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/./3.3: /?/ St*t« TWhcr* OJl«fe L!«JTar> UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR WOMEN’S BUREAU Bulletin No. 174 JOB HISTORIES OF WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS 1931-34 AND 1938 / UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF LABOR FRANCES PERKINS, Secretary WOMEN’S BUREAU MARY ANDERSON, Director + JOB HISTORIES OF WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS 1931-34 AND 1938 ELEANOR M. SNYDER ^res q*. Bulletin or the Women’s Bureau, No. 174 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1939 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. Price 10 cents CONTENTS Letter of transmittal___________________________ Foreword________________________________ Part I.—The summer schools for workers and their influence Purpose and method of the study_____________ _ __ " The summer schools for women workers__ _ _ “ Method of teaching at workers’ schools_______ Aim of the summer schools_____________ HUH.. ~ _ The “average student”________________ 11IIIII I III II Individual work histories________________ .IIIHII ' Part II.—Facts about the students and their industrial"experience Geographic distribution ______________________________ ------ Nativity___________________________IIIII'H'” II Age------------------IIIIIII..IIIIIH II Marital status______________________________ Age at entering industry________________ H I__ Years in industry_______________________.IIIIIH "_ Number of jobs held_______________________ H_ " Industry of last regular job_______________ H___HI “ Union membership_______________________ Type of shop of last job____________________ HUH ”HHI” Weekly wage rate on last job________________ II~__ HI Earnings in preceding year_____________________H I Money from sources other than wages in preceding year " _ I Causes of leaving jobs______________________ Part-time employment in preceding year______H -1H III Unemployment in preceding year_______________ Major cause of unemployment in preceding year__ HI. " Overtime work in preceding year_____________ Daily hours in preceding year_____________ II11 ~ Appendix A.—General tablesI H HI Appendix B.—Form of questionnaire_____________IIIIIIH Page v VII 1 1 2 3 4 5 7 9 10 10 11 11 11 12 12 13 14 15 15 16 18 18 19 19 20 20 21 22 23 TEXT TABLES 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. Scope of study, by school______________________ Geographic distribution—all schools_______ HH II HI Nativity—all schools_____________________ IIIII_ "" "I Age—all schools________________________ IIHIHII" Age at entering industry—all schools________ H” II _ Number of former jobs—all schools_______ IIIII " IH"." "~ Industry of last regular job—all schools________Hill H H Union membership—all schools________________ HI "I. " Type of shop of last job—all schools_______H I II"HI Median weekly wages in last job of all students andof union members— all schools_____________________________________ Median annual earnings, by industry—all schools__II "" Median annual earnings—by school______________ H I Causes of leaving jobs—all schoolsHill" I. HUH Part-time employment in preceding year—all schools. I" " _ Causes of unemployment in preceding year—all schools.'II'""I . Unemployment in preceding year due to lack of work—all schools.""" Major cause of unemployment in preceding year—all schools 9 10 10 11 12 12 13 14 15 15 17 17 18 19 19 20 20 APPENDIX TABLES I. Weekly wages on last job—all schools_____ II. Earnings in preceding year—all school's___ III.II"........... III. Causes of leaving jobs—all schools_________ HI " in 22 22 22 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL United States Department of Labor, Women’s Bureau, Washington, July 28, 1939. I have the honor to transmit for publication a report on the industrial experience of some 700 women who attended the various summer schools for workers in 1931-34 and 1938. 1 his report indicates that tne industrial woman is awakening more and more to her responsibilities in the development of wise social and economic policies. In this the workers’ schools, to which there is no counterpart anywhere within the framework of the standard adequat><fparfStem’ great y assist tbe woman worker to take a more Madam: Ihe report was written by Eleanor M. Snyder as a part of her work lor the master s degree, under the direction of Dr. Carter Goodrich professor of economic history, Columbia University, and United ^ C’ rtirins Sion or at Geneva. Prepared in consultation vvith Miss Eleanor Coit, director of the Affiliated Schools for Workers the report reviews the data as to their own experience supplied by ScZo?sTor0WoJkeras SCh°°IS associated with the Affiliated Respectfully submitted. Hon. Fbawcs PmHS, Secretary of Labor. MiIir mec‘°r- FOREWORD Miss Snyder’s study presents the industrial background and experi ence of a group of women workers. Its special value, as the author points out, comes not from the size of the sample covered but rather from the unique relationship between those who collected and those who furnished the information. The data were secured as a part of 6 r*efl11-ar process in the summer schools associated with the Affiliated Schools for Workers. In these institutions, as those who .have had the good fortune to teach in them can testify, the relationship between teacher and student has been one of unusual frankness and confidence. It was this fact that made it possible to secure.such full detail, for example, on changes from job to job and that gives an authentic autobiographical quality to the statements quoted m part I. It is this, in short, that makes the “Ann” of this stuhy so different from the Jane Doe of a mass statistical inquiry. The present bulletin follows in large part the methods, and makes use of the results, of Dr. Palmer’s valuable earlier study covering the 1928T30- The new material is for the four depression years 1931-34, with the addition of some material for 1938. As might be expected, the contrasts in the various periods are strikingly reflected m the series of tables on earnings and unemployment. A change of a different sort is shown in the proportion of union membership which was 35 to 40 percent for the first 6 years, rose suddenly to 53 percent in 1934, and had reached 87 percent in 1938. If these studies are continued in the coming years, still further changes will no doubt become apparent. The movement out of which they have grown has itself become larger and more broadly repre sentative In the summer of 1938 there were not four summer schools associated with the Affiliated Schools, but five: The Bryn Mawr Sum mer School (now called the Hudson Shore Labor School), the School for Workers at the University of Wisconsin, the Southern Summer bciiool at Asheville, tho Pacific Coast School at Berkeley, and the Summer School for Office Workers at Chicago. The addition of the 1 acme Coast School represents a wider geographical distribution and there has been an even more significant broadening of the recruiting policy. All but the first of the schools now admit men as well as women.. The growth of labor organization continues to be reflected m an increase in the proportion of union members. A number of new groups, including agricultural workers, are represented e students and the organization of the Summer School for Office Workers, which includes a number of professional and govern ment workers, reflects a significant growth of self-consciousness on the part of white-collar workers.i i H 5°,* th,e place to comment on the widening activities of the Affiliated Schools for Workers or the relationship between the growth of trade-unionism and the notable advances of the workers’ education movement as a whole. But students of the labor question mav well h°:pe that the initiative of the Affiliated Schools and the cooperation of the Women’s Bureau will continue to provide—as a byproduct of these larger movements—increasingly useful studies of the experience of individual women workers. Carter Goodrich, United States Labor Commissioner, Geneva, Switzerland. VII JOB HISTORIES OF WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS, 1931-34 AND 1938 Part I.—THE SUMMER SCHOOLS FOR WORKERS AND THEIR INFLUENCE Purpose and method of the study. The purpose of this study is to present a detailed survey of the background and the industrial experience of a selected group of women workers. Too generally, less is known about the workers than about the products of their labor. To many of us, the girls who work in factories, who serve us in restaurants, who type our letters, in short, who perform the endless tasks that insure the continuance of our industrial system, are devoid of personality. They are thought of in vague, impersonal terms—perhaps only as an array of statistical data. By presenting in some detail the industrial experience of both the individual and the group, a more definite picture of these girls is obtained. Many studies have been made of the industrial experiences of women workers, but they differ from the present report in several respects. Usually the sample studied is larger and the range of material included is more limited. Though in most cases objectivity is essential, here the subjective nature of the data and the fact that the schedules were made out in personal interviews give unique value to the report. The material presented in this study was obtained through the offices of the Affiliated Schools for Workers, Inc., which has its head quarters in New York City. This organization, with the cooperation of four of the summer schools for women workers, secured a compre hensive history of the working life of each student from an examina tion of the detailed questionnaires filled out each year by the students in attendance at the schools. All completed questionnaires were used but those of male or Negro workers, omitted because too few in number. The data obtained in the first 3 years, 1928 to 1930, formed the basis of a report written by Dr. Gladys L. Palmer and published by the Women’s Bureau in 1931.1 Dr. Palmer’s statistics are quoted freely in the present study as a background for the later figures. The data supplied by the students of the next 4 years, 1931 to 1934, and certain incomplete information made available for 1938, are the subject matter of the present report. Unfortunately, the incomplete ness of the records for the period 1935 to 1937 makes it impossible to include those years, important though they are in labor history. Writing a continuous history of all jobs held during a worker’s industrial life required the expenditure of unusual care on the part of 1 Palmer, Gladys L. The Industrial Experience of Women Workers at the Summer Schools, 1828 to 1930. IT. S. Department of Labor, Women’s Bureau, Bui. 89, 1931. 181107°—39-----2 1 2 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS each individual supplying or recording the information. To insure accuracy, it was essential that the complete cooperation of the students be enlisted, and this was simplified by the fact that the students were acquainted personally with the instructors responsible for the completion of the questionnaires. Under other circumstances it would have been difficult to secure the detailed accounts necessary for this analysis. The summer schools for women workers. The four schools cooperating in this study began their educational activities more than 10 years ago. The functions of one of them, the Barnard Summer School, were not continued after 1934, when the school helped to establish the W. P. A. workers’ education program in New York City. One of the schools is on the campus of a university— the School for Workers at the University of Wisconsin.2 Another, though it has long been associated with Bryn Mawr College and is so referred to in the present report, now has its home at West Park, N. Y. It has changed its name from the Bryn Mawr Summer School to the Hudson Shore Labor School. The fourth, the Southern Summer School, at present is at the Normal and Teachers’ College in Asheville, N. C. . . Though the schools do not attempt to obtain a national cross section of women workers, a fairly broad representation is secured. There are few far western students, chiefly because of the geographic location of the four schools. Southern draws its students exclusively from the southern States, with North Carolina and Virginia supplying the largest numbers. Wisconsin students are all from the Middle West, the majority from Wisconsin. Since Barnard was a nonresident school, it could accept only girls living in New York City or its vicinity. Bryn Mawr, which was established as a national school, is the only one that attempts to secure a broader distribution. Three sections of the country supply most of its students, the Middle Atlantic States, the Middle West, and New England, though the Southern and Pacific sections also are represented. Since 1934 two more summer schools have been established that are associated with Affiliated Schools—the Summer School for Office Workers in Chicago and the Pacific Coast School for Workers at Berke ley, Calif. However, they are not represented in the 1938 sample, because they would introduce geographic and industrial distributions not comparable with those of the earlier years. The Chicago school has white-collar workers exclusively and the Pacific Coast School has agricultural workers and others not found in the older schools. Each school recruits new students from such organizations as the trade-unions, the Y. W. C. A., civic clubs, and similar groups. Girls are selected on the basis of their interest in workers’ education and the labor movement, their qualities for leadership, their age, and the amount of schooling they have had. Union representation is increas ingly important. In conjunction with the rapid development in trade-unionism since 1933, union representation at the schools also has grown during this later period. In 1938 two-thirds of the Southern Summer School students were union members, as were four-fifths of 2 The work of the School for Workers at the University of Wisconsin was discontinued in August of 1939 due to the decision of the Legislature to eliminate its funds from the budget. THE SUMMER SCHOOLS AND THEIR INFLUENCE 3 the full-term-session students at Wisconsin. All students attending the special 2-week session at Wisconsin for the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union belonged to that union. The very great majority of the Bryn Mawr applicants were union members. Bryn Mawr had formerly aimed specifically toward a 50-50 ratio of union and nonunion students, but no other school has set a definite pro portion. Since few workers could afford to attend the summer schools without assistance, scholarships are provided to cover the expenses incurred. Even with this aid, attendance at a summer session represents a considerable financial drain on the student because of the loss of earnings.. Though some are so fortunate as to obtain leave of absence from their employers, others are forced to give up their jobs and must look for employment when they return home. Method of teaching at workers’ schools. There is no counterpart to a workers’ school anywhere in the framework of the standard educational system. Experience gained by experimentation is the chief guide in formulating the program of these specialized schools and each year sees some change in the curricu lum and the teaching methods used. The social sciences form the nucleus of the study program, and allied subjects are added to present a well-rounded picture of the social order and its attendant problems. In planning classes the aim is to select teaching material that is related to the experiences of the students. It is by no means a simple task to conduct a school for workers. These students arrive equipped with an intensely serious attitude toward the work they are about to undertake. Many of them will regard their summer-school experience as the greatest thrill of their lives. They are eager to learn, but no ordinary methods of teaching would serve their needs. They are accustomed to dealing with realities, with objects and events related directly to everyday living. Intangibles and abstractions hold no interest nor any real meaning for them. They come with a definite purpose in mind—to leam how they may best develop their own lives and the lives of other workers Under such conditions, ordinary lecture methods of teaching are of little value. Conducting the classes largely by the discussion method has been found to be the best means for the needs of this type of student. By decreasing the emphasis on the role of the teacher and increasing the part taken by the students, an informal atmosphere is created in which the girls are encouraged to speak freely and soon find them selves exchanging experiences.. Thus they slowly see the fundamental unity underlying any superficial differences in their industrial experi ences. In the round-table discussions they tell each other about their jobs, their working conditions, their troubles with the “boss ” their difficulties in getting jobs, and the strikes in which they have actively participated. . If we imagine ourselves eavesdropping during one of these discus sions, we may hear such revealing comments as these: 3 ? From job-history questionnaires on file at the offices of the Affiliated Schools for Workers, in New York 4 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS A millinery worker speaks first: In the last job I worked I had to press the hats on a wooden block with a heavy iron which weighed about 30 pounds at least. I had to stand over a kettle of steam at the stove to steam the hats. The steam would go into my face and burn my fingers many times. I began to get thin and run-down. The boss was very exacting and made me rip so many times. She made me make the whole hat from beginning to end, and she exploited me very much. Yet if I did one little thing wrong she scolded me and yelled at me and was very mean. When I left she couldn’t understand why I did so. She thought she was a good boss. For the $10 she paid me she got $100 worth out of me— if not more. The next student, an operator on organdy dresses, speaks tersely: Tried to organize the shop and was squealed on by the other operators. This student, a worker in the laundry department of a hospital, manages to convey her distaste for her job in very few words: I mangle wet clothes and heavy spreads. I iron everything a person can think of. I operate a press machine which is hot like the devil, and after working in the heat of the laundry I have to sweep the whole place and wash the machinery. The fourth girl is a household employee. Her comments reveal a pride in her work in spite of the attendant fatigue: My job includes all the work that goes to making a home out of a house. Getting good meals at the proper time, serving them, and cleaning everything up afterwards. Keeping the house clean and orderly is a big job. Answering doorbells and telephones is also my job. Entertainments always mean extra work and very seldom extra pay. The work is such as keeps me on my feet practically all the time. Even my meals are interrupted and very little time allowed for them. The last student we overhear is one of many who find it necessary to seek work outside the industry in which they are habitually employed. This girl, who normally operates a power machine in a clothing factory, explains: The job I am now doing is cook in a restaurant. Doing this work because of the unemployment situation in factories that I have worked in before. I find this the only work I can get to keep up with expenses. In addition to the informal method of teaching through discussion classes, group recreational activities, such as dramatics, games, and community singing, are coordinated in an effort to develop individual initiative as well as a healthy cooperative spirit. The realization by the students that their experiences and problems are not unique, but are duplicated in the case of thousands of other workers throughout the country, is greatly enhanced by their contacts at a workers’ school. In a way, "the success of the summer schools can be measured by the extent to which this unity is recognized by the worker-students and by their acceptance of the necessity for common action to gain individual advances. Aim of the summer schools. It has been implied that the aim of the summer-school program is dual in nature: To offer educational advantages to individual students and to benefit the labor movement by training workers for THE SUMMER SCHOOLS AND THEIR INFLUENCE 5 active participation and leadership. Since it is believed that these ends can be served best by recruiting as students women who alreadv have evidenced an interest in workers’ problems, such girls have been selected each year. The passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933 gieatly stimulated union organization. Given Government sanction unions were quick to press their advantage and recruit new members' At the 1934 summer schools for workers the students were asked to supplement the job-history questionnaire by putting down some of their thoughts about the N. R. A. The results were varied. As was natural, students approved or disapproved of the industrial codes according to the way they were affected by the code adopted in their own industry There were no dissenters, however, from the enthuslastm approval of the famous section 7 (a) which granted workers the right to organize. The N R A affected industries and the various classes of skilled and unskilled labor differently. Though it raised wages for very many women, there were cases in which the weekly wage rates of skilled, unionized workers were lowered to conform to the standard rates of pay set for the industry as a whole. Thus a number of the higher-paid students felt that their wages were lowered to pay the code minimum, and that the work was speeded up to maintain the same unit cost of production previously in effect under longer hours. A millinery copyist wrote the following rather disgruntled report: I belong to the union and we have an agreement. The N. R. A. weakened f,agJ'eemen^ by giving much lower rates, so that we feel more the pressure • .u . 088 and R is very hard to settle prices. The only help of the N R A system ^ St°P at ^ ° Cl°Ck sharp- We are n0W affectedby the speed-up The “average student.” To gam a clear picture of the problems confronting the adminis tration of the workers’ schools, one must be familiar with the type of student attracted to them. Is she different from other women workers? Why does she desire to attend a summer school? In what is she interested? What are her connections with the labor movement? is tnere likely to be any change in that relation because of her attend ance at a workers’ school? If she is not a member of a labor organi zation at present, will she be stimulated by her experiences at the school to become an active participant in such an organization? Regardless of the year of attendance, certain general characteristics and industrial experiences are common to the summer-school groups r ™denng the type of student attracted to these classes, a picture oi the average student” will be useful as a preliminary background to a more detailed study. _ This hypothetical worker will be given the characteristics most typical of the entire group of students studied bhe will be used to represent singly the background and the industrial experience of a large number of actual students.4 average student (let us call her Ann) is an industrial worker ohe is 24 years old, a native-born American, and single. Her industrial f,,‘'rie,maior part °1 following description was taken directly from the iob-historv auestioxmnires as pSsibT theB flrare? meliwSi °,SS,??“1Ual leaflets and bulletins of the participating7schools. As far and in Appendix A? presented are m«dian averages computed from the tables accompanying the text 6 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS experience, broadly speaking, is similar to that of thousands of women throughout the country. Ann is an experienced worker, well qualified to perform operations requiring a considerable degree of skill. Shortly after her sixteenth birthday, home conditions made it necessary for her to go to work, so she has been either employed or employable for approximately 8 years. . For a variety of reasons, but chiefly because of the scarcity oi jobs, she has been unable to work steadily. As a result, her annual earnings have fluctuated from year to year. They were very meager during the period 1930 to 1934. Because of the lack of available work and the low wage rates during this time, Ann found that she could not maintain herself at a decent standard of living solely by her own efforts. Her year’s earnings, which were $668 in 1931, were only $364 in 1933. Because she was single and either lived with her family or received some assistance from them, she was not carried permanently on the relief roll. Though Ann’s industrial background corresponds roughly to that of many of her fellow workers, she cannot be considered as representa tive of the entire group of women in industry. The fact that she was accepted as a student at one of the four schools is proof in itself that she possesses some qualities not common to all women workers. The recruiting policy of the summer schools has been directed toward securing interesting girls who already were outstanding in their com munities or who were considered potentially capable of developing into leaders of local activities. To this end attention was centered on the past record of Ann’s affiliations outside the confines of her job. During the earlier years her membership in the local Y. W. C. A. and her attendance at the working women’s classes held there qualified her for admission to a summer school.5 If she came to the school after 1933, probably she was a member of a trade-union and genuinely interested in the labor movement. Through these activities and, more vividly, through her own per sonal experience with low wages, unemployment, strikes, and lock outs, Ann has decided that she wants to know more about working conditions and difficulties. What are the causes of these economic evils which constantly confront her? Why do they exist? Can they be avoided or their disastrous effects lessened? What can she do to make this world a pleasanter place for herself and other workers to enjoy and a happier place for the generations to follow? It is to discover the answers to these questions that she comes to summer school. It will be a great adventure for her—an adventure for which she has already paid heavily. In order to come to school, she leaves home without being sure of a job to which she may return. She sacrifices the wages she might have earned during the 8 weeks of the summer-school session. Will she feel, after she returns home, that the new experiences gathered at school were worth the cost? For many of the girls, this question is answered by one of their group, Anne Butler, a laundry worker: 6 The Y. W. C. A. was selected arbitrarily as representative of the various clubs and organizations for working women that cooperate with the resident schools for workers in recruiting students for the sum mer schools. 8t«A« T«*chers College UtBW THE SUMMER SCHOOLS AND THEIR INFLUENCE 7 BRYN MAWR» To you I came athirst for knowledge, Knowledge to ease the burden of my tired heart and brain, tiuen a useless thing was I, Living my own selfish life, Wrapped closely in my friends, my family, myself— Yet knowing the needs of people, Black people, white people, Wanting so much to help them, To be able to lead their blind, erring, faltering footsteps I owards a path of understanding so that they might Gam fresh courage, new hope in themselves, A measure of fulfilled happiness. And you, Bryn Mawr, Oh gracious haven where my troubled soul has found ouch sweet peace, Have made plain my once bewildered desires. I am content. Individual work histories. A perusal of the job-history questionnaires shows that moving about from industry to industry was frequent even in periods of normal prosperity. Girls changed their jobs for an infinite variety of reasons— they were discharged, the busmess moved or failed, they disliked the work or the conditions within the shop, they did not get along with the boss, the wages were too small. A few questionnaires have been selected at random to illustrate typical changes that were made. • . 34-year-old student at the Wisconsin Summer School had been m mdustpr for 19 years. During this time she had held 12 different jobs, havmg stayed at each place for periods varying from 3 months to 5 years. She started work as a waitress, and then became a tele phone operator for 5 years. This was followed by filling orders for a seed company, returning to telephone operating, then filling boxes with face powder, and later acting as inspector in a textile factory. ruKW6aAu11'8 Slle forked as a Packer and box stitcher in a ubber mill. At the end of that time she became a waitress in a tea room, then a power-machine operator in a ladies’ garment shop, and 7 * J°b iShe wala f.)0,k ln a Private home. During all this •T i1? afweek was *ke highest pay she received. The best-paid tha* of Power-machine operator, she left after 3 months because the work was “too hard. A Barnard Summer School student stated that she had been in i idustry for 8 years, starting m 1924. She reported on nine jobs held during this period, adding that she had had other short jobs. She started work as a filing clerk m a department store, then combined clerical work and sewing m a dress-making shop. For a while she did needlework only, then m the next two jobs shifted back to filing She tired of doing this work and made lamp shades for a time. Her reduced, so she left to try selling in a department store. lhis work was only temporary, however, so at the end of 2 months WomrWoMnZtstry^New^oJrfmo1? reP°rt’ bU* “ilUkrat-tha Mawr S<*“ 8 WOMEN WORKERS AX THE SUMMER SCHOOLS she left to take a job making women’s hats. This was the last job she had before coming to the summer school. Her reasons for leaving the various positions present an interesting variety. Long bouis com bined with low wages; the company went out of business; working conditions were poor; seasonal work; personal illness; wages were re duced; work was temporary; these and others were given as causes for her job changes. . , . , Many girls working in the clothing trades do not hold any one job for very long. The seasonal nature of the industry accounts for much of the shifting from job to job. It seems to be true, however that garment workers make fewer industry changes than do the students in the miscellaneous-manufacturing trades. The operations involved in making articles of clothing require a special typo of skill that is not easily transferable, whereas girls in the miscellaneous-manufac turing trades can transfer from one industry to another without losing much time learning the new operation. Alertness, dexterity, and muscular coordination are attributes required for machine operating, regardless of the product manufactured. Moreover, the ratio ol union members to unorganized workers is high in the clothing industry. This fact partially explains why garment workers are less willing to seek jobs in other fields. The industry itself is large enough to otter considerable opportunity to move about from job to job. An operator on silk dresses may change to a job making cotton underwear, the two products are different but the operations involved are essentially SuclTshifting is illustrated by the history of a Bryn Mawr student who started working in 1925 as a learner in a dressmaking establish ment. She “didn’t like the way the boss spoke to the workers, so she left soon and next worked as an operator on silk blouses, She was bored with this work, and then tried a job as cutter m an under wear factoiw. This she liked, but as she gained experience she wanted more money, so she moved to another underwear factory. Here the work was hard and the hours were long, and after a year she took a iob as trimmer of women’s hats. In 1932 she had been on this job for 2 years and expected to return to it at the end of summer school. Another student had had eight jobs over a period of 18 years and six of them were in the clothing industry. She started working tor a jewelry firm making mesh handbags. Three years later the product was out of style and the company ceased production Her next jobs were making silk blouses, sewing on dresses, boys shirts, children s dresses, and millinery. She was rather unfortunate m her selection of employers. Three failed and went out of business, one moved to another town, and two were “unpleasant.” She quit another job because of eyestrain, and was discharged from her last job because ol lack of work. Part II.—FACTS ABOUT THE STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE A summary picture of the industrial background of these workerstudents is obtained by presenting in tabular form the data assembled from the job-history questionnaires. Though the figures thus derived are sufficiently accurate for the purpose of this report, the general statistical value of the material is somewhat limited for several reasons. Most important is the fact that the source of the data is not strictly reliable; few workers keep detailed records of their work histories, so some allowance must be made for inaccuracies due to imperfect recollection. In addition, the sample obtained is comparatively small, and the number of questionnaires returned varies from year to year. For the various schools the numbers of students with information reported were as follows: Table 1.—Scope of study, by school Students represented in— School 1931 1932 1933 1934 1938 Total..................................................................... 140 172 111 172 117 Bryn Mawr................................................... ............ . Barnard 2 __________________________ Wisconsin___ _____ __________ ______ Southern.____ ___________ _________ ______ ___ 90 105 32 18 17 89 93 i 56 4 18 25 34 43 18 36 14 1 In this case applications. 2 Did not report in 1931 and 1933 and had ceased to function by 1938. It is unfortunate that complete records are not available for all four schools in each year. The Barnard school, for example, did not report in 1931 nor 1933 and was no longer functioning by 1938; the Wisconsin school returned only four questionnaires in 1933; in 1938 no question naires were returned for Bryn Mawr students, but comparable in formation along certain lines was secured from the applications of 56 students and is included in the report. Another limitation in the 1938 data is that 28 of the Wisconsin students attended only a special 2-week session for members of the International Ladies’" Garment Workers’ Union. For the study as a whole, then, records were obtained for 712 students, but as changes in the 1938 questionnaire frequently made it impracticable to include that year’s students, most of the report is based on the 595 questionnaires returned for the first 4 years. This part of the report is divided into short sections dealing with the racial background, general characteristics, and industrial experience of these worker-students. Attention is called to the fact that the materia] is wholly valid only for the period ending in 1934. Subse181107°—39----- 3 q 10 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS quent changes in the policies of the individual schools and in the composition of the student groups have produced some deviation from the conclusions based on the 1931-34 period. Geographic distribution. Because each school draws its students from particular areas, the geographic distribution of the students in the study is influenced by the schools reporting in each year. In 1931 and 1933 the Barnard school did not report, and in 1933 the Wisconsin school returned only four questionnaires. In the years in which all four schools are rep resented in the sample (1932 and 1934) about half the women came from the Middle Atlantic States, one-fifth from the Middle West, another fifth from the South, one-ninth from New England, and a negligible proportion from the Pacific States. The fluctuation from year to year depends not only on the schools reporting but on the relative number of questionnaires returned by each school. Table 2.—Geographic distribution—all schools Place of residence 1931 1932 1933 1934 140 100.0 Middle West_______ _______ _______ ___________ _____ 171 100.0 111 100.0 172 100.0 7.1 40.7 35.0 1.4 15.7 11.1 53.8 18.1 1.8 15.2 21.6 46.8 9.9 1.8 19.8 11. 6 43.6 21. 5 .6 22.7 Nativity. During the 4 years 1931-34, the majority of the students were native-born, about one-third having native-born parents and onethird having at least one foreign-bom parent. As in the 1928-30 period, so between 1931 and 1934 well over one-half of the foreignbom students were from Russia and Poland, and practically all these students attended Barnard or Bryn Mawr Summer School. Table 3.—Nativity—all schools Nativity 1931 1932 1933 1934 140 100.0 172 100.0 111 100.0 171 100.0 35.7 29.3 35.0 27.3 28.5 44.2 30.6 39.6 29.7 37.4 40.4 22.2 The Southern School, with only two foreign-born students and two of foreign extraction in a 4-year total of 83, faced a type of problem different from that of the other schools because of this difference in the background of the students. Bryn Mawr and Barnard, whose students were of various nationalities, faced a language problem, whereas in the Southern School the difficulty was likely to be one of less adequate educational background. In 1938 the picture was STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE H changed by the small representation from Bryn Mawr, which reduced the proportion of foreign-born. Age. In each year approximately one-lialf of the students are 21 to 25 years of age. In general, the recruiting policies of the four schools are similar, in that preference is given to girls who are between 18 and 35. The median age for the 4-year period is approximately 24, with variations among the schools. The significance of this average is lessened by the fact that the degree of dispersion is large. In the four schools combined the total range in age in the 4 years 1931-34 was from 16 to 51 years. Table 4.—Age—all schools Age (in years) Students reporting—Number__________ Percent.. ........... 16 to 20............. . 21 to 25—............ ........... 26 to 30................. ............ . 31 to 35—___ ______ 36 to 51-................. ........ 1931 1932 140 100.0 172 100.0 24.3 50.7 15.7 7.9 1.4 1933 1934 23.8 111 100.0 100.0 - , --------------------------------- ------------------- ---------------- Marital status. In her report covering the 1928-30 period, Dr. Palmer points out that this question probably was not answered accurately because of fear of discrimination against married women workers in the summer schools. It seems fairly safe to assume that this hesitancy on the part of the students to reveal their true marital status has been over come, judging by the relatively stable averages since 1930. In each year of the 1931-34 period approximately 85 percent of the students reported that they were single, and roughly 6 percent that they were married. The remainder were widowed or divorced. The figures for 1938 show much the same distribution. Age at entering industry. - . An examination of the table following shows some interesting varia tions. The total range in age at which these students entered industry is comparatively uniform from year to year and cannot be considered a factor m explaining the differences in the annual distributions. But the large proportion in the 1933 group who entered before they were 16 years old is due to the few questionnaires received from Wisconsin m that year. The entrance age is higher for Wisconsin than for Bryn Mawr students, who greatly dominate the 1933 sample and bias the distribution for that year. The significant fact is that about nme-tenths of the individuals in the study had started to work before they were 19 years old, half of this group before they were 16 and the other half at 16 to 18. A much larger proportion in 1934 than in any other year had not begun work until more than 18. 12 WOMEN WORKERS AX THE SUMMER SCHOOLS Table 5.—Age at entering industry—all schools Percent entering industry— Number of student reporting School year 582 138 168 109 172 At less than 16 years of age At 16 to 18 years of age 47.1 39.1 47.6 53.2 37.2 41.6 47.8 41.0 40.4 44.8 At 19 to 33 years of age 11.3 13.0 11.3 6.4 18.0 Years in industry. Analysis of yearly averages (medians) shows comparatively little variation in amount of industrial experience. From 1928 to 1931 the average rose from slightly under to slightly over 8 years. In 1932 it approached 9 years, but by 1934 had dropped to 8. The figures for the two schools reporting in 1938 were 7% years for Wisconsin and 7% years for Southern. These averages are based on industrial experi ence in the United States and do not include employment in other countries. Number of jobs held. Again it is illustrated that the industrial background of the girls coming to the summer schools was somewhat the same from year to year. Further, the average (mean) number of jobs reported by the students, which had been 4.6 for the period 1928-30, varied only from 4.2 to 4.8 in the subsequent years. Here again, only jobs in the United States were counted. Except for a few students who reported having had 17, 25, and even 56 jobs, the reports for 1931-34 covered a range of 1 to 14 jobs. Twenty-seven girls reported an indefinite number because they either “couldn’t remember” or had had “too many to count.” In all, 2,570 past jobs were reported by the 568 students reporting in the school years 1931 to 1934. Table 6.—Number of former jobs—all schools Percent that had had— School year 1931 ______ ___________ 1934 _________________ students reporting 581 133 162 105 168 1 to 4 jobs 61.6 55.7 59.3 60.0 67.9 5 to 8 jobs 26.7 36.8 30.9 32.4 23.2 9 to 12 jobs 8.3 5.3 6.8 1.0 7.1 More than 12 jobs 3.4 2.3 3.1 6.7 1.8 No comparison was made between the number of jobs held and the industry in which the students habitually worked, but such an inquiry, 13 STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL, EXPERIENCE in a field that is relatively unexplored, should yield interesting data. It is difficult to make comparisons among the four schools because in each case the range in the number of jobs varied, and also because of certain changes in the composition of the schools. Barnard, for example, in 1932 had more than twice as large a proportion of her students from the clothing trades as she had in 1934—seven-tenths in contrast to three-tenths. The foregoing table shows that for the four schools combined, more students in 1934 than in earlier years had had only 1 to 4 jobs. Industry of last regular job. These students at the summer schools did not represent a national cross section of working women in the United States, because many occupational classes were not represented in the group. Students of the schools are recruited chiefly from industrial workers, though girls in domestic and personal service have been admitted in gradually increasing numbers. In 1937, when agricultural workers were ad mitted, a new category of workers was added at the Southern Summer School. Before that, the majority of girls attending Southern were in the textile and clothing industries. Bryn Mawr, representing a broad geographic distribution of students and a large student body, had a diversified industrial group of workers. Clothing, miscellaneous manufacturing, and textiles were the industries most frequently rep resented. Barnard, situated in the great clothing center of New York City, had many students from that industry, though in 1934 the occupational classification of its students was quite varied. Wisconsin students, on the other hand, were mainly from manufacturing indus tries other than clothing and textiles. They covered a wide range, and the students were not concentrated in any one of them. The table following gives the distribution of the students of all the schools combined according to the industry in which they had last worked. It is clear that from 75 to 85 percent of them were from the manufacturing industries. Bryn Mawr’s recruiting policy—that of attempting to emphasize one or two special geographic areas in their student representation—accounts in part for the changed industrial distribution in 1938. This year the Pennsylvania and Ohio areas were those in which Bryn Mawr was particularly interested. Table 7.—Industry of last regular job—all schools Industry 1928-30 1931 1932 1933 1934 1938 Students reporting—Number. ----------------Percent........................... 609 100.0 140 100.0 172 100.0 111 100.0 172 100.0 116 100.0 Clothing----- ---------------------- ------------------------- 47.0 15.9 24.1 6.1 6.9 40.0 17.9 25.7 13.6 2.9 47.7 16.3 17.4 5.2 13.4 40.5 16.2 21.6 9.0 12.6 29.7 23.3 20.9 15.1 11.0 49.1 11.2 18.1 10.3 11.2 Miscellaneous manufacturing------------------- ------Domestic and personal service.................. ........... Other 1________________ __________ 1 Trade, transportation, clerical, and so forth. 14 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS The types of job held by the students varied widely. In the clothing trades girls were operators on all kinds of garments, some were custom dressmakers, others worked on only one part of the garment, and some did fancy work and the sewing that must be done by hand. A number of the girls were millinery workers, draping, shaping, and sewing; some worked on men’s hats. In the textile industries girls operated weaving, spinning, spooling, winding, looping, and topping machines. In the other manufacturing trades students had jobs that ranged from making candy to operating a glass-blowing ma chine, from packing cigarettes to printing birthday cards. Union membership. Yearly averages for the question of union membership were influ enced particularly by the absence of data from Barnard for the years 1931 and 1933. The trades represented by Barnard students are more highly organized in New York than in smaller or less indus trialized cities. Almost certainly the percent of students belonging to unions was smaller in these 2 years than it would have been had Barnard figures been included. Table 8.— Union membership—all schools School year Number of students reporting 1928 1929 1930_______________________ 1931________________________ 1932...................... ........... ........... . 1933_________________ ______ 19341938-.______________________ 152 202 203 129 168 95 156 117 Percent belonging to unions 35.5 39.1 42.4 1 34.1 38.1 i 37.9 53.2 87.2 It must be remembered that Barnard was not included in 1931 and 1933. The table indicates little change in the proportion trade-union members formed of the groups attending the summer schools from 1931 to 1933. In 1934, however, there was an approximately 15-point increase over 1933, and in 1938 the proportion had more than doubled the 1933 figure. In 1938 two-thirds of the Wisconsin students at tended a special session held there for the International Ladies’ Gar ment Workers’ Union, which greatly increased the proportion of union members at Wisconsin in that year. Though the figures in this table cannot be said to be representative of women workers as a whole, because of the selective nature of the sample, there is a correlation between this group and all women. To some degree the proportion of trade-union members attending the summer schools depends on the extent to which women workers as a whole have been organized. In recruiting students the summer schools definitely attempt to secure union members, but often in the past there have been no unions in existence from which students could be obtained. This was par ticularly true in the South before the N. R. A. and before the organi zation drive of the textile workers. The general increase in union membership and the added support given the summer schools by the unions undoubtedly caused the rise in the proportion of students belonging to trade-unions in 1938. 15 STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE Type of shop of last job. For the purpose of this question, a union shop was defined as one in which there had been an agreement with a trade-union at any time during the student’s employment. Table 9.—Type of shop of last job—all schools Type of shop 19311 1932 19331 132 100.0 Nonunion shop....... I.................................................. . 164 100.0 104 100.0 25.0 .8 74.2 27.4 24.0 72.6 76.0 1934 1938 2 151 100.0 45.7 5.3 } 49.0 61 100.0 63.9 36.1 i It must be remembered that Barnard is not included in 1931 and 1933. 3 Only Wisconsin and Southern reported. It is interesting to observe that there was relatively little increase in the proportion of union shops until 1934. In that year the pro portion of students reporting that they worked in a union shop was more than 20 points higher than in 1933. Since this increase occurred after the advent of the N. R. A., unquestionably the government policy regarding labor organization was partly responsible. Weekly wage rate on last job. The purpose of table 10 is to show the wide fluctuation in weekly earnings of similar groups of students. Assuming that the general level of skill has remained about the same from year to year, the changes in the wages received represent a profound influence in the lives of the girls studied. In the predepression years the students averaged higher wages than industrial women in general. Likewise, in subsequent years their wages still were slightly higher than average, but the drop in actual wages during the years of the depression was tremendous. The comparison between the median wages of each yearly group and the median wages of the union members within the group shows interesting variations. Table 10.—Median weekly wages in last job of all students and of union members-— all schools Median wages of— School year 1928 1929___________ ____________ 1930 1931.................... ........................ 1932__________________ ____ 1933__________________ _____ 1934__________ _____________ All students $21.67 23.15 20.15 18.28 14.93 13. 50 14.78 Union members g (’) $23.00 18.32 13.24 15.80 1 Not reported. Why the union average in 1933 is lower than the average for the entire group cannot be explained fully. Probably it is due partly to the fact that in that year there were fewer students from the clothing 16 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS trades. A proportionately greater number of union members from the lower-paid industries naturally would lower the average for the union group as a whole. Classified by industry, union membership reported in the period 1931-34 was as follows: Clothing, 131; textiles, 26; miscellaneous manufacturing, 26;. others, 8. The immediate effect of the industrial depression is revealed in the changes in the average weekly earnings. Again it is shown that the N. R. A. benefited many workers in higher earnings for 1934. In a separate question asking the effects of the N. R. A. on weekly wages, 74 students in a total of 112 reporting replied that their wages had been increased; no increase was reported by 31; and 7 reported an actual decrease. The decrease in weekly earnings was reported by piece-rate workers. Piece rates were increased but, because of a reduction in hours, weekly earnings were slightly lower than formerly. It is not possible to observe the changes that followed the collapse of the N. R. A., since questionnaires for 1935 to 1937 are not available. Low weekly earnings were reported at all four schools. In general, the highest individual earnings were those of Barnard and Bryn Mawr students, due partly to differences in standard of living and partly to the representation of industries. The range of weekly wages reported was broad, running from less than $5 to $60. In most cases students reporting wages under $10 a week were part-tune workers who did not give a full-time figure. Only 11 students reported earning as much as $34 a week. Of these, some were custom dressmakers and two were art designers. Earnings in preceding year.1 The significance of the annual-earnings figures is limited by the fact that in most cases they are approximations. As a rule, workers do not keep a record of yearly earnings. A number of students arrived at their total yearly earnings by multiplying their weekly average— itself an estimate—by the number of weeks they worked. The medians computed from these approximations are shown in table 11. The same trend in earnings is observed if a percentage distribution is prepared. Such a table shows that three-fourths of the students earned less than $900 in 1931, less than $700 in 1932, less than $500 in 1933, and less than $600 in 1934. In 1938 the Southern and the Wisconsin school reported the preceding year’s earnings, and in both cases the median was substantially higher than the 1934 figure. When one realizes that the majority of these students are exper ienced workers, many of them skilled, others semiskilled, the serious ness of the exceedingly low annual earnings is more apparent. One wonders how they managed to live during the worst years of the depression. In every year of the 4 studied, two-thirds or more of the students reporting had had some part-time work, either because they worked in seasonal trades or because of the scarcity of work during the depressed period. An unusual opportunity to compare the financial position of similar groups of women workers during periods of prosperity and depression is made possible by the ability to contrast the data contained in Dr. Palmer’s report of the years 1928-30 with the 4-year period 1 In each case the “preceding year" is the 12-month period ending with May 31 of the school year. STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE 17 following. No comparison is possible with 1938 figures, because too few were employed in any one industry to compute median earnings. Below is a table of median average earnings by industry, 1928 to 1934, which illustrates the wide variation that did occur. Only 33 students of the 524 reporting for the 4 separate years earned $1,000 or more. Earnings ranged from below $100 to $1,400 and under $1,500. The decline in annual earnings from 1930 to 1933 illustrates the effect of the economic depression. Earnings were curtailed, of course, because of the fewer weeks of employment and the decreased weekly wages. In 1934 the major occupational classes showed a higher median figure, which may be attributed in part to the effects of the N. R. A. Table 11.—Median annual earnings, by industry—all schools Median earnings in the years ended May 31— Industry 1928-30 All industries.................... ............ ...... 1931 1932 1933 1934 $838 $688 $464 $364 $396 888 745 821 757 842 Clothing___________ ___________ Textiles___________________ _____ Miscellaneous manufacturing,..................... Domestic and personal service........................ Other 2_____ ____________ 723 494 775 617 0) 450 430 540 333 375 467 (l) 300 420 422 550 188 300 0) 390 1 Too few questionnaires for the computation of a median. 2 Trade, transportation, clerical, and so forth. It is interesting to see that though the textile industry in 1928-31 paid the lowest median earnings, in 1932-34 it paid better than some other industries. The proportion of textile workers among all students decreased in 1932, but by 1934 there was a substantial increase; clothing workers decreased in 1933 and 1934, workers in the miscellaneous manufacturing group and in domestic and personal service increased after 1932, and those in other industries fluctuated from year to year. Table 12.—Median annual earnings, by school Median earnings in the year ended May 31— School 1928 Bryn Mawr,................................. Barnard................................... Wisconsin......... ........... .............. Southern........................................... . $922 963 788 713 1929 $908 994 906 642 1930 $778 811 817 (2) 1931 $681 (') 713 m 1932 $488 350 600 463 1933 $376 (?) 250 1934 $467 250 317 275 1938 8$504 303 1 School did not report in this year. ! Too few questionnaires lor the computation of a median. Interschool variations are indicative of sectional differences in the representation of industries. At Bryn Mawr and Barnard many of the students were in the clothing industry, whereas at Southern a greater proportion of girls were in the textile industry. Wisconsin students were chiefly in miscellaneous manufacturing or domestic and personal service. 18 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS Money from sources other than wages in preceding year. Of a total of 595 students in the 4 years 1931-34, 121 reported the receipt of money other than wages and gave the amount received. The average amount received in 1928-30 had been $77; in 1931 it was $43; in 1932, $57; in 1933, $54; and in 1934, $24. The substantial drop in 1934 probably was due to the higher earnings in that year, making help less necessary, and the fact that in the fourth year of the depression private sources of additional money, such as gifts, family assistance, and so forth, were materially diminished. The sources of extra income varied from family assistance, strike benefits, workmen’s compensation, relief money, to a few cases of interest on investments. Some students not reporting a specific amount received help in the form of relief in kind and “maintenance” from their families. Causes of leaving jobs. There was space on the questionnaires for only one-or-two-word answers to the inquiry as to causes of leaving past jobs, and this limitation may have resulted in some distortion in the classification. It is simpler to say lay-off, for example, than to give a more specific reason. Moreover, some inexactness may be explained by the fact that the causes, given by the students themselves, involved a certain amount of rationalization where the job was left for personal reasons. There were 2,570 jobs in the students’ industrial histories, but for only 2,167 was the cause of leaving reported. Table 13.—Causes of leaving jobs—all schools Causes reported in— Causes 1931 1932 1933 1934 All causes—Number. Percent. 517 100.0 647 100.0 391 100.0 612 100.0 Working conditions1......... Involuntary reasons1-----Industrial disputes 8------Personal reasons1......... - - 4*** 2* Other............................... . 40.2 31.3 4.1 18.8 5.6 29.4 43.0 6.6 15.8 5.3 27.4 43.0 3.1 19.9 6.6 23.7 45.3 5.1 18.1 7.8 1 Low wages and long hours; poor working conditions; dislike of work or management. 2 Lay-off, slack or seasonal work; business failed, burned, or moved; discharge; introduction of machinery. 8 Strike or lock-out; union activities. . ., . . .. 4 Illness (personal or family); to go to school; change of residence; marriage or family reasons. With each year of the depression a smaller proportion of jobs were given up because of working conditions. This result was to he ex pected, because at a time when the number of available jobs is steadily decreasing, people are afraid to give up the jobs they have. In such periods it is possible for management to lower standards with less ensuing protest from the workers than would result in prosperous times, particularly in unorganized plants. . . The proportion of jobs left because of involuntary reasons increased from 31 percent in 1931 to 45 percent in 1934. In a large proportion of cases, lay-off was the cause. STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE 19 Part-time employment in preceding year. In each of the school years covered, two-thirds or more of the students reporting on part-time employment in the preceding 12 months stated that they had done some part-time work. The largest proportion having had some part-time work was reported by the small group in 1938, when only Wisconsin and Southern were represented followed by 1933 and 1932. Workers with 41 or more weeks of part time employment were few and comprised only 4 or 5 percent of each year's group but that of 1931, when they were 11 percent of the sample. Those with 25 to 40 weeks of part-time work ranged from 9 to 17 percent of the various groups. From these proportions it is seen that experience of 24 or fewer weeks of part-time employment was most common among the summer-school workers. Table 14.—Part-time employment in preceding year—all schools Number of part-time weeks worked Students reporting—Number ___ Percent____ ________ None-________ _ __ 1 to 8_____________ __________ 9 to 24_____________________ 25 to 40________________________ 41 to 52__________________ 1931 1932 1933 1934 1938 1 133 100.0 161 100.0 95 100.0 152 100.0 47 100.0 35.3 18.0 22.6 13.5 10.5 29.2 17.4 28.4 14.7 17.4 5.0 23.4 25.5 38.3 5.3 34.9 21.7 28.3 11.2 3.9 4.3 1 Only Wisconsin and Southern reported. Unemployment in preceding year. The table following is presented to illustrate the general trend of causes of unemployment. The effects of the depression are shown clearly. Lack of work was by far the principal cause of unemploy ment from 1931 to 1934, especially the second half of such period. In these last 2 years, also, fewer persons than in 1931 and 1932 took vacations without pay or stayed at home without pay in cases of illness or accident. An increase in strikes and lock-outs as a cause of unemployment in 1934 indicates the industrial unrest accompany ing the union-organizing campaign after the low point of the depres sion and the passage of the N. R. A. Table 15.—Causes of unemployment in preceding year—all schools Causes reported in— Causes of unemployment 1931 All causes—Number____ Percent......... ........... Lack o work___ _____ Strike or lockout_______ Illness or accident without pay.__ Vacation without pay___ Attending school.............. Other___________ 1932 1933 149 100.0 197 100.0 125 42.3 10.1 22.1 17.4 3.4 15.7 11.2 3.6 6.4 1934 188 4.3 8.0 20 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS When each cause is analyzed according to the number of weeks of unemployment resulting, some interesting points are brought out. Vacations without pay never caused more than 8 weeks of unemploy ment; illness or accident rarely more than 12 wreeks. In each year but 1931, at least four-fifths of the cases of unemployment caused by strikes or lock-outs lasted less than 13 weeks; in 1931 the propor tion was three-fifths. Unemployment because of lack of work, how ever, shows interesting variations, which can be illustrated best by the following percentages. Table 16.— Unemployment in preceding year due to lack of work—all schools Number of weeks unemployed through lack of work 1931 1932 1933 1934 63 100.0 1 to 12................................ ..........................—............. ................. . 13 to 28....................................... .................................... -............... 29 to 62.............................................................................................. 108 100.0 78 100.0 112 100.0 46.0 39.7 14.3 38.0 29.6 32.4 38.5 32.1 29.6 39.3 28.8 33.9 Over the 4-year period, the duration of unemployment increased. In only one-seventh of the cases reported in 1931, in contrast to onethird in 1934, did unemployment due to lack of work last more than 28 weeks. Major cause of unemployment in preceding year. The table following was compiled by transcribing for each student the cause of her longest period of unemployment. Students who had been affected to the same extent by two or more causes—that is, wTho had more than one “major cause”—were not included. Lack of work was the major cause in three-fifths to more than four-fifths of the cases reported in the 4 years. Table 17.—Major cause of unemployment in preceding year—all schools Major cause of unemployment 1931 1932 1933 1934 97 100.0 142 100.0 89 100.0 124 100.0 60.8 4.1 13.4 13.4 8.2 69. 7 2.1 12.7 9.9 5.6 84.3 4.5 3.4 5. 6 2.2 75.0 8.9 3.2 4.8 8.1 Overtime work in preceding year. In the period 1928-30, about 60 percent of the students reporting on this question had worked some overtime in the various years. In the following years the figures were these: Percent 1931____________ _____ _______________ _____ -____ 1932_ ______ _____ _____ ________________________ _ 1933 1934 58.7 47.9 44. 7 29. 2 STUDENTS AND THEIR INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE 21 As shown by these figures, the proportion of students working some overtime decreased steadily from 1931 to 1934. Slightly more than one-half of those doing overtime work reported 1 to 4 weeks of such work except in 1931, when 42 percent so reported. Daily hours in preceding year. Daily hours of work are defined as including the lunch period. In 1928-30, according to Dr. Palmer’s report, the proportion of students whose daily hours in the past year had been 9 or less was 68 percent. In 1931-33 it was 73 percent. By 1934, however, the N. R. A. codes and the share-the-work program had reduced hours materially, and 92 percent of the students reporting had worked not more than 9 hours a day. The lunch period, which was an hour or more in about half the cases reported, showed very little change from 1928 to 1934. Data on the daily hours of the 1938 students are not available Appendix A.—General Tables Table I.—Weekly wages on last job—all schools 1931 Wages ~ Percent--------------------- ---------- ----$5, under $10 $10, under $16 $16, under $22__ $22, under $28 $28, under $34 - __________________ ________ _________ $40^ under $60 Table 1932 1933 1934 139 100.0 171 100.0 110 100.0 159 100.0 0.7 7.2 35.3 25.9 16.5 6.5 6.5 1.4 4.7 14.6 39.2 21.1 11.1 5.3 2.3 1.8 7.3 17.3 43.6 20.0 5.5 3.6 1.8 .9 7.5 6.3 52.8 19.5 9.4 2.5 1.3 .6 II.-—Earnings in -preceding year—all schools Year ending with May 31— Year’s earnings 1932 1931 1933 1934 127 100.0 Under $200 _________________________________ __________ $800, under $1,100. _ - - - ___ __ ___ _________________ ____ Table 154 100.0 90 100.0 153 100.0 5.5 18.9 40.9 26.0 7.1 1.6 16.2 39.0 34.4 9.1 .6 .6 17.8 55.6 23.3 3.3 23.5 39.9 29.4 6.2 1.3 .7 III.—Causes of leaving jobs—all schools Causes reported in 1931 Causes Num ber All causes................................... Per cent Num ber 517 100.0 647 Low wages, long hours-----------------Lay-off, slack or seasonal work (temporary job) Discharged_________ __________ Strike or lock-out....... ............. —........ Business failed, moved, burned.---- 82 99 16 15 47 19.1 3.1 2.9 9.1 Dislike of management----------------Dislike of work, better job elsewhere Unhealthful, disagreeable working conditions..------------- ----------- Illness_____________________ ____ To go to school. -----------------------Change of residence------------------Marriage and family____________ Union activity, to get into union 13 89 Other causes______ ___ 22 ______ 1933 1932 15.9 62 Per cent 100.0 9.6 Num ber 1934 Per cent Num ber 612 Per cent 100.0 391 100.0 38 9.7 53 8.7 190 32 23 48 7 34 43 31.0 5.2 3.8 7.8 1.1 5.6 7.0 2.5 17.2 179 14 29 81 4 8 89 27.7 2.2 4.5 12.5 .6 1.2 13.8 105 19 5 37 7 9 48 26.9 4.9 1.3 9.5 1.8 2.3 12.3 24 15 54 18 10 4.6 2.9 10.4 3.6 1.9 31 23 34 31 14 4.8 3.6 5.3 4.8 2.2 12 20 32 14 12 3.1 6.1 8.2 3.6 3.1 15 24 35 32 20 2. 5 3.9 5.7 5.2 3.3 6 29 1.2 5.6 14 34 2.2 5.3 7 26 1.8 6.6 8 48 1.3 7.8 Appendix B.—Form of Questionnaire AFFILIATED SCHOOLS FOR WORKERS, INC. SUMMER SCHOOLS FOR WORKERS IN INDUSTRY INDUSTRIAL EXPERIENCE RECORD Date----------------------- 1934 Residence Name of school (City) Present age ... (years) Name (State) How long have you lived in the United States? (Years) Your birthplace-------- (Country) Birthplace of father_____ (Country) Birthplace of mother (Country) Occupation of father Occupation of mother Are you married?_____ Single?_____ Widowed or divorced? How old were you when you entered industry? (Years) Last grade of school completed? In what country was school located? RECORD OF JOBS Put in the table below a record of all the jobs you have held, even if you cannot supply all the details requested in the columns. Number these in the order held, including your first job and all others up to June 1, 1934. Industry Give year of— Local Process or op ity eration Begin Quit ning ting Length of time State job was held specifi Wages per week Was cally the why shop Years Months you left Begin Quit union? this job ning ting 23 Were you a mem ber? 24 WOMEN WORKERS AT THE SUMMER SCHOOLS ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR EMPLOYMENT DURING THE PAST YEAR (From June 1, 1933, to May 31, 1934) During how many weeks of the year were you employed full time?_____ weeks. During how many weeks of the year were you employed only part time? —weeks. During how many weeks of the year were you entirely out of work on account of: 1. Personal illness or accident (with pay) _ 2. Personal illness or accident (without pay) 3. Lack of work ----- --- - ------- .. weeks. __ _. - weeks. — ----- 4. Vacation (with pay) ----------------------- -----___weeks. 5. Strike or lock-out____ - 6. Other causes_ _ _ - - . _-weeks. ----- -- . . Total. .. --------- ------------ ----------- weeks 52 weeks What were the regular opening and closing hours at your last job? On week days-------- ------- ------------- On Saturdays How much time was allowed for lunch? _ -------- ---------------------------------- What w'ere the regular weeklv total hours? __ . — — On your last job were you paid on a piece-work basis? .. _ - ----- During how many weeks of the year did you w7ork some overtime? —. If you worked overtime on your last job, were you paid beyond the regular rate? At what rate? What were your highest full-time weekly earnings during the year? -------------Lowest full-time? What were your total earnings during the year? ----------------------------------------Have there been fines or deductions* from your pay during the year? ------------How7 much?_________________ (•For insurance, etc.) For what purposes?______ ________ How much money did you receive last year from sources other than wages on your regular job? questionnaire 25 Did you receive some of this money from a relief agency?_______ how much?-------------- If so, From what agency? Specify from what other sources this extra money came__________ How much have you saved from your own earnings this year? ____ How much did you pay in insurance premiums this year?________ Did you borrow money last year?_________ If so, how much? Are you still in debt?_______________ Do you live at home?----------------------room?---------------------- How much? If S0) do you pay for board and How much weekly? How much do you contribute toward the family budget besides board and room? (Give total amount during the year)___________________ If you do not live at home, what did you pay for room?dollars a week. For board, including lunches? ____ __________________ dollars a week. If any of your family lives abroad, do you send them any money? _____ How much? What is the principal product of the shop in which you work? How did you secure your present job?_______ __ Describe briefly what you do at your present job: Have your wage rates been increased under the N. It. A.?_________ Has your shop collective bargaining?-------------- If SOj js it under a company union or a trade union?__________________________ If you have worked for a year at the same job before the N. R. A., how do your hours compare with what they were before? (Hours before) What do you consider your regular trade?___________________ Do you have a job when you leave the summer school this year? o (Hours after) ~