quarters, the cheap luxury o f beer, and the simple condiments o f salt and vinegar, sharing thus, slightly, with England in the burden o f the support o f this standing force. The act came first into operation in New Y ork, the assembly o f which colony refused to issue the required orders for its enforcement, and it accordingly failed. Late in the spring o f 1767, an act was passed for making the collection system within the colonies more efficient. The revenue officers in the col onies were often obliged to apply for instructions on doubtful points to the Commissioners o f the Customs in London, a procedure occasioning much delay and inconvenience ; to avoid which it was now enacted that resident * This with one more number will close this series o f papers for the present, at least, for the reason stated in the following extract of a letter to the editor o f this Magazine. Mr. Hale writes:— “ l have met with a misfortune which must bring to an immediate close the series on the Com merce of the United States—a destructive fire at Rondout, on the 8th inst., pulverized the Courier office, and with it about two thousand pages o f manuscript, in which were all my notes for the Com merce of the United States. I can never again go through the labors I endured in preparing these notes, and without such labor the series could never be completed in any manner at all correspond ing with the style in which they thus fur have been carried.” 298 Commerce o f the United States. Commissioners o f the Customs should be appointed for America, located at Boston, who should be independent in their functions o f the Commis sioners in England, and as well o f any action o f the colonial legislatures. This was followed by a bill for levying the contemplated taxes. Al though measures referring to coercion had been adopted, it was yet hoped the form o f the new scheme was such as would avoid the objections raised by the Americans to the former attempts. Townshend, the Chancelor of the Exchequer, who devised the project, and introduced it in Parliament, boasted in the House o f Commons that he knew “ how to draw a revenue from the colonies without giving them offense.” H e was not without reason in this opinion o f his measure, since what he proposed was simply the laying o f duties in the accustomed style upon certain articles imported into the colonies. The Americans had always submitted to acts o f this character, or avoided them only by clandestine means, conceding the full power o f Parliament to impose them. They had never dreamed o f shar ing in the power o f legislation upon the subject o f their outward trade. Could they ask now to divide that authority? But times had changed. The Americans had o f late revised some of their former opinions. The Stamp act, and the accompanying measures, had set them to the study o f the British constitution, which they now comprehended better than the generality o f British statesmen did. Hav ing discovered that representation was the corollary o f the power to tax, they became sensible also that under the authority o f regulating Com merce was concealed, in one o f its most effective and most dangerous forms, an unchecked power o f taxation. The system to which they had freely submitted while their Commerce was in its infancy, and while the govern ment was disposed to leniency, would not answer for the developed state o f the now important interest, and for the existing m ood o f the supervis ing power. Although, to avoid collision and the violence o f a sudden change o f usages, the system, so far as it had gone, m ight for the present be borne, its farther extension could not be tolerated. During the sickness o f the Earl o f Chatham, in May, Mr. Townshend introduced his bill, laying sundry duties upon Glass, Painters’ Colors, Teas, Paper, Pasteboard, and Paper Hangings imported into the colonies from Great Britain. The revenue from these duties was to be appropriated for the support o f the civil governments in the colonies, and the balance, in case o f any surplus, to be paid into the British exchequer, to be used by Parliament in provision for the defense o f the colonies. The same act abolished the drawback before allowed on the export o f Chinaware to Am erica, thus saving to the treasury the whole original duty paid on the im port into Great Britain. Although professing to avoid occasion of of fense to the North Americans, the author o f this act saw fit yet to make it the vehicle o f an invidious distinction between them and the W est In dia colonists. W h ile its action upon the interests o f the former was only unfavorable, it encouraged the planters o f coffee and cacao by allowing on exportation from Great Britain a drawback o f the whole duty payable on the im port o f those articles. The act passed with little opposition, in June, and received the royal assent on the 29th o f that month. Immediately follow ing this was an act im posing a duty o f 2J per cent ad valorem on the export o f R ice from the colonies. The same act granted the partial offset to this tax, o f permitting the export o f L ogw ood from any o f the colonies free. The northern colonies Commerce o f the United States. 299 had been long engaged in the cutting o f this article at Honduras, and at this time there was exported to Holland alone from New Y ork, Boston, and Rhode Island, 1,000 to 1,500 tons annually. Another act added further encouragement to the cultivation and dress ing o f H em p and Flax in the colonies, providing for a fund o f £1 5,00 0 a year for the payment o f premiums, &c., to be raised by laying additional duties on foreign canvas and lawns im ported for consumption into Great Britain. Another measure was a coercive effort against the Assembly o f the province o f New York, suspending the legislative functions o f that body in all other matters, until it should furnish the troops stationed there with the supplies required in the amendment to the Mutiny Act. Such was the legislation o f 176V— in its main features more unwise, considering the circumstances o f the time, than that o f any preceding year. The popular excitement was at once renewed in the colonies, and reached nearly the height it had attained under the Stamp A ct. The writers who had used their pens with such effect on the former occasions, again made urgent and most eloquent appeals to the public, through the newspapers and by pamphlets, in behalf o f the principles o f freedom from taxation and o f unrestricted trade. The legitimate issue o f the position concerning the inseparability o f representation and the power o f taxing, assumed in the former case, was now by many unhesitatingly enunciated — the complete legislative disjunction o f the colonies from the empire. Boston, as before, inaugurated the system o f retaliative measures to be followed by the colonists generally. A town meeting was called there on the 28th o f October, at which several resolutions were adopted by a unan imous vote, evincing, as MacPherson complains, “ a determination rather to widen than to heal the breach with the mother country, and to direct their attacks against her Commerce, which they considered as her most vulnerable part, as well as that which they could distress without the in fringement o f any law.” The preamble to these resolutions assumes that “ the excessive use o f foreign superfluities is the chief cause o f the present distressed state o f this town, as it is thereby drained o f its money ; which misfortune is likely to be increased by means o f the late additional burdens and impositions on the trade o f the province, w hich threaten the country with poverty and ruin.” To remedy the evil, it was therefore resolved immediately to lessen the use o f all superfluities imported from abroad, totally abstaining, from the 1st o f December, from the use o f the following foreign articles, v iz .: “ loaf-sugar, cordage, anchors, coaches, chaises and carriages o f all sorts, horse furniture, men’s and women’s hats, men’s and women’s apparel ready made, household furniture, gloves, men’s and women’s shoes, sole-leather, sheathing and deck nails, gold, silver, and thread lace o f all sorts, gold and silver buttons, wrought plate o f all sorts, diamonds, stone and paste ware, snuff, mustard, clocks and watches, silversmiths’ and jewelers’ ware, broadcloths that cost above 10s. per yard, muffs, furs and tippets, and all sorts o f millinery ware, starch, women’s and children’s stays, fire-engines, Chinaware, silk and cotton velvets, gauze, pewterers’ hollow-ware, linseed oil, glue, lawns, cambrics, silks o f all kinds for garments, malt liquors, and cheese.” As the natural complement o f this non-importation agreement, it was further resolved, “ by all prudent ways and means, to encourage the man 300 Commerce o f the United States. ufactures o f British Am erica, and m ore especially those o f this province,” and they particularly recommended to the public attention and patronage the manufacture* o f two o f the articles included in the new tariff-— Glass and Paper. They resolved, further, to retrench all superfluous expense of new clothes, &c., at funerals, and on such occasions to use no gloves except those o f American manufacture. In January, 1768, the assembly o f Massachusetts prepared a petition to the king against the late offensive measures, in which they firmly assert the illegality o f all taxes imposed upon the colony without their consent In February they dispatched a circular to the assemblies o f the colonies before uniting with Massachusetts, embodying the same sentiments, and inviting their co-operation in obtaining a redress o f the grievances com plained of. A ll the legislatures so invited readily concurred in the princi ples and in the object o f the address. The ministry, though perhaps something surprised by the course o f the colonists, was not induced to a relenting m ood. On the contrary, Gov. Bernard was instructed to make an imperative demand in the name o f his majesty upon the Massachusetts assembly to rescind the resolution adopt ing the circular above mentioned, and to express their own “ disapproba tion o f that rash and hasty proceeding.” Another illustration o f the es tablished partiality to the Sugar colonies, and also, at the same time, afforded, by an act encouraging one o f their interests, and calculated to depress indirectly a corresponding interest o f New England. This act permitted a drawback o f the duties paid on the im port into Great Britain o f Rum and Spirits, the produce o f the British Sugar colonies, upon its re-exportation, and exempted them also from the excise duties, though under full proof, from the 25th March. A n act passed in January, ex tended to North Am erica the privilege, already granted to Ireland, o f im porting freely into Great Britain the articles o f Salted Beef, Pork, Bacon, and B u tter; but this was with no intent to favor or to quiet the colonies, but was a measure o f simple necessity. The island was still oppressed with a scarcity o f food, and had, in 1767, paid over £1,000,000 in money for-imported corn. Thus favorable was the situation o f England for re newing her costly experiments upon America. The government was indeed little inclined to aid any farther either the Com merce or production, except o f particular articles, o f the North Am er ican colonies. It was rather b y checks upon these that they wished to re strain their dangerous increase o f population, the multiplication o f their towns, and the enlargement o f their powerful marine. In some branches o f navigation the colonies were suspected to already equal England. The once cherished fisheries sunk in favor as producing American seamen and an Am erican naval power, rather than increasing the mariners and ship ping o f Britain. Instead o f auxiliaries to British Commerce, these pro vinces were now regarded as in fact its rival. Instead o f requiring aid to push them forward, they had become so overgrown and self-reliant that measures o f repression were felt to be an urgent necessity. The non-importation scheme o f the Bostonians had not yet been carried into effect, ow ing to the want o f co-operation among the other colonies, * The year 17G7 was an era in the progress of cotton manufactures, being the time o f the inven tion in England, by Hargrave, of the Spinning-Jenny, by which eight threads could be spun at once, instead of one singly, as could only be done previously. Arkwright took out his flrst patent for an entirely new method o f spinning cotton yarn from warps in 1-69, and put his flrst mill in operation. Commerce o f the United States. 301 who were loth to resort to a measure so severely affecting their own in terests. Another effort was made in May, and non-importing associations were organized in Massachusetts, but some o f the large commercial towns in other colonies still refusing to combine in the project, it was again laid aside. Gov. Bernard preferred his demand upon the General Court o f Massa chusetts, for the rescindal o f the resolution adopting the obnoxious circu lar, in May, and was answered by a determined negative, adopted by the strong vote o f 92 to 17. The attempt to invade the freedom o f legisla tive action was denounced as a fresh attack upon their rights, and the doctrines o f the circular were re-affirmed in still more decided terms. Upon which, in the beginning o f June, the governor dissolved that refrac tory body. The Commissioners o f Customs had, in the meantime, arrived at Boston, and entered upon the duties o f their office. The functions o f this new power soon brought the commissioners in collision with the people. A sloop belonging to the active popular leader, John H ancock, arriving at Boston from Madeira with a cargo o f wines, an officer was placed on board to see that the cargo was not clandestinely removed. The officer was con fined in the cabin, and the vessel unloaded during the night. The sloop was, in consequence, seized and condemned, the 10th o f June. There upon, the people o f the town assembled in a state o f high excitement, burned a custom-house boat, attacked the houses o f the commissioners, and obliged them finally to take refuge on board the Rom ney sliip-of-war. The assembly afterward strongly condemned these acts, and invited the governor to prosecute the offenders; but the chance o f conviction was so small, it was not deemed worth while to make the effort. A more efficient method o f vindicating the law was deemed by his excellency to be the presence o f an armed force, the favor o f which he accordingly requested. In August, the merchants o f Boston again took up the subject o f non importation, and entered into a new resolution against im porting any British goods from January 1, 1769, to January 1, 1770, except salt, coals, fish-hooks and lines, hemp and duck, bar-lead and shot, wool-cards, and card-wire. A n d they more especially resolved not to im port any tea, pa per, glass, or colors, until the duties lately imposed upon these, articles should be rem oved; nor to have any dealings with any who should im port these goods from any other colony. The merchants o f Salem and other towns in Massachusetts entered into a similar agreement, and thus Massa chusetts started singly the scheme o f non-importation, by the action o f her people, prior to the meeting o f the convention chosen to supply the place o f the dissolved assembly. The request o f the governor for troops to enforce the new measures was complied with, two regiments, 700 strong, being sent to Boston from H al ifax, and landing on the 1st o f October. A s the selectmen o f Boston re fused to provide them quarters, they were lodged in the State House, and on the public grounds. Their presence only irritated, without at all in timidating, the people. The assembly o f Virginia followed the popular movement o f Massachu setts, in regard to the measure o f non-importation, completing their pur pose after a dissolution, which the governor, Lord Bottetourt, had declared, in a vain attempt to prevent the project. Connecticut, New Y ork, Mary land, and North Carolina, also readily came into the compact, and the rest 302 Commerce o f the United States. o f the original thirteen joined one by one. New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Georgia were very reluctant to yield their assent, but were induced to do so by the threat from their larger neighbors o f subjecting them to the penalty o f non-intercourse. The year 1769 opened without any change o f policy on either side, but rather a more rigid adherence o f both to their respective systems. In February, Parliament adopted resolutions much stronger than any meas ure yet entertained. The acts o f the Legislature and people o f Massachu setts were reprobated in the most energetic terms. Their pretension of not being bound by the late acts o f Parliament was declared “ illegal, un constitutional, and derogatory o f the rights o f the crown and Parliament o f Great Britain.” Their conduct was pronounced to be daring insults on his majesty’s authority, and audacious usurpations o f the powers o f gov ernment. The employment o f force for the suppression o f these treason able practices and principles was sanctioned; and it was requested o f the king to direct the governor o f Massachusetts to cause those guilty o f trear son to be arrested, and conveyed to England for trial. The H on. Thomas Pownal, some years before governor o f Massachusetts, warmly defended the people o f that colony in the House o f Commons, and was unavailingly seconded by other friends o f the colonies. The resolutions passed the House by a vote o f 161 to 65. The only effect was to call forth still stronger affirmations o f the principles before advanced by the colonial as semblies. But Parliament in its anger did not forget to grant a few favors o f the secondary class to the colonies, where the chief gain was expected to be on the side o f England. The permission to carry rice to any port o f Eu rope south o f Cape Finisterre, and to any places in Am erica south of Georgia, was in April prolonged to June 24, 1774. To encourage the languishing silk culture in the Southern colonies, the practice o f purchas ing the cocoons at a high-fixed price having proved inefficient, was changed for a bounty upon the im port o f Am erican silk into Great Britain, brought in vessels legally navigated, the rate being 25 per cent ad valorem, from June 1 , 1770, to June 1 , 1777 ; 20 per cent for the next seven, and 15 per cent for the third period o f seven years. The im port o f raw Hides and Skins from Ireland and the Am erican colonies into Great Britain was per mitted for five years, and the duty on seal-skins, tanned or tawed, was altered to three-halfpence a pound, o f which one penny was allowed to be drawn back on exportation from Great Britain. On the 18th July, an act o f violence occurred at Newport, R. I. Two vessels, a brig and a sloop, both owned in Connecticut, were seized by the revenue sloop Liberty, on suspicion o f having on board contraband goods, and brought into that port. In the evening, a party o f citizens having seized the captain o f the garda costa, on the wharf, obliged him to send on board and bring off his c re w ; they then boarded her, ran her ashore, cut away her mast, scuttled her, and burned her boats. The vessels seized, thereupon weighed anchor, and proceeded on their destination. The Assemblies o f Virginia and North Carolina had been dissolved by the governors o f these colonies for a refractory disposition. The governor o f Massachusetts now called upon the Assembly o f that province to pay the troops quartered in Boston, which they most peremptorily refusing, were speedily prorogued. Meanwhile, the non-importation agreement was in vigorous operation, 303 Commerce o f the United States. being observed by the Northern colonies with the utmost zeal. Com mit tees o f superintendence were appointed, who were very active in the exer cise o f their functions. Those w ho refused to enter into the agreement were subjected to votes o f censure; those who violated it were published by name in the public papers, and found their position exceedingly uncom fortable. The proscribed goods, upon their arrival in the colonies, were securely locked up in the warehouses, and, in some instances, were sent back to England. A t the South, however, the people were less inclined to sub mit to the inconvenience o f a strict enforcement o f the measure, and ob served it in a manner that, if follow ed by the North, would have had very little influence in causing the abandonment o f the ministerial policy. In the farther Southern colonies, Carolina and Georgia, there was indeed an actual increase o f imports from Great Britain over those o f the previous year. The effect o f the measure upon the trade o f the several colonies is exhibited in the follow ing statement o f their imports from Great Britain in the two years 1768 and 1769, as furnished by the British Custom-house returns:— EXPORTED FROM GREAT B R I T A IN TO ----- New England......................................... New Y ork.............................................. Pennsylvania........................................ Maryland and V irginia....................... North and South Carolina................... G eorgia.................................................. 1768. I7GJE £430,807 490,674 441,830 £223,696 75,931 204,976 £1,363,311 £504,603 669,422 300,925 56,562 614,944 327,084 58,341 £1,026,909 £1,000,369 It will be observed that while the Northern colonies received one-third larger amount from Great Britain than the Southern colonies, in 1768, the former took from her only h alf the quantity received b y the latter, in 1769. Considerable allowance must, however, be made for the different situa tion o f the two sections. The Southern colonies were entirely devoted to planting, and could not at all supply themselves from their own resources with the interdicted articles, many o f w hich were prime necessaries. Eng land was also the great market for their produce, which it was necessary for them to send thither to obtain the means o f living, and for which they must o f necessity receive British manufactures. T o suspend the trade o f the South with England to the degree effected by the North, was an utter impossibility, though much more m ight have been done, had the planters been adventurous enough to turn their attention to new markets on the European continent. The North, on the other hand, had no important staple depending on England for its market. For their own exportable products, they found consumers mainly in the W est Indies and the south o f E u rope; and it was chiefly through the profits o f this trade that they were able to main tain their Commerce with England. Thus, in regard to the province o f New Y ork, while her imports from England dwindled down from above £490,000 in 1768, to below £ 7 6,00 0 in 1769, she received in the latter year £97,420 from the W est Indies, £14,927 from the south o f Europe, 304 Commerce o f the United States. and £ 6 97 from Africa. Somewhat through their legitimate foreign trade, hampered as it was in regard to return goods, but more from their con traband traffic, especially in the W est Indies and at the Fisheries, the Northern people could obtain partial supplies o f French and Dutch manu factures. But these were furnished generally at dearer rates than the British goods, and under existing regulations were brought into the country with difficulty. The Turk’s Islands appear to have been a principal depot for this traffic, so far as carried on in 1769. Formerly, these islands were visited merely for salt, but o f late years had been settled by Bermudians, and made an entrepot for vessels from the Northern colonies, the Dutch islands o f St. Eustatia and Curacoa, and from Cuba and Hispaniola. No custom-house being established there, these visitants had made it the theater o f a trade between themselves in the products and manufactures of their respective countries. In 1769 the traffic at this rendezvous became much enlarged. Between March 2d and Novem ber 15th there were 110 vessels arrived at these islands from N orth Am erica and the W est Indies. It was observed that the inhabitants o f the Turk’s Islands were dressed in French cloths, and it was apprehended that by the foreign goods supplied the non-importing colonies through this channel, their endurance of that system would be rendered so easy, that it might be indefinitely pro tracted. Notwithstanding the vigilance o f the superintending committees and of the general body o f .merchants, English goods were also sometimes clan destinely brought in from other places. Some such importations may have been received from Canada, N ova Scotia, and Newfoundland. But the amount from these quarters was probably not large, attention being strongly directed thither in the purpose o f baffling the hope there indulged o f making the difficulties o f the other colonies an occasion o f profit to themselves. The imports o f these extreme Northern provinces from Great Britain increased from £1 78 ,0 00 in 1768, to £262,000 in 1769 ; but this addition would have replaced only a small part o f the diminution in the imports o f either New England or New York, and even the enlarged amount o f 1769, was really much below the average sent to these upper colonies in previous years. Another resource o f the N orth was in the vigorous prosecution o f their young manufactures, which, small as they yet were, enabled them to pro vide the supply of a considerable portion o f the necessaries, and some even o f the luxuries which they had been accustomed to receive from England. It is mentioned that the class o f students graduating at Harvard College in 1770 appeared in black cloth o f domestic manufacture. But whatever mitigation o f the severity o f the non-im porting policy was derived by the Northern colonies from these various sources, the positive evidence o f their agreement being well observed, and therefore in effective operation toward the desired end, wras in the inconvenience which the peo ple o f that section endured. The merchants felt seriously the weight of the burden they had voluntarily imposed upon themselves, although not inclined to abandon the effort. The rest o f the community got some thing uneasy. The superintending committees were accused o f harshness and partiality. Different seaports became jealous o f each other’s respect for the contract, and there were mutual charges o f extensive infraction. It was felt to be very aggravating that the North must make up by pro traction o f their burden for the breaches o f the agreement by the South. Commerce o f the United States. 305 The effect o f the non-importation policy was severely felt b y the Eng lish merchants, and the suffering thus induced was extending to the other interests o f the kingdom . The exports o f Great Britain, which in 1768 amounted to £2,378,000, had fallen off in 1769 to £1,634,000, the reduc tion in tea alone being from £132 ,0 00 to £44,000. The cry was general for a repeal o f the unwise acts w hich had provoked this ruin. Under these circumstances, there was another total revolution in the ministry. Several o f these political convulsions occurred thus far during the American troubles, which were the grand perturbing element o f Brit ish politics. It had been, through this period, the practice o f each new premier to enter upon his office with some concession to the colonists as the basis for restoring friendly relations Lord North followed the custom, and relapsed as speedily as his predecessors into the coercive policy. In accordance with the earnest petition o f the merchants engaged in the American trade, he brought in a bill on the 5th o f March, 1770, after the non-intercourse agreement had been fourteen months in force, repealing so much o f the act o f 1767 as imposed duties on glass, red and white lead, painters’ colors, paper and pasteboard, imported into the colonies from Great Britain. The drawback on Chinaware exported to the colonies, re pealed in the act laying these duties, was also restored ; but the duty on Tea was retained as an assertion o f the right to tax the colonies, which, in so humble a form, and coupled with concessions so important, it was hoped the Americans would acquiesce in. The premier, in behalf o f his scheme, urged the embarrassments o f British Commerce, which could be in no other way removed. H e held out the prospect o f restored harmony. He declared the act o f 1767 impolitic, even if it had been quietly enforced, as the taxes were laid mainly upon British manufactures, which should be encouraged, rather than burdened. The measure was energetically opposed. Mr. Grenville condemned the new policy as imperfect and inconsistent. One system or the other, he said, should be thoroughly adopted, instead o f a vain etfort to combine both. Many insisted that the act to be repealed, instead o f having failed, could and should be enforced. To retreat, they declared, was fatal. Gov. Pownall moved to make the repeal complete, by including the Tea duty. The motion was negatived by 204 to 1 4 2 ; the bill was passed as pre sented, and received the royal approbation on the 12th o f April. The merchants and popular leaders in Massachusetts saw in this meas ure neither occasion for thanks, nor for the relaxation o f their retaliative policy. They beheld in it rather a cause for fear. It was only an in sidious attempt, they thought, to lull the colonies into quiet, without really making any surrender. For nothing could be said to be really given up, while the pith o f the obnoxious act, the right to tax the colonies, was still asserted, and even retained in practical force. A s the measure of non-importation had forced the partial abandonment o f the British scheme, its complete relinquishment should be compelled by full continu ance of that effective agent. The exasperation occasioned in the public mind o f Massachusetts by the collision between the people o f Boston and the British soldiers on the very day the repeal act was introduced, gave increased energy to this determination. It was feared the other colonies might be inclined to an inopportune yielding at this point, where only a little more firmness seemed likely to secure a full victory ; and lest cause of complaint should seem scarce, the Assembly o f the province added to VOL. xxxiv.— no . h i . 20 306 Mercantile B iograph y: the retention o f the tea duty, the old restraints existing upon the pursuit o f manufacturing industry, and openly denied the right o f Parliament to legislate at all in regard to colonial concerns. The fears o f Massachusetts regarding the disposition o f the other colo nies were verified. The spirit o f discontent rapidly subsided, and they were glad o f any occasion to relieve themselves o f the burden o f a measure that was becom ing very uncomfortable. Some o f the smaller colonies had made movements against the system, which were suppressed. But at length, New Y ork openly broke away from the restriction, determining to im port all goods which were free o f duty. Rhode Island followed the ex ample ; other colonies were ready to join, and Massachusetts could do no otherwise than yield to the general inclination. The exclusion was there fore limited to Tea— an article that m ight be dispensed with without positive suffering, or whicK m ight be clandestinely imported from Holland. But the effect o f the single inhibition o f that article, though severely felt by the East India Company, was not sufficiently general to induce a re peal o f the duty upon it, and both the tax and the exclusion were therefore sustained for several years. Art. IV.— M E R C A N T I L E BIOGRAPHY : JAMES JOHNSON* J ames J ohnson was born at North Andover, Massachusetts, March 2, 1T83. In the early days o f his boyhood, he enjoyed the com m on advan tages o f the public school o f his native to w n ; and scarcely any other op portunities o f education in seminaries o f learning were ever afforded him. The practical teachings, however, which, in this country, com e home to all, were not neglected by h i m ; and, if he could not be called a learned man, he could, with strict truth, be said to be well educated and highly in telligent. "When quite young, he entered the store o f David Howe, a well-known trader o f Haverhill, then engaged in a large country business. There he remained till after he attained his majority. Mr. Johnson came to Boston in 1806, to com m ence business for himself, with a cash capital o f less than one hundred dollars, but with a fund of g ood principle, econom ical habits, and energetic purpose, which afforded a surer guaran y o f ultimate success than any amount o f mere money would have done. Like him who has reflected upon the mercantile community, not only o f Boston, but o f the whole country, the credit acquired by the able dis charge o f the highest diplomatic function which that country recognizes, Mr. Johnson never ignored the humble beginnings o f his prosperous life. • Th8 following brief biographical sketch o f one who, for nearly fifty years, was well known as an upright, sagacious, and successful merchant, was originally prepared for the Boston Daily Advtrtiter. The writer knew him, more or less intimately, for upwards o f thirty years. For more than half that period, he has often met him in near business relations. What he has said, therefore, is the result o f personal knowledge. To those who were best acquainted with Mr. Johnson, the ex cellencies of his character will not appear overstated. To others who may see these pages, it is only necessary to say, that his simplicity and humility were so great as to conceal from a careless observer not a few of the graces that adorn his life. a. l. James Johnson. 30 ? H e began business in a shop in Union-street, o f small capacity and cheap rent. l i e bought his goods in moderate quantities, and was not ashamed to take them home, oftentimes, under his own arm. H is profits were not at first large, and his accumulations were slow, especially during the dark and troublous times o f the embargo and the war. H e has often been heard to say that, for the first fifteen years after he came to Boston, he gained, besides his frugal living, but little more than his experience and good name. These, however, were invaluable to him. In these he laid the deep and solid foundation o f that honorable mercantile character which carried him on in continued and complete success. In 1817, Mr. Johnson formed a business connection with the late W il liam Sewall, and soon after com m enced the importation o f British dry goods. For this purpose he twice visited England, in 1822 and 1824. About the year 1825, when Hew England capitalists began to turn their attention to the extensive manufacture o f woolen goods, this firm directed its attention largely to that interest, and, in one o f its departments, soon took the lead. It was here, as a commission merchant, standing between and acting for both the manufacturer and purchaser, that his powers as an intelligent, upright, and liberal-minded man o f business were fully de veloped. His object did not seem to be to manage his affairs solely for the pur pose o f securing to himself an ample fortune, but he appeared always to be anxious that others should share in his success. Whilst, in the true spirit o f his calling, he was not unmindful o f his own right to a fair pro fit from his mercantile transactions, he ever had an equal eye to the g ood of those who entrusted their business to his care. Indeed, it may be said without exaggeration, that he appeared to labor with more zeal to pro mote their interests than his own. That large group o f successful flannel manufacturers, who have, for so long a time, resorted to him as to a coun selor and friend, bear, by their prosperity, a living and lasting testimony to the unselfishness o f his conduct. The veterans in this line, who, for a period o f thirty years, have uninterruptedly kept their accounts with him, are among the warmest in speaking his praise, n is counting-room was a favorite resort; and there his numerous business associates loved to listen to his words o f counsel and advice, uttered in his peculiar, racy m anner; but leaving always a residuum o f sound sense and practical wisdom which could not pass unheeded. Although, during the latter part o f his life, Mr. Johnson employed a portion o f his wealth in foreign Commerce, yet it was in the mercantile house which he founded that his chief interest centered. The name o f his firm has long been regarded, not only in Boston, but wherever its ex tensive business has spread, as synonymous with uprightness and mercan tile honor. H e left it a significant monument o f his sagacity and integ rity. It is pleasant to feel the assurance that, under the direction o f those who, by education and sympathy, as well as by the ties o f relationship, have been wont to honor his character, and co-operate in his efforts, it will be preserved, as far as is practicable, unchanged. Mr. Johnson was a g ood specimen o f the merchant o f the old school. He belonged to that class by which Boston has long been so proudly distin guished, but which has had such large inroads made in its numbers by the death, within a short time, o f a Perkins, a Lawrence, an Appleton, a W ales, and a W igglesw orth. H e regarded the solid qualities o f sagacity, indus 308 Mercantile B iogra ph y: try, and integrity, rather than the mere showy and forward smartness which not unfrequently places its possessor for a time in a position of note in the business community, but often leaves him, before middle life, a bankrupt in property and reputation. H e well knew the snares that awaited him who “ makes haste to be rich.” H e would not, for hope of great and speedy gains, embark in extraordinary and hazardous specula tions, but pursued the even tenor o f his way from the commencement to the close o f his long career. H e was not a public man in the ordinary use o f that phrase. His ser vices were highly valued as a director in some o f the financial and other institutions connected with mercantile afi'airs; but his name was never brought forward for political honors or promotion. H e well understood that his talents would be m ore usefully employed by giving his undivided efforts to the calling he had chosen. H e took no narrow view o f the vo cation o f the merchant. H e knew that it afforded a field for the full ex ercise o f some o f the noblest gifts and graces that adorn and bless the human mind. It has been said by Roscoe— no mean authority on such a subject— “ that o f all the bonds by which society is at this day united, those of mercantile connection are the most numerous and most extensive.” The distinguished biographer o f the Florentine merchant, who has made fa miliar to the world the name and the fame o f Lorenzo He Medici, proved by his own example that a life o f active business is not incompatible with the highest culture and the most liberal patriotism and philanthropy. Mr. Johnson, whilst pursuing earnestly and chiefly the business o f his choice, kept up a general interest in the political, religious, and social afi'airs of the community in which he dwelt. Though not an active politician, he prized highly the privilege o f voting, and always exercised that right in telligently. The youthful and eloquent Buckminster was ordained as the minister of the Brattle-street Church the year before Mr. Johnson came to Boston. Under his pastoral care, and that o f all o f his honored successors, he con tinued a member o f that religious society, and a constant attendant on the Sunday services there, till within a few y ears; when, on his removal to another part o f the city, he selected a nearer place o f worship. H e showed, in his daily life, that he not only listened attentively to the teachings of religion, but governed his life by its rules. H e often reminded those around him o f the good man mentioned by the Psalm ist:— “ W ho to his plighted vows and trusts Has ever firmly stood ; And, though he promise to his loss, He makes his promise good.” D uring the latter years o f his life, Mr. Johnson’s interest in religious matters greatly increased, and he made a public profession o f his faith. A m ore truly humble, sincere, and consistent Christian is seldom found. Though never married, he was by no means unsocial is his disposition. H e loved to gather around him, without ceremony or display, in that home which he made for others more than for himself, his affectionate relatives and friends, and to render them happy. H e never, in the days o f his prosperity, forgot the home o f his child hood. H is native town and the associates o f his early years w’ere always James Johnson. 309 dear to him. On the days o f the annual Thanksgiving and Fast he was always there, and attended the religious services as well as enjoyed social intercourse with his friends. H e took a strong interest in the Rural Cemetery which has lately been consecrated at that place, and prepared a lot for himself only a short time before he was called to occupy it. H e had reached a ripe old age, o f m ore than “ three score years and ten,” when, in the enjoyment o f his usual health, and in the full possession o f all his faculties, at the close o f a day o f active business in w hich he had taken a part with his accustomed zest, on his way to his quiet home, his step faltered; and, on reaching the door, he fell, and was taken to his room, where he soon peacefully slept, no m ore to wake on earth. H e died on the 26th o f April, in the 73d year o f his age, surrounded by those who loved and respected him. It was a beautiful and fitting close to a long and useful life. “ Of no distemper, of no blast, he died, But fell like autumn fruit that mellowed long." The funeral took place from “ The Second Church,” in Bedford-street, on Saturday, April 28th, 1855. It was the purpose o f the family, in ac cordance with the well-known retiring habits o f the deceased, to have only private services at the house. But, at the request o f many mercan tile friends, they yielded their wishes to the general desire for a m ore pub lic testimonial o f respect. The stores o f many merchants throughout the city were closed at the time, and the church was filled with an assembly o f sincere mourners. After a few appropriate remarks b y the Rev. Mr. Robbins, the minister o f the ch u rch ; selections from the Scriptures by the Rev. Mr. Lothrop, his former pastor; a prayer b y Rev. Mr. R ob b in s; and a solemn chant by the choir— the remains were taken to North A n dover, to be placed in the grave which he had selected, within sight o f the spot where he was born. There, too, were evinced, by the people o f that place, the unmistakable marks o f respect which are shown only to those who are truly worthy. The church was thrown open to receive the remains, and funeral services were again performed. One o f the most touching tokens o f respect to the m em ory o f Mr. John son, was paid b y the manufacturers o f N orth Andover, on the occasion o f the funeral. The noisy rattling o f machinery, and the busy hum o f spin dle and loom , w hich have been heard there almost incessantly through days o f jo y and sorrow, for so many years, were on that day hushed— a silent but expressive tribute, alike creditable to the proprietors, and to him whose mem ory they thus sought to honor. W e close this brief m em oir with the remarks made at his funeral by the Rev. Chandler R ob b in s:— “ W e have assembled for no empty pageant; for no vain pomp ; for no heart less display of grief; for no formal eulogy. W e have come to the house of God to gratify no vanity of partial friendship; to indulge no ostentatious taste; to minister to no unworthy pride. “ The family and kindred of our deceased brother, whose remains are before us, have reluctantly yielded their own wish for a private and quiet funeral (more agreeable to their own feelings and consistent with the character of the deceased) to the spontaneous and reiterated request of his numerous associates and friends, 310 Should the U sury Laws he repealed? whose hearts prompted the desire to participate in this last tribute of respect to his memory. “ This church, too, has, of its own accord, thrown open its doors, to receive at its altar the lifeless form of one of its truest friends and firmest supporters, and fairest though meekest ornaments; whose venerable image has been intimately associated with its sacred ceremonies, and to whom its very walls and stones were dear. “ W e come to bury an humble-minded man— upright, sincere, and kind ; who feared his God, and loved his fellow-men, and faithfully served his Heavenly Mas ter by an open confession of allegiance, by an outward walk of obedience, and, better than all, by a secret conformity o f spirit. W e pay him these honors the more willingly, because he did not covet them ; and the heartiness of our funeral tribute is the more profound, because it was neither solicited nor expected. “ A t the interment of such a man, the simplest services are the best. There was a degree of grandeur in the simplicity of his own character, which we would recognize, if we may not be able to express, in his obsequies. “ W o bury him only with the W ord of God and with prayer; with the lan guage that is suited to the lowliness of man, and the language that declares the loftiness of G od ; with the language that expresses our own dependence and frail ty and submission, and the language that reveals to us everlasting consolation and strength.” Art. V.— SflOliLD THE USURY LAWS BE REPEALED ? OR THE W A Y IN W HICH DIFFERENT MEN LOOK UPON THE SAME QUESTION.* THE AFFIRM ATIVE. T h e r e is nothing more unaccountable than the tenacity with which some men cling to the Usury Laws. Ever eager to break in upon old customs and opinions, no matter in how much wisdom they are founded, merely because are old, these laws, hearing their absurdity on their face, opposed to every principle o f com m on sense, taking their rise in the igno rance and superstition o f the past, they cling to, with the most obstinate perseverance, and in defiance o f the w eight o f unanswerable argument, which has been brought to bear upon them, allow them still to disgrace our statute aook. H ow Moses and Aristotle would be amazed, if they were to com e back to the earth and find that a local law o f the Jews en acted by them, and a mere “ ipse dixit ” o f the other, had been the prolific parents o f so much deformity and nonsense! W h a t makes this course of action the m ore unaccountable is, that the laws act in direct opposition to the object which they wish to obtain. There is hardly a borrower in the land who does not suffer from them. It is a well known fact that money daily rules above the legal rate, that transactions are daily made in it above that rate, the lender always requiring an equivalent for the risk he runs in breaking the la w s; besides this it has given rise to the whole sys tem o f brokerage, the expenses o f w hich are o f course paid by the bor rower. • The writer of this article, in a letter to the editor, says: u I lay no claim to originality, as most, if not all my positions have been advanced in back numbers of the M e r c h a n t s ' and the Bankers' Magazines.” He adds, “ My object was to make as complete a statement of both sides of the ques tion as I could, in order to contrast the manner in which different persons regard the same point.” Or the W a y different M en look upon the same Question. 311 But what is the testimony o f history ? Are there no facts in the records of the past to teach us the im policy o f the Usury Laws ? In Holland, up to the time o f the code Napoleon, usury laws had no existence, and the rate of interest was, for a very long period, lower in that country than in any other portion o f Europe, the Bank o f Amsterdam never reached m ore than live, sometimes as low as two-and-a-half and three per cent. In Eng land, on the best security during the same period it ranged from five to seventeen per cent. In Mahometan countries, notwithstanding the posi tive prohibition o f the Koran, the rate is ten or twenty times as high as the ordinary one in Europe. W e have, moreover, instances in France, Livonia, Genoa, and Barcelona, where the lowering o f the rate by law in creased it in fact. In Austria, Russia, and the United States, the market rate for m oney is almost always above the legal one. But the example o f England is alone sufficient to prove all that the opponents o f the Usury Laws desire. Since 1833 there has been in that country a virtual repeal of these laws, any rate o f interest being legal on documents not having more than twelve months to run, and yet we see none o f those exorbitant rates which restrictive croakers are so fond o f p redictin g; on the contrary, the rates there are almost always about one-half o f what they are in the United States, where Usury Laws exist. H ow any honest man not actu ally demented, can be aware o f these facts and still support the laws, is really beyond our comprehension. Theory must ever give place to fact, and after the array o f these which we have given, we must consider the question as forever settled, and that nothing more is needed to prove the impolicy o f the existing laws. Y et the farther we continue the examina tion o f it the more supremely absurd does the position o f our opponents appear. W h a t is gold, that it should be regulated by different laws from any other article o f merchandise ? It is every day quoted in the “ prices current,” and the stamp which the government puts on it does nothing more than give us a certificate o f its weight and fineness, to facilitate exchanges, which would be made whether government stamped the gold or not. The mere fact o f gold being used as currency does no more take away from it its character as an article o f merchandise, than it would take it away from rags should they be used for the same purpose. W hen two individuals, one having gold and the other corn, make an exchange, is it not as much a purchase o f gold by the one as of corn by the other? A nd when, owing to the scarcity o f gold, it takes twice as much corn to obtain it as it did in a time when it was plenty, is not this a rise in the price o f g o ld ? Yet, according to the indefensible and nonsensical reasoning o f the supporters o f the Usury Laws, the former is nothing but a purchase o f corn, and the latter a rise in the price o f corn. But the sum o f the foolishness o f these laws is not by any means shown when we have proved that gold is an article o f merchandise, rising and falling in price according to the supply and demand. The most important item to take into consideration in loaning money is credit, the greater or less certainty o f repaym ent; and yet the idea o f credit is entirely ignored by the Usury Laws. I f I can lend m y money at the legal rate on g ood real estate security, does any one think that I would lend it to a gunpowder manufacturer on his individual responsibili ty, at the same rate? Y et these laws will force me to do this or refuse the application o f the needy manufacturer altogether— a refusal which might involve his ruin, and for which he would have to thank the friend 312 Should the U sury Laws he Repealed ? o f the Usury Laws. W h y should a man be allowed to invest his money in a house and charge twenty or thirty per cent rent, when at the same time it is deemed a criminal act for him to loan his money directly at more than six per cent, is a question to which no reasonable answer can be given. But besides this, what is the sense, or where is the use— even granting these laws are g ood ones— to cumber our statute books with them when they never have been and never can be carried out ? when they are so opposed to the customs and practices o f our people, that they are openly and unblushingly broken every day by men o f the most unim peachable integrity ? There is nothing gained in practice by keeping them there, while there is much lost in principle, in engendering a spirit o f lawlessness, and depriving the law o f the prestige o f authority. It is useless to continue the question farther; these laws supported by a plea o f philanthropy we have shown to be unjust and unreasonable. They are injurious to young men by preventing them from com ing into competition with the old and wealthy, by laying them open to be driven out o f the field o f business by capitalists, who continue in the marts o f trade to ob tain legally that remuneration for their money to which they are entitled, but which the law forbids to them should they retire and lend that money to young and enterprising men. Credit, the chief thing to be considered in all monetary transactions, they ignore, and vainly try to bring men of all standings to the same level, the needy merchant with the millionaire, the intelligent and prudent man o f business, with the wild and reckless speculator; when at the same time it is known by all that on good secu rity money can always be obtained at the market rate, and that without it it cannot be obtained at all. Y ou m ight as well try to put an end to the laws o f gravity, or reverse the course o f the planets, as to do away with the principles upon which the monetary affairs o f the world are carried on. H ard is it that old m oneyed men who have worn out their energies in commercial life, in adding to the wealth and influence o f their fatherland, should be compelled, at the time when they need to rest from their labors, either to break the law, or rest satisfied with six or seven per cent for their money, while those to whom they lend it, are m aking from fifty to one hundred per cent, or perhaps more. THE NEGATIVE. Usury Laws exist with a few exceptions in all o f the civilized countries o f the world, and have existed for ages. This fact alone proves that there must be some good reason for their enactment and support, and that their absurdity is not so self-evident as some o f their opponents o f the present day would make us believe, for it would involve the opinion that the vast majority o f legislators, both o f this country and Europe, for a number of centuries, have either been too ignorant or prejudiced to see this absurdi ty, or that they knowingly and deliberately supported pernicious laws— an opinion which no man in his right senses would hold. N ow what is the reason which has induced this universal adoption and vigorous support of these Usury Laws? W e scout at the idea that it is because o f the pass age o f the Mosaic Law in reference to usury, or the opinion o f Aristotle, that “ m oney is barren.” It is and has been nothing m ore or less thaii th is: “ To keep down the rate o f interest, and thereby prevent extortion and protect the needy.” W hether this object has been obtained is a Or the W a y different M en look upon the same Question. 313 matter o f fact, not o f theory. The experiment o f repealing the Usury Laws has often been tried and found pernicious. In the sixteenth century they were repealed in England, and for nineteen years there was no re striction as to the rate o f interest. Lord Burleigh in the reign o f Eliza beth restored them, for the reason, “ that the repeal o f the statute against usury had not been attended with the hoped for effects, hut that the high price for money on usury has more abounded, to the undoing o f many persons, and to the hurt o f the realm.” The beneficial effects o f their re-enactment seems to have confirmed England to the policy o f having the laws, for in 1685 the rate was reduced from ten to eight per cent. Crom well reduced it from eight to six per cent, giving as a reason “ that the former reduction had been beneficial to trade, land, and husbandry.” In 1714 it was again reduced from six to five per cent, and for the same rea son. But we need not go outside o f our own land for examples to the same effect. In Alabama the laws were repealed and attended with such a rise in the price o f money and other ruinous consequences, that they were re-enacted in less than one year. Indiana also repealed the laws about twenty years ago, where again the effects were so disastrous that the public were clamorous for their re-adoption. In W isconsin, in 1850, they were repealed, and the rate o f interest immediately ran up to from twenty to fifty per cent. In Hndoostan there are no laws, and the rates o f interest range from thirty to forty per cent. In Athens before the adop tion o f Usury Laws the rates were from thirty to sixty per cent, and this was the reason for adopting them. In Rom e the usurers were so exorbit ant, that the people retired to “ Mons Sacra,” and forced the city to relieve them o f their burdens b y adopting laws lim iting the rate o f interest. These facts speak the voice o f history. In them we see the reasons for enacting these laws, the effects of their enactment, and the effect o f their repeal. But to g o farther, (though we think enough has been said to show the good policy o f the present restrictive laws,) is it a fact that m oney is noth ing more than a merchantable com m odity ?— a position so strongly main tained in the affirmative by the opponents o f the Usury Laws. W e hold that it is not. One thousand dollars’ worth o f gold is o f the same value as one thousand dollars’ worth o f merchandise, but it is far different in its power— a power which it has outside o f its intrinsic value, as the currency of the country. The government may make rags currency, but as soon as it has done so, who will say that they have not a very different position from what they had before. It is this difference outside o f the value o f the money itself, a difference created entirely by the action o f government, that gives the governm ent a right to control it in a manner in which it could not control any mere article o f merchandise. I f m oney possesses no power but that which its intrinsic value gives it, what can be said o f paper money, millions o f dollars o f which exist for which there is no valu able basis, nor was it ever intended that there should be. N ot one-tenth o f the paper money afloat in the world could be redeemed if presented for payment, which nevertheless passes current for the amount stamped upon its face by the authority o f government. It would be idle to say anything farther in reference to this distinction between m oney and merchandise ; it must be evident to any one not naturally or intentionally a fool. There is another distinction equally as clear as the above, to w hich our opponents likewise seem blind, and which is o f great moment in the con- 314 The N ew Y o rk Chamber o f Commerce sidevation o f the question before us, and that is, the difference between rent and interest. It would be useless after what has been already said, to enter at any length upon this subject, we would merely say, that the rate o f interest directly affects the rate o f rent, and every business transaction that is entered into. I f the rate o f interest is low houses can in conse quence be built comparatively cheap, and rents will be low. If the rate o f interest is high, it will cost m ore to build houses, and rents will be higher, when the same effects can be attributed to rent, then the distinc tion between it and interest will be done away, and not till then. A s to the practical w orking o f the Usury Laws, it must be admitted that they are very little respected b y the people at la rg e ; yet we cannot but laugh at the folly o f the man who offers this as an argument against them. It is because they are not enforced that interest rules so high, and if so framed that men could not evade them without incurring the penalty, usury would very soon be one o f the curses o f bygone days. In conclusion we would say, that, granting that free trade in money would lower the rate o f interest as a general thing, (which the facts we have given prove not to be the case,) what would be the condition o f the agricultural portion o f citizens, if these laws were repealed 2 This class, upon whom so much o f the strength and prosperity o f our country de pends, in their times o f need have to look to a few country capitalists, or perhaps a country bank. W h at think you, without any restrictive law, would govern the rate o f interest in this instance, but the amount it was possible to exact from the necessities o f the applicant 2 A n d such a state o f things would not exist long before the insatiable money lender would have a hold on all the property in the land ; every homestead would be lon g to the usurer. Our people see this, and hence their steady mainten ance o f the Usury L a w s; for it is a remarkable fact, that those who are advocating repeal, are, with but few exceptions, the moneyed men o f our large cities, whose object it is to keep up the rate o f interest, and the principal argument they use is, that this repeal will lower the rate. W h at has com e over human nature, that it has so suddenly becom e thus selfsacrificing 2 “ It is passing strange.” Art. VI.— THE NEW YORK CHAMBER OF COMMERCE ON OUR TRADE WITH THE CANADAS. W e take great pleasure in laying before our readers the Report o f a Committee, presented by the Chairman, the Hon. J. P hillips P henix, to the Chamber, at its regular monthly meeting in January, 1856, together with its memorial to the Congress o f the United States. The memorial, it will be seen, goes for a perfect system o f reciprocity— in other words, for Free Trade with the colonies o f Great Britain in Am erica. These views are in accordance with the view's o f a large majority o f the people o f both countries, and harmonize with the progressive spirit o f the times. W e re gret that an official copy o f the report and memorial were not received in season for publication in the pages o f the Merchants' Magazine in the February num ber:— On our Trade with the Canadas. 315 The undersigned committee, to whom the subject of a more perfect reciprocity of Commerce and Navigation between the adjoining British provinces and the United States has been referred, respectfully report: That the project laid before your committee is intended to remove all commercial restrictions on the Com merce and navigation of the Canadas and the United States— that is to say : To admit into the respective countries the natural productions and manufactures of both, and to open to their vessels, the coasting trade on the intervening waters of the two countries, all the advantages that now exist between adjoining States. By reference to the Itevenue Laws of the United States, and particularly that of 1799, it will appear that the exportation of foreign merchandise for the benefit of drawback, was confined exclusively to “ exports by sea,” consequently our com mercial intercourse with Canada was very limited, and depended much upon the smuggling enterprise of persons residing on the frontier of the two countries. These difficulties prevailed until 1845, when the restrictions on the export of foreign merchandise by land for the benefit of drawback were repealed, and the same facilities given to the exportation of foreign dutiable goods to Canada as if the same were exported by sea. By these measures the people of Canada were enabled to receive their foreign merchandise at a much earlier period and with less expense, and to send abroad their surplus produce through the canals and ports of the United States, much more expeditiously, resulting to the advantage of the Commerce of both countries. The Reciprocity Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, in relar tion to our commercial intercourse with the adjoining British provinces, was passed the 5th of June, 1854; and notwithstanding the brief period that has elapsed since that important measure has been adopted, sufficient evidence has been developed to show that the result cannot fail to be greatly advantageous to both countries. While the trade of Canada, by the St. Lawrence, has been re duced, that with the United States has been greatly augmented— our canals and railroads have been enriched by the transportation of their surplus productions— our neighbors have purchased largely in our markets of domestic manufactures, and our vessels have had the advantage of an increased foreign trade. Prom a report made to the Canadian Parliament by the chairman of their committee, on Trade and Commerce, in May, 1855, it appears “ that the imports of the United States from Canada in 1848 amounted to §642,672, and in 1854, to §6,097,204; and the imports into Canada from the United States, in 1848, were §984,604, and in 1854, §2,180,084— showing, during a period of six years, an increase in the former of nearly ten to one, and in the latter, for the same pe riod, of more than two to one." There is also “ a striking increase in foreign im portations through the United States. The imports for Canada direct, passing through under bond in 1854, were £1,336,770. The amount purchased by Canada in the United States, under their warehousing system, £299,428 ; the value of goods purchased in the United States, on which a duty was paid there, £144,024; the value of goods not subject to duty in the United States, £230,606. These figures give the value of our importations from beyond sea, through the United States, at £2,010,825, to which add importations of their domestic manufactures, £2,835,525, and it would appear that the total imports from the United States into Canada was increased to £4,846,350, and the exports, £2,604,320, or a grand total of £7,450,607, Canada currency,” equal to §29,802,680. These estimates will be sufficiently corroborated. By reference to the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Commerce and Navigation of the United States, for the year ending 30th June, 1855, (page 326,) this most flattering re sult appears, v iz.:— Export of domestic produce to Canada..................................................... “ foreign “ “ ...................................................... $9,950,764 8,769,580 Showing a total o f exports of....................................................................... Importations into the United States from Canada.................................. $18,720,844 12,182,814 Making the value of exports and imports growing out of the trade with Canada.................................................... .................... $30,902,658 316 American Merchants. Excelled only by the trade with Great Britain and France. The tonnage employed in the trade with Canada amounts to 1,TIG,730 tons, entered, and a like number of tons cleared, and about equally divided between American and British tonnage. The apparently large amount of shipping em ployed in this trade is no doubt occasioned by the shortness and consequent fre quency of these trips from port to port— it however exhibits the importance of the trade, and the propriety of giving to it every possible encouragement. In the judgment of your committee, the trade with Canada may be greatly ex tended, and made in every respect reciprocal, not only as relates to the interchange of the productions and manufactures of the respective countries, but the naviga tion of the adjoining lakes and rivers. The result would be to make free and en large the demand for our manufactures and other productions, now chargeable with duty in Canada, and facilitate the navigation of the lakes by extending to the vessels of both like advantages in the coasting trade, on the intervening war ters of the two countries. They therefore submit, for the consideration of the Chamber, the following Memorial to Congress on the subject. J. PHILLIPS PH UNIX, ROBERT KELLV, M. H. GRINNELL. N ew Y ork, January 3, 185G. To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives o f the United States in Congress assembled :— The memorial of the Chamber of Commerce, of the city of New York, most respectfully represents that— a partial reciprocal exchange of the natural produc tions of the United States and Canadas having been established by their respec tive governments—the principle of reciprocity may be extended with mutual advantage to the citizens of both countries. Your memorialist therefore prays that Congress will pass “ A n A ct ” to remove all duties and restrictions on the importations into the United States of all articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of the Canadas, also to permit all ships and vessels built in Canada to participate on equal terms in the shipping and coasting trade on the interior lakes and waters intervening between the two countries, and for that purpose to open to the free and common use of both, all the water com munications, coasts, and ports on the aforesaid intervening waters between the Canadas and the United States— to take effect whenever the government of Canada shall pass a law to extend the like privileges to the citizens of the United States — so that vessels of both countries may engage in the coasting trade on the inter vening waters aforesaid on equal terms, and that the intercourse for all purposes of Commerce and navigation in the productions and manufactures of the two countries, may be placed on the same footing as between two adjoining States. Art. VII.— A M E R I C A N MERCHANTS.* W e have placed at the foot of this page the title of a new work, the first vol ume of which is now ready for delivery to subscribers. W e do not, however, in tend to speak of our own labors in its production. The plan of such a work, we may, however, be permitted to say, had been entertained by the writer for the last fifteen years, and is, in fact, coeval with the establishment of the Merchants' Magazine, in 1839. The field of commercial literature, it is believed, was almost * Lives of American Merchants. By Vol. i., pp. 600. F r eem an H unt, A. M., editor of the M e r c h a n ts 1 M a g a zin e. American Merchants. 317 entirely unoccupied until we entered it some seventeen years ago. This field we have sedulously endeavored to cultivate, with what degree of success we leave the public, and particularly the large and influential class of men who are most inter ested in the vast and multiform commercial and industrial affairs of the world, to judge. I f we have not earned any considerable degree of fame, or large fortune, neither of which we have sought so much as to promote the genuine growth and greatness of the land of our birth, we have the consciousness of constant and un tiring devotion to what has seemed to us our mission, and consequently our duty. With these few preliminary remarks, we respectfully ask the attention of our friends and the public generally to a part of the preface, accompanying the first volume of our “ L iv e s o f A m e r ic a n M e r c h a n t s ,” in which we have endeavored to de velop more fully the design of that publication, and especially present our esti mate of the historical and social eminence of the mercantile class. W e begin with the beginning, omitting only a few of the closing paragraphs. THE PREFACE. W e have lives o f the Poets and the Painters; lives o f Heroes, Philoso phers, and Statesmen; lives o f Chief Justices and Chancelors. There is a class o f men whose patronage o f art has been princely in its munificence, as their wealth has equaled that o f princes, whose interests have become a chief concern o f statesmen, and have involved the issues of peace and w a r ; whose affairs afford a leading subject o f the legislation of States, and fill the largest space in the volumes o f modern jurists. This class has produced men who have combined a vast comprehensiveness with a most minute grasp o f details, and whose force o f mind and will in other situations would have commanded armies and ruled States; they are men whose plans and combinations take in every continent, and the islands and the waters o f every s e a ; whose pursuits, though peaceful, occupy people enough to fill armies and man navies; who have placed science and inven tion under contribution, and made use o f their most ingenious instruments and marvellous discoveries in aid o f their enterprises; who are covering continents with railroads and oceans with steamships; who can boast the magnificence o f the Medici, and the philanthropy o f Gresham and o f A m os Lawrence; and whose zeal for science and zeal for philanthropy have pen etrated to the highest latitude o f the A rctic seas, ever reached by civilized man, in the ships o f Grinnell. Yet no one has hitherto written the lives o f the merchants. There are a few biographies o f individuals, such as the life o f G resham ; but there is no collection o f such lives which, to the merchant and the merchant’s clerk, would convey lessons and present appropriate examples for the con duct o f his business life, and be to him the “ Plutarch’s Lives ” o f trade ; while for the historical student the lives o f the merchants o f the world, and the history o f the enterprises o f trade, i f thoroughly investigated, would throw much light upon the pages o f history. Modern scholars have seen the important bearing o f the history o f Commerce upon the history o f the w o rld ; have seen, rather— as who, in this most commercial o f all eras, can fail to see ?— how large a chapter it forms in the history o f the world, although crowded out o f the space it ought to fill by the wars and crimes which destroy what it creates. Hume was among the first to call attention to this branch o f historical inquiry, and Heeren has investigated with much learning the Com merce o f the an 318 American Merchants. cients. If we were in possession o f lives o f the great merchants o f an tiquity, what light would they not throw upon the origin o f States, the foundation o f cities, and inventions and discoveries, o f which we now do not even know the dates? Trade planted Tyre, Carthage, Marseilles, London, and all the Ionic col onies o f Greece. Plato was for a while a m erchant; Herodotus, they say, was a merchant. Trade was honorable at Athens, as among all na tions o f original and vigorous thought; when we find discredit attached to it, it is among nations o f a secondary and less original civilization, like the Romans. But if Commerce forms so large a chapter in the history o f the world, what would the history o f Am erica' be if Commerce and men o f Com merce were left out ? Trade discovered Am erica in the vessels o f adven turers, seeking new channels to the old marts o f In dia; trade planted the Am erican colonies, and made them flourish, even in N ew England, say what we please about Plym outh R o c k ; our colonial growth was the growth o f trade— revolution and independence were the results o f measures of trade and commercial legislation, although they undoubtedly involved the first principles o f free governm ent: the history o f the country, its politics and policy, has ever since turned chiefly upon questions o f trade and of finance, sailors’ rights, protection, banks, and cotton. Agriculture is doubtless the leading pursuit o f the American, as o f every other people, being the occupation o f the great mass o f the population; but it is not agriculture, it is Commerce, that has multiplied with such marvellous rapidity the cities and towns o f the United States, and made them grow with such marvellous growth— which has built Chicago in twenty years and San Francisco in five. It is trade that is converting the w hole continent into a cultivated field, and binding its ends together with the iron bands o f the railroad. If Commerce be thus pre-eminently the characteristic o f the country and o f the age, it is fit that the Lives o f the Merchants should be written and read. W ere it not for the picturesque eloquence o f Burke, the enterprise of the American merchants o f the colonial times would be in danger o f being lost sight o f in the dazzling brilliance o f our commercial career since the Revolution. It is perhaps no exaggeration to say, that the growth of Am erican trade during the colonial period was relatively as great as it has been sin ce; and there are names in the list o f the merchants o f those times which should find a place and would adorn the pages o f American Mercantile Biography. They were no com m on men w ho laid those found ations upon which the trade o f Am erica has been b u ilt; men o f enterprise, men o f intellect, men o f religion. In this, the first volume o f a series o f the Lives o f Am erican Merchants, I propose to begin with what m ay be called the First Period o f our Com mercial History as a nation, giving the lives o f deceased merchants only. D uring this period, although but the life o f one man in duration, the seed sown by the merchants o f the colonial time has attained the growth, the wonderful growth, o f which we are the witnesses, and enjoy the fruits. O f a few o f these remarkable men, by w hom the work has thus been car ried on, and whose enterprise and wisdom have given scope, and impulse, and permanence to Am erican Commerce, biographies are given in the present volume. I propose, in a second volume, to give the lives o f other 319 The Great India-Rubber Litigation. merchants o f this period, together with those o f living m erchants; and to give completeness to this collection o f mercantile biographies, I hope to be able hereafter to do justice to the merchants o f the colonial period. * * * * * * * I am indebted to the eminent literary ability o f the Hon. E dward E v erett, Hon. T homas G. G ary, H on. J oseph R. Chandler, G eoroe R. R ussell, LL. D ., Charles K ing , LL. D., S. A ustin A llibone, Esq., J ohn A . L owell, Esq., Rev. J ohn L. B lake, D. D., Rev. W illiam B errian , D. D., and others, for valuable contributions. FREEMAN HUNT. A r t . T i l l . — T IIE GREAT INDIA-RUBBER LITIGATION: A FEW CHAPTERS FROM ITS HISTORY. T he mazes o f the law have been called interminable— inextricable. Its dull delay is ranked by Shakspeare among the heaviest ills o f life. W e shall sketch a few o f the outlines o f the greatest lawsuit ever prosecuted — the one which has cost the most money— been tried in the greatest number o f places and before the greatest number o f tribunals— which has enlisted the most imposing talent, and taxed the resources o f the most formidable combination. A bove all, the one which best shows how much may be achieved by a true, brave, trusting, generous man, when singlehanded he goes out to meet his enemies. Some twelve years ago, the applications o f India-rubber to the wants and comforts o f men became so numerous and valuable, that the cupidity of capitalists was found arrayed against the genius o f inventors. For the thousandth time the world saw the painful but exciting struggle o f the strong against the weak— might against right. The number o f suits, at law and in equity, grow ing out o f these inventions and discoveries, have exceeded one hundred and fifty, and the expenses o f the litigations have exceeded six hundred thousand dollars. In 1844, certain patents were granted to Charles G oodyear and to Horace H. Day. Corrugated or shirred rubber goods had then been pro fitably manufactured some two years. G oodyear’s patent for his process of manufacture and for his machine, were so far superseded by one o f Day’s patents for cutting the rubber threads and by another for shirring goods, that G oodyear’s processes were abandoned. Numerous establish ments, however, at once began to use G oodyear’s and D ay’s patents, in violation o f the rights o f their inventors and owners. Mr. D ay com m enced various suits against the violators o f his rights. A Mr. Suydam, w ho claimed to have purchased G oodyear’s patent, prose cuted D a y ; and soon the suits reached five-and-twenty. A m on g those who infringed Mr. D ay’s patented rights, were a former partner and also a workman o f D ay— both having learned the process in his establishment. Common violators o f his rights combined against him, and instead o f one he was confronted by twenty combatants. In the Circuit Court o f the United States, District o f New Y ork, two trials left juries which did not agree. A t the same time, those who were using D ay’s patents bought 320 The Great India-Rubber Litigation. licenses from Goodyear, who fortified them by his influence in their be half, while he pressed his rival by a series o f suits against him (D ay) to secure himself. This alliance o f all the men D ay had prosecuted ended in concentrating upon his head a combined force which threatened his overthrow. New suits were brought by them against D ay’s agents and customers in Massa chusetts, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and New Y ork, while the prosecutors were using D ay’s patents, without which shirred goods— at that period the most important article o f all— could not be profitably made. But Mr. D ay had learned a fact o f great moment, which, o f course, he used to his advantage. H e was informed by a letter from Nathaniel Hayward, that he had himself invented the process o f manufacturing heated metallic rubber, although it had been issued in Goodyear’s name. D ay went to the spot and took the testimony from the workmen, H ay ward being o f the number. W ith this testimony he met the motions for injunction in the United States Courts, in New Y ork and elsewhere. But Goodyear refused to g o to trial, and thus the various suits were met and disposed o f in the same way. B u t defaulted as he was, Goodyear at once started new issues. Meantime Hayward opened a factory at Lisbon, Connecticut, for putting into practice his own invention for metallic rubber, although Goodyear had got the patent out in his own name. H o made shoes, and stamped them “ H ayward’s Spring Tempered Rubber,” while Goodyear had ap plied the name “ metallic rubber,” to the same manufacture. B y this time, shirred suspenders alone had reached a million dollars a year. Four or five large factories were employed, all using the “ metallic rubber” claimed by Hayward and contested by Goodyear, and all using machinery and processes invented by D ay and his foremen. Defeated at every point by Hayward and Day, G oodyear made a new and stronger combination. Those who had hitherto used Goodyear’s pat ent without license, had been prosecuted by Day for using his inventions, and they united with Goodyear, acknowledging him the rightful author. Even Hayward was, by collusion, brought into the arrangement, by re ceiving from Goodyear, am ong other things, a free license to manufacture 500 pairs o f shoes per day, and be protected in any o f his violations of D ay’s patents. Hayward’s influence in the trade was great, for he was a laboring man highly esteemed b y the workmen w ho were privy to the origin o f the discovery he (Hayward) claimed. H e the m ore readily yielded, under the assurance that their combination would invest them with a m onopoly too powerful to be resisted by Day, or all other in ventors. But D ay’s rights were pressed with vigor, and when the expenses and fatigues o f the great conflict became nearly intolerable, D ay and Good year signed an agreement, (in 1846,) by which the former was to discon tinue, on certain conditions, the manufacture o f all but shirred g o o d s ; while Goodyear, who controlled the litigation on the other side, was to put an end to all infringements o f D ay’s patents. This, for the time being, put an end to all the D ay and Goodyear suits. Hitherto no process was known to the parties for vulcanizing rubber successfully in a heated atmosphere, without oxide o f lead and sulphur, making a triple com pound, as described and patented by Goodyear in A fe w Chapters fr o m its H istory. 321 1844, but claimed to have been discovered by Hayward two or three years before. But in England a process had been discovered o f vulcanizing rubber by steam— mixed with sulphur alone. This discovery ended all idea o f making G oodyear’s process o f manufacture a m onopoly in 'this country. A ll parties, therefore, wished to settle their difficulties, and turn over a new and fairer leaf, and each for himself. Most o f the capi talists connected with Goodyear began to be disheartened, and the bank ruptcy o f several o f them made them all anxious to abandon G oodyear’s expensive process for a better, and to put an end to all litigation. A t this point, when D ay’s position had grow n strong— since his inventions had not been superseded— he signed the agreement with Goodyear, which left him sole owner and master o f the department o f shirred rubber, the profits on which were over a quarter o f a million dollars annually. This right was also recognized in due form by other violators o f his patents, who enwatred to infringe his rights no more. A t the same time Goodyear engaged to protect Day s rights, while he entered into an agreement to allow all who had intrenched on D ay the use o f his (G oodyear’s) patents or claims for manufacturing boots and shoes. These manufacturers afterwards became known as the “ Shoe A s sociates.” They were to make no m ore shirred goods, after they had worked up the stock then on hand in their factories. Thus ended all liti gation, with many libel suits grow ing out o f it, each party paying his own costs; and here ends the first chapter in the “ History o f the India-rubber Litigation.” For a while this great art went on with no interruption. But the “ Shoe Associates” violated their contract. They purchased largely o f new stock, and, working their factories night and day, they flooded the mar ket with over half a million dollars’ worth o f shirred goods, so imper fectly made that the rubber decom posed; and the effect was so fatal, that the sales in this class o f fabrics soon dwindled to $20,000 a year. Day was now likely to be ruined more completely than he could have been by litigation. H e discovered, too, that while his agreement with Goodyear — which had ended litigation— was lying in escro, G oodyear had entered into a private arrangement with his legal counsel, Judson, by which he transferred to him the whole, or a large part, o f the shirred suspender inter est.' A few days o f time were thus gained, for before the agreement was delivered, and while it was in escro, Judson had g ot his transfer from Goodyear recorded in the Patent Office, although D ay had received from Goodyear an equitable, and, he supposed, a legal title to the business, so far as Goodyear could grant it. Thus, finding his legal title wrested from him by fraud, and his business ruined by the bad faith o f the parties, in 1848 he repudiated his contracts with Goodyear, and began the manufacture o f all kinds o f fabrics. This opens the second chapter in the History o f the India-rubber Litigation. The English discoveries were now fully known, and other important de partments besides shirred goods were opened. Fuller had sent from England an agent to this country for the disposal o f his patent for making rubber car springs. Day' bought the right for the United States, and be gan the manufacture. A t the same time other parties, who had in Eng land seen this invention, and been intrusted with the duty o f showing to our railroad companies, for sale, procured from G oodyear the right to use his compound in the manufacture o f “ car-springs.” von. xxxiv.— no . m. 21 322 The Great India-Rubber Litigation : D ay now became involved in another series o f lawsuits, to protect a patent which he had bought, and which incontestibly belonged to him by legal transfer. Thus, in 1848. the whole litigation was renewed with m ore virulence than ever, with new interests involved, and a fresh corps o f litigants. Suits were now instituted in different States, and with all the old com bination, and the aid o f the car-spring and packing manufacturers to strengthen them, Goodyear again opened the crusade against Day. This aspect o f the struggle continued two or three years, with endless laby rinths o f litigation, which would bewilder the brain o f the reader. A t tempts to end the strife by negotiation were often made— but as they all contemplated his ruin, he could not be induced to surrender his rights until they should be wrested from him by the omnipotent hand o f the law. A number o f suits were then instituted to enjoin D ay— but in none of them did his opponents succeed. A t length a suit at law was tried in New Jersey, before a jury, to re cover the tariffs stipulated in the compromise to be paid to Goodyear, and also to stop Day from using any process o f manufacture claimed by Good year. After a hard-contested battle, the jury rendered a verdict in favor o f Day, who was thus exempted from all damages, and his prosecutors de clared guilty o f a clear breach o f the contract with Day. But the combination had now grown rich, and, nothing daunted by their recent failure, they pressed their suits against D ay and his agents; and suits at law and in equity, for the same cause o f action, were brought in different States, thus com pelling him to incur enormous expenses and inconvenience. H is goods were attached, and in Massachusetts an officer was placed in his factory, and he was b y ingenious and multiplied pro cesses thus harassed and distressed, and compelled to give large securities or be entirely broken up in his business. It was believed that this system o f harassing would soon wear out by attrition, a castle which could not be taken by storm. But it was ascer tained that D ay was making use o f a process different from Goodyear’s— invented by tw o o f D ay’s foremen— a process by which zinc was combined with rubber, and finished by the use o f the English process o f steam. This made a better fabric than G oodyear’s processes could produce. Thus foiled, and finding themselves in the power o f their antagonist, a compro mise with Day, or his overthrow, became necessary for their preservation. A new consultation o f the combination was now had, which resulted in the adoption o f two other schemes for prostrating Day, and securing a m onopoly o f the rubber business. The original Goodyear patent o f 1844 for metallic rubber, which had been superseded, was to be re-issued and made to embrace the English processes o f H ancock, together with three or four processes already discovered and patented in this country. The second measure— to get an extension o f a patent which had been granted to Edwin M. Chaffee, long before Goodyear had taken up the rubber busi ness, and which patent was claimed to have passed into Goodyear’s pos session, and which was indispensable in the business. The success o f these two measures would, in the opinion o f the monopolists, drive D ay from the field. A ccordingly, in December, 1849, without D ay’s knowledge, the patent was re-issued to Goodyear, upon a new specification, and at once an entire set of new suits was commenced against Day, his customers, and agents. The old suits were allowed to be defaulted, or permitted to be non-suited, A fe w Chapters fro m its H istory. 323 or renewed only to annoy. These new suits were m ore numerous than the old, and the assault was the more tremendous. Meantime all the manufacturers w ho had begun or gone on independent o f Goodyear, had, with one or two exceptions, been induced by motives o f gain to join against Day. W ith suits against him in five States, they could marshal their forces to the greatest advantage, and select that point for a final issue which promised the best success. A t this point a circumstance occurred which, however trivial it may have seemed, was intended to ruin Day, and which, being managed adroit ly, nearly succeeded. Some disappointed party had made an attack in a New Jersey paper, upon one o f the judges o f the Circuit Court, involving the integrity o f the judge’s son— the Clerk o f the Court— for alleged im proper practices, not connected, however, with the India-rubber interests, and this was, unjustly, attributed to Day. It finally became apparent that, however successful D ay m ight be in side issues or suits in equity, he had little hope o f final emancipation from difficulty, except in a trial involving the main question, and before a jury. To prepare for such an ordeal, when it could no longer be postponed, Day’s antagonists had so managed as to have thirteen separate examina tions going on at the same time in different parts o f the country, before as many commissioners, rendering it impossible for Day or his counsel to be present for cross-examining many important witnesses. W h en this was shown to the Court, as the New Jersey trial came on, an order was made postponing the trial, and to stop such corrupt and unjust practices in the future, and three certain commissioners were appointed, before whom all the testimony should be taken. The parties then went on taking their testimony under that rule, in both the law and equity cases. Meantime, D ay’s counsel unhesitatingly advised him that, according to the pleadings, there could be no estoppel established against him and therefore that the Court, as a matter o f course and o f universal practice, would try the suit at law first, especially as it was the oldest on the calen dar, and the title h id never been established at law. Relying on this opinion, D ay had not taken the testimony o f some thirty witnesses, who lived within one hundred miles o f the place o f holding the Court, intending, under the rules, to call them to the stand before the jury in the course o f the trial at law. The court came in, and the suit at law, being first on the calendar, was called, when Day announced himself ready. The plaintiff', however, re fused to g o on with that suit, and insisted on his right to try the case in equity. This was resisted by the defendant through his counsel, Rufus Choate and Francis B. Cutting, and argued in the side o f the plaintiff by Daniel Webster, Seth P. Staples, and James S. Brady. After a day or two o f argument, the court ordered the suit in equity to be put on its final hearing, in spite o f the fact that the question o f the title and validity of the patent had never been tried before any jury. O f course, a solemn protest was entered by Day against the order, for it gave his antagonist every advantage, and dealt a heavy blow against Day on the very thresh old o f the court-room. But this new hardship had to be met. Nine large printed volumes o f testimony, running over twelve or fifteen years, were then laid before the court, and eight or ten days at least must be consumed in the reading. Other serious embarrassments passed heavily upon Day’s case— even the clerk o f the court was counsel for Goodyear, 324 The Great India-Rubber L itigation : and son o f one o f the judges. But with all his want o f preparation, and under all these evil omens, D ay was compelled to g o to trial. It was on this occasion— this great occasion'— that Mr. Choate made his m ighty argument on the question o f estoppel, complimented as the greatest effort ever made on that question. Some idea o f the expenses o f this litigation may he g ot from the fact that Mr. W ebster received £15,000 for his fee at this single hearing, and the expenses o f this case alone ex ceeded 160,000. This was in 1852. The rubber business had grown to five or six mil lion dollars a year, and the fabrics were sent to all the world. But this strange trial waited six or eight months for a decision, and of course when it came it was just what everybody except D ay expected— a final and perpetual injunction against him. Tie was required and ordered to stop the wheels he had first set rolling at the bidding o f his own will, long before Goodyear had entered the business— to arrest the clank o f his own machinery, which had sprung into being by the fiat o f his own in ventive genius. Ever afterward he was to manufacture shirred goods— and according to the terms o f that slighted, broken agreement with Good year, which G oodyear himself did not regard ! D ay had some time been regarded as a ruined man, for nobody could believe one human being able to resist so hostile and so tremendous a power. H e even bent to the blast himself for a while. l i e could not hope for justice— he could see no light— he even gave up the hope o f a trial by jury— that sheet-anchor right o f the A nglo-Saxon race. H e sold out his business, and quit the field. This was before the court had propounced its decision. But although the men he sold to at once stopped all manufacture ex cept shirred goods, yet his opponents found some pretext for further troubling him. H e was proceeded against for contempt o f court, and was sum moned to Trenton. D ay asked a further hearing in the absence o f his chief counsellor. It was denied. Crowded to a hearing, he unqualifiedly denied, under oath, any violation o f the injunction, and supported it by other strong affi davits. But this would not suffice. D ay was put under examination be fore the judge, in person, for several hours. The outrage was great— without a precedent— for the defendant had legally, morally, and honor ably, purged himself o f the charge o f contempt, and by precedents tvro hundred years old. The judge could g o no further. But the judge— whatever may have been his motive— had not yet exhausted upon the stricken man all his power. H e would command his person and his goods. H e did. H e wanted possession o f his books and papers, and closed his tribunal to adjourn it to such time and place as to him seemed best. It was, in a day or two, opened again at Jersey City. D ay’ s principal counselor (Mr. Choate) could not be present; Mr. Cut ting was engaged in a trial, and he sent another legal gentleman to pray the Court for delay. But the ju dge’s son, as counsel for D ay’s opponents, requested his father to declare D ay in contempt, and o f course it was done. It would have been strange after all that had passed, if it had not been just so. A precept was instantly issued against him and placed in hands o f officers; but D ay was safely sheltered in the circle o f his family friends, on the east side o f the Hudson river. H e had a house and home there— several houses — homes numerous. Finding their victim out o f reach, an attempt was made to revise the judicial persecution. This failed on the east side o f A few Chapters from, its H istory. 325 the river: and although the ruin o f his fortune seemed entire, they could not complete an utter overthrow. But the plot grow s— the conspiracy extends. There is not power in money profusely lavished— nor in the blinding maze o f a hundred laby rinthine lawsuits, to paralyze utterly a true man. Law is not broad enough — -justice is not elastic enough. W hat shall be done? Congress must a ct! N o other power can save the Conspiracy. They had exhausted every law— -they had worn out every precedent. They asked Congress to increase the jurisdiction o f the courts o f the United States— that the court in New Jersey might reach its strong arm over the Hudson river, and drag a hunted citizen into territory where a tyrant might seize him. It was an audacious attempt, to poison a whole system of jurisprudence for a nation, in order to wreak vengeance upon a pros trate foe. W hile all this was being done, a large factory in Connecticut, which Day owned in connection with Anson G. Phelps and others, was con sumed by fire. Railroad companies— to whom Day had sold car-springs— were prosecuted, and claimed protection from Day, whose friends and partners were alarmed. Anson G. Phelps died, and D ay stood almost alone to defend suits against the United States Car Spring Co., in which he had the largest interest. H e was still under injunction, and being com pelled to sacrifice his property in that company, for less than one quarter its cost, he seemed to fall below the possibility o f a rescue. A t this crisis, when all the hopes which cheer and comfort the soul in life give way, he hurriedly paid all his debts, and sunk for a while in the depth o f tha abyss—-his hair became prematurely gray ! The end was not yet. Goodyear asked for an extension o f the patent for curing India-rubber, which was claimed by Hayward. D ay opposed this'because he was himself the inventor, and had used it ten consecutive years before it was issued to Goodyear. A n d application was also made to extend Chaffee’s patent. Volum es o f testimony were rolled up to the Patent Office by Day’s op ponents, and so powerful were the means, the result was at last reached— this patent was extended. This seemed to be that depth Milton spoke o f where his angel fe ll! Such wrong, outrage, and deception could not last, even in an erring world. It could not last. It did not. Litigations had been going on all the while against D a y ; and they were spread over so many States, and addressed to so many issues, and pressed so unfairly by the numerous adjudants of the chief enemy, that it required a large corps o f clerks and reporters to keep even an abstract record o f the crimes and accusations alleged against him. New points were continually started. But the last effort had not yet been made— for the great Inventor was not yet silenced. H e spoke again. But his voice could scarcely be heard. Once m ore the hostile forces ral lied. One hundred against o n e ! A new writ o f contempt was issued, and Day appeared. H e denied that he was in contempt, and he announced through his counsel his readiness for any action o f a full court. But he was at once put under heavy bonds to appear before a Master, with all his books and papers, and submit to an examination on the question o f con tempt, and to go on in accounting to Goodyear for all his profits, after Goodyear had been cut off from all his pretended claims up to 1849, by the finding o f a jury ! 326 Journal o f Mercantile Law. This opened a new chapter o f the crusade ; and if it were fully written would show enough to make the reader tremble to think how insecure his rights may sometimes become, under this great republic. The examination exhausted the ingenuity and trick o f five different lawyers, heavily paid to crush a single unprotected m an; and they had full scope for their power for weary m on th s; and all this at an expense of many thousand dollars— for the sole purpose o f proving a contempt of court on the part o f a man who had steadily denied before the same court, and proved it at every step. But day-light at last began to dawn. The case was worn out. The hunted man had steadily, uprightly, answered the questions o f the Master, (Judge Green,) who at last put an end to the farce, by announcing that the charges o f contempt were unfounded, and that D ay was innocent of every allegation. The report was made to the court and duly filed ! The crushed, but never the broken-spirited man, once more rose from the heavy burden o f a terrible prosecution, and stood up, without his fetters. H ere ends the second chapter o f this dreadful controversy. * JO U R N A L OF M E R C A N T ILE LAW . ACTION TO RECOVER THE AMOUNT OF A CERTIFICATE FOR MERCHANDISE BOUGHT. Supreme Judicial Court, Massachusetts.— January, 1856. James B. Eaton, vs. Henry Melius. The action was to recover the amount of a certificate passed by the defendants, Messrs. Melius & Howard, to the plaintiff, in California, in 1847, in payment for merchandise bought. The certificate was signed by J. K. Wilson, captain of ord nance, and countersigned by Colonel Fremont, and certified that $1,000 was due to Messrs. Melius and Howard by the United States, for powder furnished to the California battalion, then commanded by Colonel Freemont. A t the same time with receiving this certificate, Messrs. Melius & Howard gave Captain Wilson a receipt for §1.000, in payment of their bill for the powder. The plaintiff had ap plied to the Treasury Department for payment o f this certificate, and payment had been declined, and the plaintiff sought to recover the amount of the defendants. In support of the action, the plaintiff offered evidence tending to prove that the United States refused to pay the certificate, because they had allowed the §1,000 to Colonel Fremont, in settlement of his accounts, by reason of the above receipt by the defendants, and of another receipt which Captain Wilson gave Colonel Fremont, of the same date with the certificate, which receipt was for §1,000 paid by Colonel Freemont to said Wilson for this powder. And the plaintiff contend ed that this mistake was owing to the defendants’ having given such a receipt to Captain Wilson, as led to the whole transaction having the appearance of a cash transaction, and so misled the government. There was no allegation of a fraudu lent intent in any of the parties, but the plaintiff contended that the defendants were liable for the consequences of their receipt being given in the form it was. J u d g e T h o m a s ruled that to entitle the plaintiff to recover (where there was no element of fraud) he must show not only that the government had declined to pay, but that it had rightfully declined; and that in this case there was not suf ficient evidence to sustain that position. The receipt given by the defendants to Captain Wilson was prima facie given for the certificate and not for cash. If the government, without regarding this, or without due inquiry, had paid Colonel Fremont, by reason of another receipt between its owrn officers, to w'hich the de fendants w’ere not parties, the defendants w'ere not liable, and the claim was still good against the government, A verdict was taken proforma for the defendants, the case to be reported for consideration of the full bench. Commercial Chronicle and Review. SALE OF 327 P R O P E R T Y — M IS D E S C R IP T IO N . A sale of property, described as “ customary leasehold, renewable every twentyone years,” had been made, the conditions of sale containing provisoes that the vendor should be entitled to vacate the sale, and return the deposit in the event of any objection arising “ which he could not or would not remove,” and that errors of description should not vacate the sale, but that abatement or compensa tion should be made in case thereof. It turned out that the property was held merely for an absolute term of twenty-one years, without any custom of renewal. Vice-chancellor Wood held that this was an error of description, that the purchaser was consequently entitled to compensation, and that the vendor had no option to declare the sale void, and return the deposit without interest. A freehold house was disposed of at public auction, the description in the par ticulars of sale being that the house was “ a freehold estate, being No. 58 Pall Mall, Marlborough House.” It turned out, however, that the house was not actu ally in Pall Mall, but that it was situated to the rear of No. 57 in that street, and that the front elevation faced toward St. James's-street instead of Pall Mall, and that, moreover, the approach to it was by an inconvenient covered passage. On these grounds the purchaser resisted completing the contract. Counsel for the vendor argued that, as it had been for a long time commonly known as “ No. 58 Pall Mall,” there was no misdescription to vitiate the sale. But this argument was overruled by Vice-chancellor Stuart, who held that the vendor could only be bound by the description in the particulars of sale, that the contract must be re scinded and the deposit returned.— Stanton v. Tattersall, 21 L. T., Rep. 334. C O M M E R C IA L C H R O N IC LE A N D R EV IEW . I N F L U E N C E O F P E A C E ON C O M M E R C I A L A F F A I R S — L A R G E P A Y M E N T S F R O M T H E S U B - T R E A S U R Y — I N C L U D I N G T H E T E X A N A N D M E X I C A N I N D E M N I T Y — T H E M O N E Y A ND S T O C K M A R K E T — R E C E I P T S OF G O L D D U S T — T H E B A N K M O V E M E N T — I M P O R T S A T N E W Y O R K F O R J A N U A R Y — G R E A T I N C R E A S E IN T H E R E C E I P T S OF D R Y G O O D S — E X P O R T S F R O M N E W Y O R K T O F O R E I G N P O R T S F O R T H E M O N T H OF J A N U A R Y — F O R E I G N C O M M E R C E A T N E W Y O R K F O R S E V E N M O N T H S OF T H E F I S C A L Y E A R — R E C E I P T S F O R C A S H D U T I E S — S H I P M E N T S OF D O M E S T I C P R O D U C E — T O N N A G E A ND S H I P P I N G F O R — ST A N D A R D OF INSPEC TION F O R B R E A D S T U F F S , E T C . lfc55 T h e tone of feeling in commercial circles has been very much changed since our last by the prospect of returning peace, and the announcement of a renewal of negotiations between Russia and the Allies has been everywhere hailed with de light. W e do not believe that the return of peace would effect such a rapid im provement in our commercial prosperity as the most sanguine seem to suppose. The course of trade can never be suddenly changed without many interruptions and hindrances, and the effect of a settlement of the present European difficulties will no doubt be greater upon the public mind, than upon the actual interchange of commodities. The large outlays of money at the seat of war have excited a very active trade in that quarter, and many millions of goods have been sold to a people who never purchased an article from Western Europe before. A reaction will come as soon as the army is withdrawn and the heavy expenditure ceases, but the trade will not bo wholly lost. When want is unknown, the demand may slumber ; but the desire once gratified, cannot be readily stifled; and the new sources of traffic, opened by the war will pay the Allies in a short time for ail the expenditure of the war, if that were the only consideration. Another reason for confidence in a fresh impulse to our commercial prosperity is found in the large payments which arc to be made from the Sub-Treasury. This reservoir now holds nearly thirty millions of gold and silver, but means have been found for its depletion. The A ct of Congress, passed 1850, provided for the issue of $10,000,000 of stock to Texas, half of which was to be reserved in the United States Treasury until the creditors of Texas would release to the United States all claims upon the general government. The creditors refused this condi tion, and a new settlement was devised at the last session of Congress. By this last-named plan, $7,750,000, in cash, were offered in lieu of the $5,000,000 stock, 328 Commercial Chronicle and Review. the proposition to bo approved by the Legislature of Texas, and both the State and individual creditors to release the United States from all claims growing out of the responsibilities connected with the annexation of Texas. After much de lay and discussion, this A c t has been assented to by Texas, (it is said with some conditions which may destroy its force,) ninety days must elapse before the money is payable. A farther depletion of the treasury is on account of the Mexican indemity. In the treaty under which the United States acquired the territory known as the Mesilla Valley, our government became bound to pay to Mexico the sum of ten millions of dollars, of which three millions were to be reserved until the boundary line was duly completed by a commission appointed by both countries. The treasury of Mexico is always in a thirsty state, and an advance was obtained upon this three millions during the administration of Santa Anna, the first installment of §1,500.000 having been borrowed in December, 1854, and afterwards §950,000 and §650,000 respectively. Receipts were given for this money, stating on their face that the fund in the hands of the United States was hypothecated for their payment. Before the boundary line was formally com pleted, and the fund payable, Santa Anna’s power was overturned by a revolution, and he himself obliged to flee the country. As the treasury of Mexico was ex hausted, the government cast a longing eye upon the fund just becoming due from the United States treasury, and as the capitalists who had advanced the money had not yet received it, a decree was passed suspending all unfinished contracts. Our government was notified of this decree, and the holders of the pledge were warned that their claim would not be recognized unless they consented to make a fresh loan to Mexico. This they at first declined to do, but after a while, one of their agents in Mexico, being tired of waiting, and seeing that the interest of the money would amount to more than the bonus demanded, made a loan of §50,000 to the new government, and obtained authority for the payment of the two amounts last above named. The other §1,500,000 was made the subject of fresh negotia tions. These large payments from the Sub-Treasury, present and prospective, are sup posed to indicate an easier money market, and have produced a more buoyant feeling in all departments of trade. Capital has been more freely offered at 6 a 7 per cent for loans on call, and 7 a 9 per cent for prime business paper. The stock market felt the influence of these favorable circumstances, and prices rapidly improved, the change being in some cases as much as 5 a 8 per cent. The receipts of gold from California were fully up to the average lor the month of January, but have since declined. The following are the deposits and business at the Assay Office in New York for the month of January :— D E P O S IT S A T T H E ASSAV O F F IC E , N E W T O R E , F O R T H E M O N T H O F JA N U A R Y . Gold. Foreign coins..................................... Foreign b ullion ............................... Domestic bullion............................... Total deposits..................... $2,800 00 19,500 00 2,327,700 00 $2,350,000 00 Silver. $2,050 CO 4,190 00 16,760 00 $23,000 00 Total deposits payable in bars.................................................................. Total deposits payable in coins................................................................. Gold bars stamped..................... .'.............................................................. Transmitted to U. States Mint, Philadelphia, for coinage.................. Total. $4,850 00 23,690 00 2,344,460 00 $2,373,000 00 8,640 2,364,360 797,660 491,471 00 00 15 21 Of the deposits, §30,000 in gold consisted of California Mint bars. The deposits at the Philadelphia Mint in January were §365,000 in gold, §102,816 in silver, making a total of §467,816. The coinage for the same time was $1,382,540 in double eagles, §28,000 in silver dollars, §100,000 in silver quarter dollars, and §912 in copper cents. The supply from the mines thus far in February has materially fallen off, the bad weather encountered having driven the miners from their work. The banks have been prosperous, and now stand nearly as strongly as they did at the same date last year. A t New York the specie has increased, and the show ing is a favorable one. W e annex a comparison of the weekly summaries since 329 Commercial Chronicle and Review. January 1st, with a line at the foot showing the totals for the corresponding date last year :—■ W EEKLY AVERAGES NEW YORK C IT Y BANKS. Date. Jan. 5, 1856. Jan. 1 2 .......... Jan. 1 9 .......... Jan. 2 6 .......... Feb. 2 ........... Feb. 9 .......... Feb. 1 6 .......... Capital. 4 9 ,4 5 3 ,6 6 0 4 9 ,453,660 4 9 ,4 5 3 ,6 6 0 49 ,6 9 2 ,9 0 0 49 ,6 9 2 ,9 0 0 49 ,6 9 2 ,9 0 0 4 9 ,6 9 2 ,9 0 0 Loans and Discounts. 9 5 ,863,390 96,145,408 9 6 ,382,968 96,887,221 97,970,611 98,344,077 99,401,315 Specie. 11,687.209 11,777,711 13,385,260 12,733.059 13,640,437 14,233,329 15,678,736 Circulation. 7,903,656 7,612,507 7,462,706 7,506,986 7,622,827 7,819,122 7,693,441 Deposits. 83,534,893 77,931,498 82,652,828 7 8 ,918,315 82,269,061 82,848,152 88,085,944 Feb. 1 7 ,1 8 5 5 4 8 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 90,850,031 17,339,086 6,941,606 75,193,636 W e also annex a continuation of the weekly averages of the Boston banks :— W E E K L Y A V E R A G E S A T BO STO N . January 21. January 28. February 4. February 11. February 18. Capital...................... $31,960,000 $31,960,000 $31,960,000 $31,960,000 $31,960,000 Loans and discounts.. 51,875,611 52,019,487 52,210,000 52.486,600 52,445.000 Specie......................... 3,516,028 3,595,459 3.623,000 3,537.000 3,445,000 Due from other banks 7,487,446 7,142,280 7,370,000 7,584,000 7,263,000 Due to other banks. . 5.578,024 5,621,241 5,750,000 6,069,000 6,207,500 Deposits.................... 14,644,341 14,855,812 15,091,000 14,744.000 14,634,700 Circulation................ 7,728,092 7,295,154 7,100,800 7,389,000 7,159,000 The following will show the condition of the banks of Massachusetts, February 4th, 1856, compiled from the returns to the Secretary of State :— L IA B IL IT IE S . 36 city. 133 country. $26,027,000 12.469,922 6,091,554 2,687,534 $57,987,000 17,922,006 21,182,772 6,636,870 $47,276,010 $103,728,648 Notes, bills of exchange, <fcc.. . . Specie............................................ Real estate.................................... $45,590,495 1,054,380 632,135 $97,800,726 4,677,580 1,250,342 Total................................... $47,276,010 $103,728,648 Capital.......................................... Net circulation............................... Deposits........................................ Profit on h a n d .............................. Total................................... Total. RESOURCES. The above statement exhibits, upon comparison with the first day of January last, an increase in the item of deposits of §452,555 ; of loans, §577,850 ; and of specie, §179,849 ; and a decrease in the item of net circulation of §135,756. The imports for January have not been as large as generally expected, but still show a considerable gain as compared with last year. A t the port of New York the total entered for consumption is much larger than for the corresponding month of 1855, but the entries for warehousing show a decline of 50 per cent. The total receipts for the month are §2,632,237 greater than for January, 1855, and §2,136,094 greater than for January, 1853, but §4,029,755 less than for January, 1854, which still stands at the head of the list. W e annex a comparative state ment :— F O R E I G N I M P O R T S AT N E W YORK IN JA N U A R Y. 1853. 1854. 1855. Entered for consumption. . . . Entered for warehousing.. . . Free goods................................ Specie and bullion................. $1 1 ,6 6 3 ,4 0 5 642,279 1,202,238 33,048 $ 1 5 ,651,415 2,271,976 1,395,063 289,365 $8,370,259 3,254,654 1,230,630 90,284 $ 1 2,556,638 1,625,254 Total entered at the port___ Withdrawn from warehouse $ 1 3 ,4 4 0 ,9 7 0 1,536,365 $1 9 ,6 0 7 ,8 1 9 2,88 9 ,5 1 6 $ 1 2,945,827 2,057,931 $ 1 5,578,064 2,345,618 1856. 1,341,808 54,364 330 Commercial Chronicle and Review. The great hulk of the imports for the last month at the port named consists of dry goods. Usually not more than half the receipts are of that description, but the entries have been larger than ever before during the same period of the year, being in excess of the large total for the same month of 1854. The imports of general merchandise are comparatively light. W e annex a summary showing the fluctuations in this respect F O R E IG N M E R C H A N D IS E , E X C L U S IV E O F S P E C IE , IM P O R T E D A T N E W Y O R K IN J A N U A R Y . 18S3. Dry goods........................................ General merchandise..................... 1851 1855. 1856. $8,564,618 $10,232,470 ¥5,630,393 $10,686,771 4,843,104 9,085,964 7,225,150 4,836.929 TotaL........................................$13,407,922 $19,318,434 $12,855,543 $15,523,700 The increase in dry goods and falling off in general merchandise, exhibited in the above table, is very remarkable. It shows that no branch of our Commerce is likely to be overdone this season, unless it be the receipts of foreign fabrics. The dealers explain these large receipts by insisting that the goods have been shipped earlier than usual, as the first sales of the season generally bring the high est prices. The few goods thrown into warehouse prove that the receipts have not been greater than the wants of the trade, for with money worth 9 a 10 per cent the duties would not be paid, and the goods held for a market, unless they had been wanted. The receipts of dry goods, it will be seen, are $5,056,378 larger than for Janu ary, 1855, (an increase of nearly 100 per cent,) $454,301 greater than for the same time in 1854, and $2,121,953 greater for January, 1853. W e annex a full statement of the discription of goods received :—■ IM P O R T S OF F O R E IG N D R Y GO O D S A T T H E PORT JA N U A R Y ENTERED FOR O F N E W Y O R K F O R F O U R W E E K S EN D IN G 25TH . C O N S U M PTIO N . 1856. 1853. 1851. Manufactures o f w o o l ................... Manufactures of cotton................... Manufactures of silk....................... Manufactures o f flax...................... Miscellaneous dry goods................ $1,614,872 1,743,168 3,383,165 870.460 478.461 $1,671,251 2,626,816 2,972,981 972,844 631,872 $989,922 983,081 1,012,621 584,491 472,775 $2,177,332 2,525,951 3,045,608 813.564 719,438 T o ta l............................................ $8,089,626 $8,875,764 $4,042,890 $9,280,893 W IT H D R A W N FROM 1855. W AREH O U SE. Manufactures o f w o o l................... Manufactures of c o tto n ............... Manufactures of s ilk ..................... Manufactures of f la x ................... Miscellaneous dry g o o d s ............. $117,711 165,387 336,582 29,965 75,096 $281,406 443,056 506,483 121,613 34,676 $188,323 265.530 269,437 95,918 81,519 $186,288 406.605 282,872 128,792 50,714 T o ta l........................................ Add entered for consumption___ $724,741 8,089,626 $1,387,234 8,875,764 $900,727 4,042,890 $1,055,271 9,280,893 Total thrown on the m arket. $8,814,367 $10,262,998 ENTERED Manufactures of w ool.................... Manufactures of co tto n ................. Manufactures of s ilk ...................... Manufactures of flax....................... Miscellaneous dry g o o d s ............... Total......................................... Add entered for consumption....... . FOR W A R E H O U S IN G . $72,951 103,491 233,759 11,516 53,475 $239,510 571,470 382,693 154,213 8,820 $307,316 547,935 348,842 227,871 155,539 $282,084 568,188 294,896 191,158 69,602 $475,192 8,089,626 $1,356,706 8,875,764 $1,587,503 4,042,800 $1,405,878 9,280,893 Total entered at the p o r t ............ $8,564,818 $10,232,470 $4,943,617 $10,336,164 $5,630,393 $10,686,771 331 Commercial Chronicle and Review. The exports from New York to foreign ports have not been as large as expected, in consequence of the severe weather which has obstructed navigation. Vessels have been frozen in at the dock, and the floating ice in the channel has been so abundant that it was not safe for lighters to be moyed about the harbor. Under these circumstances it is gratifying to observe that the shipments of domestic pro duce have been larger than for the same time last year, although a little less than for the same period of 1854. There has been a considerable falling off' in ship ments of foreign merchandise, and a large decrease in exports of specie. The total exports for the month, exclusive of specie, are $384,287 less than for Janu ary, 1855, $333,5C5 less than for January, 1854, but $2,212,302 greater than for January, 1853, as will appear from the following summary :—■ EXPORTS FROM NEW YORK TO F O R E IG N PORTS 1853. FOR TH E M ONTH OF JAN U ARY. 1855. 1854. 1856. Domestic produce........................... Foreign merchandise (free)........... Foreign merchandise (dutiable)... S p ecie.............................................. $2,990,624 42.574 265,730 717,679 $5,304,203 71,524 469,068 8,845,682 $4,996,787 458,091 440,639 156,398 $5,257,686 41.305 212,239 104,834 Total e x p o rts .............................. Total, exclusive of s p e c ie ......... $4,046,607 3,298,928 $7,690,477 5,844,795 $6,051,916 5,895,517 $5,616,064 5,611,230 The total imports of all descriptions, and the exports of merchandise and pro duce since the commencement of the fiscal year, (July 1st,) exhibits many features of peculiar interest. The imports are five millions larger than for the correspond ing period of the previous year, but ten millions less than for the corresponding period of the year before last. But the exports (exclusive of specie) for the last seven months are about eleven millions larger than for the same time last year, and nearly two millions larger than for the same time in 1853-4, all of which will ap pear from the following comparison :— IM P O R T S A T N E W Y O R K F O R S E V E N M O N T H S O F T H E F IS C A L Y E A R C O M M E N C IN G J U L Y 1 . 1851—4. Six months................................................ January.................................................... $96,261,129 19,607,819 Total seven months........................ $115,868,948 E X P O R T S (E X C L U S I V E O F S P E C IE ) F R O M N F.W YORK TO 1854—5. $86,658,097 12,945,827 1855-6. $89,912,809 15,578,064 $99,503,924 $105,490,873 F O R E I G N P O R T S F O R S E V E N M O N TH S C O M M E N C IN G J U L Y 1 . 1851—4. 1854—5. 18,55-6. Six months.................................................. January...................................................... $37,975,895 5,844,795 $28,892,747 5,895,517 $39,915,729 5,611,230 Total for sevenmonths...................... $43,820,690 $34,788,264 $45,426,959 As we have previously shown, except for the large receipts of dry goods, the imports at New York for January would not have been as large as usual. We have added the goods entered directly for consumption to the goods warehoused, in order to show at a glance in what description the change has oc curred :— R E C E IP T S OF D R Y GOODS A T NEW YORK FOR 1853. Manufactures o f w o o l................... Manufactures o f cotton ................. Manufactures of s i l k ..................... Manufactures of f la x ..................... Miscellaneous dry goods............... Total for four weeks $1,6S7.323 1,846,659 3,616,924 881,976 531,936 FOUR W E E K S .-----R E C A P IT U L A T IO N . 1854. 1855. 1856. $1,910,761 3,198,286 3,355.674 1,127,057 640,692 $1,297,238 $2,459,416 1,531,016 3.093,089 1,361,463 3,340,504 812,362 1,004,722 628,314 989,040 $8,564,818 $10,232,470 $5,630,393 $10,686,971 332 Commercial Chronicle and Review. It will thus be seen that notwithstanding all which has been said about the great increase in imports of dry goods, it is only extraordinary as compared with the same period of last year, and not in comparison with former years. 'Che fol lowing will show the imports for the corresponding four weeks in each of the last six years :—- . . First 4 weeks of 1851........ 1852 1853 $9,812,564 7,927,376 8,564,818 First 4 weeks of 1 8 5 4 ....... $10,232,470 1855........... 5,630,393 1856........... 10,686,771 The total is large, and shows that the importers have been urging their goods forward at an early date ; but the total for the same time last year was unusually small. The receipts for cash duties exhibit a larger comparative increase than the total imports, because a larger proportion of the goods entered have been thrown directly upon the market. W e annex a comparison, showing the receipts for January, and since the commencement of the fiscal year :—• CASH D U T IE S R E C E IV E D 1851. January................... Six months ending January 1st........ AT NEW YORK. 1854. 1855. 1856. $3,311,137 37 $4,379,285 82 $2,560,038 32 $3,683,654 85 17,082,424 93 21,920,896 35 28,358,927 32 20,087,362 28 Total 7 months___ $20,393,562 30 $26,300,181 65 $20,918,965 64 $23,771,017 13 There is a proposition now on foot at Washington for a revision of the tariff, which will probably result in a diminution of the national revenue, the present in come being greater than is required by the wants of the government. All raw materials are to be brought in duty free, and some other changes made, involving a loss in the aggregate receipt of duties. The exports of produce have been in terrupted by the severe weather, but the total shipments, as shown in the tables above given, are quite large for the season. A s a matter of interest, we have compiled a comparative statement of the exports of certain leading articles of produce from the port of New Y ork since the opening of the year :— EXPORTS OF C E R T A IN A R T IC L E S O F PORTS D O M E S T IC FR O M JA N U A R Y 1855. 1ST 1856. PRODUCE FROM TO FEB R U A R Y NEW YORK TO F O R E IG N 1 8 t H :----- 1855. 1856. 28,186 1,055 Naval stores.. . .bbls. 74,614 3,042 289 Oils— w h a le .. . .galls. 15,958 33,356 sperm . , 8,798 55,468 15,908 lard . . . 2,562 B rea d stu ff’s — linseed . 304 Wheat flour . .bbls. 83,233 250,942 Rye flo u r............... 7,605 5,861 P r o v is io n s — 32,800 Pork............. Corn meal............... 8,605 7,490 30,441 W h e a t............ bush. 26,160 258,056 15,344 20,291 Beef.............. Cut meats, lb s....... ■4,294,444 4,047,768 5,139 269,837 R y e ......................... 74,796 . Oats ....................... 4,196 5,400 96,268 B u tte r......... C orn ....................... 575,233 447,824 663,479 386,625 Cheese......... Candles— mold-boxes 6,703 4,778 L ard............. ..........2,249,413 4,010,072 5,486 sperm......... 1,285 665 R i c e ................. 2,408 C oal....................... tons 1,686 666 Tallow ............. 407,489 435,878 11.114 5,894 Cotton..................hales 26,697 22,603 Tobacco, crude, . pkgs H a y ............................. 1,592 536 Do., manufactured.lbe. 370,430 466,823 13,234 29,106 H o p s ........................... 2,471 671 W halebone.. . Ashes— p o t s ....b b ls pea rls........... Beeswax................. lbs. 1,164 158 25,600 W e have carefully compiled a statement of the tonnage which arrived and 333 Commercial Chronicle and Review. cleared from the port of New York for the year 1855. The great demand for shipping in Europe, with the depression in freights in this country during the early part of the year, has limited the number of arrivals from foreign ports, while the direct clearances show a slight increase in domestic, but a large falling off in foreign vessels :— TONN AGE AT NEW YORK FOR THE YEAR 1855. E N T E R E D F R O M F O R E IG N P O R T S . Tonnage. Seamen. 1,340,257$ 222,000 40,886 8,440 1,562,257$ 1,919.317$ 1,813,255 1,709,988 49,326 67,075 60,993 58,867 Vessels. American vessels . . . . Foreign vessels.......... Total e n t e r e d .......... “ 1854., “ 1853....................... “ 1852.,..................... CLEARED FOR 4,079 3,847 F O R E IG N American vessels . . . , ..................... Foreign vessels........... ................... Total cleared......... 1854.. ................... “ 1853.. “ 1852....................... PORTS. Vessels. Tonnage. Seamen. 2,131 894 1,197,020$ 229,181$ 39,019 8,951 1,426,201$ 1,528,1044 1,521,286$ 1,355,814 47,970 53,250 54.889 50,459 3,278 3,035 The number of registered arrivals from abroad is always greater than the direct clearances for foreign ports, because many vessels entering in the foreign trade clear for a coastwise port. The decline in entries has been chiefly in foreign ves sels, the number of that description having fallen oft' 507, a decline of nearly 40 per cent, while the entries of domestic have fallen off but 149, a decline of only about five per cent. The following is a comparison of the American and foreign entries and clearances for the last two years :—ENTERED FROM F O R E IG N PORTS FOR THE ,--------------- A M E R IC A N .--------------- , Year. Vessels. 1855 ........ ........................ 1854 2,487 2,636 Decrease..................... 149 CLEARED ,---------------F O R E I G N .--------------- , Vessels. T o d s. 1,340,257$ 1,442,282$ 102,050 FOR F O R E IG N YEAR. Tons. 904 1,411 222,000 477,034$ 507 255,034$ PORTS. ,-------------- A M E R IC A N .--------------- , ,--------------- F O R E IG N .--------------- , Vessels. Tons. Vessels. 1855 1854 ................................. 2,131 1,945 1,197,020$ 1,082,799$ 894 1,333 229,181$ 445,305 Increase......................... 186 114,220$ Decr’se 439 216,123$ Year. Tons. It will bo seen that the falling off in foreign tonnage is far greater than in the number of vessels, showing that the craft arriving have averaged of much smaller size than last year. In the clearances for foreign ports the total decline has been m foreign vessels, the domestic showing an increase, both in number and tonnage. 334 Commercial Chronicle and Review. Those who have watched the commerce of the country for a number of years, will see that the general tendency is strongly toward an increase of tonnage, al though the total for the last year is a little less in domestic and far less in foreign, than for the preceding year. Compare the aggregate for the year, however, in the small beginning, and the growth of our mercantile marine assumes almost the appearance of magic. W e annex a statement representing the annual progress of this interest since 1821. TONN AGE Year. 1 8 2 1 ............................ .................. 1 8 2 2 ............................ .................. 1 8 2 3 ............................ .................. 1 8 2 4 ............................ .................. 1 8 2 5 ............................ .................. 1 8 2 6 ............................ .................. 1827 ........................... 1 8 2 8 ............................ 1 8 2 9 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 0 ........................... 1 8 3 1 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 2 ............................ 1 8 3 3 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 4 ........................... .................. 1 8 3 5 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 6 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 7 ............................ .................. 1 8 3 8 ............................ .................. 1839 ......................... 1 8 4 0 ............................ 1 8 4 1 ............................ .................. 1 8 4 2 ............................ .................. 1 8 4 3 ............................ 1 8 4 4 ............................ .................. 1 8 4 5 ............................ .................. 1 8 4 6 ............................ .................. 1 8 4 7 ............................ .................. 1848 ......................... .................. 1 8 4 9 ............................ .................. 1 8 5 0 ............................ .................. 1 8 5 1 ............................ .................. 1 8 5 2 . ......................... 1 8 5 3 ........................... 1 8 5 4 ........................... 1 8 5 5 ............................ AT NEW YORK No. of arrivals. 912 1,172 1,217 1,364 1,436 1,389 1,310 1.634 1,926 1,932 2,0 4 4 2,285 2,071 1,790 2,118 1,962 2,208 2,1 4 4 2,292 3,147 3,060 3,227 3,3 4 3 3,840 FROM F O R E IG N Tons. American. 155,723 2 0 3 ,0 8 2 } 203,308 2 3 6 ,0 8 0 } 2 5 9 ,5 2 4 } 2 4 6 ,1 7 4 } 255,276 2 3 6 ,3 0 8 } 2 5 5 ,6 9 1 } 280,918 274,23712 9 5 ,2 9 3 } 320,0831 352,2251 373.465 4 0 7 ,0 9 5 f 3 6 8 ,0 1 1 } 3 7 7 ,5 0 3 } 4 2 2 ,3 4 0 1 4 0 9 ,458 4 2 3 ,9 5 2 1 4 0 6 ,6 2 3 f 3 8 5 ,1 2 4 1 4 3 8 ,0 7 4 1 4 7 2 ,4 9 1 } 4 9 6 ,761 6 0 5 ,4 8 2 1 6 5 7 ,7 9 4 } 7 3 4 ,0 0 8 1 8 0 7 ,5 8 0 1 1,144,485 1,231,951 1 ,3 21,6741 1 ,4 42,2821 1 ,3 4 0 ,2 5 7 } PORTS. Tons. Foreign. 16.240 2 3 ,7 0 7 } 22,481 16,689 2 0 ,6 5 4 } 2 8 ,8 2 2 } 3 7 ,5 9 6 } 3 9 ,3 6 8 } 2 5 ,8 2 0 } 3 3 ,7 9 7 } 62,772 106,425 110,835 96,679^ 90,999 1 4 9 ,6 3 4 } 1 7 1 ,3 6 0 } 9 1 ,8 2 6 } 1 4 2 .9 8 5 } 118,136 1 2 5 ,0 7 3 } 1 4 8 ,6 9 1 } 1 0 6 ,3 7 0 } 1 5 1 ,2 9 8 } 1 4 0 ,8 5 8 } 185,404 333,587 3 6 7 ,3 2 1 } 414,096 4 4 1 ,7 5 6 } 4 7 9 ,5 5 6 } 478,037 4 9 1 ,5 8 0 } 4 7 7 ,0 3 4 } 220,000 Total Tons. 171,963 220,790} 226.789 252,769} 280,179} 274,997} 292,872} 275,677 281,512 314,715} 337.009} 401,718} 430,918} 444,904} 464,464 556,780 539,373} 468,890} 565,335} 527,594 549,025} 565,315} 491,495} 593,873} 613,350 682,165 939,019} 1,025,116} 1,148,104} 1,249,337 1,624,051} 1,709,988 1,813,255 1,919,317} 1,562.257} The great demand for vessels in Europe, as stated above, has united with the falling off in our import trade, from the immense business of 1853 and 1854, to diminish the tonnage, but the total is still very large. W c have also prepared a summary of the coastwise commerce at that port, as far as this can be done from the custom-house records. Vessels engaged in this trade are not obliged to make official record of their entrance or clearance unless they have foreign goods or distilled spirits on board ; and as a majority of vessels arriving from domestic ports come within this exception, the official entries of this class include only a fraction of the actual trade. The vessels which leave for do mestic ports oftener carry the description of property which obliges them to take official leave, and thus the clearances on record are far more numerous than the entries. Even the clearances, however, do not embrace a very considerable por tion of this branch of trade. W ith this explanation, we annex a summary of the official records:— Commercial Chronicle and Review. E N T E R E D C O A S T W IS E . 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 .................................................. ................................................. ................................................. .................................................. ................................................. ................................................. ................................................. 335 C L E A R E D C O A S T W IS E . Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. 1,855 1,928 1,768 1,766 1,733 1,880 1,966 424,976 489,395f 455,542 497,840 507,531 543,452 614,045 3,994 4,719 4,803 4,680 4,789 4,779 4,563 895,589 1,020,070 1,214,942 1,173,762 1,810,697 1,499,968 1,378,889 It is very desirable to obtain a complete record of coastwise tonnage, bat the government have as yet adopted no plan which fully secures that end. There is still another branch of this subject, of great interest to the political economist. W e allude to the comparative earnings of American and foreign ship ping engaged in our foreign commerce. The coastwise trade is, of course, con fined exclusively to American vessels, as foreign vessels are by law prohibited from engaging in it. In the foreign trade the share of the business, by calms, is still more in favor of domestic shipping than the comparison by bulk, as will ap pear from the following, from the official records :— R E L A T IV E T R A D E W I T H F O R E IG N P O R T S IN A M E R IC A N A N D F O R E IG N OF N E W Y O R K FOR TH E Y E A R BO TTO M S A T T H E PORT 1855. American vessels. Foreign vessels. Imports.................................................. Exports domestic produce.................. Exports foreign produce..................... $144,907,712 81,065,270 7,994,080 $12,089,231 9,251,819 1,691,216 Total................................................... Total 1854 ........................................ $233,937,062 213,883,970 $23,032,266 70,346,543 Total. $156,996,943 90,287,089 9,685,296 $256,969,328 284,230,513 The above shows a very important change in the year’s business. For the year 1854 about twenty-five per cent of the foreign commerce was carried in foreign bottoms, and seventy-five per cent in American ; while for the year 1855 less than nine per cent was carried in foreign vessels, and over ninety-one per cent in Ameri can. This is seen also in the accruing revenue; of 834,387,307 99 collected on goods landed in New York in 1855, 831,442,765 65 were collected on merchan dise brought in American vessels, and only 82,944,542 34 on merchandise brought in foreign vessels. There has been a movement on foot at New York to raise the standard of in spection on flour, which had fallen so low as to bring discredit upon American produce abroad. The system of forced inspection provided by the State was sur rounded by difficulties, and was finally abandoned. The voluntary inspection has worked better as a system than the one which was abolished, but experience shows the necessity of having some standard ivhich shall govern the decisions of the board. This the Corn Exchange have now undertaken to provide, and we hope the year to come will witness less imposition on the sale of flour unfit for human food, than has been detected in the past. The police in France have seized and condemned several lots of flour which passed New York inspection; and there are lots not yet shipped which would fare little better, if the same rigor was shown by the American police. W ith the finest grain in the world, and frolicking streams of water to do the work of the miller, there is no excuse for this fraud upon the community. STEW YORK COTTON MARKET FOR THE MONTH ENDING FEBRUARY 22. PREPARED FO R T H E M E R C H A N T S * M .V UA ZI ME BY U H L H O . I N St F R E D E R I C K S O N , B R O K E R S , N E W Y O R K . The transactions for the month ending at date have been very large, and prices show an advance of one cent to one-and-a-quarter cents per pound on all grades. The intelligence received at the commencement of the month under review of the acceptance on the part of Russia of the propositions of the Allies for the reopen ing of nogociations, gave an impetus to the trade here which continues unabated. The advancing tendency exhibited at all the Southern ports, aided by a small de 336 Commercial Chronicle and Review. crease in the total excess of receipts as compared with the month previous, like wise aided to strengthen the position of holders in this market. The sales for the month are estimated at 72.000 bales, of which 40,000 bales were in transitu. This branch of the trade finds daily new friends, and after standing the test of the past two or three years’ transactions, agreeably to both buyers and sellers, may now be considered firmly established as one of the “ institutions.” Our own spinners, owing to the interruption of inland and coast navigation by ice, have been de terred from purchasing in this market to their usual extent, and speculators, being rather shy of “ Russian acceptances,” have acted with more than their usual cau tion. The total receipts now show an increase over last year of 647,000 bales, and there is an increase in exports to Great Britain of 143,000 bales; to France, 129,000 bales; total increase in exports, 388,000 bales; stock on hand in excess of last year, 124,000 bales. The sales for the week ending February 1st were 12,000 bales, at an advance of f a f cent per pound, in consequence of the improvement in the Liverpool mar ket, based on “ Russia’s ” acceptance of the allied propositions for the opening of negotiations. Holders were not disposed to sell at the above advance, and the market closed firmly at the following :— P R IC E S ADOPTED FEBRUARY 1ST Ordinary............................................ Middling............................................. Middling f a ir .................................... Fair.................................................... FOR TH E F O L L O W IN G Upland. Florida. 8$ 9$ 10$ 10$ 8$ 9$ 10$ 10$ Q U A L IT IE S I----- Mobile. N. O. & Texas. 8$ 9$ 10$ 11 S| 9$ 11 11$ The week ensuing opened with increased activity, and a further advance of $ a f cent per pound was readily obtained. The sales, principally in transitu, were to the extent of 20,000 bales. A t the close of the week, owing to the absence of later foreign advices, there was a pause, without, however, affecting prices:— P R IC E S ADOPTED FEBRUARY 8tH FOR THE Upland. Ordinary............................................ Middling............................................ Middling fa ir ....................................... F a ir........................................................ 9 9$ 10$ 10$ F O L L O W I N G Q U A L IT IE S 1----- Florida. 9 9$ 10$ 10$ M obile. N .O .& Texas. 9 10 10$ 11$ 9$ 10$ 11$ I lf For the week ending February 15th, aided by diminished stocks and peace prospects confirmed by the arrival of thd Persia, with increased activity in the foreign markets, our holders obtained a further advance of $ a | cent per pound on sales of 15,000 bales. The market closed firm at the following :— P R IC E S ADOPTED FEBRUARY 15TH FO R TH E Upland. Ordinary............................................. M iddling............................................ Middling fair..................................... F a ir.................................................... 9$ 10$ 10$ 11 F O L L O W IN G Florida. 9$ 10$ 11 11$ Q U A L I T I E S !----- M obile. N .O .& Texas. 9$ 10$ 11$ 11$ 9$ 10$ 11$ 12 The transactions for the week closing at date are estimated at 25,000 bales, at a further advance of a quarter cent per pound. The foreign advices being of a more pacific character, and a greater ease in monetary affairs on both sides of the Atlantic, gave an additional strength to our market, which closed firmly at the following:— P R IC E S A D O P T E D FEBRUARY 2 2 d Ordinary.................... .................................... Middling..................... ................................... Middling fa ir............ ................................... Fair............................ ................................... FO R TH E F O L L O W IN G U p la n d . F lo r id a . n 1 0 f n 10$ 11 11$ 11$ 11$ Q U A L I T I E S I— M o b ile . 9$ N . O . & T exas. 9$ 10$ 10$ 11$ 11$ 11$ 12$ Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 337 JO U R N A L OF B A N K IN G , C U R R E N C Y , A N D FIN A N C E . THE BANKS OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN 1855. W e have before us an official statement of the returns made to the ControllerGeneral, Charleston, December 12, 1855, of such of the banks of South Carolina as have accepted the provisions of the act of December 18,1840, from which we compile the subjoined statement of the rates and amounts of dividends, together with the reserved profits for the last fiscal year :— Bank State of S. C.......................... Bank of State of S, C. at Columbia Bank of S. C. at Cam den............... Southwestern Railroad Bank..................................... Planters’ and Mechanics’ Bank.................................. Union Bank o f Charleston.......................................... State Bank of South Carolina.................................... Bank of South Carolina.............................................. Bank o f Charleston.................................................... Farmers’ & Mechanics’ Bank, Charleston, S. C........ Commercial Bank of Columbia................................ Bank of Newberry...................................................... Planters’ Bank of Fairfield......................................... Exchange Bank o f Columbia.................................... Merchants’ Bank of Cheraw...................................... Bank of Chester.......................................................... Bank of Cam den......................................................... People’s Bank o f Charleston...................................... Bank of Georgetown.................................................. Dividends. Per cent. 6 7 7 8 7 8 8 8 8 8 6 12 8 10 8 14 Dividends. Amount. Reserved profits. $26,174 35,000 35,000 40,000 35,000 126,432 40,000 32,000 12,000 8,400 15,000 24,000 12,000 20,000 36,318 14,000 $93,870 111,435 15,279 125,260 65,825 803,103 34,961 22,687 30,590 21,436 20,667 76,400 15,439 48,152 10,589 34,845 The profits of the three first-named banks in the preceding table are included in those of the parent bank. The capital stock of the State Bank of South Car olina is @1,113,789 ; Southwestern Railroad Bank, @872,475; the Planters’ and Mechanics’ Bank, the Union Bank of Charleston, State Bank of South Carolina, Bank of South Carolina, the Farmers’ and Exchange Bank of Charleston— seven banks— have each a capital stock of @1,000,000 ; the Bank of Charleston, @3,160,800; the Commercial Bank of Columbia, @800,000 ; Bank of Newberry, Planters’ Bank of Fairfield, and Bank of Chester, each @300,000; the E x change Bank of Columbia, $500,000 ; Merchants’ Bank of Cheraw, and Bank of Camden, each $400,000 ; the People’s Bank of. Charleston, $909,750 ; and the Bank of Georgetown, $200,000 — showing a total capital for the State of @14,256,841, exclusive of the Bank of Hamburg, from which no returns had been received at the Controller-General’s office. From the official table above referred to, it appears that the total of bills in circulation is @7,201,059 ; the net profits on hand, @1,433,107 ; and the deposits, @3,019,130. Of the resources, there is of specie @1,102,483 ; of notes discounted on personal security, @11,212,242 ; of domestic exchange, @8,842,367 ; and of for eign exchange, @3,111,962. It would seem from this and previous statements, that few, if any, banks in the Union are better managed, or pay larger average dividends. The citizens of South Carolina may well be proud of the solidity of their banking institutions. VOL. xxxiv.— no . in. 22 338 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. BANKING DEPARTMENT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORE. In accordance with our usual custom, we condense from the Annual Report of the Superintendent of the Banking Department of the State of New York, which was transmitted to the Legislature January 1, 1856, a summary view of the bank ing system of New York during the year 1855 :— On the 30th day of September, 1855, the number of banks in this State organ ized under special acts and general laws, with the amount of capital of the incor porated banks and banking associations, fixed by their acts of incorporation or certificates of association filed in this department, the amount of unreturned circu lation issued to banks and bankers, and of securities deposited for such circulation, were as follows :— Banks.* 1. Incorporated................... 2. Associations..................... ......... 8. Associations..................... . .......... No. Capital. 81 $15,015,660 40,133,182 17,020,150 ......... 33 6. Closing business......................... 62 7 Securities. $46,000 9,134,054 13,692,510 383,739 2.111,752 268J91 Circulation. $11,290,236 8,744,130 13,091,180 329,187 2,017,254 256,250 There are detailed tables in the Report of the Superintendent of the reputed state and condition of every incorporated bank, banking association, and individ ual banker, from whom reports have been received during the preceding fiscal year, at the several dates to which such reports refer. The aggregate amount of the debts and liabilities of all such banks, and also of the means and resources, as shown, were respectively as follows :— DEBTS Items. Capital............................ Circulation ..................... Profits............................. Due to banks................... D u e f................................ Due Treasurer of State of New Y ork.................... Due depositors............... Due;):................................ AND L IA B IL IT IE S . Dec. 30, 1854. $83,268,860 28,220,783 12,093,627 20,540,605 1,230,389 March 10, 1855. $84,831,152 27,909,324 10,122,835 26,817,605 1,236,977 June 2, 1855. $85,032,621 28,562,395 10,863,572 24,009,232 1,010,614 Sept. 29, 1855 $86,589,690 31,340,003 11,073,987 26,045,439 1,097,744 3,453,115 69,866,112 2,745,385 3,842,060 78,490,807 2,505,870 2,817,160 83,537,767 2,772,537 3,241,469 86,610,926 2,517,758 165,106,907 388,985 12,720,800 5,726,027 15,921,467 15,932,480 20,156,616 7,888,065 3,248,982 1,123,567 166,002,111 450,116 12,666,517 5,857,537 10,910,330 18,096,545 20,590,150 7,886,328 2,958,555 1,154,466 MEANS AND RESOURCES. Loans and discounts.. . . Overdrafts........................ Due from banks............... Real estate..................... S p ecie............. ............. Cash items....................... Stock and n o te s ............. Bonds and mortgages . . . Sills of banks................. Loss (fc expense account. 141,604,996 472,554 12,440,509 5,327,555 13,470,879 15,327,063 20,149,509 7,826,631 3,435,277 1,428,516 152,181,030 401,488 13,203,479 5,479,479 17,946,432 13,824,877 20,362,308 7,807,624 3,588,562 998,364 * The character and securities o f circulation we designate in thiB table, for the sake of convenience, by reference to numbers in the above table—that is, (1) relates to banks incorporated by specia-^ law s; (2) associations, circulation secured by stocks; (3) associations, circulation secured by stocks and real estate ; (4) individual bankers, circulation secured by stocks; (5) individual, circulation secured by stocks and real estate; ( 8 ) banks closing business, f To individuals and corporations other than banks and depositors, t Others not included under either of the above heads. Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 339 The aggregate securities deposited by each banking association and individual banker for* security of the circulation, and the amount of circulating notes issued to each respectively by the Superintendent, and which were outstanding on the 30th of September, 1855, and a description of the securities, will be seen in the condensed table, as follows:— Bonds and mortgages................................................................................. $6,848,726 90 N. York State stocks, 4-Jper ce n t.... $395,600 00 “ 5 “ .... 6,072,763 16 “ 5£ “ .... 1,202,000 00 “ 6 “ .... 7,554,137 26 --------------------$15,225,300 42 N. Y . revenue certif.. 6 “ 303,000 00 United States stocks, 5 “ . . . . $130,000 00 United States stocks, 6 “ . . . . 1,918,181 47 -----------------2,048,181 47 Arkansas State stock, 6 “ ___ $211,000 00 Illinois “ 6 “ .... 646,687 83 Michigan “ 6 “ .... 172,000 00 -----------------1,029,687 83 18,606,169 72 Cash in deposit............................................................................................ 169,863 55 Total, September 30, 1855................................................................ $25,614,760 17 The aggregate of the securities held in trust for banking associations and individual bankers, including cash in deposits, September 30th, 1854, w a s ..................................................................................................$25,962,160 33 Showing a decrease during the last fiscal year o f ................................. $347,400 16 During the last fiscal year sixteen banking associations, with an aggregate cap ital of $4,1)95,000, have been organized, and have deposited the securities required by law, of which number eight were organized by the shareholders of expiring safety fund banks, under the provisions of chapter 313, of the Lawd'of 1849, and the remainder were new institutions. During the same time six individual bank ers have commenced the banking business under the provisions of the general banking law, and deposited the requisite securities, and received circulation thereon. During the same period four banking associations and five individual bankers have given notice of their intention to discontinue the business of banking, and have withdrawn a portion of their securities upon the surrender of an equal amount of circulating notes. The Superintendent, in the discharge of the duty devolving upon him to suggest any amendments to, or improvements in the banking system, in the report before us confines his suggestions to the particular points in which the laws appear de fective. He does not recommend any radical change in the banking laws, but points out a few of the most prominent defects. The system, as a whole, operates admirably well, and furnishes a paper currency—we should say credit— equal to any in the world, and has answered the most sanguine expectation of its friends. It appears from the Report of the Superintendent, that the mutilated bank notes returned to the department for burning, during the fiscal year ending Sep tember 30,1855, was— of incorporated banks, 915,506, amounting to $5,003,106 ; and bills of banking associations and individual bankers, 1,934,178, amounting to 340 , Journal' o f Banking Currency, and Finance. §6,340,761— stowing a total amount of the bills of incorporated banks, banking associations, and individual bankers destroyed by fire, of $11,351,255. ’ The number of specially incorporated banks whose charters have not expired, is forty-four, with an aggregate capital of $15,015,600. These banks are by law entitled to circulate $12,455,440, and have, in circulation and on hand, $11,290,235 — leaving their circulation less than authorized, $1,165,205. There is appended to the Report of the Superintendent a table of thirty-three incorporated banks whose charters have expired, from which it appears that the aggregate circulation of those banks at the time of the expiration of their respec tive charters, was $9,667,864. On the 30th of September, 1855, there was out standing of that circulation $5,431,386— showing that there had, prior to that date, been returned to the department $4,236,478. B R IE F S K E T C H OF TH E BANKING SYSTEM OF NEW YORK. In reviewing the banking history of the State, it appears, from the Report of Mr. S c h o o n m a k e r , late Superintendent of the Banking Department, that prior to the passage of the restraining act in 1804, banking privileges were enjoyed and exercised by individuals and copartnerships at pleasure. During the existence of the colonial government no banking institutions whatever were incorporated. Under the State government only seven banks were incorporated prior to 1804. A t that time there existed no restrictions upon the amount of circulation to bo issued, and there was no provision of law to protect the public against an irre deemable and inflated paper circulation. Under the restraining act of 1804, and the several others succeeding it, an act of incorporation became essential to the exercise of banking privileges. The incorporations were placed under many wholesome restraints, but the redemption and security of the circulation was im perfectly, if ftt all, provided for. In the year 1829, after the people had suffered much by several bank failures and the inability of the failing and insolvent institutions to redeem their circu lating notes, an important step was taken towards the perfection of the banking system by the introduction of the principle to secure the circulation in behalf of the public. The law which was then passed, called the Safety Fund Act, was more important as introducing the principle of protection than as furnishing a permanent and reliable security for the redemption of the circulation. The safety fund system creating a fund by annual contributions from the banks for the re demption of the notes, and discharge of the debts of failing institutions, operated well for a time in establishing the confidence of the public, and imparting a char acter and appearance of safety to the circulation. This system, however, in a short time proved a failure and inadequate to the protection of the circulating notes. When a severe commercial crisis swept through the country, and banking insti tutions were shattered in the blast, the accumulated fund was soon wholly ex hausted, and the future contributions of the remaining banks, up to the time of the expiration of nearly all their respective charters, anticipated by loans upon the credit, and on account of the fund, so as to leave nothing for protection in the event of future failures and insolvency. Such deficiency and insolvency of the fund was, in a great measure, to be attributed to the illegal and excessive issue of circulating notes by many of the insolvent institutions beyond the limit author , 841 Journal o f B anking, Currency and Finance. ized by law. Such illegal issue and its effects exhibited the necessity of something more than a mere statutory restriction against excessive issues, and the propriety of controlling the issue of circulating notes by means of, and through the agency of one of the departments of government. The failure and defects of the safety fund act led to the conception and adoption of the present banking system, having for its peculiar features the free and un limited exercise of banking privileges by individuals and associations, without the necesssity of any special act of incorporation, except the issue of any circulating notes or currency other than such as shall have been countersigned and regis tered by the State Superintendent, and received from him; the securing the whole amount of circulation thus issued by deposit with the Superintendent of at least an equal amount of public stocks, or stocks and mortgages; and prohibiting, under severe pains and penalties, the Superintendent from countersigning or issu ing to any banking association or individual banker circulating notes to any amount exceeding the securities in deposit. By this means, under a fair and honest administration of the system, the holders of bank-notes are fully protected. The banking institutions of the country, and the circulating medium provided by them, have become such essential and indispensable elements in the commercial and business transactions of the community, that the Legislature cannot too rigidly and perfectly guard and provide for their security. NEW YORK BANK DIVIDENDS. The following are the dividends made by the banks in New Y ork city who de clare the same in January and July of each year. This table, as will be seen, shows the semi-annual dividends for July, 1854, January and July, 1855, and January, 1856, that is, for the six months ending at the periods above named. In several cases the banks have a surplus fund o f 5 to 10 per cent after the payment Bank of America.............................. Bank of Commerce........................... Bank of New Y ork........................... Bank of North America.................... Butchers and Drovers’ Bank............. Chemical Bank.................................... Continental Bank................................ East River B a n k ................................ Grocers’ Bank..................................... Hanover Bank..................................... Irving Bank......................................... Island City Bank................................ Market Bank........................................ Mechanics’ Bank.................................. Mercantile Bank................................. Merchants’ Exchange Bank............... Metropolitan Bank............................. Nassau Bank........................................ North River Bank............................... New York Dry Dock B a n k ............. Ocean B a n k ........................................ People’s Bank..................................... Phenix Bank........................................ Seventh Ward Bank......................... Tradesmen’s Bank.............................. July, January, July, January, 1854. 1855. 1855. 1856. 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 Si 5 6 31 31 84 31 4 31 31 31 5 6 4 5 5 31 31 31 . 4 4 4 4 31 31 7 71 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 6 6 4 4 31 31 3431 4 # 4 4 5 4 4 4 31 31 31 4 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 . 4 31 31 4 5 5 5 4 4 5 41 6 5 342 , Journal o f Banking, Currency and Finance. CONDITION OF T H E RHODE ISLAND BANKS. W e give below the latest statement, compiled from official returns, of the con dition of the banks in Rhode Island. The number of banks in that State is 92 ; that is, 38 in Providence, and 54 in the other towns of the State, out of the capital:—■ L IA B IL IT IE S . 38 banks in Providence. Capital stock ............................. Circulation................................. Deposits on interest.................. Do. Dot on interest................... Due banks.................................. Dividends................................... Profits........................................ 8,310,566 25 266,235 12 1,920,383 42 59,U73 42 875,161 00 Total............... . ..................... 54 banks out of Providence. $5,231,296 00 2,093,538 69 85,304 50 910,252 58 134,443 42 24,786 93 275,637 75 Total. $18,714,824 5,404,104 351,539 2,830,636 1,192,449 83,960 1,150,798 $8,755,259 87 $29,728,313 26 00 94 62 00 60 35 75 RESOURCES. Due by directors....................... Due by stockholders................. Due from others....................... Specie.......................................... Bank bills................................... Deposits in banks...................... Own stock held.......................... Other stocks............................. . Real estate................................. Other property......................... Total........................................ . . Increase capital......................... Last dividend........................... Increase suspended paper . . . Reserved profits........................ Loaned on s to ck ..................... . Debts due and unpaid.............. Circulation under $ 5 ................. 475,845 17,661,982 265,395 906,797 794,085 32 19 78 54 90 70,029 28 $20,973,053 39 54,392 14 631,738 60 209,622 56 616,884 483,043 6,703,418 120,371 160,454 448,276 19,847 61,043 105,769 36,150 38 35 92 70 45 05 32 25 84 71 1,062,169 958,088 24,364,401 386,767 1,167,251 1,242,362 82,022 131,072 323,092 70,285 05 57 11 48 99 04 32 53 73 44 $8,755,259 87 $29,728,313 26 258,664 172,058 62,826 183,655 259,798 333,827 542,793 720,552 659,604 17,218 814,393 469,420 540,767 1,254,167 00 1 50 13 24 28 76 25 00 10 27 94 84 60 25 The fifteen Savings Banks in the State had on deposit, near the close of 1855, nearly five millions of dollars, chiefly the earnings of the industrial population of the State. TH E USURY LAWS A DEAD L E T T E R . The Savannah Journal calls upon the Legislature of Georgia, not only to bury the usury laws of that State, but to “ run a stake through it, that we may be safe henceforth against being frightened by its ghost.” W e quote from our cotempo rary of the Journal:—• “ Carlyle says somewhere, time once was that when a thing had the breath knocked out of it, and was thoroughly dead, it was suffered to be decently interred, so as no longer to corrupt the air and shock the sight by its loathsome presence; but that such is no longer the case. His remark, if we recollect rightly, applied to that monster of iniquity, the English Corn Laws. The same might be made with equal propriety in relation to our usury laws. So far as argument and rea son could do it, they were killed before we were born. For all purposes of good they are confessedly a dead letter. Y et they still live in our statute book, from which they occasionally glare upon us with their ghastly stare.” , 343 Journal o f B anking, Currency and Finance. PUBLIC DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES. In the Annual Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury the total of the public debt on the 17th of November, 1855, was stated at $39,969,731; besides which, there are payable, on time, under treaties with Indian tribes, the sum of $19,253,522. The subjoined statement by the Register of the Treasury will show the amount of public debt paid off, by the redemption of stocks, since the 3d of March, 1853, to the 31st December, 1855, inclusive :— Statem ent show ing the am ount o f U n ited S ta tes stock o f the loa ns o f 1846, 1847, a n d 1848 ; T exa n in d em n ity, a n d the debt o f the c o rp o ra te D is tr ic t o f C olum bia, p u rch a sed f r o m M a rch 3, 1853, to D ecem b er 31, sive ; the in terest that w ou ld have been p a id i f p a ym etit had n o t been and the savin g to the g overn m en t by the p re s en t m ode o f p u rch a se. Amount Loans. When redeemable. 1842.....................................December 31, 1862____ 1843 ................................. July 1,1 85 3____ 1846.....................................November 12, 1856____ 1847 ................................. January 1, 1868____ 1848 ................................. July 1 ,1 8 6 8 . . . . Texan indemnity...............January 1 ,1 8 6 5 .... Debt of corporate cities. .January 1,1865___ Total................................................................. Total premium p a id .................................................. Total interest p a id ..................................................... 1842, 1843, cities o f the 1855, in clu a n ticip a ted , Interest redeemed. to maturity. $3,940,890 92 3,977,931 35 3,988,626 45 12,350,500 00 3,905,858 20 1,050,000 00 720,000 00 $2,277,033 88 99,448 28 717,919 05 40,778,494 50 3,614,012 6 2 553,750 00 215,660 81 $29,933,806 22 $18,156,31914 $4,173,495 15 885,182 38 -------------------- 5,058,677 53 Amount sa ved ....................................................................... $13,097,641 61 DEBT, POPULATION, AND TAXABLE PROPERTY OF SEVERAL STATES. The following table shows at a glance the debt of each State in 1855, together with the amount of taxable property of the States enumerated. Most of the States not enumerated in this table are free from debt :■— Debt. United States.............. Alabama...................... California.................... G eorgia....................... Illinois........................... Indiana........................ Kentucky.................... Louisiana..................... Maryland..................... Massachusetts............. Michigan..................... Missouri........................ New Y ork ................... North Carolina............ O hio............................. Pennsylvania............... South Carolina.......... Tennessee..................... Virginia....................... 4,231,889 2,644,222 5,726,394 2,531,545 5,385,900 25,250,000 2,287,156 Population. Year. 26,500,000 771.623 264,436 935,090 1,300,000 988,416 982,405 678,189 583,034 1,133,259 397,654 682,044 8,466,118 869,039 1,980,329 2,311,786 668,507 1,002,725 1,428,863 1855 I860 1852 1855 1855 1853 1850 1854 1850 1855 1850 1850 1855 1850 1860 1850 1850 1850 1850 Taxable property.. Date. $79,233,027 56,982,320 354.425,174 239,376,775. 290,418,148 411,000,198 299,996,176 243,537,091 573,342,286 59,787,255 137,247,707 1,266,666,190 226,800,472 959.881,366 531,731,304 1852 1852 1850 1855 1864 1865 1854 1854 1850 1850 1850 1863 1850 1855 1S54 219,011,048 431,000,000 1854 1855 There are, probably, some errors in this statement, but it is believed to be nearly correct. 344 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. RECEIPTS AND EXPORTS OF SPECIE AT NEW YORK. The table below, derived from the Economist, shows the amount of specie ar rived from California, and exported to foreign ports from the port of New York during the years 1854 and 1855 :— r--------------- 1854.--------------- \ ,--------------- 1855.---------------■, January ............. February............. M arch................ A p r il................... M a y ..................... J u n e................... . J u ly ..................... August................. September........... O ctober............... November........... D ecem ber........... TH E F O L L O W IN G Received. $4 ,6 2 0 ,0 0 0 3,706,210 4 ,8 17,632 3,769,190 5 ,6 34,074 4 ,3 15,830 6,267,919 3,886,922 4,49 9 ,9 4 8 3,926,636 4,485,746 5,037,893 Exported. $ 1 ,445,682 5 7 9 ,724 1,466,127 3,474,525 3,651,626 5,168,186 2,922,452 4 ,5 48,320 6,547,104 3,359,998 3,638,001 68,2 6 4 Received. $3,691,908 3,468,756 2,317,938 1,889,313 3,148,906 3,059,562 4,473,784 2,130,131 2,796,666 3,638,527 3,348,717 5,962,429 Exported. $166,398 2,823,708 2,298,697 3,813,447 5,320,152 3,812,562 2,923,324 2,609,393 1,831,684 1,188,109 1,011,900 1,017,776 $54 ,9 6 8 ,9 1 8 $3 7 ,1 6 9 ,4 0 6 $40,721,637 $27,607,150 . W IL L SH OW TH E AM O U N T OF S P E C IE S H IP P E D YORK AND BOSTON F O R THREE FR O M TH E PORTS OF NEW Y E A R S :----- New York. Boston. 1853 ......................................................................... $ 2 6 ,7 5 3 ,3 5 6 $5,763,518 1 8 5 4 ....................................................................... 37,169,406 7,413,437 1 8 5 5 ............................................................................ 27 ,6 0 7 ,1 5 0 14,859,170 Total. $32,416,874 44,582,343 42,467,620 CONDITION OF THE BANKS OF PORTLAND. W e give below a condensed comparative statement of the condition of the banks in Portland, Maine, at the periods named in the months of June, October, December, June, and January, in 1854,1855, and 1856. The statement, June, 1855, and January, 1856, does not include the Atlantic and Merchants’ Bank :— June 3, 1 8 5 4 .......... October, 1854 ____ December, 1854 . . June, 1 8 5 5 ............... January, 1 8 5 6.......... Capital. Loans. Circulation. Deposits. Specie. $ 1 ,7 7 3 ,1 6 9 1,816,022 1,875,000 1,675.000 1 ,7 75,000 $3 ,4 0 6 ,1 9 4 3,604,771 3,556,994 3,221,481 3,324,639 $1 ,4 2 2 ,3 36 1,288,725 1,258,771 1,146,017 1,192,174 $796,325 841 40 8 669 845 788.301 6 98,544 $259,866 223,500 178,660 166,972 162,744 BANKS OF CIRCULATION. A gentleman in the interior of Virginia has written a letter to a member of the Legislature, who had asked his opinion as to the relative advantages and dis advantages of the two kinds of Banks of Circulation, now existing in Virginia— and which kind should be preferred in granting charters. The writer of the letter expresses the opinion, that neither kind should be permitted, with their present dangerous privileges and practices : but.that either or both plans will be compa ratively safe and harmless, if with the proper and necessary restrictions, which he points out as follows:— 1. Complete divorce of the State government from the banks, in the same gen eral manner as has been effected in regard to the United States government, by the Independent Treasury System. This measure, if adopted, would imply and include the two next— which also may severally be independent measures. 2. Dissolution of the existing business and trading partnership existing between the banks and the commonwealth. , Journal o f Banking Currency, and Finance. 345 3. The entire cessation of the existing guaranty, or general securityship, of the banks and their paper circulation, afforded by the State in receiving their bills for taxes. This general privilege, secured to all the banks by law, is enough to sus tain their credit— and this only sustains the credit of some banks, which other wise would have no credit, and therefore no circulation of their notes. 4. Cessation of all branch banks— by which machinery, and the exchanging of notes of mother banks and branches, (and also of different independent corpora tions,) the banks can and do virtually shield themselves from paying specie for their notes, to any important extent. 5. N o bank to issue, as currency, any other than its own bills in payment of its obligations of any kind. 6. A ll bills of or checks on banks, to be paid in specie at the counter, on de mand, without delay, evasion, or any of the long prevailing tricks and subterfuges used to avoid payment. This to be enforced by heavy damages to the aggrieved creditor, to be obtained by summary and sure process. 7. Every stockholder to be responsible, individually, the amount of his stock, for any debt of the bank of which payment has been refused, or improperly post poned or delayed. 8. In the event of any bank’s stopping payment, (confessedly,) on the fact being proved and legal notice served on the bank, all its banking privileges and action thenceforward to cease— and if longer exercised, under the penalty of heavy pecu niary damages or amercement, forfeiture of charter, and all benefit of the bank law, and the making such illegal acts of the officers of the bank felony. 9. These conditions and restrictions to be enforced in every particular, by heavy penalties, the inflicting of which by every aggrieved creditor, or other citizen, should be by simple and easy legal process of sure and summary operation. With these conditions, truly and strictly observed, banks would perform all their useful and (to the public) beneficial functions— and may be permitted, by a general banking law, either on the plan of sufficient specie capital and basis only, as required of the old banks, or on a basis mainly of State stocks, as required of the new banks. And even if, with these conditions, every company were permits ted to bank that desired it, the evil would be far less than under the present sys tem of banking, as privileged or restricted by the government of Virginia. THE PAR OF STERLIJVG EXCHANGE, The explanation below of the reason why Sterling of Exchange is said to bo at a premium of 8, 9, or 10 per cent, as the case may be, originally appeared in the Boston Post, and was evidently prepared by one who understands the subject:— “ When the first Spanish dollar's became known in England, it required four and forty-four-one-hundredths only of these dollars to make a pound sterling, accord ing to the then value of silver and gold. Since that time, the relative value of the two metals has been slightly altered, but what is of more importance in this matter, neither the Spanish dollar of more recent date, nor the American dollar of any date, contains nearly so much silver as was contained in the early dollars coined by Spain. The changes in the quantity of pure silver in the dollars of va rious governments have been numerous ; but the essential result is, that including the minor changes in the relative value of gold and silver, it now requires four and eighty-four-one-hundredths of the present dollars, American, Mexican, or Spanish, to be worth one pound sterling' in Liverpool. And as, during the last two centuries, the actual value (in silver) of the dollar varied, from time to time, while the pound sterling (in gold) was almost unchangeable, it became convenient in England to quote foreign exchange ‘ at an advance,’ when it began to take more, of these debased or diminished dollars to make a pound sterling. In other words, the English very properly took their unchangeable pound sterling as a unit, and measured the changeable dollars by it. The practice, begun long before mo ney was coined in the United States, was continued when this country adopted, essentially, the Spanish dollar for its unit of coinage. It prevails, as is well known, to this day, but its origin is not generally understood. 346 Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. “ It is, simply, the English idea of the present value of dollars, as compared with a par that was the true one a century or two ago. Should our dollars become so debased, at some future time, that five would be required to make a pound ster ling, it is obvious that the real par of sterling exchange, instead of standing at 9 per cent premium, or thereabouts, as at present quoted, would be called 12$ per cent premium. And it is equally obvious, that if the silver in our dollars were increased to the quantity found in the early Spanish dollars, it would require but four and forty-four-one-hundredths to make a pound sterling. Thus sterling ex change would be quoted at par, and the real and nominal par would again corre spond, as in former times. “ Those interested in the details of the subject are referred to the elaborate Congressional Reports of 1834, that resulted in an alteration of our own gold coinage. The present manner of quoting sterling exchange has long custom in its favor. Upon the whole, we can see no better way of stating it, that shall be recognized and understood both here and in Europe. Were the American idea to prevail, it would be easy and correct, of course, to say that sterling exchange was at par, instead of 9 per cent advance. But after so long a use of the old system, the prevalence of the American view, on both sides of the Atlantic, is hardly to be expected. And the present mode is, perhaps, as generally intelligible and easy of reckoning as that employed in calculating French exchange— the only other mode that suggests itself as likely to be employed both here and in Europe, if the present system were abolished.” W HEN ARE BANK-NOTES AT PA R l A suit was lately decided before Judge Pearson, at Harrisburg, in which the Bank of Chamborsburg was sued for the amount of the penalty imposed by the 47th section of the general banking law, which requires that the banks east of the mountains shall keep their notes at par at Philadelphia, those west of the moun tains in the city of Pittsburgh. I f any bank fails to comply, a penalty is im posed, during such length of time as its notes may be under par, at the rate of two mills per annum on every dollar of the average amount of its circulation for the preceding year. The suit was decided against the commonwealth, because of some informality in bringing i t ; but the following point made by Judge Pearson, as -to the meaning of the words, “ at par,” is of importance, if it is to be adopted as a general principle : “ The notes of a bank at par, within the meaning of this act, is whenever they are equal to gold or silver for ordinary purposes. The phrase “ at par ” does not mean that the paper must be received at the custom house, at the city banks, or by the brokers. I f the notes are equivalent to gold and silver for ordinary business transactions, they arc at par within the true in tent and meaning of the act.” VIRGINIA HYPOTHECATED BONDS. Prior to the 1st of January, the amount of bonds issued by the Commonwealth of Virginia, under acts of the Legislature authorizing loans for purposes of inter nal improvements, after deducting the amounts redeemed and canceled, and the amount purchased by the Board o f the Literary Fund, is $24,718,742 03. Of this amount $11,490,742 03 were certificates of registered debt, upon which the money was received prior to their issue, $11,353,000 were six per cent coupon bonds, upon which the sum of $10,653,000 has been paid into the treasury, leav ing the sum of $700,000 to be accounted fo r ; and three hundred and seventy-five pounds sterling, or $1,875,000 five per cent coupon bonds, payable in London, were issued, upon which there has been received the sum of $1,360,741 92 ; and Journal o f Banking, Currency, and Finance. 347 there is due upon said bonds, rating them as netting the sum of eighty-seven dollars per hundred, the sum of $270,508 08, making in the aggregate the sum of $970,508 08 yet due upon the entire amount of bonds issued by the Common wealth. TH E CURRENCY OF TH E UNITED STA TES, The table accompanying the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, exhibit ing the amount of gold, silver, and bank-notes in circulation at different periods, gives the amount of gold and silver in circulation, for the fiscal year 1855, at over $250,000,000, and the bank-notes in circulation at $187,000,000 ; making a total circulation of $437,000,000, and showing that the bank-note circulation was re duced from that of the preceding year about $17,000,000 ; but which the Secre tary considers has more than recovered. The table of coinage for the same year exhibits gold and silver bullion, received at the mint and branches, to the amount of $70,017,007 82, and the table of exports exhibits the export of gold and bullion to the amount of $56,247,343; showing an excess of receipts over the exports of $13,769,664 82. The exports for the same fiscal year, in addition to the export of gold, was $30,427,187 manufactures exported, and $26,158,368 foreign goods exported, exclusive of specie, and $162,323,948 of all other articles; making the whole exports $275,156,846, against $261,468,520 imported, showing the excess of exports $13,688,326 over the imports. There is no. return of the gold imported by emigrants, and no return or estimate for the freights of our vessels that have contributed to our imports. The table upon the currency appended to the Secretary’s Report, justifies the belief that there is not less than $250,000,000 of gold and silver in the country, while there is no reason to doubt the continued yield of the mines of California, and that the demand for our exports will enable us to exchange as largely for the productions of other countries as in former years, without parting with our gold and silver in larger quantities than we produce it. TAXABLE PR O PE R 'I Y IN SAN FRANCISCO. F. D. K ohler, Esq., of San Francisco, furnishes the following abstract of property of all kinds, its valuation, State and county tax and aggregate thereof, rate and amount of tax, and number of polls assessed, for the county of San Fran cisco, for the year 1855 :—Number of acres of real estateother than city or town lo ts .. . .acres 215,500 Value of sa m e ............................................................................................ “ city and town lots ..................................................................... “ improvements thereon.............................................................. “ personal property ............................. $758,880 18,625,475 8,892,425 5,065,347 Total value of property.......................................................................... State tux thereon, at 60c........................................................................... County tax thereon, at 92|c..................................................................... Poll tax for State purposes..................................................................... Poll tax for county purposes................................................................... State portion of delinquent tax of previous y e a r................................. County portion of d o................................................................................. 00 00 00 76 $32,841,027 76 197,046 308,779 4,500 8,000 63,180 115,841 16 49 00 00 24 44 $087,353 33 348 Journal o f Insurance. J O U R N A L OF IN S U R A N C E . INSURANCE CONPANIES IN MASSACHUSETTS. W e are indebted to our esteemed correspondent, T homas C. S mith , Esq., the President of the Merchants’ Insurance Company, Boston, for an early copy of the annual “ Abstract of the Returns of Insurance Companies in Massachusetts, exhibiting the condition of these institutions on the first day of December, 1855,” as prepared from official returns by Francis De W itt, Esq., the present Secretary of the Commonwealth. The Report covers some 84 pages, and shows— 1. The state of insurance companies incorporated with specified capital on the first day of December, 1855. 2. Insurance companies, mutual marine and mutual fire, same time. 3. Mutual fire companies. 4. Life insurance companies. The following table shows the aggregate condition of all the incorporated in surance companies in Massachusetts with specific capital:— 19 offices in Boston. C apital................................................................ $ 5 ,1 2 5 ,0 0 0 10,000 United States stocks and Treasury n otes.. . . 3,440,229 Massachusetts bank stocks.................v l . . . , State stock.......................................................... 10,360 25,500 Loans on bottomry and respondentia............. 350,000 Invested in real estate..................................... 8 8 6 ,036 Secured by mortgage on the sam e................. Loans on collateral and personal security . . . 548,397 4 9 7 ,1 8 0 Loans on personal security o n ly ..................... 209,629 Cash on hand...................................................... 4 2 2 ,643 Reserved or contingent fund............................. 594,093 Invested in railroad stock ................................ 169,992 Losses ascertained and unpaid......................... 3 8 4 ,708 Amount of estimated lossesa........................... Amount premium notes on risks terminated.. 4 8 5 ,8 8 8 Amount premium notes on risks not terminat’d 2,074,119 Total amount of premium notes....................... 2,560,007 Amount of n o te s i.............................................. 6,172 A t risk—marine.................................................. 7 6 ,936,987 A t risk— f ir e ...................................................... 7 7 ,549,744 Amount premi’ms on fire risks, undetermined. 5 5 7 ,194 Average annual divideDdsc.............................. Highest rate of interest^....................... per ct. 6 Highest rate of intereste.................................... 6 Amount borrowed and on what security........ 17,500 18,650 Amount of capital stock pledged to the C o .. Amount of fire losses paid the last y ear.......... 2 8 4 ,5 7 0 1,683,448 Amount of marine losses paid the last year. . Number of sh a re s/............................................ 5 15 offices out o f Boston. $1,261,100 769,210 7 1 ,240 4.000 9.000 331,605 96,525 34,135 62,021 55,479 113,315 28,448 48,703 132,298 97,196 237,841 1,700 2,140,269 28,287,326 301,542 6 6 12,139 185,233 201,458 T o ta l34 offices. $6,386,100 10,000 4,209,440 87,600 29,500 359,000 1,217,641 644,923 531,315 271,650 478,122 707,408 198,440 433,412 618,186 2,171,316 2,797,848 7,872 79,077,256 105,837,070 858,737 6 6 29,639 18,650 469,808 1,884,906 5 W e also subjoin a statement of the aggregate state of the Mutual Marine and Mutual Fire and Marine, as follows:— a Exclusive o f such as are returned as ascertained and unpaid. b Considered bad or doubtful, not charged to profit and loss, c For five preceding years, or since incorporated. d, Received on loans, excepting on bottomry or respondentia. e Or discount paid for moneys borrowed by the company. / Of the capital stock owned by the campany, or that remain unsubscribed for. 349 Journal o f Insurance. Amount o f assets.................................................................................. Cash.......................................................................................................... Premium notes on risks terminated.................................................... Premium notes on risks not terminated............................................ Other notes, how secured, and for what given.................................. Debt due to the company, other than those above stated............... All other property, specifying amount and value of each.............. Losses paid during the year ending December l,on marine risks. Return prem. paid or credited during same time on marine risks. Losses paid on fire risks during the Bame time................................. Amount of losses ascertained and unpaid on marine risks............. Amount of losses ascertained and unpaid on fire risks................... Estimated amount of losses on claims unliquidated on marine risks Estimated amount of losses on claims unliquidated on fire risks.. Amount of expenses paid..................................................................... Amount insured during the year on marine risks........................... Amount o f premiums on marine risks.............................................. Amount insured during the year on fire risks................................... Amount of premiums on fire risks.................................................... Amount of marine risks terminated.................................................. Amount of premium on marine risks terminated............................ Amount of fire risks terminated.......................................................... Amount o f premiums on fire risks terminated................................. Amount of undetermined marine risks............................................ Amount of premium on undetermined marine risks......................... Amount of undetermined fire risks.................................................... Amount of premium on undetermined fire risks............................. Amount of debts owed by the com panya........................................ Highest rate of interest received.. . . ..............,..............per cent Highest rate of interest paid................................................per cent Amount o f liability6............................................................................. Amount o f premiumc........................................................................... Amount of delinquent notes included in the assets above............. Amount of dividends made during the last five yearsd................. 16,398,388 97 161,431 19 687,960 55 2,019,997 73 2,647,219 85 10,162 74 1,734,976 53 3,263,742 34 295,422 80 145,104 27 114,777 13 ................... 534,999 27 3,042 57 104,673 33 120,191,194 50 3,659,670 74 23,174,019 00 72,923 07 126,015,858 50 3,606,478 19 32,639,819 00 101,039 77 69,382,864 50 2,864,381 91 9,363,443 00 47,072 80 683,671 57 6 6 207,998 44 121,587 49 60,049 98 720,042 26 F IR E INSURANCE COMPANIES IN TH E STATE OF NEW YORK. The State Controller in his last annual report, made to the Legislature, Janu ary 1,1856, gives a somewhat extended notice of the condition and management of Insurance Companies in the State, which we here present in a condensed form : The fact that a large number of those corporations, based upon the mutual principle, formed under the law of 1849, and situated in the interior of the State, have passed into the hands of receivers, either by the consent of the parties in in terest or by a compulsory process issued by the courts ; connected with the strin gent provisions of the insurance law of 1853, as to their future formation, must and will devolve upon the joint-stock companies the great majority of the busi ness of insuring the property of the citizens of this State. The experience of the last two or three years must have taught policy holders in the mutual corpora tions, (although the mutual principle may have been the best in the abstract,) that it was decidedly easier to pay a premium than to collect a loss. In fact, with the exception of a few of the old chartered mutual companies, who continue a prosperous business, the system of mutual insurance, as far as it relates to fire risks, may be considered as ended in this State. N o attempt has been made to form a new company during the past two years. It is unnecessary here to discuss a Other than those for losses above mentioned ; state for what, and how secured, b Of parties insured, to assessment over and above the amount p id for premium and deposit money, c In cluded in the assets, which the assured have the right to have indorsed on notes, making part of the assets above mentioned, d Or since incorporated, if incorporated less than five years. 350 Journal o f Insurance. the causes that have produced this result, and the controller remarks, that it has been reached by an entire perversion of those principles upon which it was origi nally founded. It is not supposed that the Legislature will abolish the general law for the formation of these companies, or that a return to the system of special charters will be attempted by it. • Under this view of the subject of insurance, the controller examines the opera tion of the general law in the formation and operation of stock companies under its present provisions. There is an inherent difficulty in all general laws for the formation of corpora tions, whose business leads to the investment of their capital in personal property. This has been aggravated in the general insurance law from the fact that the use of capital at all by the corporators depends upon a contingency which may never happen. If the receipts of the company exceed its disbursements, the actual cap ital remains undisturbed in their hands, and it is upon the theory that this will be the result, (taking the doctrine of chances as a guide,) that all insurance compa nies are formed, whether organized by real or fictitious capitalists. N o other class of corporations, formed under general laws in New York State, present this pe culiarity. Their capital is placed by the nature of their business, or at least a large portion of it is invested in other than personal property, or, as in the case of banks formed under the general bank law, secured beyond the control or reach of the corporators themselves. The real use of actual capital for a successful insurance company exists only as forming' a basis with which a credit with the community may be created, in which it proposes to issue policies. It (the capital) only comes into use upon a result which would prevent the formation of the corporation, were it anticipated by the corporators themselves. Its existence is not a necessity for the commencement or transaction of the business of insurance, as before stated, but is only necessary after it is absolutely, or at least a portion of it, lost. It should bo, and is only held as security if the business is unsuccessful, a sort of indemnity bond, only ne cessary if the chances of the game turn against the corporators. The steps necessary to be taken in forming an insurance company are briefly these: under the provisions of the general insurance law, any number of persons, not less than thirteen, may associate and form a fire insurance company, upon filing a declaration of their intention to form one, with a copy of the charter pro posed to be adopted by them, in the office of the Controller, and publishing the notice for six weeks in a public newspaper in the county where the company pro pose to locate. The charter and proof of publication are then submitted to the Attorney-Gen eral, and if not found inconsistent with the laws and constitution of this State, he shall certify the same to the Controller. The Controller, either by himself or three disinterested persons, shall cause an examination to be made, to ascertain if the amount of capital required by the law has been paid in, and is possessed by the company in money, or such stocks and bonds and mortgages as the 8th section of the law provides. The usual method is to produce the certificate to the appraisers of a deposit of the necessary amount in some good and solvent bank. In some instances a por tion of it is composed of mortgages. This is not necessary under the provisions of the law. This presentation of capital is accompanied with the affidavit of the officers, that the same is the bona fide property of the corporators. Upon filing the certificate of the appraisers under oath of this exhibition of capital to them in the office of the Controller, it is imperative upon him to deliver a certified copy of such certificates to the corporators, and upon filing the same in the office of the county clerk, where the company is to be located, with a copy of the charter, the parties are authorized to commence the business of insurance. The first conclusion resulting from this process is, that no inducement is offered Journal o f Insurance. 351 to keep the capital in the hands of the corporators. They have the certificate of the Controller and appraisers, that gives them the necessary credit to commence business. The commencement of their business from its very nature is the receipt of money for premiums. The second is that no actual capital being necessary, the amount of money to procure the certificates may be borrowed upon the credit of the corporators for a single day, (and for that time be their actual property, as sworn to by their officers,) and'be repaid the following one, and the company pos sess all the credit that would attach to a real paid-up capital by parties who in tend to form a company, and retain its capital as an investment. The third is, admitting the capital is actually paid in without any intention of withdrawing it, no obligation rests upon the corporators, as far as their policy-holders are con cerned, to keep the capital intact. It can be wholly transferred from their control, or worthless mortgages substituted in the place of the money originally forming its capital. The only knowledge within the reach of the holder of a policy is the annual re port of the company made to the Controller. N o knowledge of the real nature of their property or its value, in many cases, can bo derived by him from the an nual statement thus made. The Controller does dot believe that any change for the better can be made by amending the law as to those statements, for the simple reason that legislative inenuity cannot keep pace by such amendments with the sharpness and shrewdness not to use a stronger word) of parties who have nothing to lose, but all to gain by the formation of insurance companies under the present law. Every general law for the formation of corporations deprives the Legislature of, at least, one prominent safeguard against fraud by the parties availing themselves of its pro visions. The Legislature, in the enactment of a special charter, controlled the location of the institution thus created, and the parties by whom the same should be or ganized. It also exercised the right of judging as to the number of companies, and the amount of capital required by the people of this State. One of the causes of the failure of so many insurance companies in this State may have arisen from their multiplication with a rapidity far beyond the wants of the business proposed to be transacted by them. This is mentioned as an occurrence incidental to all general laws, and not as a fact, or even an opinion of the Controller. The power is given by the present law for any thirteen persons, without reference to honesty, capital, or capacity, on their compliance with certain provisions, to undertake the prerogative of insuring not only the property of the people of this State, but that of every other State in the Union, when they are not precluded by positive enact ments by those States. The present law indorses alike the needy adventurers and the able capitalists. The one by the production, for a day, of the amount of capital, and which is to be returned, perhaps, to-morrow, (which has repeatedly occurred.) receives the same certificate of authority to enter upon a career, the result to them of certain profit, as they have nothing to lose, and they stand before the public with the same claim to their patronage as the other whose real basis is integrity, experience, and capital. The failure of an insurance company falls upon a portion of our citizens with more crushing force than that of any other corporation. The proceeds of a life’s labor are swept away by the misfortunes of a single hour from a citizen, and as he turns with hope to his policy of insurance for relief, he learns, perhaps for the first time, that the laws of the State to which he has looked for protection from the very misfortune that has overtaken him, permit the formation of insurance companies whose capacity to pay his loss consists in the profits of the concern, and that their pretended capitals are only valuable as a basis to make affidavits, the moral perjury of which is fathomless. The amount of property at fire risks at the close of the year 1854, by the joint-stock companies in this State and located within its boundaries, was $499,422,647 97, and by mutual companies $183,076,460 03, and by companies ? 352 Journal o f Insurance. located in other States $79,017,305 72. Total amount at risk, $761,446,413 72. The total premiums paid in cash for the insurance of property in this State that year was $6,305,478 73, and notes given for premiums, (not premium notes,) $526,163. The losses which accrued to companies of this State during the year and were paid, amount to $3,251,242 13. In process of liquidation, $594,907 39, and $445,493 16 are resisted from various causes. It appears to the Controller that something more than the mere personal in tegrity of corporators should be given for a payment of nearly $7,000,000 per annum for insurance, against loss or damage by fire by the people of this State. The mere possession of any given amount of capital in personal property, trans ferable at the will of the corporators, is not sufficient guaranty to the policy hold ers of our insurance companies. By chap. 95 of the Laws of 1851, all companies engaged in the business of life insurance in this State were compelled to deposit with the Controller, in securities named in said act, a sum equal to $100,000 each, to be held in trust for the secu rity of policy-holders in such companies. The same provision was applicable to companies of other States proposing to transact the business of life insurance in this State. The object and intent of that law was not that it afforded sufficient security upon all policies issued in this State, but to settle the question that an actual cap ital was in possession, or under the control of each life insurance company pro posing to transact the business of insurance in this State. This act was amended in its application to foreign companies by chap. 463 of the Laws of 1853, by al lowing such deposit to be made in the office of the chief financial officer of the State where such company was located. These provisions are now in force as to life insurance companies in this as well as those located in other States, trans acting business in this. The operation of this law has been attended with little or no inconvenience to the companies, and the amount of securities now deposited in the Controller’s office are more than $1,300,000. The Controller recommends to the Legislature the passage of a law compelling the deposit, in a department to be created under the name of the Insurance De partment, to be located in the State Hall at the city of Albany, of 50 per cent of the capital of all joint-stock insurance companies located within this State, in such securities as are authorized by sec. 8 of the “ A ct providing for the incorpo ration of insurance companies, passed June 25, 1853.” It is not presumed that sound, solvent companies will object to this arrangement, as that proportion of their capital, if properly invested iff accordance to law, can be held for their ben efit by such a department with all the safety that arises from its actual possession by the company itself. The expenditures of such a department could not ex ceed one-twentieth of one per cent upon the capital of the joinffstock companies in this State. The same obligation resting upon foreign life insurance companies proposing to do business in this State, should be made applicable to fire insurance companies located in other States of the Union, v iz.: a deposit of securities of like kind and same amount in the hands of the chief financial officer of the State where they are located, before granting them a certificate to transact business in this State. THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF INSURANCE COMPANIES FORMED UNDER GENERAL LAWS SINCE JANUARY 1, 1855 :--M A R I N E IN S U R A N C E CO M PA N IE S O R G A N IZ E D U N D E R C H A P . Name. Location. Orient Mutual Ins. Co.......................New York Pacific Mutual Ins. C o..................... “ Globe Mutual Ins. C o...................... “ Great Western Ine. Co.................... “ 308, L A W S OF Dale. February 23, 1854. January 8, 1855. April 12, 1855. September 28, 1855. 1849. Capital. -$300,000 300,000 300,000 600,000 N au tical Intelligence. T H E F O L L O W IN G A R E T H E F IR E IN S U R A N C E OF L A W S OF 353 C O M P A N IE S O R G A N IZ E D UNDER CH AP. 4 6 6 1853 — Location. Name. Star Ins. Co.*......................... Metropolitan Fire Ins. C o* . ___ New York. Susquehanna Fire Ins. C o .. . . . . .Cooperstown. Webster Fire Ins. C o............. a Henry Clay Fire Ins. Co. . . u Mechanics’ Fire Ins. C o ... .. tt Tontine Fire Ins. C o............. it National Exchange Ins. C o .. it Enterprise Ins. Co................ \ <( Relief Fire Ins. C o................ Date. April April September March March April May May August December 19, 29, 2, 26, SO, 27, 16, 21, 9, 17, 1854. 1854. 1854. 1855. 1855. 1853. 1855. 1855. 1855. 1855. Capital. §50,000 300,000 50,000 150,000 200,000 150,000 200,000 150,000 150,000 150,000 The location of the Susquehanna Fire Insurance Company has been changed to the city of Albany by an act of the Legislature, passed February 21,1855. A commissioner was appointed to inquire into the affairs of the Webster, Henry Clay, Mechanics’, Tontine, and National Exchange, five of the abovenamed fire insurance companies, since their organization, and they have each passed into the hands of a receiver. N A U TICA L IN T E L L IG E N C E . NOTICES TO M ARINERS. T r in i t y -H o u s e , L o n d o n , November 13, 1855. Whereas the Buoys and Beacons placed by the Corporation of Trinity-House for the guidance of shipping navigating on various parts of the coast of England, and especially in the channels leading to the port of London, have in repeated in stances been negligently or wilfully broken away, or otherwise damaged and rendered unserviceable by vessels running foul of, or making fast to and riding by the same; and the Light Vessels moored off different parts of the coast, have also been frequently run on board of, and much damaged, with imminent risk of being broken from their moorings and lost; and whereas the safety of shipping, and of the lives and property embarked therein, requires that the said Light Vessels, Buoys, and Beacons should uninterruptedly preserve their respective stations—• masters and other persons having charge of vessels are hereby cautioned against the commission of such offenses, and are desired to take notice that by the “ Mer chant Shipping Act, 1854,” sec. 414, it is enacted as follows, viz. :— “ Damage to Lights, Buoys, and Beacons. I f any person wilfully or negligently commits any of the following offenses ; that is to say— “ 1. Injures any lighthouse or the lights exhibited therein, or any buoy or bea con ; 2. Removes, alters, or destroys any light ship, buoy, or beacon ; 3. Rides by, makes fast to, or runs foul of any light ship or buoy, he shall, in addition to the expenses of making good any damage so occasioned, incur a penalty not ex ceeding Fifty Pounds. By order, J. HERBERT, Secretary. ALTERATION OF BUOYS IN DUNKEF.QUE ROADS— NORTH SEA. The French government has given notice, that a new arrangement of the buoys m Dunkerque Roads was completed on the first of the present month of October, in place of the former, and that the following instructions are in consequence to be observed by vessels entering either by the eastern or western passage, v iz.:— All buoys and beacons painted red are to be left to starboard, and those painted * These two companies commenced their formation under the law o f 1849. VOL. X X X IV .-----NO. III. 23 354 N au tical Intelligence. black are to be left to port, by vessels entering the Roads from sea; and buoys painted with alternate red and black horizontal bands, may be passed on either hand. The foregoing distinction of color is not applied to beacons or turrets, these being painted white above the level of high water. Warping buoys are painted white. The small rocky heads in the frequented channels are painted in the same man ner as the buoys, with this reservation, that the most conspicuous part of them is thus only painted, when the surface they present is so considerable that it becomes unnecessary to do more, in order to their being readily distinguished; and they are not painted at all when they are mostly beneath the surface, or are covered with weed. Every buoy or beacon bears in full length, or abbreviated characters, the name of the shoal or rock which it is meant to distinguish, and also its number, show ing its numerical order in the same channel. These numbers commence from sea ward ; the even numbers on the red buoys to bo passed on the starboard hand, and the odd numbers on black buoys to port. The letters and numbers are painted white on the most conspicuous parts of the buoys, and from ten to twelve inches high. The masts of the beacons which do not present sufficient surface are surmounted for this purpose by a small board. A ll the jetty heads and turrets are painted above the half-tide level; and on the former, a scale of metres is marked, commencing from the same level. H y d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. 10th October, 1855. NORWAY--- FIXED LIGHT ON STAVA3RNSO, SOUTHERN CHANNEL INTO FREDERIKSViERN. The Norwegian government has given notice, that on and after the first of the present month of October, a Fixed Light will be exhibited on the south end of the island called Stavrernso, on the eastern side of the entrance of the south chan nel into Frederiksvaern harbor. To vessels approaching Frederiksvaern from the southward, the light will be visible between the bearings of N. and N. N . W . f W ., and by always keeping it in sight within these bearings, they will be clear of the Svenoer group with its Skaten on the east, and the Rakkebo rocks on the west. Those approaching it from the cast, by not bringing it anything to the northward of W . N. W., will clear the Fladen, (the northern danger of the Sveno group,) and although it is vis ible from the eastward when bearing as far southerly as S. W . by W ., and may be serviceable to vessels within a mile of it, it is not intended as a guide to those north of the Svenoer Islands, or among the more distant Ranoer group. The Light Tower stands in lat. 58° 59' 30" N., and long. 10° 4' 30" cast from Greenwich; the light is visible at the distance of 8 miles, and will be subject to the same regulations, as to lighting, as others on the coast of Norway. JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. H ydrographic O ffice, A dmiralty , L ondon, October 3, 1855. This notice affects the Admiralty Charts of the South Coast of Norway, sheets No. 2,329, 2,330 ; and also the Norway Pilot, page 62, and Lighthouse List, page 28. LIGHTS AT MALAMOCCO, VENICE----ADRIATIC GULP, MEDITERRANEAN. The maritime authorities at Trieste have given notice, that on and after the first day of November instant, two temporary Harbor Lights would be exhibited at the entrance of the port of Malamocco, Venice. The lights will be fixed, of the natural color, and of the fourth order of Fresnel. They stand at a height oi 45 feet above the level of ordinary high water, and will be visible in clear weather at a distance of 12 miles. The eastern or outer light is placed upon the round head of the inner Mole of N autical Intelligence. 355 the Rocchetta, on the north side of the channel, at a mile-and-a-third within the entrance. The western light stands in the Lagoon on the southern side of the entrance of the Spignon Canal, at a distance of 1,380 yards from the outer light. The lights, in one bearing N. W . by W . nearly, lead in a mid-course between the two Moles now in course of construction. The northern Mole or breakwater is already above water, the southern Mole is only partly visible. The width of en trance between the Moles is about 510 yards. All bearings magnetic. Variation, 14° 34' west. By command of their lordships, H y d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. November 12, 1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Mediterranean, General No. 2,158 ; Adriatic, No. 1,440 ; Gulf of Venice, Sheet 3, No. 201; Venice, No. 1,483 ; also Mediterranean Lighthouse List, No. 120 a. HARBOE LIGHT AT SHERSHEL— MEDITERRANEAN, COAST OF ALGIERS. The French authorities at Algiers have given notice that on the 15th October instant a Harbor Light was established at Shershel, in the province of Algiers, at the extremity of the jetty which projects from Joinville islet to the eastward. Seen from seaward the light is bright, and cannot be confounded with the more distant lights in the town. By means of this light, vessels may avoid the shoal which narrows the entrance into the port of Shershel from the east, and steer a fair course to enter the inner harbor or basin. By command of their lordships, Hy d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. 27th October, 1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Mediterranean, No. 2,158 ; Cape Ferrat to Cape Carbon, No. 1,766 ; also, Mediterranean Light-house List, No. 198 a, and Berard, Description Nautique des Cotes de 1’Algere, 3me edition, p. 102. LIGHT AT CEDTA— COAST OF AFRICA, MEDITERRANEAN SEA. The Spanish government has given notice that on the 1st of December next a light will be established on the summit of the hill named Cerro de los Mosqueros, on Almina Point, at Ceuta, on the north coast of Africa, at the eastern entrance of the Strait of Gibraltar. The light will be a bright first-class light, revolving once a minute. It is placed at an elevation of 476 English feet above the level of the sea, and will be visible in clear weather at the distance of 27 miles. The lighting apparatus is catadioptric of the first order, of the system of Fresnel. The tower stands in latitude 35° 53' 44" north, longitude 5° 17' 12" west of Green wich. By command of their lordships, Hy d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. 22d November, 1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Mediterranean, No. 2,158 ; Gibraltar to Alicante, No. 1,186 ; Ceuta, No. 252 ; Gibraltar Strait, No. 142 ; also, Mediterranean Light-house List, (edition 1855,) No. 216. SHOAL OFF THE NORTH END OF OLAND— BALTIC SEA. The Swedish government has given notice that a rocky shoal, having only 15 feet water over it, has been discovered in the Baltic, lying N . N. E. J- E., distant 7J miles, from the north end of the island of Oland. The shoal consists of stone in level strata with abrupt edges; the shallowest portion, about 70 yards long, forms its northern edge, from which it extends to the S. S. E. for about four ca bles’ length, having 3, 4, and 5 fathoms depth, after which the depth gradually in creases, but on the N., N. E., N. W ., and S. W . sides, the water deepens abruptly, and the lead gives no warning. From the shoal, Oland North Light-houss 356 N au tical Intelligence. bears S. S. W . i W ., (S. 26° i W .,) Jungfrun Island, western point, S. W . | W., (S. 53° W „) Huno Bote, W . N. W . | N., (N. 62° W .) All bearings magnetic. Variation 12° i W . By order, H y d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. 25th October, 1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Baltic Sea, No. 2,262 ; Oland to Norrkoping, No. 2,189 ; Sheets 2 and 3 of the Coast of Sweden, Nos. 2,251, 2,361; also, Baltic Pilot, page 39. COAST ON BRAZIL— WHITE BUOY OFF OLINDA. The harbor authorities at the port of Pernambuco have have given notice that a White Buoy has recently been placed to mark the outer edge of the shoals off Olinda, on the coast of Brazil. The buoy is a cone-shaped or can buoy, 8 feet high above the sea level, and 7 feet in diameter at its base; it is painted white to distinguish it from the two buoys on the Banco do Inglez, or English Bank— which lies about 4 miles to the southwestward— the more northern of which has red and white vertical stripes, and the southern is a red buoy. The Olinda Buoy is moored in 5 fathoms at low ivater, at about 2 miles E. S. E. of Olinda Point, with the following approximate bearings : Se church tower W . N . W . £ N., the flagstaff of Fort Buraco W . by S. i S., and the tower of the Naval Arsenal in Pernambuco S. W . by W . In clear weather it may be seen at from 5 to 6 miles distance. Vessels not bound to the port of Pernambuco should not approach the shore on this part of the coast of Brazil nearer than 3 miles, keeping in a depth of 10 fath oms, as within that depth the soundings are irregular, and the reefs in many parts steep to. A ll bearings magnetic. Variation, 9° W . By order, H y d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. October 24,1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Pernambuco Roadstead, No. 538; Maranhao to Pernambuco, No. 528; Pernambuco to Victoria, No. 529. FIXED LIGHT ON STANG-HOLM— NORWAY, SOUTH-EAST COAST. The Norwegian government has given notice that a fixed light has been estab lished on Stang-holm, on the south-east coast of Norway, to light the southern passage to the harbor of Osterriisor, and that it would be first exhibited on the 27th of October instant. The light is a fixed red channel light; it is placed on the eastern point of the island of Stang-holm, at an elevation of 34 English feet above the sea, and will be visible 10 miles in clear weather from N. f E. round easterly to S. i W . The light-house stands in latitude 58° 42' 40" north, and longitude 9° 15' east of Greenwich. Vessels approaching from the south-west, by keeping this light in sight, will clear the rocks and shoals lying outside of Fisund. To clear the shoals lying about two cables’ length south of Little Stangholm on the east side of the passage, masters of vessels, when within four cables’ length of the entrance, must take care not to bring the light more westerly than N . W . by N . After having passed the light in proceeding towards Osterriisor the mariner will observe that the limits of the light in that direction do" not fall more westerly than about half a cable’s length clear of Tangen, the most southern part of the town of Osterriisor. A ll bearings are magnetic. Variation 21° W . By order of their lordships, H y d r o g r a p h ic O f f ic e , A d m ir a l t y , L o n d o n , JOHN WASHINGTON, Hydrographer. 30lhOctober, 1855. This notice affects the following Admiralty Charts :— Baltic Sea, No. 2,162 ; North Sea, No. 2,339; Skagerrak, 2,289; Norway, south coast, sheet 3, No. 2,329 ; also, Norway Light-house List, N o. 232 a, and Norway Pilot, part 1, pp. 45 and 49. 357 Commercial Statistics. C O M M E R C IA L STA TIS TIC S . ARRIVAL OF SH IPPIN G AT SAN FRANCISCO. The following comparative statement of the arrival of vessels at the port of San Francisco, for the last three years, that is, 1853, 1854, and 1855, shows a decline in imports at that port VO >-r QO ‘O CO Arrivals from— Domestic Atlantic ports............................................ Northern and home coast ports................................. Ports in France........................................................... British ports................................................................. German ports.............................................................. East India p o r ts ......................................................... Ports in Chili................................................................ Central and South American ports (sailing vessels) San Juan and Panama (steamers)............................. Sandwich and Society Islands.. . . ....................... Australian p o r ts ......................................................... Mexican ports.............................................................. Whaling voyages......................................................... 375 963 31 93 20 73 130 15 58 71 7 55 11 172 1,405 11 41 14 63 27 10 52 55 16 24 3 144 1,117 20 54 13 63 15 16 47 71 19 22 16 T o t a l s . ............................................................................. 1,902 1,893 1,606 1854. The freight lists on cargoes arriving from domestic Atlantic and from foreign ports, for the three respective years, will give an idea of the great falling off in imports at San Francisco. It is well known that many cargoes and parts of car goes arrive there which have been shipped on owners’ or ship’s account, and on which no charge is made apparent at the port of delivery. This is particularly the case with foreign vessels. The several amounts paid in 1853, 1854, and 1855, foot up as follows :— 1853. 1854. 1855. Domestic Atlantic ports................ Foreign ports................................... Totals $9,911,428 1,840,652 $5,230,913 1,050,108 $2,901,037 955,402 $11,752,080 $6,281,021 $3,856,439 COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION OF FRANCE. An attentive correspondent, a member of the Paris Chamber of Commerce, has furnished for the last eight or ten years the official reports of French Commercej from which we have translated, from year to year, statements. In the absence of the official report, we avail ourselves of the subjoined summary, which we find in the Paris Monileur of January 21, 1856 :— “ The import trade of France in 1855 was so good that the Minister of Com merce has said that it equals the trade of 1846, the most renowned under the former government, and has thus entirely overcome the depression which began with the convulsion of 1848. The revenue obtained by the customs duties, which we quote as the only criterion we have of the total imports, was in 1855. 189,704,G90f.; in 1854,150,587,303f.; and in 1853,141,607,552f. “ In the cereales, a term which includes flour as well as wheat, and all kinds of grain and meal, the imports were less in 1855 than in 1854 and 1853. 358 Commercial Statistics. “ The following is the account in metrical quintals, each metrical quintal being nearly two hundred weight:—IMPORT OP CEREALS. 1855. 1854. 4,109,589 5,414,950 m 5,159,854 “ Our surprise that France should have imported less in 1855 than 1853, disap. pears when we notice what were in these years the EXPORTS OP CEREALS. 1855. 1854. 1851. 957,581 1,596,206 3,963,487 “ The exports, therefore, of 1853 exceeded the exports of 1855 by upwards of 3,000,000 quintals. France imported grain and exported flour. On the whole, therefore, France is an importing country, and we may conclude, from the recent extension of her manufactures and of her town population, that this is likely to lie her condition for a considerable period. Combining this with the fact that a large proportion of her agricultural produce, of her wines and her brandies, is in tended for exportation, it supplies an irrefragable condemnation of her system of stimulating the manufactures of cotton, silk, leather, sugar, glass, &c., by bounties. On the principles of free trade neither should be favored; but certainly the pro duction of silks and cotton should not be promoted at the expense of the produc tion of food. “ O f the articles of which the import increased, we transcribe the following :— IMPORTS INCREASED IN 1855. 1855. Oxen and c o w s .................................................. No. Sheep......................................................................... W ine........................................................ hectolitres Brandy, & c ................................................................. Coffee.........................................................M. qntls. Copper....................................................................... Bar-iron...................................................................... Cast-iron................................................................... Linseed............................................................... C oa ls......................................................................... Olive oil..................................................................... W o o l ......................................................................... Lead, pigs.................................................................. Sugar, colon ial......................................................... Sugar, foreign.......................................................... Meat, fresh and salt................................................. Z in c ........................................................................... 1854. 1851 36,162 90,946 113,469 187,168 272,610 308,961 31,650 192,023 412,205 45,116 89,899 234,998 277,873 319,770 398,992 82,611 73,812 116,667 59,735 125,959 717,963 864,989 918,958 1,360,411 221,117 189,804 268,519 40,575,054 35,573,708 29,820,737 181,213 174,842 298.001 285,102 210,479 375,587 289,326 308,701 359,477 620,862 826,991 889,935 412,205 483,917 800,848 9,542 69,805 105,028 252,380 165,949 258,419 “ The article tea, of which we import upwards of 70,000,000 lbs., does not appear in the French imports. The coffee impor.ted in each of the three years was con siderably more than what was consumed, and the stock at the end of 1855 is onehalf more than at the end of 1854. The average consumption of the three years was 228,007 quintals, roughly estimated at 47,000,000 lbs., only a fourth more thau the consumption of coffee in England, in which tea is still the principal bev erage. Of sugar, too, the consumption was considerably less than the import; but as a good deal of sugar is made from beet in the country, and some exported, 359 Commercial Statistics. we shall not now venture to institute any comparison between the consumption of sugar in England and France. It is essential, however, to remark that the con sumption of colonial sugar was in excess in 1855, and that the stock was in 1855 only 54,645 m. q., against 134,787 m. q., in 1854, and 145,839 m. q. in 1853. Both of sugar and of coffee the consumption increased in 1855 as against 1854, the former to 1,500,000 m. q. from 1,200,000 m. q., and the latter to 217,200 m. q. from 189,568 m. q., showing, in conjunction with the increased consumption throughout the greater part of Europe, in America, and Australia, a very enlarged market for these colonial products. “ There is one fact in which the English manufactures have greatly the advan tage over those of France, and which probably more than compensates for the bounties given by the French government. The import of cotton, wool, and silk is here entirely exempt from any duty; in France they are all subject to duties, and the impolitic imposts are countervailed by bounties. “ The increase in the quantities of coal, bar-iron, and cast-iron imported, is an other noticeable feature in the French tables. “ The exports— except of every species of agricultural produce, which have de creased— have generally increased in 1855. EXPORTS OF FOREIGN AND FRENCH MERCHANDISE. Books, engravings, and lithographs....... . . .m. q. Machinery, <fcc........................................... Millinery.................................................. Soap ......................................................... S a lt.......................................................... Sugar, refined.......................................... Cottons, white......................................... printed...................................... others........................................ Linen c lo t h .............................................. Linen cambrics........................................ Woolens, cashmeres, and merinos........ others..................................... . Silks, raw................................................ . Silks, w oven ............................................ Glass and crystals................................. 1855. 17,469 9,515,754 11,544,423 71,570 1,215,563 338,994 64,401 41,900 28,591 24,656 579 35,565 38,036 10,869 37,464 277,485 1851 1854. 17,026 16,516 7,951,584 11,295,192 6,407,004 7,242,269 65,849 60,760 995,330 946,921 251,356 181,848 37,270 38,234 37,989 36,940 29,101 25,685 19,260 17,809 718 535 29,060 28,857 34,361 34,182 7,585 6,555 37,066 34,050 262,818 256,197 “ A small increase in the number of metrical quintals exported implies a consid erable increase in the value of the books, silks, and merinos exported. “ France, then, is becoming, like ourselves, more and more manufacturing, and she requires more and more to import all kinds of raw materials. “ The navigation of France was as follows :— ENTERED INWARDS. , ----- FRENCH.---------s ,------------F O I LEIGN.---------- \ t---------------- T O T A L .---------------\ Y ears. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. 1853........ 1854........ 1855........ 9,210 9,307 9,574 1,065,688 1,131,702 1,247,452 11,569 10,982 13,442 1,685,011 1,606,887 2,057,313 20,799 20,280 23,016 2,750,699 2,738,539 3,304,765 1853........ 1854____ 1855___ 6,625 5,726 5,756 796,350 706,718 934,598 15,481 13,645 13,810 1,854,665 1,856,305 2,034,765 ENTERED OUTWARDS. 8,856 7,919 8,054 1,058,315 1,059,592 1,100,057 360 Commercial Statistics. “ The navigation, therefore, has increased since 1853. Taking the aggregate tonnage, both inwards and outwards, it increased between 1853 and 1855 about 16 per cent; and the French tonnage in the interval increased rather more than the foreign— 17 per cent against 15 per cent— though the foreign tonnage em ployed in the French trade exceeds the French tonnage by about 48 per cent. “ The trade of France, like the trade of England, has suffered very little inter ruption by the war, and was in fact much larger in 1855 than in 1853. EX PORTS OP W ILM INGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, IN 1854 AND 1855. The following comparative table of Exports of the principal articles from the port of Wilmington, North Carolina, compared with that of the previous year, is derived from a journal published in that city f 1Q£.l IKICoastwise. Spirits of turpentine ...........bbls. Spirits of turpentine .5-gal. cans Crude turpentine.. . . ...........bbls. Rosin.......................... Tar.............................. Pitch........................... Flour........................... Timber, P. P.............. Lumber, P. P............. Shingles................... .............No. Staves......................... Ground peas, or peanuts . . .bush. C otton....................... Cotton sheeting......... Cotton yarn................ Cotton w a s te ............... Cotton warp.............. Newspaper ............. W o o l......................... Rice (clean)............... Rice (rough )............. 119,308 65,102 441,092 32,919 4,624 14,431 1,350,263 20,003,958 91,807 10,328 1,689 1,573 206 181 2,805 39 401 137,672 A Foreign. r j-ut Coastwise. 110,624 1,314 5,020 200 55,614 12,071 11,603 452,463 7,188 44,397 5,714 1,001 7,208 630 396,158 206,915 11,118,180 12,069,340 300,202 5,128,259 166,653 133,819 67,876 32 19,898 .... 1,693 1,183 .... 245 .... 149 3,731 .... 69 331 .... 89,064 .... Foreign. 1,604 10,536 8,610 5,915 1,761 261 213,775 8,371,447 6,131,850 60,878 ... 59 .... .... .... . ..• .... 27 17,860 COMMERCE OF HAVANNA. The subjoined statement exhibiting the arrivals and clearances of shipping at the port of Havanna, Cuba, for the years 1848 to 1855, inclusive, has been com piled from an official source. The total tonnage and principal nations to which they belong is also given, as will be seen :—■ Year. 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 American. Spanish. British. Other nations. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. 729 170,817 5 5 6 107,707 165 65,2 1 4 159 38,781 745 200,069 563 106,135 159 65,2 7 4 146 35,556 634 2 9 8 ,299 541 1 0 7 ,2 3 0 164 65,136 203 52,803 856 344,046 5 5 0 1 1 4 ,2 1 6 191 58,3 0 8 203 51,913 750 3 0 8 ,1 2 0 578 1 1 4 ,338 143 55,4 2 7 176 42,311 813 304,138 553 1 1 1 ,029 136 6 8 ,3 2 4 215 53,911 983 3 3 6 ,998 571 1 1 1 .823 122 69,5 6 6 185 48,799 889 3 7 9 ,327 627 120,881 116 4 9 ,9 1 6 235 63,031 Total. Vessels. Tons. 1,599 382,513 1,611 407,039 1,542 523,468 1,800 568,483 1,647 520,196 1,717 527,402 1,782 567,186 1,767 613,155 The Courier and Enquirer in publishing the preceding table, says:— “ It will be observed that while the total tonnage falls a good deal short of doubling within the eight years, the American tonnage has much more than doub- 361 Commercial Statistics. led. The English tonnage has decreased, and the Spanish tonnage remains in slalu quo. The tonnage o f ‘ other nations ’ is only saved from exhibiting a marked decrease by the French tonnage, which has increased from twenty-six vessels of 6,363 tons in 1848, to fifty-two vessels of 12,538 tons in 1852, and 122 vessels of 33,522 tons in 1855. “ The large increase in the American tonnage, compared with the small increase in the number of vessels, shows that a much larger class of ships has been brought into the Savanna trade than were employed a few years ago.” INCREASE OF TH E TRADE OF ST, LOUIS IN 1 8 5 5 , The subjoined table, derived from the carefully prepared annual report of the St. Louis Republican, will convey at a glance an idea of the increase of the busi ness of that city. In the following table a few of the leading products received in 1854 and 1855 are shown, and the increase and decrease of the enumerated products noted :—RECEIPTS OF LEADING PRODUCTS AT ST. LOUIS IN 1854 AND 1855. 1854. H em p ................................... bales T obacco............................... hhds. Tobacco................................ boxes R o p e ......................................coils L ea d....................................... pigs Flour..................................... bbls. Wheat...............................bushels C orn ............................................ Oats.............................................. Rye............................................... Barley.......................................... Whisky.................................. bbls. Pork................ casks and tierces P o rk .................................. ..b b ls. Pork...................... boxes and sks. Pork......................... bulk pieces Pork and lard....................... bbls. Pork and lard.................... tierces Pork and b e e f ..................... bbls. Pork and beef.. . bbls. & tierces Bacon.................. tierces <Si casks Bacon..................... bbls & boxes Bacon.................................. pieces Lard...................................tierces Lard....................................... bbls. L a r d ..................................... kegs L a rd ............................. packages Lard...................................pounds Beef....................................tierces Beef.......................................bbls. Beef..................... bbls. & tierces Bacon and pork................pounds Sugar.................................... hhds. Sugar..................... bbls. & boxes Molasses................................ bbls. Coffee................................... Backs Salt........................................bags Salt........................................bbls. H ay...................................... bales H id e s ..................................... No. H id es............................... pounds 1855. 73,825 93,386 9,907 7,055 6,818 8,527 49,921 38,943 323,943 315,677 291,146 396,603 3,878,803 2,340,217 1,784,189 2,944,590 1,905,400 1,777,873 50,140 90,198 130,050 134,300 86.600 85,377 11,361 9,915 70,628 81,328 1,848 1,124 471,909 960,635 ................ 555 ................3,043 ................ 286 ................ 609 9,962 22,767 492 1,639 24,134 13,462 10,910 29,353 44,408 53,658 12,334 13,247 ................6,299 41,149 ................ 3,260 1,588 18,517 4,001 ......... 481 ................ 139,326 58,215 60,923 23,100 14,461 62,046 62,890 120,429 139,619 271,912 407,852 61,785 28,989 28,554 24,787 72,483 118,807 ................ 150,347 D ecrea se. 2,852 10,979 8,266 1,446 724 ......... „ 10,672 2,708 10,844 3,767 ......... ......... In crea se. 19,561 ......... 2,709 ......... ......... 105,457 1,538,586 1,160,401 127,527 40,058 4,250 1,227 ......... 10,700 ......... 488,726 555 3,043 286 609 12,805 1,147 ......... 18,443 9,150 913 6,299 41,149 1,672 14,516 481 139,326 ......... 8,639 ......... 19,190 135,940 32,796 46,324 150,347 * 362 Commercial Statistics. LUM BER TRADE OF ALBAIY A ID BAIGOR. The lumber business at Albany for 1855 shows a decrease in receipts, price, and rates, as compared with the preceding years. The receipts at Albany during the year 1855, and the five preceding years, have been as follows:—• Years. 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ........................................ Boards and scantling, feet. Shingles, M. Timber, C. feet. Staves, lbs. 216,791,890 260,238,003 317,135,620 393,726,073 311,571,161 245,921,652 34,226 34,136 31,636 27,582 24,003 57,210 28,832 110,200 291,714 19,916 28,909 21,104 150,515,280 115,087,290 107,961,289 118,666,750 135,805,691 140,155,285 Showing a decrease in boards and scantling from last year of 65,649,499 feet; and from 1853 of 147,804,421 feet; and an increase in shingles from 1854 of 33,207 M .; of staves, 4,449,594 pounds. The amount of lumber surveyed at Bangor, the great lumber market of Maine, for the year ending December 31,1855, compared with the amount surveyed dur ing the years 1853 and 1854, is as follows:— Green pine................................................ Dry pine.................................................... Spruce....................................................... Hemlock, A c............................................ 1851 82,540,021 9,944,690 78,087,096 12,370,477 T o ta l............................................ 182,942,284 1854. 84,638,751 8,808,048 53,564,196 12,580,342 169,591,337 1855. 115,288,836 7,737,321 78,887,288 10,305,753 211,669,193 Deducting less amount surveyed down the river, 5,426,801, leaves a total of 206,242,392. The survey of 1855 is larger than that of any former year except 1848, when it wyent up to 213,000,000. In Maine, the business for the year has been disastrous, prices ruling so low as to be below the cost of production, and involving many of the dealers in bank ruptcy. THE MACKEREL FISHERY OF MASSACHUSETTS, This branch of productive industry, according to the returns of the InspectorGeneral for 1855, has declined considerably since 1851, when the number inspected amounted to 329,278 barrels. The number of barrels of the different qualities, from No. 1 to 4, for 1855, is given in the following1table:—Boston......................................... bbls. Barnstable.................................. B ev e rly ...................................... ....... Chatham................................... ......... Cohasset...................................... Dennis......................................... ........ Gloucester................................ Harwich ................................... ....... H ingham ................................. ....... Newburyport ......................... ....... Provincetown ......................... R ock p ort ................................. Truro .......................................... 'W ellfleet ................................. ____ Yarmouth ............................... ....... Total....................................... No. 1. 6,047f 84 2361 723£ 14,7181 1,0771 420f 1,5171 1,919 95f No. 3. No. 4. 14,813 217 274 7351 2,767|3,2431 41,511 4,0801 3,0261 5,915|2,4271 2,5301 1,564 7,6021 418 22,7061 2241 106 2,1841 5,8481 4,660 16,5321 6,5461 4,939f 5,803§ 3,264f 2,3141 3,576 11,018 5861 368| 91,1251 90,301f 1,338# No. 2. .... 2 .... 58 104 3411 321 64 4 37 .... 17 308 2 363 Commercial Statistics. The comparative number of barrels of mackerel inspected for the undermen tioned twenty-four years has been as follows:— 1855 ........... 1 8 5 4 ........ 1853 ........... . . 1862 ........ 1 8 5 1 ........ 1850 ___ 1849 ........ 1848 ......... 211,952 133,340 329,278 231,856 300,130 1847 ......... 1846 ......... 1845 ........... 1844 ......... 1843 ......... 1842 ......... 1 8 4 1 ......... 11840 ........... 282,581 174,064 202,303 64,451 55,537 50,902 1839 1838 1837 1836 1835 1834 1833 1832 73,018 108,538 138,157 176^931 194,450 252,884 ........... ........... ........... ........... ........... ........... ........... ........... 212,452 TH E LOUISVILLE TOBACCO MARKET, The Commercial Review, established during the last year, is a small but very handsomely printed sheet, and edited with evident ability. A late number con tains a comprehensive review of “ Louisville, as a Tobacco Market,” from which we derive the interesting table below, which we are assured by the editor of the Review was prepared with great care and, as will be seen, with considerable labor. It shows the price at which every hogshead of tobacco -was sold in that market during the year 1855. A s the compiler remarks, this table will be valuable for future reference :— Hhds. Price. I Hhds. 1........ . . . $ 3 )5 310......... . . . 210... . 3 ......... 3 ........ 217......... 6......... 220......... 4 ........ 211......... 8 ......... . . . 4 10 378......... . . . i ........ . . . 4 1 5 2 1 2 . . . . . . . i ......... . . . 4 20 170........ 4 ........ . . . 4 25 167......... 5 ........ . . . 4 30 159 ....... . . . 5 ......... . . . 4 35 239 ....... . . . 5 ....... . . . 4 40 210 ....... 8 ......... 198......... . . . 17......... 190......... . . . 5 ....... . . . 4 55 168 ....... . . . 23 ....... . . . 4 60 281 ....... . . . 18 ....... . . . 4 65 218 ....... . . . 25 . . . . . . . 4 7 0 1 9 5 ... . . . 51........ . . . 4 75 210 ....... . . . 51......... . . . 4 80 175........ . . . 48........ . . . 4 85 232........ 46 ___ . . . 4 90 175 ....... . . . 6 1 ....... . . . 4 95 175 ....... . . . 150....... . . . 5 00 165 ....... . . . 86 ....... . . . 5 05 207 . . . . . . . 67......... . . . 5 1 0 380 ....... . . . *73....... . . . 5 15 210 ....... . . . 72........ . . . 5 2 0 140......... . . . 92 ....... 100 ....... 94 ....... . . . 5 30 105 ....... 83 ....... . 5 35 1 7 8 ... . . . 100....... . . . 5 40 1 2 0 ....... . . . 89 ....... . 5 45 1 0 0 ....... . . . 17o n o ....... . . . 152. . . . 5 55 7 7 ......... . . . 151........ . . . 5 60 130 ....... . . . 242 ....... __ 5 65 147 ....... . . . 232......... . . . 5 70 i n ....... Price. $ 5 75 6 00 6 05 6 20 6 25 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 6 6 6 6 7 7 7 80 85 90 95 00 05 10 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 Hhds. 195___ 7 7 .... 1 8 1 .... 86___ 8 9 .... 53___ 85 ___ 175 . . . 7 5 ___ 53___ 5 8 ... 58___ 7 0 .... 59 ___ 89 ___ 41 ___ 30 ___ 1 1 0 .... 5 1 ___ 60___ 2 9 .... 35 ___ 4 5 ___ 50 ___ Price. ... ... ... 775 6 ... 7 so 7 85 ... 7 95 ... 8 05 810 8 15 8 20 8 25 8 30 8 35 8 40 8 45 8 50 8 55 8 60 8 65 8 70 8 75 8 80 8 85 8 90 8 95 9 00 9 05 9 10 9 15 5 ___ 1 1 .... 5 ___ 5 ___ 5 .... 5 ___ 2 3 .... 6 ___ 2 ___ 4 ___ 1 ___ 6 ___ 2 ___ 2 ___ 3 ___ 1 1 .... 2 ___ 1 ___ 4 ___ 3 ___ 4 ___ 2 . .. . ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 2 ___ . . . 2 2 ___ . . . 28___ .. . 7 8 . .. . . . . 24 ___ . . . 24 ___ . . . 8 ___ . . . 1 2 ... ... 35 ___ . . . 25___ . . . 1 5 .. . . . . . 13 ___ . . . 5 ___ . . . 20.... Hhds. 1 9 ___ . . . 9 ___ 9 20 9 25 9 30 935 9 40 9 45 ... 10 05 ... ... ... 10 15 10 20 10 25 ... ... 10 35 10 40 .... .... ... ___ 1 ___ 1 ___ 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 9 95 ... 3___ 1 ___ 4 ___ . . . 4 ___ 3 . . .. 2 ___ . . . 1 ___ 1 ___ 1 1 1 P rice $9 9 9 9 9 9 9 10 65 10 85 1125 12 00 14 00 364 Commercial Statistics. PRICES OF W H EA T AND FLOUR AT CLEVELAND, OHIO, IN 1855. The Commercial Gazette, a reliable journal, recently established at Cleveland, devoted to the mercantile interests of that region, furnishes the data for the fol lowing table, showing the value of brcadstuffs in Cleveland each week from July 1, 1855, to January 1, 1856 :— Date. July 2 .................... ............. 9..................... 16..................... 23..................... 30..................... August 6................... ............. 13.................... 20..................... 27..................... September 3..................... 10..................... 17..................... 24..................... October 1................... 8..................... 15..................... 22..................... 29..................... November 5................... 12..................... 19..................... 26..................... December 3..................... 10..................... 17..................... 24..................... 31..................... Wheat. $1 80 a 75 a 75 a 70 a 65 a 1 60 a 50 a 40 a 37 a 37 a 30 a 30 a 35 a 40 a 48 a 50 a 60 a 64 a 60 a 68 a 70 a 70 a 70 a 63 a 60 a 54 a 60 a 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 $9 9 9 8 8 8 8 7 7 6 6 7 7 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 7 00 90 85 85 75 70 60 50 50 50 42 42 56 60 60 65 70 75 75 78 80 80 80 75 70 65 57 Flour. 00 a 10 00 a 10 00 a 10 75 a 10 00 a 9 00 a 9 00 a 9 60 a 8 38 a 8 75 a 8 60 a 8 00 a 8 00 a 8 00 a 8 12 a 8 75 a 8 75 a 9 12 a 9 12 a 9 12 a 9 12 a 9 38 a 9 25 a 9 00 a 9 00 a 9 00 a 9 50 a 8 26 25 25 25 00 00 00 50 50 50 00 00 00 25 25 76 00 00 00 00 00 25 25 25 25 00 75 The range of prices for wheat is given for common to prime qualities of Medi terranean, red, mixed, and white, from cars and boats, also from store. The range for flour is for common superfine to best extra and fancy brands. The greatest range — for wheat, §1 30 a $2 ; flour, §6 50 a $10 25. Average range of wheat, $1 56 a $1 75 ; flour, $7 92 a $8 27. Average value of wheat, $1 56 ; flour, $8 45. TH E EAST INDIA AND PACIFIC TRADE. The whole number of arrivals and clearances of the principal ports o f the Uni ted States to and from the East Indies, from January 1,1855, to January 1,1856, is as follows :— ARRIVALS. 100 New York........... Total................ 59 . Providence............ . 6 4 At Philadelphia... 5 . 114 CLEARANCES. From Boston.............. New York ____ New Orleans .. Philadelphia.. „ *76 50 25 Baltimore......... Providence....... 8 4 New London... 4 3 1 1 1 1 Charleston... Savannah... i Total.......... 175 i The arrivals and clearances to and from ports in the Pacific during the same time are as follows 365 Postal Department. ARRIVALS. At Boston................... New York.............. Baltimore............... Norfolk................... 18 38 48 19 From New Y o r k .. . . Boston............. Philadelphia.. Baltimore........ New Orleans . 113 95 10 7 3 At New London.......... New Bedford......... Alexandria............. Philadelphia......... 6 2 4 10 At New Orleans... . 1 Total............. 146 3 2 1 1 1 From Providence. . . Jacksonville.. 1 1 Total............. 287 CLEARANCES. From Norfolk................ Savannah........... Portsmouth........ B a th ................... Wilmington, N. C. POSTAL D EPA R TM EN T. UNITED STATES PO ST OFFICE DEPARTM ENT. The annual report of Postmaster-General Campbell, accompanying the Presi dent’s Message, and communicated to Congress in January, 1856, is an interesting document. This report shows a net increase of 862 post-offices during the year ending 30th of Juno, 1855— the whole number of offices at that date being 24,410, and on the 30th of November, 24,770. On the 30th of June last there were 7,033 mail routes, at an estimated length of 277,908 miles. The total annual transportation of mails was 67,401,166 miles, costing $5,345,238. Compared with the previous year there is an increase of 3,397,025 miles of transportation of about per cent, and of $675,221 cost, or about 14 4-100 per cent. The in crease by railroad service is 3,483,132 miles; by modes not specified, 3,575,177 miles— while the transportation by coaches is less by 2,325,628 miles, and by steamboat 1,335,656. This change results mainly from the reletting of contracts in many of the Southern and Western States and Territories. On the 30th of June last there were in service 319 route agents at a compensation of $235,170 65 ; 29 local agents at $19,328 ; and 981 mail messengers at $100,471 65, making a total of $354,970 30 to be added to the cost of transportation. This makes the total amount for the current year, $5,824,989 30, which will probably be increa sed to $6,000,000 by new services and routes. The cost of foreign mail service, not included here, amounts to $611,467. The expenditures of the department for the last fiscal year are $9,968,342, and the gross revenue derived from postages (inland and foreign) is $6,642,136 13, which, adding to the aunual appropriations made in compensation of mail service to the government, by the acts of 3d March, 1849, and 3d March, 1851, amount to $7,342,136 13. Deducting the balance against the United States, due to for eign powers, for postal accounts, from the above, the actual gross revenue of the department, for the year ending 30th June, 1855, wall be $7,335,177. The gross revenue of 1854, after deducting foreign balances, amounted to $6,816,651 61, making a difference in favor of 1855 of $518,519 10. The excess of expenditure for 1855 over that of 1854 is $2,622,206 16. The condition of the department goes to show that the rates fixed by the act o f 3d March, 1851, will not enable the department to sustain itself by its own resources. The expenditure of the department for 1856 is estimated at $10,199,024, and the means available the same year $9,010,873, leaving a deficiency of $1,188,151 to be provided for. 366 Postal Department. Keference is again made to the fact that the Collins line of steamers receives from government $858,000 for twenty-six trips, while the British government paid the Cunard line $866,700 for fifty-two trips, which, in the opinion of the Post master-General is amply sufficient. R EV EN U E FROM L E T T E R S AND N EW SPA PER S BY OCEAN STEAM SHIPS, W e give below a carefully prepared table showing the revenue derived from postages by the Cunard, Collins, Bremen, Havre, and California mail steamers. These figures, from successive reports of the Post-Office Department, show the business done by the steamers during the last four years. The figures show the amount of postage paid, and the entire correspondence, in both directions :— REVENUE FROM POSTAGES BY OCEAN STEAMERS. GO 1852. 1853. Cunard . . . . Collins........ Bremen....... Havre.......... California ., .................... 195,907 $ 5 9 8 ,7 1 7 310,362 100,370 100,170 271,714 $ 7 0 1,409 307,917 138,037 94,778 338,839 $516,828 5 04,694 130,663 96,329 328,956 Total. $2,382,527 1,351,841 446,280 372,801 1,135,416 T otal..,.................... $ 1 ,1 4 8 ,3 7 2 $1 ,3 8 1 ,3 3 3 $1 ,5 8 0 ,9 8 0 $1,577,460 $5,688,145 185 5. LETTERS SENT AND RECEIVED BY OCEAN STEAMERS. 18® . Cunard . . . . .................... Collins......... Bremen....... .................. Havre.......... California . . .................. $2 ,7 5 8 ,0 9 6 354,470 1,694,909 Total... 1853. 1854. 1855. $ 2 ,7 7 4 ,4 2 4 $3 ,1 0 7 ,5 0 8 1,018,345 1,210,326 412,117 812,067 4 0 6 ,126 371,055 2,777,802 3,060,221 $2,161,232 1,744,315 840,218 436,562 2,917,186 Total. $10,801,259 4,936,678 2,418,872 1,569,032 10,350,118 $7 ,3 8 8 ,8 1 3 $8,099,513 $30,065,959 $8 ,5 6 1 ,1 7 7 NEWSPAPERS SENT AND RECEIVED BY OCEAN STEAMERS. 18® . 1853. Cunard . . . . .................. Collins......... $ 9 4 2 ,9 5 0 $1 ,0 3 4 ,1 6 3 305,045 36,768 4,987 $ 1 ,5 9 6 ,3 2 4 $ 1 ,395,425 1,286,540 6 3 9 ,720 268,623 144,493 268,142 156,011 3,540,666 3,869,313 T otal... .................. $ 1 ,2 2 3 ,9 2 4 $1 ,3 8 0 ,9 6 3 $ 6 ,0 7 7 ,2 1 4 1854. 1855. $7,088,043 Total. $4,968,862 2,512,279 449,884 429,140 7,409,979 $15,770,144 POSTAL MONOPOLY TO BE ABOLISHED IN FRANCE. The Paris correspondent of the North American writes:— “ There are hopes at last of getting rid, at Havre, of a monopoly which has been the plague of all seafaring men frequenting that port since 1776. By pre scriptive right, the whole of the business between the authorities and British and American captains, has been ever since that period transacted by four marine clerks, or courtiers, as they are called. The consequence has been for a long time a deplorable delay in business, and waste of time to all masters of vessels. The British have at last petitioned the authorities here, through their ambassador, and the Americans have gone still more directly to work and petitioned the emperor himself, to rid them of this nuisance, and increase the number of clerks, or throw open the business to all alike. “ The consequence of the recent postal arrangement between this country and 367 Railroad, Canal, and Steamboat Statistics. England is, that newspapers are now delivered in Paris free of cost, whether com ing only from Great Britain, or merely via Great Britain from America and the Transatlantic States. This is a great boon to American correspondents, pre viously subjected to a very heavy and very arbitrary postage. In future, all printed matter is to be transmitted between the two countries at the rate of eight centimes.” R A ILR O A D , C A N A L , A N D S T E A M B O A T STA TIS TIC S . TH E P R E S E N T AND FU TU R E OF AMERICAN RAILROADS. AMOUNT OF CAPITAL, NET EARNINGS, AND PRICES OF STOCK OF SUNDRY RAILROADS. Net earnings. Capital. Baltimore and O h io ............... §13,000,000 Boston and Worcester........... 4,500,000 Boston and Providence......... 3,160,000 Camden and A m b o y ............. 1,500,000 New York and Erie............... 10,500,000 H udson.................................... 3,740,000 New Jersey............................. 2,200,000 Philadelphia and Baltimore . 5,000,000 Reading.................................... 6,600,000 6,581,000 Michigan Central................... Michigan Southern................. 3,597,000 Cleveland and Pittsburg........ 2,000,000 Columbus and Cincinnati. . . . 3,930,000 Cincinnati and Dayton........... 2,100,000 Buffalo and State Line........... 1,100,000 4,227,000 Boston and Maine................... Eastern, Massachusetts.......... 2,850,000 Fitchburg.................................. 3,540,000 Little Miami............................. 2,688,000 Madison and Pennsylvania... 1,650,000 Uhio and Pennsylvania.......... 2,224,000 Pennsylvania Central.............. 9,770,000 Providence and W orcester... 1,457,000 632,000 Terre H a u te ........................... Total............................... . 1854. ISfiS. $798,000 $1,472,000 413,000 342,000 226,000 100,000 478,000 552,000 2,806,000 1,800,000 338,000 603,000 316,000 440,000 541,000 353,000 1,251,000 2,140,000 582,000 879,000 586,000 876,000 123,000 267,000 611,000 483,000 202,000 275,000 Opened. 299,000 338,000 420,000 241,000 346,000 232,000 272,000 314,000 352,000 268,000 662,000 617,000 1,977,000 140,000 120.000 71,000 159,000 $98,486,000 10,338,000 Prices of stock. 1 8 5 2 -8 .. 98 105 99 149 85 76 132 36 97 106 118 93 122 102 130 102 91 94 118 78 96 93 83 108 1855. 56 87* 65| 128 52 34| 124 24 91 97 97 70 101 85 118 94 49 75 97 45 82 88 79 107 16,343,000 The above table is worthy the careful consideration of all concerned in existing railroads, most of whom must have suffered by the fall that has already taken place, and all of whom may be supposed to feel some desire to know what is to be expected in time to come. It is here shown that roads whose stock, two or three years since, would have sold for a hundred millions of dollars, would recently— and before the tremendous fall—have sold for but seventy-five millions, and that thus their owners have al ready realized a loss of one-fourth in the exchangeable value of their property, while the maintenance of even the present value is wholly dependent upon the course of events in Europe. The whole amount of capital invested in roads throughout the Union, i3 not less than seven hundred millions, and if we take the above table as the basis of calculation, the total loss already experienced must have been not less than a hundred and seventy millions, with every prospect that, before the lapse of two years more, it will reach three hundred millions. 368 Railroad, Canal, and Steamboat Statistics. This enormous loss, too, has occurred at a time when the receipts from Califor nia have averaged a million of dollars per week, or more than fifty millions of dol lars a year. Three years since it was supposed that such a receipt would have the effect of greatly enhancing the price of all dividend yielding securities, and yet cotemporaneously with this enormous influx of the precious metal, the prices of such securities have fallen so much as to have ruined a considerable portion of those by whom they were then held. T o what is due this extraordinary course of things ? Is it to diminish receipts of the roads ? Certainly not. The table shows that the net receipts of last year were greater by almost 50 per cent than those of the year before. NEW ENGLAND RAILROAD STOCKS IN BOSTON. The following table, compiled from the generally accurate reports of Mr. M a r gives the prices at or near the 1st of January in 1855 and 1856, the highest and lowest rates at which sales were made in the Boston market in 1855, the num ber of shares sold, & c.:— tin , Railroads. Boston and Lowell........... Boston and Maine............ Boston and Providence... Boston and Worcester.. . Cheshire (preferred) . . . . Concord ............................. Con. & Montreal (pref.). . Connecticut River,............. Eastern............................. Erie (New Y ork )............. Fitchburg........................... Grand Junction................ Illinois Central.................. Manchester & Lawrence.. Michigan Central.............. Nashua and Lowell.......... New York Central........... Northern (New H am p.). . Ogdensburg....................... Old Colony & Fall River . Passumpsic....................... Portland and Saco........... Reading............................. South Shore....................... Stonington......................... Vermont Central.............. Vermont and Canada . . . Vermont and Massachus’s W estern ............................ Wilmington....................... Worcester and Nashua . . Shares < ■ — 1855.— » sold in 1855. 1856. Par. Highest. Lowest. 1855. Jan. 2. Jan. 2. 80 60 83 75 500 63 96 100 1011 8 3 f 4,241 84 61 61 100 75 1,593 64 88 100 951 8 6 1 2,723 85 274 26 100 2 7 J 16 18 5 3 J 40 1,722 50 421 50 40 258 68 100 58 87 60 50 50 100 162 52 58 46 60 46 100 2,657 56 39 None. 39 100 50 86 791 100 7 1 f 2,951 7 41 18 22 25 100 37 143 92 100 98 443 91 97 55 62 61 100 73 379 80 100 104 71 91 3,867 100 100 1031 80 91 82 82 82 100 103 27 91 35 35 100 46 1,372 3 91 8 50 21 16,708 21 6* 100 9 0 1 71 71 84f 2,627 100 25 12 20 None. 12 85 90 100 94 218 90 35 86 100 48 15 46 8 25 8 7 378 7 100 45 None. 60 591 44 1 1 50 36,536 41 If 442 51 481 100 49 77 8 14,619 10 100 221 81 100 2,508 88 89 98 87 29 24 50 34 19 3,055 100 55 45 60 45 65 t— Dividends. Jan., 1855.— x 1856. 0 4 0 3 3 3 3 0 0 81 0 .. .. .. 0 0 3 3 0 2 3 3 3 3 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 6s. 3 4 0 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 O 3 0 3 4 0 0 8 0 3 3 4 0 21 0 0 0 SI 31 12 $2 0 0 4 6 .. .# .. 0 3 10s. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 i. 0 .. .. .. .. 0 .. 0 31 .. $2 RAILROAD AND CANAL TOLLS IN PENNSYLVANIA. The Annual Beport of the Canal Commissioners of Pennsylvania contains many interesting facts. From it we learn that the total receipts of the Columbia Bailroad amounted to $857,000, while those of the main line of canal amounted to $243,000. The total expenditures on all the public works are stated at $1,090,427, 369 Railroad, Canal, and Steamboat Statistics. and the total receipts at $1,913,121. The profits therefore amounted to $822,695. If we add the tonnage tax, $196,935, the aggregate profits will be $1,019,629. The increase of 1855 over 1854, was $103,186. The Delaware Division was par ticularly profitable, the net revenue for the year being $328,816. The commis sioners discuss the policy of selling the main line, and say that, “ if the past year's experience should be regarded as an index to the future, there would not seem to be much encouragement for the proposition.” They urge upon the legislature to to decide either one way or the other, and they argue “ that some definite action should be had,” in order to put an end to the suspense which has been hanging over the matter, to the prejudice of the revenue for the past two or three years. “ If,” they say, “ the ownership of the line should remain with the commonwealth, then policy would dictate that every effort should be exhausted to make it as pro ductive as possible.” STEAMBOAT DISASTERS ON TH E W EST ER N W ATERS. The Louisville Courier gives a statement of the serious disasters that have oc curred on the western waters during the last six months. The list details the loss of forty boats, the value of which is estimated at $1,170,500. These disasters in clude also the loss of thirty-five lives. The following is a summary of the disas ters for the entire year:— Snagged. Burnt. Collisions. Explosions. J a n u a r y to J u l y ...................................... J u ly to J a n u a r y ...................................... 41 19 14 16 10 3 6 2 T o t a l............................................. 60 80 13 8 The sum total amounts to the loss of 111 steamboats, exclusive of flat-boats, involving the loss of 107 lives, and property to the amount of $2,573,100. TRADE AND COMMERCE OF TH E NEW YORK CANALS. We usually publish in the pages of the Merchants' Magazine a tabular state ment of the Canal Commerce of New York, compiled directly from the official report which is made annually to the Legislature of the State. That document, has not yet been printed, but the subjoined statements, compiled from that report by the commercial editor of the Albany Evening Journal, is undoubtedly correct, and reliable. The tables below present some features worthy of notice. In the table of the products of animals, the figures show a falling off in pork equal to 68,576 bbls.; bacon, 8,772,000 lbs.; lard, tallow, &c., 7,316,000 lbs.; and an in crease in cheese of 3,832,000 lb s.; butter, 1,888,000 lbs.; and wool, 1,198,000 lbs. With the exception of the latter, the market value of all the articles named have ruled high the greater part of the season ; and during the fall our railroads were taxed to their utmost capacity in the conveyance of the articles above named. Up to the commencement of the fall trade, the receipts of flour were far behind those of the previous season, but the shipments afterwards were more liberal, and the result shows an increase of 40,703 bbls. The same can be said of wheat, for the figures show an excess of 1,902,466 bushels. By reducing the wheat to flour, we have an excess of the latter over last year of 421,196 bbls. The receipts of rye over last year were 448,033 bushels. Other grains show a falling off—corn equal to 3,495,787 bushels; barley, 210,751; and oats, 816,125. The increased VOL. X X X IV .-----NO. I I I . 24 I 370 , , Railroad Canal and Steamboat Statistics. receipts of both barley and oats, by railroad, have been more than made up by the falling off in the supply by canal. Perhaps it would not be out of place here to state that during the season of 1854, one of the weekly statements from the New York office reported the re ceipts of corn at that place for the week at over two millions of bushels. These figures were carried into the yearly return, and were doubtless nearly two millions of bushels in excess of the actual receipts. The annexed tables have been carefully compiled, and can be relied upon as being semi-official:—STATEMENT OF ALL THE PROPERTY WHICH CAME TO THE HUDSON RIVER BY THE ERIE AND CHAMPLAIN CANALS IN 1 8 5 4 AND 1 8 5 5 , AND THE QUANTITY OF EACH ARTICLE. THE FOREST. 1854. 68,000 1855. 44,000 4 7 2 ,3 1 7 .4 0 0 34,948 4 ,4 '6 ,0 5 0 178,936,000 15,123 26,196 1,103,018 404,543,400 71,344 3.158,400 199,784,000 10,187 12,184 877,805 139,194 52,825 18,362,000 5,6^4,000 2,354,000 16,804,000 3,130.000 202,000 53,956 70,618 67,130 9,530,000 9,506,000 4,212,000 9,458,000 4,328,000 452,000 39,198 1,219,453 3,523,800 184,333 12,839,572 160,704 1,895.208 5,353,125 16,576,501) 170,766 626,499 604,000 786,692 1,290,156 5,426,266 632,366 9,343,735 2 342 1,674,457 4,537,000 44,038,000 90,700 689,032 322,000 741,326 P u r and p e lt r y ........................ PRODUCT OF WOOD. B oards and s ca n tlin g ............. S h in g le s..................................... T im b er........................................ S ta v es ........................................ W o o d .......................................... A sh es— p o t and p ea rl . . . . T o ta l o f the fo r e st.................. ..................M. AGRICULTURE. PRODUCr OF ANIMALS. P o r k ............................................. B e e f............................................... Bacon .......................................... C h e e se .......................................... B u t t e r .......................................... Lard, tallow , and lard-oil . W o o l............................................. H id e s ............................................. T otal product o f anim als . . VEGETABLE FOOD. ..............b b ls. P l o u r .......................................... W h e a t .......................................... E y e ............................................... Corn-m eal .............................. B a r le y .......................................... Bran and ship stuffs............. Peas and beans..................... Dried fruit........................... Total vegetable food........... ALL OTHER Cotton.................................... Unmanufactured tobacco . . H e m p .................................... Clover and grass seed........ Flaxseed................................ H o p s ..................... ................ Total all other agricultural products Total agricultural products. A G R IC U L T U R A L PRODUCTS. 7 08,000 6,632,000 2,268,000 9 42,000 132,000 916,000 5,799 846,447 96,000 2,344,000 442,000 820,820 198,260 260,000 2,080 782,604 Railroad , Canal, and Steamboat Statistics. M ANU FACTURES. lions Domestic spirits................................................ gallons Oil-meal and cake.................................................. lbs. lbs. Leather.......................................................... Furniture...................................................... Bar and pig lea d ........................................... Pig-iron.......................................................... Bloom and bar iron....................................... Castings and ironware................................... Domestic woolens........................... ............. Domestic cottons........................................... Domestic salt................................................ Foreign salt.................................................. Total manufactures.................................................tons tons 1854. 2,292,400 13,622,000 6,216,000 770,000 852,000 12,316,000 14,340,000 1,784,000 306,000 1,310,000 7,770,000 564,000 40,082 37l 185 5. 1,180,800 11,144,000 6,886,000 1,276,000 2,796,000 31,120,000 14,982,000 2,096,000 372,000 6,034,000 6,034,000 58,000 44,844 M E R C H A N D IS E . .lbs. Sugar..................................... .................... Molasses........................................................ Nails, spikes, and horseshoes....................... Iron and steel .............................................. Flint enamel, crockery, and glassware........ All other merchandise................................... Railroad iron................................................ . Total merchandise.................................................. tons OTHER 14,632 2,000 8,000 6,510,000 1,874,000 400,000 22,978.000 346.000 15,559 168,000 137,514,000 10,130.000 85,804.000 3,576,000 201,936,000 219,564 2,223,743 126,000 158,838,000 6,878,000 36,066,000 232,000 149,422,000 174,781 1,895,693 4,582,000 9,342,000 334,000 13,576,000 A R T IC L E S . Live cattle, hogs, and sheep........................ Stone, lime, and cla y ................................... Gypsum........................................................ Mineral coal.................................................. Copper o r e .................................................. . Sundries........................................................ Total other articles....................................... Sum total...................................................... S TA TE M E N T O F A L L T H E P R O P E R T Y W H I C H C A M E C H A M P L A IN C A N A L S IN 1 8 5 4 A N D 1 8 5 5 , W I T H TO THE TH E HUDSON R IV E R B Y TH E E R IE AND E S T IM A T E D V A L U E O F E A C H A R T IC L E IN T H I S C IT Y . TH E FOREST. Fur and peltry.. V E G E TA B LE FOOD. 1851. 1855. $86,337 $16,827 PRODU CT OF W OOD. Boards & scant’g Shingles........... Tim ber............. Staves............... W ood................ Ashes— pot and p e a rl............. 8,495,426 124,674 927,958 826,243 83,083 7,634,709 283,808 645,322 898,974 53,680 959,549 362,250 Total.......... $11,502,270 $9,895,470 A G R IC U L T U R E . P R O D U C T O F A N IM A L S . $7,918,466 Total........ $35,832,937 $38,942,243 A L L O T H E R A G R IC U L T U R A L PR O D U C TS . P ork ................. $1,729,921 $1,408,234 Beef................... 524,681 658,903 Bacon ............. 1,646,138 951,411 Cheese............... 613,405 940.712 Butter............... 563,016 865,292 Lard, tallow, & 972,076 lard-oil......... 1,718,738 Wool.................. 1,493,556 1,091,335 Total.......... Flour................. $11,431.807 $12,496,336 Wheat............... 7,047,670 10,667,345 248,063 971,374 Rye.................... Corn................... 10,630,638 9,126,671 Corn meal.......... 773,760 11,221 Barley............... 2,128,718 2,217,019 Oats.......... . 2,676,567 2,276,912 Bran <fc ship-stuff 184,652 440,367 Peas A beans .. 250,621 222,787 Potatoes........... 407,182 480,248 Dried fruit . . . . 50,359 31,963 $7,386,636 Cotton............... Unmanufactur’d tob a cco......... H em p ............... Clover seed, Ac... Flaxseed............ Hops.................. $68,803 $10,846 1,191,500 156,756 84,335 4,587 322,699 312,820 83,207 38,287 13,7.42 50,104 Total.......... $1,828,580 $509,006 Tot. agriculture. $45,579,983 $46,837,885 372 Railroad, Canal, and Steamboat Statistics, M ANU FACTURES. Domes, spirits... Oil-meal ifc cake. Leather............. Furniture......... Bar & pig lead. . Pig-iron............. Bloom & bar ir’n Castings iron ware............... Domes, woolens. Domes, cottons. Domes, sa lt.. . . Foreign salt . . . TotaL. . . . . 1854. $773,865 385,879 1,292,365 77,094 58,548 182,809 461,103 1854. 412,043 1855. 68,245 30,061 4,071,749 31,689 40,043 6,017,984 10,890 $4,754,446 $6,417,596 O T H E R A R T IC L E S . 69,934 271,166 373,155 59,008 25,466 $4,020,393 M E R C H A N D IS E . Molasses.......... .. Nails, spikes, <fcc. Iron and steel. . 1855. F lin t-en a m el, $549,642 crockery, and 241,249 crockery ware 1,908 579 Oth. merchand.. 124,124 Railroad iron. . . 194,622 558,322 Total.......... 423,250 $208,904 40,958 77,706 Live cattle, hogs, $5,026 $6,336 and sheep.. . . 116,454 37,900 Stone, lime, and 1,029,128 962,008 clay................ 391 13,755 20,261 G ypsum ........... 107,456 385,415 $4,273,197 Mineral coal___ 67,586 798,190 Copper ore........ 6,739,528 4,162,689 Sundries........... $120 Total.......... $6,263,589 $6,953,789 303 55 Grand total.. $72,120,681 $74,317,937 279,956 The following table shows the comparative tonnage and estimated value of property which came to the Hudson River in the years named :— Years. Tons. 1853 ......... 1854............ 2,505,797 2,223,743 Value. Years. 173,688,004 11855........... 73,120,681 | Tons. 1,895,693 Value. $74,377,937 The number of tons of property going from tide-water was as follows :— 1853................ 584,141 | 1854................ 531,831 |1855................. 504,696 And the total tonnage to and from tide-water— 1853............ 3,089,938 |1854............. 2,755,574 |1856 ............. 2,400,289 The amount of tolls received on the canals was— In 1853.......... $3,204,718 I In 1854.......... $2,773,566 |In 1855.......... $2,805,076 The above exhibits a falling off in tonnage and an increase of tolls over the previous season. This is accounted for in the fact that the shipments of property paying a high rate of tolls exceeded those of 1854, while, at the same time, there has been a large falling off in those paying a mere nominal toll. STEAM COMMUNICATION BETW EEN EU ROPE AND AMERICA. In and after May, 1856, fifteen gigantic mail steam-packets will leave Europe monthly for the American continent, v iz.: seven English packets, four United States, three Belgian and one Portuguese. Fourteen of these will start from or touch at England, the Portuguese packet being the single exception ; eight of the fourteen steamers will start from Southampton, and the remaining six from Liver pool. These mail packets will cross the Atlantic by three different routes, which will terminate on the American side at the Brazils, Central America, and the United States; Rio de Janeiro will be the most Southern point touched at by them, and Halifax, in Nova Scotia, the most northern point. In connection with these Atlantic lines, there will be nearly twenty tributary ones, some of them as long as the Atlantic lines themselves. By these the whole of the American con tinent, down so far south as the River Plate, on the eastern side of the great con Railroad, Canal, and Steamboat Statistics. 373 tinent, and from Peru to California, in the Pacific; also the whole of the adjacent islands, including those of the West Indies, will be supplied with European corre spondence. STEAMBOAT ACCIDENTS IN 1855. The following table embraces the number of steamboat accidents which have occurred on the rivers, lakes, and bays of this country, and which have been at tended with loss of life and injury to persons during the year 1855, together with the number o f killed and wounded. W e also give a comparative table o f like accidents in 1854 :— January .......................................... F ebruary........................................ March.............................................. A pril................................................ May.................................................. June................................................. J u l y ................................................ August............................................. Septem ber...................................... October............................................ November...................................... Decem ber..................................... . -1855. f 1854.C ' A Accid’s. Kill’d. W’nd’d. Accid’s. Kill’d. Wound’d. 69 8 130 20 25 6 26 7 7 57 4 25 6 165 26 15 12 5 59 69 .. 3 24 4 7 12 22 1 1 1 . .. .. 23 6 10 6 4 22 13 .« 28 6 4 7 4 48 5 2 3 6 26 9 65 11 2 27 •• •• Total................................. 176 107 48 587 225 RAILROAD ACCIDENTS IN 1865. The following table shows the number of accidents, together with the number of killed and wounded, which have occurred on the various railroads of the Uni ted States during the past year, together with a comparative table of the number during 1854. The table contains a record of no accident which was not attended with loss of life or injury to person; neither does it embrace the great number of persons who have been killed and maimed by jumping from moving trains, at tempting to get on cars while they were in motion, being run over, & c.:— ,------------- m . --------------, , ------------- 1854.------------- , Accid’s. Killed. W’ nded. Accid’s. Killed. W ’ nded. January ......................... February....................... ............... March........................... A pril.............................. May............................................... June.............................................. July ................................................. August............................ September........................ October......................... . November..................... ............... December....................... Total................... 10 10 2 3 5 4 9 28 10 13 26 4 39 20 36 19 30 20 48 103 67 39 81 12 20 19 18 13 9 16 11 27 9 16 21 14 12 11 13 5 5 13 44 23 8 12 29 11 25 37 99 37 42 34 66 25 51 41 95 37 116 539 193 186 589 o 7 8 13 13 Included in the above, there have been killed during the year of the employees on railroads :—• Engineers. Firemen, 20 19 Conductors. 6 Brakemen. 16 374 Commercial Regulations. SPAFFORD’S SELF-ADJUSTING SIGNAL. S. M. F elton, Esq., President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, thus describes a new self-adjusting signal, invented by Mr. Spafford, the superintendent, and now in use on all the drawbridges of that road, between Balti more and Philadelphia •-— “ The motion of the lever which unlocks the draw changes the signal of safety to one of danger before the draw is unlocked ; and the motion of the lever which locks the draw when in proper position shows that the signal of safety cannot be shown except when the draw is in its right place, and securely locked. The sig nal has been subjected to all the tests considered necessary to prove its entire efficiency. The advantage of this signal over ordinary signals is that it is in reali ty a means of putting it out of the power of the draw tender to make a mistake, and thus cause an accident.” C O M M E R C IA L R EG U LA TIO N S. INSPECTION OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES IN LOUISIANA. W e give below the several sections of an act passed by the Legislature of Louisiana at its last session, relative to the inspection of weights and measures. This act was approved March 15, 1855, and repeals all laws contrary to its pro visions, except what is contained in the Civil Code and Code of Practice in that State :— AN ACT R E L A T IV E TO TH E I N S P E C T IO N OF W E IG H T S AND M EASURES. 1. That the Governor, at the expense of the State, shall procure or cause to be procured, one complete set of copper weights, to correspond with weights of their like denomination used by the revenue officers of the United States in their offices, together with scales for said weights, and a stamp or seal, with such devices as the Governor may deem proper ; as also one complete set of measures, calculated for dry, liquid, and long measures, of the same capacity and length as those of their like denomination used by such revenue officers aforesaid ; which set of weights and measures, together with the scales and stamps, shall be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State, to serve as a general standard of weights and measures in this State. S ec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the Governor to nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint for each of the four districts of the city of New Orleans a suitable person as a sealer of weights and measures, and he shall appoint in like manner a person in each of the respective parishes of this State, each of whom shall hold the office for the term of two years. S ec. 3. That it shall be the duty of the person thus appointed to visit all places of business in their district or parish for which they are appointed, once in each year, and at any other time, when on complaint or by request, their services may be required, and to inspect all weights and measures used in the places of business, and when found to correspond with the standard of the State, to seal them or to give them a written certificate of their correctness; but when found to disagree with the standard of the State, the inspector shall forbid their further use until they shall have been corrected, approved, and sealed. It shall also be the duty of the inspectors to attend upon all calls made upon them for performing the duties of their office. S ec. 4. That it shall be the duty of each inspector to see that no other weights and measures but those established bylaw bo made use of within the limits of this State, and in case of negligence or breach on the part of the inspector, he shall be S e c t io n Commercial Regulations. 375 condemned to pay a fine not exceeding $200, nor less than $100. The Common Council of New Orleans are authorized to pass regulations or ordinances relative to the police of weights and measures, to insure within the city of New Orleans the execution of this law. Sec. 5. That each parish, as soon as practicable, shall be provided at the ex pense of such parish, with a set of weights and measures, and a stamp conformably to those hereinbefore set forth, the same to be kept by the parish recorder. Sec. 6. That the inspector for the four districts of the city of New Orleans shall procure a set of weights and measures at the expense of the city. Sec. 7. That the appointed sealer of weights and measures shall be entitled to and receive the following fees:— For each yearly visit and inspection of a full set of steelyards, or of scales with their weights, or of balances with their weights, or of a bushel measure and its parts, or of a gallon measure and its parts, or of a set of yard-sticks, they shall re ceive 25 cents and no more; for sealing each weight and measure, 5 cents; for the examination of each platform scale, cotton and tobacco scale, and its appara tus, 50 cents, and for sealing the same, 50 cents. The fees in all cases to be paid by the owners of the weights and measures inspected and sealed. The stamp shall be impressed, and payment required for doing the same only on such as have not been stamped, or such as having once been stamped, are found so defective as to require to be regulated with the standard. Sec. 8. That in case of vacancy by death or resignation, the Governor shall have power to appoint. Sec. 9. That the inspectors only shall have the power to stamp weights and measures, and upon the stamp shall be the initials of the inspector’s name. Sec. 10. That no person shall buy or sell any commodity whatsoever, by weight or measure, which does not correspond with the aforesaid standard, or are not stamped after the said parishes have procured the standard of weights and meas ures as aforesaid ; nor shall keep any such weights or measures for the purpose of buying or selling thereby, under the penalty of $50 for each offense; besides the forfeiture of the weights and measures found to be false, and of a fine of $10 when the weights and measures shall be found to be just though not stamped ; said fine to be recovered before any tribunal of competent jurisdiction— one-half to the benefit of the informer, and the other half to the parish in which the offender re sides. All weights and measures seized shall be forfeited for the benefit of the stamper, who shall not return them into circulation until he has made them con formable to his standard. Sec. 11. That whoever shall make, or cause to be made use of, or shall utter false stamps or seals, shall, on conviction thereof, be subjected to all the pains and penalties of forgery under the laws of the State. Sec. 12. That it is forbidden to sell, or cause to be sold, measures and weights unless they have been tried and stamped by persons appointed for that purpose, under the penalties imposed by the second preceding section. Sec. 13. That the person appointed to inspect and seal weights and measures may employ assistance when necessary, at their own expense, but shall not com mit their functions to a substitute without being subject to dismissal from office by the Governor. Sec. 14. That there shall be in this State, a dry measure, to be known under the name of barrel, which shall contain three-and-arquarter bushels, according to the American standard, and shall be divided into half and quarter barrels. Sec. 15. That coal shall be sold by the barrel or bushel measure ; grain shaH be sold by the barrel, bushel, or weight. The legal weight of a bushel of wheat shall be 60 pounds; of a bushel of corn, 56 pounds ; of a bushel of oats, 32 pounds ; of a bushel of barley, 32 pounds ; and of a bushel of rye 32 pounds. Sec. 16. That it shall be the duty of each inspector in the city of New Or leans to make quarterly returns, under oath, to the Treasurer of the State, of all the moneys collected for fines, together with a written statement thereof. Commercial Regulations. 376 TH E DUTIES OF HARBOR-MASTERS IN NEW ORLEANS DEFINED. The Legislature of Louisiana, at its last session, passed the following act regu lating and defining the duties of harbor-masters in New Orleans. This act was approved by the Governor on the 15th of March, 1855, and is now in force :— A N A C T T O R E G U L A T E A N D D E F I N E T H E D U T I E S O F H A R B O R -M A S T E R S . 1. That it shall be the duty of the Governor to nominate, and by and with the consent of the Senate, appoint four harbor-masters for the port of New Orleans, who shall hold their office for two years; one of whom shall be assigned to each district, designating at the time of his nomination the district to which he shall be assigned. Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the harbor-master for the Fourth District to give a bond with two sufficient securities in the penal sum of two thousand dol lars, and the harbor-masters of the other districts to give bond with sufficient se curities in the penal sum of two thousand five hundred dollars, conditioned for the faithful performance of the duties required of them by law. S ec. 3. That the harbor-masters in case of sickness or temporary absence shall have power to appoint a deputy. Sec. 4. That the harbor-masters in their respective districts shall have power to demand and receive from the commanders, owners, or consignees, or either of them, of every vessel that may enter the port of New Orleans, and load, unload, or make fast to the levee, within the said limits, at the rate of three cents per ton, to be computed from the tonnage expressed in the register of such vessels, respec tively, and no more. This shall not extend to chalons, flats, or keel-boats, which are employed in the river trade, unless, upon the application of the person having charge of such chalon, flat, or keel-boat so employed, the said harbor-master shall interfere and adjust any difference respecting the situation or position of such flat or boat, which difference the harbor-master is authorized to hear and determine, in which case he may demand and receive from the party in default in the premises the sum of two dollars for every difference so adjusted, and no more. The harbor master of the district within which a vessel shall first moor, and commence dis charging, shall be entitled to receive the fees herein allowed. Sec. 5. That each harbor-master shall keep an exact account o f the fees by him received, and shall, at the end of every quarter, make out and deliver to the treas urer of the city of New Orleans, a detailed account or statement, under oath, of the sums by him received, together with the dates when, and names of the vessels from which the same were collected. The harbor-master of the Fourth District shall be entitled to deduct from each quarterly account seven hundred and fifty dollars for his compensation; and those of the other districts shall deduct from each quarterly account the sum of one thousand dollars. The balance, if any, shall be paid over to the treasurer of the city of New Orleans, to be applied to the maintenance of the wharves and other improvements within the limits of said c ity ; and it shall be the duty of the city controller to call upon the several har bor-masters for the port of New Orleans every three months for settlement. Sec. 6. That said harbor-master shall have authority to regulate and station all vessels in the stream of the river Mississippi, within the limits of the city, and at the levee thereof, and remove, from time to time, such vessels as are not employed in receiving and discharging their cargoes, to make room for such other as require to be more immediately accommodated, for the purpose of receiving or discharg ing theirs, and as to the fact of being fairly and bona fide employed in receiving or discharging their cargoes, the said harbor-masters are constituted the sole judges. And further, the harbor-master shall have authority to determine how far, and in what instances, it is the duty of the master and others having charge of ships and vessels to accommodate each other in their respective situations, and if any master or other person shall resist or oppose the harbor-master in the execution of tho duties of his office, he shall for each offense forfeit and pay the sum of fifty dol lars, to be sued for by the treasurer of the Charity Hospital of the city of New Orleans, for the use of said hospital. S e c t io n Commercial Regulations. 377 S ec. 7. That it shall also be their duty to superintend and enforce all laws of this State, and all laws of the city of New Orleans, for preventing and removing all nuisances whatsoever in or upon the levee of the city, within their respective districts. S ec. 8. That all laws contrary to the provisions of this act, and all laws on the same subject matter, except what is contained in the Civil Code and Code of Practice, be repealed. CUBA® COMMERCIAL DECREES. The following decrees of the Governor Captain-General, as Chief of the Treas ury of the Island of Cuba— the first exempting vessels taking mineral coal to that island from the payment of certain port dues, and the second in favor of vessels leaving ports of Cuba completely laden with molasses— were communicated to the Department of State by William H. Robertson, Esq., acting United States Con sul at Havana, and are published in the Merchants’ Magazine for the information of those whom they may concern:— NUMBER I. O F F IC E OF T H E G O V E R N O R C A T T A IN -G E N E R A L A N D S U P E R IN T E N D E N T O F T H E E X C H E Q U E R O F T H E E V E R F A IT H F U L IS L A N D O F CU BA. O ffice of t h e S e c r e t a r y o f t h e S u p e r in t e n d e n c y . Having examined these documents, the object of which is to declare, if in ac cordance with the royal order of 24th December, 1853, and subsequent one o f 16th November, 1854, the time granted by her majesty for the exemption from payment of duties to vessels that import coal into the island ; Having seen the reports of the Administration-General of Maritime Revenue, and of the Contaduria, the opinion of the Crown Attorney, the statements of the Intendency, and the consultation of the General Legal Adviser, I have resolved : 1. That the exemptions extended to vessels bringing mineral coal continue on the terms prescribed in the royal order of the 24th December, 1853, and the ex planatory one of the 16th November, 1854; and 2. That this measure remain in force until her majesty, having before her the documents, shall communicate to this Superintendency her sovereign will on the subject. Lay the subject before her majesty's government; communicate what may be convenient to the General Intendency, and let due notice be taken by the Superior Tribunal of Accounts for this territory; publishing the same in the Offi cial Gazelle for general information. Signed, JOSE DE LA CONCHA. Havana, 18th November, 1855. NUMBER II. 1. That in the exemption from duties within the effects of the royal dispositions, (2d of May, 1846, 8th and 17th of August, 1854,) are included all vessels leaving the ports of this island completely laden with molasses. 2. That by completely laden with molasses is to be understood vessels that have filled their gravity, sinking to the navigation line, though they may not have oc cupied all their capacity. 3. That the fact is to be made evident by the certificate of a competent person, vised by the respective captain of the port, stating if the vessel is, by her con struction, capable of receiving more cargo or not. 4. That the Administration of the Revenue shall be sure that the vessel has on board nothing but molasses. 5. That vessels not complying with the above requirements be considered as de prived of the privileges in question. Signed, JOSE DE L A CONCHA. Havana, 18th November, 1855. 378 Statistics o f Agriculture, etc. S TA TIS TIC S O F A G R IC U L T U R E , & c. AGRICULTURAL FAIRS AT PARIS. M . Rouher, the French Minister of Agriculture, Commerce, and Public Works, has issued a decree, providing for the holding of two annual exhibitions of do mestic animals, agricultural products, and machines, tools, and utensils, used in the cultivation of the earth. The exhibitions will be held at Paris in the months of May and June, 1856 and 1857, and will be open alike to natives and to for eigners, on equal terms. Liberal prizes in money, and medals, in gold, silver, and bronze, will be awarded to successful competitors, the sum of more than 150,000 francs having been appropriated to the payment of cash premiums alone, in each year. For animals the prizes range from 1,000 francs and a gold medal, for the best short-horn Durham bull, down to 25 francs for the fourth best pair of geese or ducks ; and for machines, &c., from a gold medal and 500 francs for the best reaping or mowing machine, to 75 francs and a bronze medal for some of the less important agricultural instruments. The following is a list of the principal pre miums offered in this latter department:— For the best plow, for all kinds of work......................................francs Best plow for deep plowing (at least ten in ch es)................................ Best plow for light soils............................................................................ Best plow for heavy and tenacious soils................................................ Best harrow................................................................................................. Best cultivator, scarifier, or extirpator.................... Best roller, or instrument for breaking sods.......................................... Best seed-sower for all kinds of seed...................................................... Best seed-sower for sowing broadcast, wheat, rye, (fee., and as far a9 possible spreading the manure with the seed................................... Best seed sower for beets, carrots, turnips, (fee...................................... Best collection of fanning tools................ Best reaping machine................ Best mowing machine............................................................................... Best steam-engine, of not more than six-horse power, capable of being applied to threshing machines or other agricultural u ses............... Best power thrashing machine (for large farm s)................................. Best power threshing-machine, (for small estates,) not requiring more than one or two horses......................................................................... Best hand-power threshing-machine....................................................... Best fans for winnowing grain.................................................................. Best vegetable cutter for cattle............................................................... Best vegetable cutter for sheep............................................................... Best straw-cutter....................................................................................... Best churn.................................................................................................. Bt<st horse cart, for all work..................................................................... Best wagon for one or two horses, for all work.................................... Best harness for farm use.......................................................................... Best balance for weighing animals, fodder, (fee., (for small estates).. . Best machine for making draining t ile s ................................................ Best collection of draining tools............................................................. 150 125 100 100 125 250 250 250 205 125 125 500 400 500 250 250 150 125 75 75 75 75 125 250 100 250 800 100 Five medals of gold, ten of silver, and others of bronze will accompany the prizes for instruments. A sum of 1,000 francs and silver medals will also be dis tributed to the foremen and workmen employed in the manufacture of prize in struments. Articles intended for the exposition will be conveyed to Paris from the French frontier at the expense of the government. Statistics o f Agriculture , etc. 379 The first exhibition will continue from the 23d of May to the 7th of June, 1856. Written notice of intention to send any article to the exhibition must be given at least six weeks before the opening. In foreign countries this notice may be given to a French minister or consul, and should set forth : 1, the name and use of the instrument, the space it will occupy, and the price of sale or manufacture ; 2, the name and residence of the exhibitor; 3, whether he has invented or improved the same, or has constructed it upon principles before known ; 4, if possible, the name of the workman w'ho made it should be given. If a power of attorney is given by the owner to another, for the purposes of the exhibition, it must be verified by a French minister or consul. AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES OF CALIFORNIA. Agricultural resources of the Golden State are rapidly being developed. These show that gold is not the only valuable product. The figures are derived from the Assessors’ returns for twenty-eight counties. This leaves out thirteen counties not yet heal'd from. One of the omitted counties is the most thickly populated in California. Cereals. The twenty-eight counties heard from show a total yield for 1855 of wheat, 2,554,726 bushels; of barley, 3,343,453 bushels; and of oats, 1,028,357 bushels. Whole number of acres reported under cultivation, 484,498. Y olo is the ban ner county for wheat and barley, the product being of wheat, 600,000 bushels; barley, 800,000 bushels. Alameda County produced 481,840 bushels oats. L i v e S t o c k . Cattle, 436,871 ; horses, 78,651 ; sheep, 128,315 ; hogs, 193,685 ; mules, 14,194. The greatest number of animals are set down for Los Angeles County, namely, cattle, 106,159 ; horses, 19,840 ; sheep, 28,538. F ruit. Partial returns from twenty-nine counties give 220,611 grape vines ; 191,210 peach trees ; 91,817 apple trees ; 11,873 pear trees ; and 63,091 of other fruit trees. In Alameda County we find reported 55,480 grape vines ; 89,449 peach trees; 49,670 apple trees ; and 29,203 of other fruit trees. Napa County reports 57,500 grape vines; 66,962 peach trees ; and 16,062 ap ple trees. The principal vine-growing counties are Napa, Alameda, Sacramento, Santa Clara, Sonoma and Mendocino, Yuba, Butte, and San Joaquin. Los Angeles County produced 44,004 cwt. of grapes; Sonoma and Mendocino, 50 tons ; San Bernardino, 202,800 pounds; and Butte, 12 tons. Peach trees are found in great abundance in the counties of Alameda, 89,449 ; Napa, 66,962 ; Sacramento, 27,102 ; Shasta, 3,247 ; and San Joaquin, 3,000. Apple trees are mainly confined to the counties of Alameda, 49,670 ; Napa, 15,405 ; Sacramento, 15,505 ; and Santa Cruz, 3,000. According to the San Francisco Herald of January 5, 1856, to which we ara indebted for most of the above statistics, the shipments during four months end ing October 31, from the southern counties at the port of San Pedro, alone amounted to 31,095 boxes grapes, value, $155,475 ; 1,036 boxes other fruit, value, $8,288 ; 330,000 pounds salt, value, $5,775 ; 139,316 pounds beans, value, $6,966 ; 38,006 pounds wool, value, $4,750 ; 158 tons other produce, value, $21,000. A g gregate, 2,395 tons of merchandise, value, $202,254. Statistics o f Agriculture, etc. 380 In twenty-one counties there are 70 flouring-mills, having 115 run of stone. In twenty counties there are 251 saw-mills. In the counties of Amador, Trinity, Santa Cruz, Shasta, Sonoma and Mendocino, and Yuba, the saw-mills are esti mated to be able to turn out 123,544,000 feet of lumber during the year. COMMERCIAL VALUE OF TH E HAY CROP OF TH E UNITED STATES. Among all the statistics with reference to the agricultural products of the Uni ted States, which have been given to the public, those setting forth the quantity of grass yearly cut and put into market, have been entirely overlooked. In at tending to this omission, Governor Wright, of Indiana, says that our grass crop is not properly appreciated. “ N o crop,” he says, “ approaches so nearly a spon taneous yield, and none affords so large a profit.” The hay crop of the United States in 1850 he estimates at 13,000,000 tons; that for 1855 he estimates at 15,000,000 tons, which is wortli 8150,000,000; while the whole cotton crop is valued at only §128,000,000. Of this crop more than half is produced by the four States, New York, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. The grass crop, which is used for pasturage, is at least as valuable ; so that single herb is worth annually over $300,000,000. In Pennsylvania the grass crop is set down in the census of 1850 as reaching in quantity 1,842,970 tons, which, at $20 per ton, would amount to $36,859,400. Of this quantity Berks County produced 33,257 tons; Butler, 95,842 tons ; Ches ter, 96,315 tons; Crawford, 70,784 tons; Lancaster, 96,134 tons; Montgomery, 98,701 tons; York, 50,760 tons, and the balance is distributed in unequal quanti ties among the other counties of the State. Philadelphia County produced 28,288 tons, which is a large yield, considering the area devoted to the raising of this product. But small as this amount may seem to be, its value is not inconsid erable. When computed at $20 per ton, the grass crop of this county in 1850 reached in value $565,700. Without the figures it would not be supposed that the grass crop in one State ig more valuable than that of wheat; yet such is the fact. In 1850 there was produced in all the counties of Pennsylvania 15,367,691 bushels of wheat. At $2 per bushel, which is a liberal allowance, this would amount to $30,735,332, leaving a balance of more than $6,000,000 in favor of the grass crop. This fact is worthy of attention. PHILADELPHIA CATTLE M ARKET. The following tabular statement presents the number of cattle received in Phil adelphia during each of the last eleven years, with the exception of the large num ber brought in by butchers, of which no account can be obtained :— Years. 1855....................... 1854....................... 1853....................... 1852....................... 1851....................... 1850....................... 1849....................... 1848....................... 1847....................... 1846....................... 1845....................... Beeves. ............... 71,200 ............... ............... ............... ............... 68,750 68,120 67,211 50,270 ............... 51,289 Cows. 11.530 15,350 15,100 14,420 15,400 15,120 14.320 14,108 16,700 14480 18,805 Swine. 65,300 78,000 53,300 49,200 46,700 46,900 46,700 47,690 22,450 18,670 26,455 Sheep. 132,500 61,000 72,300 81,200 83,000 82,500 77,110 76,820 67,800 55,810 56,948 Total. 264,530 227,750 212.600 216,020 214,200 213,270 206,250 206,829 147,220 136,460 153,506 Statistics o f Agriculture , etc. 38 1 AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS OF SCOTLAND, The Scottish agricultural statistics for the year 1855, voluntarily rendered and collected, for the second year, by the intelligent and public-spirited farmers of Scotland, show the following ascertained results, as contrasted with the estimates of M'Culloch and other writers :— Former estimates. W h e a t....................................qra. B arley.................................... Oats................................................ Beansandpeas............................. 1,225,000 1,800,000 6,500,000 150,000 9,675,000 Ascertained. 1851. 1855. 606,063 632,817 954,950 761,618 4,281,789 3,758,893 135,115 147,956 5,927,917 5,301.279 The potato crop in 1855 yielded 732,141 tons, against 529,915 tons in 1854. If the whole produce of the two last harvests in Scotland be reduced into tons weight, and potatoes be included, the result is found to be that there is very little difference between the two ; the year 1854 having yielded 1,532,004 tons of food for man and beast, and the year 1855, 1,592,604 tons. NEW MEXICAN SUGAR, It is said that almost all grains and vegetables which grow in the clear dry cli mate of Mexico are remarkable for their extraordinary sweetness. The common corn-stalk abounds in saccharine matter to such an extent as to furnish the native population with molasses, which, although hardly as good as the inferior molasses of Louisiana, might doubtless be much improved by a more perfect mode of man ufacture than that adopted by the Mexican population. The molasses is pur chased there by those who do not supply their own wants at a rate of $1 50 per gallon. The beet of New Mexico contains so unusual a quantity of saccharine matter, that the manufacture of beet-sugar is said to offer strong inducements to gentlemen of enterprise and capital to embark in the business. The only sugar which is brought to Santa Pe now, is transported from the Valley of the Missis sippi across a desert of nearly 900 miles in extent, and the cost of transportation increases its price about ten cents a pound, so that the most inferior kinds range from nineteen to twenty-five cents in value. PRODUCTION OF GRAIN IN ILLINOIS IN 18 5 5 . The Chicago Press says:— Upon the subject of the crop of 1855, we are in possession of direct information from some of the most intelligent men of the State, and from nearly every county in it, on which we venture the following estimate :—Indian corn.................................................................bushels Wheat...................................................................................... Oats, barley, and rye............................................................ 180,000.000 20,000,000 60,000,000 This estimate we believe to be under rather than over the actual result. I f any objection is urged against it, it will doubless be with respect to the corn crop, the figures for which are truly startling to those who have not duly considered the subject. A n observation extended over a large portion of the State last summer, together with a large mass of information obtained from others, warrants us in saying that the breadth devoted to corn last year was about four times as great as that of all other grains. Statistics o f Population, etc. 382 S T A T I S T I C S O F P O P U L A T I O N , &c. POPULATIOV OF CITIES A.YD TOWNS IV NEW YORK, 1855. W o are indebted to the Hon. E k a st u s B r o o k s , Senator from New York, for an official copy of the preliminary report upon the Census of the State of 1855, which was transmitted to the Legislature, January 3d, 185G. This report shows the total population of each town and ward, with the increase or decrease since the census of 1845, the number of voters, aliens, and persons of color not taxed, with the number upon which the representation in the State Legislature is based. Prom these tables it appears that the present population of the State is 3,470,059, being an increase of 372,005 since the United States census of 1850, and of 805,504 since the State census of 1845. It is distributed among 910 towns and 13 cities, the latter being subdivided into 110 wards. W e have compiled from this report for the Merchants’ Magazine the subjoined table, showing the population, &c., of all the incorporated cities and all the towns in the State with a population exceeding 5,000, arranging the cities and towns according to their numerical greatness :— P O P U L A T IO N OF T H E C IT IE S IN T H E S TA TE O F N E W Y O R K . Cities. N e w Y o r k ................ B r o o k l y n .................... B u f f a l o ...................... .. A l b a n y .................... .. R o c h e s t e r ................ .. T r o y ......................... . S y r a c u s e .................... U t i c a .......................... O s w e g o ..................... P o u g h k e e p s i e .......... A u b u r n ...................... S c h e n e c t a d y .............. H u d s o n ..................... T o t a l ................. .. Total population, Increase, 18 A 629,810 205,250 74,214 57.333 43,877 33,269 25,107 22.169 15.816 12,763 9,476 8,389 6,720 184 5. 258,587 132,481 44,441 16,194 18,612 11,623 1,143,893 502,201 since 9,979 4,082 3.305 1.834 1,063 P O P U L A T IO N O F T O W N S W I T H O V E R W a t e r v l i e t ................ K i n g s t o n ............................. Lockport ................... C h e n a n g o ................... New burg................... W e s t Farms.......... . Fishkill................... Rome........................ Hempstead............. . Oswegatchie............. B r o o k h a v e n .............. N e w t o w n .................. Saugerties.............. . P o m f r e t ..................... E l m i r a ........................ Cortlandt................ . O w e g o ...................... . 20,889 13.974 13.386 13,128 12.778 12,436 11,383 10.720 10,477 10,060 9.696 9.446 9,818 9.167 8,486 8,468 8,328 5,000 9,680 7,466 4,072 6,526 3,772 .... 732 4,765 2,208 3,646 2,235 3.926 2.789 4.871 2,588 1,7 30 2,224 '------------- V O TE R S .------------- \ Native. Naturalized. 46,113 17,143 4.457 5,060 3,825 3,393 2,633 2.012 1,599 1,568 1.309 1,110 963 42,704 14,003 6.228 4,562 2,905 2,139 1,677 1,656 1,011 655 369 415 208 A liens. 232,678 62,105 26,086 13,344 12,701 8,736 6,192 5,825 4,144 2,164 1,461 1,653 841 91,185 76,532 377,930 IN T H E S T A T E O F N E W Y O R K . 2,134 1,515 1,589 2,342 1,502 985 1.903 1,354 2,000 875 1,706 861 1,384 1.546 1,546 1,260 1,763 1,283 641 654 326 498 1,067 268 698 243 407 92 507 406 207 236 198 120 4.990 3,936 3,092 1.384 2,641 3,012 1,454 2,263 686 3,165 624 8,024 1,610 2,353 1,211 1,769 534 Statistics o f Agriculture, etc. Total population, Increase since Tow is. Seneca.......................... Castleton...................... Huntington................... Oyster Bay................... Flushing..................... Johnstown.................... Lenox........................... W atertown................... Yonkers....................... W awarsing................... Ithaca......................... Verona......................... Southampton.............. Barre............................. Haverstraw.................. Potsdam....................... Canandaigua................. Volney......................... Queensburg ................. Greeiiburg.................... Corning....................... Saratoga Springs......... Manlius....................... Champlain................... Plat.tsburg.................... Bath............................. Orangetown................. Ossining....................... Oatskih........................ Lansingburg................. Southold...................... Jamaica........................ Hector........................... Arcadia......................... Deerpatk..................... Lancaster...................... N iagara......................... Southfield.................... Wallkill........................ Onondaga .................... Eilisburg....................... Batavia....................... Phelps......................... Sullivan........................ Ridgeway.................... Lyons........................... Malone......................... Galen............................ Bethlehem.................... Amherst...................... Lisbon......................... Lysander...................... Meutz........................... Dryden ........................ 1855. 8,298 8,252 8,142 8.047 7,970 7,912 7,800 7,557 7,554 7,277 7,153 6,923 6,821 6,797 6,747 6,631 6,480 6,476 6,438 6,4 35 6,334 6,307 6,228 6,197 6,080 6,031 5,838 5,758 5,710 5,700 5,676 5,632 5,629 5,516 5.504 5.489 5,457 5,449 5,415 5,400 6,339 5,304 6,293 5,253 5,228 6,205 5,186 5,181 5,151 5,118 5,109 5,060 5,058 5,003 1845. 387 3,049 1,396 1,686 4,052 Total.................... 525,671 383 /--------V O T E R S . ----- —> Native. Naturalized. 261 669 .... 1,314 795 1,102 1,344 781 1,541 1,541 1,117 856 1,109 1,404 1,011 1,397 1,283 870 1,308 1,088 1.261 1,134 899 1,476 1,082 754 517 664 1,197 929 732 1,070 655 1,239 867 1,258 1,122 885 356 527 425 1,003 901 1,260 672 1,115 1,011 683 830 647 856 683 321 488 1,013 9S6 1,193 150,668 78,876 18,154 2 ,5 0 4 1,869 2,124 5,037 2,305 1,098 1,9S1 1183 1,941 1,775 853 2.581 1,996 3,230 3,813 2,031 026 2,147 1,055 2,611 2,446 252 1,718 1,485 1,749 537 8,492 2.759 8,989 2,818 447 258 920 .... 865 1,283 938 1,552 723 1,836 1,985 733 554 770 102 159 444 170 212 236 312 253 135 814 51 286 236 156 208 131 176 208 178 181 176 205 245 144 161 142 90 311 69 175 35 126 119 475 89 467 99 133 17 151 56 136 81 239 211 151 161 421 283 76 91 50 Aliens. 1,134 2,274 672 1,201 1,943 659 778 1,376 2,336 850 602 1,286 866 886 1,690 835 1,092 809 900 1,563 880 1,189 779 1,714 1,421 322 993 1,4 62 552 1,066 584 1,033 159 523 1,020 1,727 2,220 1,667 531 909 215 710 486 602 1,244 848 1,054 739 1,160 1,368 895 427 542 70 92,109 Thus it will be seen that 1,6S9,564 of the population of the State of New York reside in the cities and towns of above 5,000 inhabitants. There are also in the State forty-two towns with a population ranging from 4,000 to 5,000 ; one hundred and twenty-six from 3,000 to 4,000; two hundred and forty-six from 384 Statistics o f Agriculture , etc. 2,000 to 3,000; three hundred and forty-five from 1,000 to 2,000; and eightythree towns with less than 1,000 inhabitants. On each former occasion in which a census has been taken by the State of New York, the names of the heads of families only were given, with columns for enter ing the number of males and females between certain ages, the number of aliens, colored persons and paupers, and those liable to military duty, the number of vo ters, of children attending school, &c., in each family ; and the inquiries relating to manufactures were limited to some twenty different branches of industry, while all others were left unrepresented. In the present census, the name, age, sex, and birth-place of each person was required, with the professions of those over fifteen years of age, civil condition, color, years resident in present locality, and columns were prepared to designate voters, aliens, owners of land, those over twenty-one unable to read and write, and the deaf and dumb, blind, insane, and idiotic. The federal census of 1850 cost the State of New York 8114,474 95 for the collection of statistics, or three cents seven mills to each person. The expense of the present census is not yet ascertained from all the counties; but so far as ob tained, it gives the corresponding expense at about three cents three mills to each person, while the information obtained is more extensive and varied. The office work of the census of 1850 cost over $300,000, or about $45,000 for the proportion of the State of New York. AMERICAN SEAMEN IN THE UNITED STATES. The following table shows the number of American seamen registered in the United States from October, 1, 1854, to October 1,1855, in the Northern and Southern Atlantic States :—■ Native. . 1,303 67 4,501 285 885 712 New Hampshire Massachusetts .. . Rhode Island... . Pennsylvania ... Natural ized. 25 2 121 34 81 Total. Native. 1,328 69 Virginia........ 4,622 North Carolina 285 Georgia......... 919 793 Louisana........ T o t a l _____ 195 655 27 Natural ized. 11 Total. 557 3 5 18 206 565 27 276 82 676 9.3R6 300 9.686 .. AVe also subjoin the number registered in the United States during the last sixteen years— that is, from 1840 to 1855, inclusive:— 1840 ............. 1 8 4 1 ............. 1842 ............. 1848 ............. 1844 ............. 1845 ............. 1846 ............. 1847 ............. Native. Naturalized. Total. 7,951 9,015 7,738 7,084 8,220 8,450 8,018 6,867 140 148 160 92 147 129 105 122 8,091 9,163 7,898 7,166 8,367 8,579 8,123 6,989 1848 ............. 1849 ............. 1850 ............. 1851............. 1852 ............. 1853 ............. 1854 ............. 1855 ............. Native. Naturalized. 8,159 9,843 8,998 8,565 9,863 9,010 8,617 9,386 92 241 193 171 286 253 302 300 Total. 8,251 10,084 9,191 8,736 10,149 9,263 8,919 9,686 HOUSES US BALTIMORE. By the following table it will be seen that at the beginning of 1855 Baltimore contained 33,188 houses, and at the close of the same year 34,042. Of all those houses, about 2,000 are used for manufacturing purposes, stores, stables, &c., leaving 31,188 houses for resident purposes. By allowing an average of seven Journal o f Mining and Manufactures. 385 persons to each dwelling, which is not, we think, an over estimate, the population of the city is shown to be about 218,316. 1 2 3 2* Districts. story. Ptory. story. i ___ 2 ... 3 ___ 4 ___ 5 ___ 6 ___ 7 .... 8 ___ ' 9 ___ 1 0 ___ 1 1 ___ 191 27 19 69 .. SO 121 2.754 979 4,189 3,372 .... 353 .... Total ... 63 15 506 2.542 1,211 2,769 2,036 949 .... .... 1,028 607 337 118 829 ... 826 560 846 911 1,232 747 625 21,297 1,381 6,513 ... .... ... . n story. .... story. 4 5 Btory. story. 4 Built, J855. m Total. .... 8 59 .... .... .... 391 .... .... .... 19 10 ... 428 49 200 245 86 64 20 4 .. 1 •• 3,556 1,704 4.404 3.770 2,748 1,810 3,276 2,648 3,915 3,418 2,793 450 1,103 25 34,042 i 19 ei 63 14 85 56 141 134 133 854 JO U R N A L OF M IN IN G AN D M A N U FA C T U R ES . THE IRON TRADE OF SCOTLAND IN 1855. It appears by the Annual Report of Thomas Thorburn, that the year 1855, though an oscillating one, has been one of prosperity to the iron manufacturers. Extensive transactions were made during the year in pig-iron, at from 55s. to 82s. 6d. ; in rails, £7 10s. to £8 15s.; in bars, £7 15s. to £9 10s.; in cast-iron pipes, £5 to £6 15s. ; railway chairs, £4 15s. to £5 7s. Gd. per ton. And the foundries and malleable iren works continue still generally active and well em ployed. Owing to the peculiar adaptation of Scotch pig-iron for foundry and forge pur poses, the sphere of its consumption is rapidly extending, and it is penetrating quarters never reached before. Whilst the beneficial consequences which must ultimately accrue to the iron trade from the recent modification of the French import duties, and from the liberal movement of the Spanish government, in re gard to the importation of British iron into that country, have not as yet been experienced. W e subjoin a statement of the number of furnaces in blast on the 31st of De cember in each month of the undermentioned years, and also the number of tons made :— Year. 1849..................... 1850..................... 1851..................... 1852..................... Tons. 690,1.00 595.000 760,000 775,000 Furnaces. 112 105 112 113 P R IC E S £ *. d. Bars.................... . 8 15 . 11 Rods ................... 5 R a ils.................. . 8 5 Railway chairs.. . 5 2 Cast-iron p ip es.. . 5 16 VOL. X X X IV .---- NO. III. Year. 1853 ..................... 1854....................... 1855....................... DECEM BER £ s. d. 9 0 Furnaces. 117 121 Tons. 710,000 770,000 825,000 31, 1855 I--- £ s. d. £ s. d. 0 79 0 a 0 0 a 10 5 0 Mixed G. M. B . . . 0 75 0 a 0 0 a 9 ......... Ayrshire brands... 0 73 6 a 0 6 a 5 10 0 East coast brands . 0 74 0 a 0 0 a 6 15 0 Stock on 3lBt Dec., 1855, 98,000 0 0 75 6 74 6 76 0 tons. 0 a 0 Ditto, No. 1, Garts- 25 386 Journal o f Mining and Manufactures. PRODUCTION OF THE CUMBERLAND COAL FIELDS. The following is a statement of the shipments of coal from the Cumberland Coal Fields, from 1842 to 1855, inclusive :— Jeiiy’s Run Valley. 1842 ..................................... tons 1843 .......................................... 1844 ............................................ 1845 ............................................ 1846 ............................................ 1847 ............................................ 1848 ............................................ 1849 ............................................ 1850 .......................................... 1851 ............................................ 1852 ............................................ 1853 .......................................... 1854 ......................................... 1855 ............................................ Brad’s Run Western Valley. Port. Total. 767 3,661 5,156 13,738 11,240 20,615 36,571 63,676 76,950 122,331 174,891 234,441 203,343 170,685 951 6,421 9,734 10,915 18,555 32,325 42,000 78,773 119,898 135,348 159,287 226,813 263,115 200,634 73,725 181,840 292,995 1,708 10,082 14,890 24,653 29,795 52,940 79.571 142,449 .196,848 257,679 334,178 533,979 648,299 664,304 1,138,004 1,304,810 548,560 2,991,374 PRODUCTION OF THE LEAD JUNES OF MISSOURI. According to the St. Louis Price Current, the lead trade exhibited no improve ment in 1855. The river receipts in 1851 were 503,671 pigs; 1852, 409,314; 1853, 442,218 ; 1854, 306,727 ; 1855, 315,677. "We give herewith a tabular statement of the product of the Upper Mines from 1842 to 1853, with ruling rates and other data :— 1842.. . . 1843.. . . 1844.. . . 1845.. . . 1846 . . . 1847.. . . Pigs pro Price 100 lb. duced. Lead. 447,909 $2 24 559,261 2 34 624,672 2 80 778,498 2 96 732,403 2 89 772,656 3 17 Value at Galena. $702,321 916,069 1,224,357 1,613,047 1,481,651 1,714.523 1848___ 1849___ 1850___ 1851___ 1852___ 1853___ Pigs pro Price 100 lb. Value at Lead. Galena. duced. 681,969 $3 24 $1,546,705 1,615,731 628,934 3 67 4 20 1,671,651 568,589 1,354,062 4 08 474,115 1,178,483 408,628 4 12 425,814 5 50 1,639,883 A LIQUID FOR THE PREVENTION OF SEA-SICKNESS. A n invention has been made in England, consisting in the composition of a liquid for preventing or alleviating sea-sickness, which will, we think, interest some of the readers of the Merchants' Magazine, especially those who frequently cross the Atlantic, and as frequently suffer from sea-sickness. For this purpose the inventor distils one-third of an ounce (Troy) of hydrocloric acid in live ounces of alcohol, mixes the product in thirty-two or thirty-eight ounces of water, and then sweetens the liquid with sirup of sugar. By preference, however, he com poses the liquid of two and two-thirds of an ounce (Troy) of dry chloride of lime mixed with eight ounces of water, to which ten and two-thirds of an ounce of alcohol are added. The whole is distilled by ordinary means, until five ounces and one-third of the liquid are obtained as the product. He next mixes this pro duct in a stone or glass beaker with thirty-two or thirty-eight ounces of water, and sweetens it with sirup of sugar ; and adds to one or the other of these liquors a few drops of essence of mint or bitter almonds, giving it a rose-colored tint by a weak solution of cochineal. One or two table-spoonfuls of the liquor, thus Journal o f Mining and Manufactures. 387 prepared, should be taken prior to going on board, when it will, in most cases, prevent sea-sickness; if taken during the retching, it will greatly reduce its vio lence and the pain arising from the sickness. SHIPPING AND SHIP-BUILDING AT CYPRUS. A correspondent of the Department of State at "Washington, writing from the island of Cyprus, under a recent date, gives the following facts in relation to the port of Cyprus, and the regulations relative to ship-building at that p o r t:— “ There being no good port in Cyprus, the number of vessels belonging to the island is quite insignificant, and these are small craft not built in Cyprus, but on the coast of Caramaria from Castel Basso to Adalia. Vessels are also sometimes bought at public sales in and out of the island; but these instances are extremely rare. Small boats are built in Cyprus now and then. “ The regulations with regard to ship-building, sailors in merchant service, ship ping, navigation, quarantine, &c., are exactly the same as those in Constantinople and the other principal ports of the Turkish Empire. “ There is, however, no direct trade whatever between this island and the Uni ted States, and vessels of the said States seldom visit our shores. The customs duties on exports and imports, as well as the weights and measures in common use in this island, are the same as those established by the supreme law of the mother country The Spanish dollar is worth here at present twenty-six-and-ahalf piasters. “ Foreign vessels are not liable to port charges, nor any other dues, with the ex ception of those exacted for quarantine.” OXYD OF COPPER. The ordinary method of preparing this substance as it is used in organic analy sis, is to heat the nitrate of the metal to ignition in a crucible; this is attended with much inconvenience, owing to the salt melting, frothing, and in general flow ing over the sides of the vessel; in addition to which the crucible commonly cracks during the operation, and permits the liquid portion to run through into the fire. Now all this may be avoided by using a vessel of copper, wThich is easily made by any one, by simply taking a piece of sheet copper, and folding it so as to form a water-tight vessel, without the use of solder; every one by inspecting a common kitchen fire-shovel will render this intelligible. In a vessel of this description the nitrate may be safely decomposed, and with out any risk of overheating and fusing the ox yd ; although the vessel gradually wears out in so doing, it yields a quantity of oxyd of copper, which is mixed along with that produced from the nitrate. ANALYSIS OF LAKE SUPERIOR IRON. A dkian B. T erry, Esq., in compliance with the request of E. B. W ard, Esq., has analyzed two specimens of Lake Superior iron, in the region of Detroit, and gives the following statement as the result. The composition of No. 1 is, accord ing to Mr. Terry’s analysis, of oxide of iron 96.00, silica of silex 2.50, alumina .40, water and loss 1.10— 100 ; the composition of No. 2 is as follows : peroxide of iron .96, silica of silex 2.50, alumina .40, water and loss 1.10. Mr. T. describes them as “ remarkably fine specimens of nearly pure peroxide of iron, which must, from the absence of sulphur, make the best of iron.” 388 Journal o f M ining and Manufactures. YIELD OF THE GOLD FIELDS IN AUSTRALIA. The Melbourne Journal o f Commerce, good authority, of September 13th, 1855, thus speaks of the product of Gold in Australia :— “ W e have the most conclusive evidence to offer of the great and continually increasing amount of our gold produce. The population on the various gold fields are devoting their energies to modes of obtaining gold other than those which until within these two weeks have been almost exclusively employed. Instead of searching for the precious metal solely in the alluvial drifts— that is, instead of gold digging they are now commencing gold mining, and we are happy to say, from reliable private information, with the most satisfactory results. Our friends in England will scarcely credit a yield of ten ounces per ton, but we know that the quantity obtained from one claim at Mount Blackwood has equalled that for nine successive days, during which time only the machinery has been in operation; and this has been even eclipsed by the produce of another claim, about one hun dred yards from the claim which gave the preceding results, the amount obtained from which— if we did not know it for a fact— we should hesitate to publish, for it exceeds eighty ounces per ton, 11-J cwt. having produced sixty-three ounces, or over six pounds troy. As yet these are individual cases. It is necessarily so, for there are few machines of any sort, and fewer still of any value, at present in operation in the Mount Blackwood field. When these can be increased in num ber and efficiency, the results will no doubt be still more astonishing, for the reef commonly known as Simmons’ Reef is only just opened, and experienced miners inform us that as they descend from the surface the quartz becomes richer. We know that this reef is being worked for a distance of six miles, and there are other reef's already opened, which promise nearly— perhaps those working them believe equally well.” PROGRESS OF DAGUERREOTYPIKG, Niepiece, the co-laborer of Daguerre, has, after years of study and experience, succeeded in almost perfecting the art which his associate discovered. “ I have begun,” says he, “ with reproducing in the camera obscura, colored engravings, then artificial and natural flowers, and lastly, dead nature, a doll dressed in stuffs o f different colors, and always trimmed with gold and silver lace. I have obtained all the colors, and, what is more extraordinary and curious, the gold and silver are depicted with their metallic luster, and rock-crystal, porcelain, and alabaster, are depicted with the luster natural to them.” STEEL MANUFACTURE OF PITTSBURG. There is at Pittsburg an establishment called the “ Eagle Steel Works,” manu facturing cast steel of all varieties, bar, shear, and sheet. They have three con verting furnaces, five heating furnaces, and eighteen melting furnaces. They em ploy about sixty hands, many of them imported from England, and consume annu ally seven hundred and fifty tons of iron, one-third of which is Swedish. The steel produced by these works has been repeatedly tested, and is found fully equal to the best English imported. INVENTION OF BOOTS AND SHOES. Boots are said to have been invented by the Carrans. They were at first made o f leather, afterwards of brass and iron, and were proof against both cut and thrust. It was from this that Homer called the Greeks brazen-footed. Formerly, in France, a great foot was much esteemed, and the length of the shoe in the four teenth century was a mark of distinction. The shoes of a prince were two-and-ahalf feet long ; those of a barou two feet, those o f a knight eighteen inches. 389 Mercantile Miscellanies. M ER C A N TILE M IS C E LLA N IES . OUR AMERICAN MERCANTILE BIOGRAPHY. In a former part of the present number (page 310) we have extracted a part of the preface to the first volume of our “ Lives of American Merchants.” W e now take the liberty of making a few extracts from the critical notices of several of our cotemporaries of the newspaper press as follows:— [ f r o m t h e e v e n in g m ir r o r , OF FEBRUARY 2 d , 1 8 5 6 .] The public have been awaiting, with no little interest, the appearance of Mr. Freeman Hunt’s first volume of the “ Lives of American Merchants.” That vol ume is just issued. It is a superb octavo, extending to 600 pages, in clear, bold type, entirely befitting the interesting records of the remarkable and honored lives therein sketched. It was a noble and original conception of Mr. Hunt, the pion eer publisher of American commercial literature— of which the Merchants' Mag azine is the proud initial memorial— to gather up records of our eminent merchants and financiers, and permanently embody them in a series of volumes of “ American Mercantile Biography.” In the execution of this conception, Mr. Hunt will have done for our mercantile notabilities what Jared Sparks has done for miscellaneous American celebrities; he will have given them their deserved historical niche, and at the same time contributed an inestimable treasure to our dawning commercial literature. * * * * * * * * W e have remarked that the only lack in the sketches is in their matter, and this is only in two or three cases, where the reader will feel that if the record had been extended it would not have been wearying. It is intensely interesting to study the personal history, even to minute details, of men who have not only carved their own way to fortune and eminence, but have at the same time influ enced the course, and contributed to the progress and elevation o f communital and national destiny. Nine of the sketches, those of Perkins, Cope, Brooks, King, Appleton, Slater, Chickering, Clapp, and Jackson, are accompanied with steel engraved portraits. It is to be regretted that portraits do not accompany all the sketches. It is pleasant to look on the faces of those whose names are fa miliar and honored. * * * * * * * * “ Commerce is King,” and Mr. Hunt was not mistaken when he conceived the princes of Commerce, and the lords of the mercantile— which embrace the empire of the artisan and manufacturer— world, worthy of historical recognition and en during record. To no class of men is the world, and civilization itself, so largely indebted. Colonization, multiplied enterprise by land and sea, the baring of the mines in the earth’s bosom, and the uprising of new communities, cities, and States, are among the fruits of the lives of the men whom Mr. Hunt seeks to memorial ize and honor. They have done, and are doing, for our country and age, what their class did for Tyre, Carthage, Venice, Genoa, and the free cities of Germany and Holland— founded or built up commonwealths, enriched States, developed arts, and furnished and sustained victorious armies and fleets. Before their con quering marine piracy has fled the seas, and the fields of peaceful vocation they have opened have made an end of roysterers, robbers, and feudal forays. Mr. Hunt has only fairly entered on his work ; he has a broad and rich field before him— a field scarcely traveled until he entered it. There are hundreds of names appealing to him from the past and present— hundreds of lives deserving to be snatched from greedy oblivion. W e learn with pleasure that a second vol ume of “ Lives of American Merchants ” will be forthcoming by the close of the present year. Let the good work go on, with such rapidity as may be, but in no such haste as to mar its perfectness. There is no man living, perhaps, so well 390 Mercantile Miscellanies. snited to accomplish the work as Freeman Tlunt. Enthusiastic in his interest in the class of whose lives and literature he is the pioneer chronicler, he knows just how and where to lay his hand on the material for his laborious, and not a little delicate and responsible enterprise. And he will have his reward. Besides the pleasure immediately derived (and profit, we trust, also) he will have joined his name indissolubly with those he has biographized, and one could hardly desire im mortality in a better company. [ f r o m t h e n e w t o r e e v e n in g p o s t .] In this volume we have the memoirs o f twenty-one eminent American merchants — all of them remarkable for sagacity and success as men of business, and some of them distinguished as the authors of great commercial and manufacturing en terprises, philanthropists, founders of public institutions, or in some other way as public benefactors. The lives of such men, if the examples are well chosen, are particularly instructive. Commerce is a pursuit which increases in importance with every advance in the useful and elegant arts, with every new facility of com munication between distant countries, and every improved method of transporta tion. It rewards those who are successful with wealth which can be acquired in no other manner, and gives them, by force of wealth alone, even if they possess no remarkable qualities of mind and character, a high standing and influence among their fellow-men. It is of the greatest importance that the multitudes who are drawn into this pursuit should have constantly before them the examples of those who have acquired in it not merely wealth, but the general respect of man kind, and who have dispensed their wealth worthily, and in obedience to the sug gestions of a wise and large humanity. Mr. Hunt’s book presents examples of such men in the greater part of the lives he has given. [ f r o m t h e b o s t o n d a i l y t i m e s .] Mr. Hunt, editor and proprietor of that able and popular periodical, the Mer chants' Magazine, is engaged on a work of much value. * * * * * * * * W e have the fullest belief that this work will be a popular one, as we know that it will be found of uncommon interest. W e are glad to see the literary field extending itself, and that biography is not to be monopolized by those gentlemen who get their notoriety through their success in the arts of destruction, or as men of scientific knowledge or artistic skill. The soldier is a deserving member of so ciety, and so is the man of science, and the artist; but neither does more for the world than the merchant, provided the latter is worthy of his calling. Nor does it require less talent to succeed as a merchant than as an artist, or as a soldier. N o one can be a great merchant who is not possessed of high and various talents, and of very extensive knowledge. A man may be a very respectable artist, and yet be, out of his own metier, an ignoramus ; but an ignorant merchant is an im possibility. A man may be in trade, and be ignorant, but he is no more a mer chant than a sign-painter is a Raphael. Ignorance would be as fatal to a mer chant as ignorance of navigation would be to the commander of a ship. The one thing that the merchant must have is knowledge, if he would not be in con stant danger of making shipwreck of his fortunes. W e find that all eminent merchants have been superior men, and that they could have succeeded in almost any other department of life, if they had chosen to essay it. Then they are, too, as a general rule, men of liberal minds, though in politics somewhat inclined to conservatism, as is but natural with persons engaged in conducting affairs in which millions are ventured. They give liberally, and in that way have done much for the world’s advancement. They are also patriotic, and have been known to come to their country’s assistance at times when all others hung back. There were not a few such merchants living here at the time of our Revolution, of whom Han cock and Langdon were splendid examples. The lives of such men are as well worth writing as those of men who have distinguished themselves in politics or in war. W e hope that Mr. Hunt will extend his work, and not only give us biog raphies of merchants of our own age, but also of those eminent merchants who lived in the colonial times. Mercantile Miscellanies. [F R O M THE NEW YORK 391 S U N .] It was scarcely to have been expected that Mr. Hunt’s own pen, busy as it if j should have been able to chronicle the careers of all these merchant princes i therefore, he has availed himself of the eminent literary abilities of such men a* Edward Everett, Charles King, Thomas G. Cary, S. Austin Allibone, John L. Blake, D. D., and others. In this he has done wisely, inasmuch as all sameness of treatment is avoided, and amongst such a multitude of biographers there must be truth and wisdom. What Bancroft and Macaulay have done for American and English literature generally, Mr. Freeman Hunt has done, and is doing, for American commercial literature particularly; and in a country like ours such an undertaking cannot fail to lead to results of the very highest importance. It is too much the fashion in Europe for the scions of aristocracy to turn. up their noses at the merchant:— but with Old World prejudices, thank God, America has nothing to do. Here Commerce stands on its own solid pedestal, and asserts its true dignity. W e honor those who have been the builders of their own fortunes, and consider that the man who has by his own unaided efforts built for himself a high position among his brother merchants, as a far greater hero than a Raglan or a Pelissier. To tell us of the struggles, fears, hopes, and final successes of such men in America has been Mr. Hunt’s aim, and the execution of his purpose is in all respects worthy of it. * * * * * * * * All that remains for us to say is, that the volume is beautifully printed, and that the portraits are faithful and finely engraved. [ from TH E NEW YORK D A IL Y T I M E S .] W e have for some days been in possession of the above noble work, and it is with great satisfaction that we see the energy and talents of Mr. Hunt, so long and eminently devoted to the interests of American Commerce and the extension and improvement of American commercial literature, engaged in a walk of exer tion still higher, if possible, by its solidity and permanency, than the range of pe riodical writing, high and valuable as Mr. Hunt has made it. * * * * * * * * Mr. Hunt’s object in the first volume of these Memoirs, is announced in his preface to be the characterization of what we may term “ the First Period of our Commercial History as a Nation,” giving the lives of deceased merchants only. He has certainly carried out his laudable design with gratifying success, enriching the studies of our statesmen and scholars with a work which, depicting the first progress and establishment of American Commerce under the republic, and the high enterprise that has given the United States their present unequaled prosper ity, will remain a treasured and invaluable standard book of reference. Nor is it merely a dry detail of unadorned, unillustrated facts. The same ability which has, rendered it a historical treasure, has not disdained the ornaments of style and dic tion, yet we have good specimens of every kind of writing. The sketch of Stephen Girard, ascribed by us to the skillful pen of Mr. Hunt, abounds in sub stantial detail and instructive comparison ; that of Nicholas Brown, possibly by the same hand, is smooth and eloquent; those of Samuel Ward and James Gore King, by Charles King, LL. D., combine both varieties of excellence, and if this were the appropriate place, we might specify the others, one by one. Commerce, as well as art, literature, and war, has had her great, high-minded, noble, and patriotic men, and the gallery before us will hold its place in the libra ry of the future historian, beside the biographies of the statesmen, warriors, wri ters, and artists who have adorned our country’s annals! A PRACTICAL PATRON OF THE MERCHANTS’ MAGAZINE. W e are frequently encouraged in our editorial labors by kind words from gen erous patrons residing in different sections of the Union; and were it not for abstracting from the space allotted to matters of more general interest, we should be glad to publish more of these gratifying testimonials that our efforts are ap- 392 Mercantile Miscellanies. predated, perhaps too highly. W e have before us a letter from a merchant of Detroit, which we venture to give, omitting the writer’s name, as his communica tion was evidently designed only for our own eye. Our correspondent writes as follows:— “ Deak Sir :— I have just commenced taking and reading the Merchants' Ma gazine, and find in it so much valuable matter, as to astonish me, and really to feel that any young man who is of suitable years should have it early placed iu his hands and give it a careful perusal. Any one of six or seven of the arti cles for January, 1856, is worth more to any young man than the cost of the Magazine for five years, and particularly article five, entitled ‘ The True Mercan tile Character.’ I wish every young man in the world would carefully peruse this one article. I expect within a, few weeks to take a tour through this State (Michigan,) Wisconsin, and Iowa Territory. If I can be of any service to you, send me on a prospectus and authority, and for the sake of the young men, I will do all in my power to get subscribers for you. Messrs. Huntington, Lea & Co., of this city, who I believe are your agents here, I offer as reference respecting my ability and integrity. “ Had I been permitted to peruse the pages of your Magazine some years since, I think I might have been spared some missteps which I have taken as a business man, and when once taken, are not easily retraced. I leave it entirely with you, whether or not I shall receive a commission on the names I may obtain. “ Respectfully yours.” SOUTHERN COMMERCIAL CONVENTION. From the Richmond papers of the 4th of February, 1856, we copy the results of the Southern Commercial Convention, as embodied in the subjoined resolutions. These resolutions may form a chapter in the unwritten commercial history of the United States :—Whereas this Convention deem it indispensable to the successful progress of Southern Commerce, that a line or lines of firsLclass steamers be established between a port or ports of the South and some port or ports in Europe; There fore Resolved, That we earnestly recommend the Southern and Southwestern States to unite in the establishment of such a line or lines, and that the delegates from those States to the Convention be requested to call the attenton of their respec tive Legislatures to the importance of the subject, and urge their co-operation. Resolved, That the Senators and Representatives of the Southern and South western States be requested to vote for no law granting appropriations in aid of ocean mail liues terminating at any Northern port, without the insertion of a clause binding the government to extend like aid to a line or lines that may here after be established between ports of the Southern States and foreign ports. It was resolved that the duty of 30 per cent now levied on railroad iron im ported into this country from abroad ought to be repealed, or greatly reduced. The following resolutions were passed by acclamation :— Resolved, That it is expedient for Southern Legislatures to release from the license tax all direct importations from foreign countries, and adopt such other measures as will protect and advance Southern Commerce. Resolved, That it is expedient that Southern manufactures should in all cases be used when they can be procured on as advantageous terms as Northern manu factures. Resolved, That Southern men should patronize Southern literary institutions, and use books published at the South, when they can be procured. Resolved, That in excursions for health or pleasure, a preference should be given to watering places and other localities on Southern soil. Mercantile Miscellanies. 393 A committee of nine gentlemen— at the head of which we notice the name of Mr. De Bow, the editor of De Bow's Rer.iew— was appointed to prepare and publish an address to the people of the Southern States, expressing the views of the Convention. After a short address by the President, General Tilghman, c f Maryland, the Convention adjourned to meet at Savannah in December, 1856. “ There were,” says the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, “ but few delegates present, and we doubt not that this Convention, like its predecessors, will fail to prove of any practical benefit to the South.” AS AMERICAS MERCHANT IS MELBOURNE, In the Merchants' Magazine for February, 1855, (vol. xxxii., pages 154-165,) we published a letter from our valued correspondent, George F. T rain, Esq., of Melbourne, Australia, containing a full and interesting account of the “ Commerce and Resources of Australia.” W e have before us another letter, and some fur ther statistical matter bearing on the same subject, from the same source, under date Melbourne, Nov. 5,1855, which we shall print in the next (April) number of this magazine. Mr. Train is about to return to this country, as will be seen by the following paragraph, which we copy from the Melbourne Age, of November 3,1855 :— “ Mr. G. F. T rain. W e regret to learn that our enterprising fellow-citizen' Mr. G. F. Train, is about to leave the colony. During the short period that he has been among us, he has won a prominent position as a merchant, and exerted no small influence as a public man. Few of our mercantile men have come so frequently or so favorably under public notice, in connection with the Chamber of Commerce or with that particular line of business which he has managed with so much energy and dispatch. Without violating the political neutrality which, as a citizen of the United States, he was called upon to maintain, he has never hesitated to take part in any discussion involving the general welfare of the com munity. The land question, emigration, mail communication, lighthouses, &c., are among the topics to which he has thus devoted time and attention— not with out benefit to the public. For ourselves, we cannot do otherwise than express our obligations to him for the uniform courtesy and consideration which he has displayed in furnishing us with flies of both English and American newspapers, whenever it was in his power. Such favors it would be ungrateful in us to pass over without acknowledgment. Mr. Train goes home, we believe, by way of Java, Singapore, Canton, Calcutta, &c., with the view of enlarging his knowledge of commercial affairs by personal observation. With his wide-awake, pushing faculty, he will no doubt be able to turn this to good account, whether he return to commercial pursuits, or betake himself to the higher sphere of political life in his native land.” THE TRADE OF SHANGHAI, CHINA. The United States Consul at Shanghai, writing from that port to the Depart ment of State, under date of August 7th, 1855, gives the following interesting facts in relation to the trade and commerce of that p ort:— “ The export trade for the past year has been very large, and, inasmuch as the business season is just opening, it may be safely inferred that the value of exports for this year will be about double that of any previous one. The disorganized state of the empire, the equal and regular levy duties at this port, and its superior geographical position, are the main causes of the concentration of trade at this point. The imports have been small, because it has required some time to dispose of the enormous quantities of merchandise which had collected at this port during the period the city was in possession of the rebels. 394 Mercantile Miscellanies. “ The great valley of the Yang-tsi-Kiang is the commercial field, and this port is the entrepot. The greatest privileges conceivable might be obtained at all the other ports, and yet one half of such facilities at this port would be productive of more advantage than could by any possibility be obtained from all the other ports combined. Poochow will in time be a port of some importance for the purchase of a few black teas, but no more. Amoy and Ningpo never have furnished any thing worthy of notice, and Canton was only a port of trade because the Chinese had been in the habit of going there to trade with foreigners when there were no other ports open. „ But the difficulty created by the rebellion has diverted the great mass of the trade from its ancient and out-of-the-way channel, and concen trated it here. And now that the Chinese find Shanghai to be nearer to their tea and silk districts than Canton, and that they can get better prices often, and al ways as good as at Canton, they will abandon their old and long route to a port of sale, and will continue to concentrate at Shanghai. They did this during the past as well as the present year, and have already made contracts for the sale of this year’s produce, deliverable at this port.” INTEREST AND DEBT, W e copy the following pungent paragraph from one of our exchanges, and commend the wholesome lessons it inculcates to the readers of the Merchants' Magazine. The homily is as applicable to the merchant as the farmer:— “ I forgot to ask, in the earnestness of my congratulations, whether'the farm is yours ? Whether it is paid for ? I hope the deeds are recorded, without mortgage or lien of any kind. I hope no notes are drawing interest. N o blister draws sharper than interest does. O f all industries none is comparable to that of interest. It works day and night, in fair weather and in foul. It has no sound in its footsteps, but travels fast. It gnaws at a man’s substance with invisible teeth. It binds industry with its film, as a fly is bound upon a spider’s web. Debt rolls a man over and over, binding him hand and foot, and letting him hang upon the fatal mesh until the long-legged interest devours him. There is no crop that can afford to pay interest money on a farm. There is but one thing raised on a farm like it, and that is the Canada thistle, which swarms new plants every time you break its roots, whose blossoms are prolific, and every flower father of a million seeds. Every leaf is an awl, every branch a spear, and every single plant is like a platoon of bayonets, and a field full of them is like an armed host. The whole plant is a torment and a vegetable curse. And yet a farmer had better make his bed of Canada thistles, than attempt to lie at ease under interest." THE FORTUNE OF A GREAT BANKER. The Swabian Mercury, from Frankfort, contains the following account of the fortune and charities of the late Baron de Bothschild:— The fortune of Baron de Bothschild, who recently died has been valued at from forty to fifty millions of florins. A sum of 1,200,000 florins is destined to continue the alms which the deceased was in the habit of distributing every week, as w'ell as for the distribution of wood to the poor in winter. The fund for giving a dower to a Jewish maiden, receives fifty thousand florins ; the fund for the sick as well as the Jewish hospital, ten thousand each. The Jewish school fifty thousand florins. Sums of three thousand florins are bestowed on several Christian estab lishments. The clerks who have been more than twenty years in the firm receive two thousand florins; the others one thousand; the juniors from three hundred to five hundred florins. Many legacies are left to servants. W e have been informed by an eminent American merchant, who once dined with the noted Banker, that he lived in showy but vulgar splendor, and that his manners were far from the bearing of a courteous gentleman. The Book Trade. 395 T H E BOOK TR A D E. 1. — Travels in England, France, Italy, and Ireland. By the Rev. G eorge F oxcroft H askins, Rector of the House of the Angel Guardian. 12mo., pp. 292. Boston : Patrick Donahoe. When our early friend Haskins tells us in his preface that he has not written this little book to seek fame as an author, we believe him. For, as we knew him in early life, he was too unselfish to seek it. W e once thought pretty much alike. Our views of the Church harmonized. Now there is a great gulf between us, not personally but theologically. This is not, however, the place for personalities, be they ever so friendly. Mr. Haskins says there is a remarkable deficiency in Cath olic literature. The Catholics of this country have no books of travel, and with regard to the customs of other nations, they have little means of information ex cept from Protestant tourists. As an offset to some of these journals and tours, Mr. H. has prepared the present pages, as the impressions and experience of a Catholic traveler. He made a brief tour, and his book is brief. W e like his homely off-hand style of jotting down his observations and his experiences while abroad. It is on the whole one of the most racy and readable books of travel we have read in a long time. 2. — Bertha; or the Pope and the Emperor. An Historical Tale. By W illiam B ernard MacCabe, author of “ Florine,” “ a Catholic History of England,” &c. From the Second Dublin Edition. 12mo., pp. 414. Boston: Patrick Donahoe. Protestants write stories in defense of their religion, and we see no good reason why the honest Roman Catholic may Dot do the same. The inducements, we are told by the author, for the publication of this tale, was the delivery, at a public meeting in Edinburgh, of a speech by Macaulay, the historian, reflecting on the character of Pope Hildebrand. It was an electioneering speech. Mr. MacCabe thinks it “ a marvelous exhibition of impenetrable and obstinate prejudice for the historian to promulgate such a slander upon the dead, by one wdio has the charac ter of the scholar and the historian.” The story is written in a flowing and grace ful style, and will be read with interest, and approved or condemned according to the religious predilections of the reader. 3. — The Day-Star of American Freedom; or the Birth and Early Growth of Toleration in the Province of Maryland ; wfith a Sketch of the Colonization upon the Chesapeake and its Tributaries, preceding the Removal of the Gov ernment from St. Mary’s to Annapolis, &c., &c. By George L ynn-Lacklin D avis, of the Bar of Baltimore. 12mo., pp. 290. New York : Charles Scribner. Although the author of this work thinks the history of toleration in Maryland cannot yet be properly written, he has certainly succeeded in citing papers, taken from the archives at Annapolis, which give value to his work as an interesting chapter in that history. W e have, moreover, glimpses of the numbers and geneeral state of society, of the religion and legislation, of the life and manners of the men who worshipped in the wilderness at the first rude altar of liberty. 4. — All Abroad ; or, Life on the Lake. A Sequel to “ The Boat Club.” By Oliver Optic. 18mo., pp. 256. Boston : Brown, Bazin & Co. Like “ The Boat Club ” this book was written for especial amusement of boys, by one who knows what they like. A s the interest of the story to which this is a sequel centers in Tony Weston, so that of the present does in Charles Hardy. The author’s design, while administering to the amusement of boys, is to make them believe that the path of truth and rectitude is not only the safest but the pleasantest path, and the experience of Charles with the “ Rovers,” illustrates and supports the position. 396 The Book Trade. 5. — The Stable Book: being a Treatise on the Management of Horses, in rela tion to Stabling, Grooming, Feeding, Watering, and W orking; construction of Stables, Ventilation, Stable Appendages, Management of the Feet. By J ohn S tewart, Veterinary Surgeon, Professor of Veterinary Medicines in the Andersonian University, Glasgow. W ith Notes and Additions, adapting it to American Food and Climate. By A. B. A llen, editor of the American Agri culturist. 12mo., pp. 378. New York : 0. M. Saxton & Co. The most valuable advice respecting the management of that useful and hand some domestic animal, the horse, is given in the present volume, by a competent individual, who has made the subject a matter of special study. It is adapted to our own climate by the notes and additions of the American editor, whose pur suit necessarily involved the investigation. 6. — Lires o f the Queens of England of the House of Hanover. By Dr. D oran. In two volumes. 12mo., pp. 420 and 377. New York : Kedfield. These volumes, from an author to whom we are indebted for other works of a more discursive and a less solid character, presents the biography of the English queens from Sophia Dorothea, of Zell, to Caroline, of Brunswick. Seeking to amuse as well as to instruct, he has interspersed his narratives with fragments of court experience and a record of the more minute details of personal life which could scarcely be found in the plain and unadorned history of Hume, or the more stately pages of Gibbon. He appears, in fact, to have aimed to present a record of the daily circumstances transpiring at court during the lives of the queens whose biographies he has presented to us, as well as the general facts of history. 7. — Six Sermons. By G eorge F. S immons. 12mo.,pp. 134. Boston: James Munro & Co. W e seldom read sermons; we prefer hearing them fresh from the living mind of a Channing, a Chapin, or a Beecher; but the six sermons printed in this vol ume are the culled, ripe thoughts of an earnest, finely-constituted mind, perfectly free from conceit and hollow declamation. They were selected by the author for the purpose of publication, or rather as a gift to his friends, in the first days of a sickness which closed with his life, on the 5th of September, 1855. The intro duction, written at the time, was marked by him “ Fragments of a Preface,” but is inserted just as he left it. 8. — The Private Life o f an Eastern King. By a Member of the Household of his late Majesty, Nussu-u-deen, King of Oude. 12mo., pp. 246. New York : Kedfield. The narrative is alleged to be that of facts, not fiction, by one who resided at the Court of Lucknow. It presents, in a readable form, the court habitudes of oriental life, which exhibit a striking contrast with that of the Occident. Much of what he denominates the strange and the horrible, that passed before his obser vation, he has omitted to describe, but the brief account which he has given of this department of existence in the East probably presents a faithful picture of a native court within the territory of Hindostan. 9. — The Communion Sabbath. By N eiiemiah A dams, D. D., Pastor of the Essex-street Church, in Boston. Boston : John P. Jewett & Co. New York : Sheldon, Lamport & Co. This book is designed for communicants, and for those who leave the house of worship when the Lord’s Supper is to be administered. The book will interest that portion of the Christian world who believe in the ceremonials of the Church. It is beautifully printed. 10. — The Bible History of Prayer. With Practical Reflections. By Charles A . Goodrich. 12mo., pp. 384. Boston : John P. Jewett & Co. The Bible account of prayer is fully unfolded in this treatise, and in order to add to the interest of the volume, the author has indulged a good deal in narra tive, opening and explaining the circumstances which gave birth to the several prayers recorded in the Bible. The B ook Trade. SOI 11. — The Heathen Religion, in its Popular and Symbolical Development. By Kev. J o s e p h B. G r o s s . Boston : John P. Jewett & Co. 12mo., pp. 372. The doctrines of the Heathen Mythology, with the mysteries of a period which was overshadowed by a sort of Egyptian twilight, are clearly set forth in the pres ent volume. The religion of the H indoos, the Scandinavians, and the Persians, is likewise described. The system of ancient mythology, the author remarks, arose from the spirit of the age. He states, that in the earlier ages of the world, the universe could not be contemplated by the untutored mind of man as the sole pro duction of a Supreme Being, as he was incapable of reasoning a posliori, and it was reserved for the Novum Organum of Lord Bacon, in more recent times, to point out the inductive way which leads through nature up to nature’s God.” 12. — Plain Talk and Friendly Advice to Domestics: with Counsel on Home Matters. 12mo., pp. 241. Boston: Phillips, Sampson & Co. New York : J. C. Derby. This volume is dedicated “ to American Housekeepers, whose trials and diffi culties have enlisted the author’s sympathy— whose vexations she has shared—■ whose labors she hopes to lighten— but whose co-operation she earnestly desires.” The design of the book is quite laudable. It appears to be the earnest desire of the author to improve the condition, as well as the efficiency and usefulness of the large class of people filling the various and responsible grades of service; and is, we believe, the first book written expressly for the guidance and encouragement of servants. It is a good book, and should be in the hands of every mistress and maid-servant in the country. 13. — Vera: or the W ar of the Peasants— an Historical Tale. By H e n d r i k C o n s c ie n c e . 18mo., pp. 256. Baltimore : Murphy & Co. This romance of M. Conscience, a writer of marked celebrity, is designed to preserve the memory of the grand but unavailing stiuggle of the Flemings, to up hold their religion and their liberties against the armies of the French republic. It portrays with power the oppressions and cruelties practiced by the revolution ary agents, and shows us how simple peasants were stung to madness by a sense of intolerable wrong, and how they were goaded on to desperate and bloody re prisals. Its characters are all imaginary ; but like all M. Conscience’s historical romances, it is pronounced by the English translator scrupulously accurate in statement. 14. — The Discarded Daughter. By Mrs. E m m a D. E . N. S c u t h w o r t h , author of “ The Deserted Wife,” “ The Lost Heiress,” “ Missing Bride,” “ W ife’s V ic tory,” “ Curse of Clifton,” etc. 12mo., pp. 412. Philadelphia : T. B. Peter son. The romances of Mrs. Southworth are much admired by a large class of readers. The present work was originally published in 1852, and its reappearance in a new and more beautiful form, alter a lapse of four years, is, perhaps, the best evi dence of the permanent popularity of the author. Mrs. Southworth is regarded by the critics of the press, as one of the boldest and most forcible of American novelists. 15. — 7'he Magician's Show Bex, and other Stories. By the author of “ Bainbows for Children.” With Illustrations. 18mo., pp. 295. Boston : Tieknor & Fields. W e have, besides the “ Magician’s Show Box,” some half dozen other Stories, which, without reading, we have no hesitation in recommending to the young, be cause we know that Tieknor & Fields never publish an uninteresting or a bad book. W e have never said as much of any other publishing house. 16. — More Truth than Fiction: or Stories for Little Folks at Home. By A un t M a r t h a . Boston : James French & Co. 18mo., pp. 110. Here is another little volume appropriate for a holiday present for children, decorated with pretty engravings illustrating the stories, with gilt edges and gild ed binding. 398 The B ook Trade. 17. — The Prison o f Wellevreden, and a Glance at the East Indian Archipelago. By W a l t e r M. G ib s o n . Illustrated from Original Sketches. 12mo., pp. 495. New York : J. C. Biker. A description of the experience of the writer of this book during a somewhat protracted residence in the East constitutes the main portion of the text. In con sequence of charges made against him, arising from jealousy on the part of the Butch authorities, he suffered an imprisonment of fifteen months ou the Island of Java. Buring his sojourn in that part of the globe, he enjoyed a favorable oppor tunity of studying the Malay and Javanese characters. The minute description which he gives of the inconveniences which he suffered, is chiefly personal, and the scope of the work, as we learn from its pages, is dedicated “ to the elevation of the native races of the East Indian Archipelago in religious truth, in morals, and social virtues.” It is an exceedingly interesting.book, and is copiously supplied with woodcuts, which tend to illustrate the text. 18. — The Sacred Plains. By J. H. H e a d l e y . 12mo., pp. 239. Buffalo: Wanzer, McKim & Co. The design of this work, like its predecessor, the “ Sacred Mountains,” by the Rev. J. T. Headley, the present Secretary of State in New York, is to render more familiar and lifelike some of the scenes commemorated in the Bible. The author of the present work attempts to carry out the original design of his kins man, v iz .: to collect together, in one continuous series of groups, some of those sublime and thrilling events connected with certain generic localities, as a painter would throw all his marine views into one series, and his landscapes into another. “ The Bible and a map of Palestine,” say3 the author, “ have been my only text books.” A t the same time he has consulted a great number of the best authors. The book is written in a pleasing and popular style, very much after the manner of the “ Sacred Mountains.” There are several appropriate illustrations. 19. — The Newcomes ; or Memoirs of a Most Respectable Family. Edited by A r t h u r P e n d e n n is , Esq. In 2 Yols. Vol. i., 8vo., pp. 202. New York : Harper & Brothers. These popular and humorous sketches, which originally appeared in the num bers of Harper’s Magazine, are here issued in a convenient form, with woodcut illustrations. The author, a man of genius, it is well known has by a recent course of popular lectures upon the subject of four of the kings of England, widened his previous reputation in the United States, which had been already at tained by his works. 20. — On the Phenomena o f Modem Spiritualism. By W i l l i a m B. H a y d e n , Member of the New Jerusalem Church at Portland. 18mo. Boston : Otis Clapp. This volume consists of five lectures delivered, by the author, we presume, be fore the “ New Jerusalem at Portland.” A disciple of Swedenborg, Mr. Hayden has full faith in spiritual intercourse with the unseen world. He thinks, too, that some of the communications with spirits we have while in the body, are of a dis orderly character. Boubtless those of modern spiritualism, rapping, moving of tables, &c., come in his view under this category. 21. — Richard the Fearless; or the Little Bake. By the author of the “ Heir of Redcliffe,” “ Kings of England.” With illustrations, drawn and lithographed by J. B. 12mo., pp. 208. New York : B. Appleton & Co. This is a tale drawn from the Middle Ages, adapted to the new year, with a narrative interesting, and embellished with appropriate pictorial illustrations. 22. — Kit Barn's Adventures; or the Yarns of an Old Merryman. 18mo., pp. 3G0. Boston : Ticknor & Fields. A book from the author of the Sliakspcare Concordance must be good, and such, we predict, the young reader will find the Adventures of K it Barn. The volume is appropriately illustrated with fine wood engravings. The B ook Trade. 399 23. — Dealings with the Dead. By a Sexton of the Old School. 2 Vols. 12mo., pp. 350, 698. Boston : Dutton & Wcntworth. The first article in these volumes originally appeared in the Boston Ecening Transcript, and occasioned at the time some little controversy, and it is well it did, as we are told that it led to the preparation of the essays which follow. These papers, numbering some hundred and forty, which appeared from time to time during the years 1848 to near the close of 1855, in the Transcript, are reminiscences of the “ solid men of Boston,” who have figured in all the diversified pursuits in life, and are now numbered with the things that were. But it is not confined to that class alone, but abounds in sketches of men of varied eccentrici ties, and is full of grotesque figures, enriched, too, with classical allusions. The “ Sexton of the Old School ” is understood to be no less a personage than Lucius Manlius Sargent, a septuagenarian, who walks the streets of Boston with gait firm and elastic, and form unbowed by years. The richness and resources of his mind, nowr in all its vigor, permeates every page and paragraph of this latest pro duction of his prolific pen. W e are not personally acquainted with the author, but we never pass by him without giving a glance at his form and features, which men of mark, though unsought, will ever command from their cotem poraries. 24. — Extracts from the Diary and Correspondence o f the late Amos Lawrence. With a brief Account of some Incidents in his Life. Edited by his son, W i l l ia m R. L a w r e n c e , M. D. Boston : Gould & Lincoln. The work, whose title is prefixed, contains a brief biographical sketch, accom panied with the correspondence and diary of a prominent merchant, who was well known both in New England and in the greater part of the Union ior his success, integrity, and benevolence, the greater portion being compiled from letters found among his private papers. The diary presents a record of his general habitudes of thought and modes of life, and shows him to have been possessed of a highly charitable spirit and religious principle. His benefactions, to public institutions as well as to other objects, are worthy of his general reputation, and sustain his character as a philanthropic and sagacious member of the mercantile profession. The volume is embellished with a well-executed engraving of the subject of the work, and also with that of his brother, the late Hon. Abbott Lawrence. 25. — Dreams and Realities in the Life o f a Pastor and Teacher. By the author of “ Rolling Ridge,” “ The Parish Side,” etc. 12mo., pp. 439. New York : Derby & Jackson. Boston : Phillips, Sampson & Co. The author of this volume, who, it seems, is a teacher, has cleverly grouped some of the striking every-day facts of an interesting period of his life— a life not devoid of romance. Castlereagh, the principal character, represents a true per son, although in the coloring and intensity of the portraiture, he is simply ideal. The reader will here perceive truth and fiction snugly enfolded together— where the fact has been highly fabled— where the i'able is largely true, and where the foundation laid is firm or sandy. The genius of the author is finely displayed in the unique and cleverly-worded dedication of the work— “ To one man, and he my friend.” W e should desire no better eulogy than that embraced in the dedication, which we regret we cannot quote entire for want of space. 26. — A Collection of Familiar Quotations, with Complete Indices o f Authors and Subjects. New edition. 18mo., pp. 358. Cambridge: John Bartlett. The object of this work is to show to some extent the obligations our language owes to various authors for numerous phrases and familiar quotations which have become “ household words,” and “ to restore to the temple of poetry the many beautiful fragments, which have been stolen from them and built into the heavy walls of prose.” The arrangement of the quotations in this book is admirable, and we confess we were somewhat astonished to find the origin of so many words and phrases we hear daily used, in ordinary conversation, by men, too, who have no idea of their origin. 400 The B ook Trade. 27. — Home; or Anna Leland. 12mo., pp. 352. New Y o rk : J. 0. Derby. Boston : Phillips, Sampson & Co. It is refreshing to find the “ yellow-covered literature ” giving place to such beautifully-printed volumes as Mr. Derby and some other publishers are constant ly sending on their mission of good. In these days of many books, says the au thor of the present work, multitudes of tales are told, whose only foundation is in the fancy. This has, however, been written in the indulgence of the feeling that Romance is, after all, less strange than Reality. Hence, he has, from his own history, and his own knowledge, woven a tissue of facts, more interesting and more startling than the airy structures of Romance. 28. — Selections from the Writings o f Waller Savage Landor. Edited b y G e o r g e S. H i l l a r d . 18mo., pp. 308. Boston : Tickuor & Fields. But little seems to be known by the general public in this country of Landor. The concise and comprehensive critical essay from the pen of our accomplished countryman, which prefaces the present selection from his writings, i3 a model of just and manly criticism, and will, we trust, tend to introduce the entire works of one of the most original and powerful writers in the English language. As Mr. Hillard remarks, he deserves to be read by the American people, aside from his literary merits, for his ardent love of liberty, and his sympathy with all who do not possess its blessings. 29. — Lanmere. By Mrs. J u l ia C. R. D o r r , author of “ Farmingdale.” 12mo., pp. 447. New York : Mason Brothers. The author of this story has thrown off the rwm de flume under which “ Farm ingdale” made its appearance something over a year ago. That was a story of New England life, and although not a single incident in it was even so much as “ founded on fact,” its local descriptions and its truthfulness as an idyl of Green Mountain life and manners, at once betrayed the secret of its authorship. To those who have read and admired “ Farmingdale,” it were a work of supereroga tion to commend the present story, which, is not a whit behind that, either in graceful narrative or graphic description. 30. — M y First Season. By B e a t r ic e R eynolds. Edited by the author of “ Counterparts” and “ Charles Anchester.” 12mo., pp. 284. New Y ork : W . P. Fetridge. This is a sort of autobiography of the daughter of a baron, who married a clergyman, whose erudition was remarkable, though he was remarkable for no thing else. The feelings and sympathies of the writer are portrayed in a manner that will be interesting to young ladies, who are on the verge of entering into the routine of life. 31. — W ager r f Battle; a Tale of Saxon Slavery in Sherwood Forest. By H e n r y W . H e r b e r t . 12mo., pp. 336. New York : Mason & Brothers. The gist of Mr. Herbert’s story lies in the adventures and escape of a fugitive Saxon slave from the tyranny of his Norman lord, and although it does not pro fess to contain any reference to the peculiar institution of any portion of this country, the author “ would recommend no person to open a page of this volume, who is prepared to deny that slavery, per se, is an evil and a wrong, and its effects deteriorating to all who are influenced by its contact.” 32. — Elnpoesis: American Addresses. Now first published from the original manuscripts. 12mo., pp. 240. New Y ork : J. O. Derby. Boston: Phillips, Sampson, & Co. The sixteen “ addresses” contained in this volume, have the initial letters of as many of our poets, including W . C. B., R. W . E., 0 . W . II., &c., &e., and closing with “ an indignation meeting ” by the whole company. The book is very beau tifully printed, and is withal a clever burlesque of something, or somebody. We dont know exactly who is what.