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VOLCKER 1981 Money Targets
NOWS S&Ls Start Fast
SUPPLY-SIDE Reviewing the Evidence
MIAMI Behind Foreign Banking Surge
ECKSTEIN The Fed vs. Inflation




Economic

Review

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ATLANTA
President: William F. Ford
Sr. Vice President
and Director of Research:
Donald L. Koch
Vice President
and Associate Director of Research:
William N. Cox III
Financial Structure:
B. Frank King, Research Officer
David D. Whitehead
National Economics:
Robert E. Keleher
Regional and International Economics:
Gene D. Sullivan, Research Officer
Donald E. Baer, Research Officer
Charlie Carter
William J. Kahley
Database Management:
Delores W. Steinhauser
Editing: Gary W. Tapp
Graphics: Susan F. Taylor and
Eddie W. Lee, Jr.

The purpose of the Economic Review is to inform the public about Federal Reserve policies and the
economic environment and, in particular, to narrow the gap between specialists and concerned laymen.

2




APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

*

1

»1
o

®

Renewable Energy Sources
»

»

from the F a r m
4
Producing energy from renewable farm products is
technically possible, but is it economically practical?

T h e Fed vs. I n f l a t i o n
6
Otto Eckstein, President of Data Resources, Inc., of
Lexington, Massachusetts, recently shared his views
on the economy with the Board of Directors of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta.

Behind Miami's Surge in

Supply-Side Tax Policy: R e v i e w i n g

International Banking
9
Miami's emergence as an international banking center
has been stimulated by both regulatory changes and
economic factors. What are the roles of local commercial banks, Edge Act corporations, and foreign bank
agencies in Miami's international banking development?

the Evidence
16
Is any tax policy which affects aggregate supply a
"supply-side" tax policy? What is the evidence regarding the effects of tax cuts on labor, saving, and investment? A review of the empirical and historical evidence
on supply-side tax cuts suggests that some conventional models may be misleading.

New C o m p e t i t i o n for C o n s u m e r
The 1 9 8 1 M o n e t a r y Targets
2 2
Excerpts from testimony by Federal Reserve Chairman
Paul A. Volcker before the House Banking Committee,
February 25, 1981

Financial Business
2 4
How many S&Ls and credit unions will use their new
powers (granted in the Monetary Control Act) to become full-service competitors of banks? What are the
implications for future consolidations and mergers?

•
: N O W Competition: S & L s Start Fast,
Banks More Conservative
2 7
Surveys and preliminary reports from southeastern
financial institutions show wide variations in NOW pricing. A summary of early indications of pricing strategy
and intensity of competition

Inflation Experiences in Seven Major
C o u n t r i e s : A n Overview
31
What factors play major roles in international inflation?
Has the U.S. experience been typical of other western
nations? A review of the inflation histories of seven
major world economies.

>

a
V O L U M E LXVI, N O . 2




3

Renewable Energy Sources
from the Farm
Farmers, especially in the Southeast, are intensely interested in alternate fuels
generated from farm products. Wide variations in cost make the economic
feasibility of alcohol from corn questionable. Gas from wood is an attractive
alternative to natural gas.

Energy is a significant cost in all farm o p e r a t i o n s .
Direct use of fuels t o p o w e r farm m a c h i n e r y
may a m o u n t t o as m u c h as 15 p e r c e n t of total
c r o p p r o d u c t i o n costs. W h e n costs o f materials
d e r i v e d f r o m p e t r o l e u m and/or natural gas are
i n c l u d e d (insecticides, herbicides, pesticides,
and most n i t r o g e n fertilizers), nearly 50 p e r c e n t
of the costs o f p r o d u c i n g c o t t o n in the Southeast is directly d e p e n d e n t o n energy prices.
Farmers are intensely interested in alternate
fuel sources that may p r o m i s e t o c u t t h e i r
energy e x p e n d i t u r e s and especially in those
fuels that can be generated directly o n the f a r m .
It is technically possible t o get energy f r o m
renewablefarm products, butis iteconomically
feasible?

p r o d u c e s f r o m 1.0 t o 2.5 gallons of e t h a n o l
(pure alcohol w i t h o u t water), d e p e n d i n g u p o n
the efficiency o f the o p e r a t i o n . The main byp r o d u c t is 20 t o 30 gallons of " s t i l l a g e , " a l i q u i d
made u p of distillers' grains, d i s t i l l e r s ' s o l u b l e s ,
and w a t e r . The stillage has some value as animal
f e e d , principally because of the p r o t e i n c o n t e n t
of the grain that remains in the s o l u t i o n . It is
d i f f i c u l t t o utilize the stillage, h o w e v e r , since it
c a n n o t be stored f o r longer t h a n t w o o r t h r e e
days w i t h o u t spoilage unless it is d r i e d . Its high
w a t e r c o n t e n t keeps most o f even t h e largest
farm animals f r o m c o n s u m i n g e n o u g h o f the
l i q u i d d i r e c t l y t o gain sufficient n u t r i t i o n f r o m
it, and t h e energy r e q u i r e m e n t f o r d r y i n g t h e
s o l u t i o n is a b o u t e q u i v a l e n t t o the energy
utilized in t h e original distillation process.

Alcohol from Farm Products

Specific costs of alcohol p r o d u c t i o n vary
d e p e n d i n g o n the price o f c o r n w h i c h accounts
f o r 40 t o 60 percent of the total. D u r i n g the past
year, the price ranged b e t w e e n $2.75 and $3.75
per bushel. The raw p r o d u c t cost of the final
p r o d u c t ranges b e t w e e n $1.10 per gallon in t h e
most efficient o p e r a t i o n and $3.75 per gallon.
Costs o f fuel f o r heat t o speed u p the conversion process range b e t w e e n 10 cents'and 40
cents per gallon, d e p e n d i n g o n the efficiency of
the operations and the type o f fuel e m p l o y e d .
O t h e r variable costs, i n c l u d i n g labor and additives, range b e t w e e n 5 cents and 20 cents per
gallon. Fixed or o v e r h e a d costs add a n o t h e r 20
cents t o 50 cents. A l t o g e t h e r , alcohol p r o d u c e d
f r o m c o r n may cost as little as $1.55 p e r gallon if
p r o d u c e d u n d e r ideal circumstances, o r it c o u l d
costas m u c h a s $ 5 . 0 5 p e r g a l l o n if all i t e m s c o m e
in at the high range. In most cases, costs have
been o n the high side of the range.
A f u r t h e r disadvantage is that alcohol p r o duces less energy than gasoline o r diesel. A

Farm p r o d u c t i o n of alcohol f r o m locally prod u c e d p r o d u c t s is o n e possibility that has been
of particular interest t o farmers. The alcohol can
be m i x e d w i t h gasoline t o stretch fuel supplies,
t h e r e b y r e d u c i n g expenditures f o r c o m m e r c i a l
fuels. A n u m b e r of o n - f a r m stills have been
erected f o r the p u r p o s e of c o n v e r t i n g highstarch materials t o a l c o h o l . C o r n is t h e most
c o m m o n l y used raw p r o d u c t , a l t h o u g h alcohol
can be p r o d u c e d f r o m almost any type o f
vegetable material that contains starch o r
sugar.
Thus far, results f r o m attempts at alcohol
p r o d u c t i o n have varied over a w i d e range, a n d
e c o n o m i c feasibility is q u e s t i o n a b l e even u n d e r
the best results o b t a i n e d . 1 O n e bushel of c o r n

' Based on a presentation by Dr. William Givan, Economics ot Farm Renewable
Energy Sources,'' Georgia Cooperative Extension Service, at the Georgia Chapter
ot American Society of Farm Managers and Rural Appraisers, January 2 7 , 1 9 8 1 .

4




APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

gallon of regular gasoline generates 124,000
BTU, n u m b e r 2 diesel gives 139,000 BTU, w h i l e
pure alcohol gives 85,000 BTU. A l c o h o l at 190
proof and 160 p r o o f gives 81,000 and 68,000
BTU, respectively. Some gains in efficiency of
c o m b u s t i o n are realized f r o m gasoline and
alcohol mixtures, b u t even so, a gallon of
alcohol supplies only about t w o - t h i r d s of the
energy obtained f r o m a gallon of regular
gasoline. Thus, even at the lowest p r o d u c t i o n
cost of $1.55 per gallon, alcohol is an expensive
substitute for the regular gasoline it is i n t e n d e d
to replace.
Farmers may get some additional payback
from the stillage b y - p r o d u c t used as feed, b u t
most farmers are n o t e q u i p p e d t o handle the
p r o d u c t w i t h o u t expensive additional investment and operating costs. A f u r t h e r p r o b l e m is
that the stillage cannot be simply discarded
w i t h o u t creating serious problems of environmental p o l l u t i o n .
Tax credits available to alcohol producers are
additional c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o w a r d e c o n o m i c
feasibility. A n investment tax credit a m o u n t i n g
to 20 percent of the investment in e q u i p m e n t is
available to producers in the first year of operation. In a d d i t i o n , an income tax credit is available to users a m o u n t i n g to 40 cents per gallon
for use of alcohol that is 190 p r o o f or greater and
30 cents per gallon for use of alcohol under 190
proof. To raise alcohol to 190 p r o o f or above
approximately doubles the total energy utilized
in distillation.

Vegetable Oils f r o m Oilseeds
The vegetable oils o b t a i n e d f r o m crops such
as soybeans, cottonseed, sunflowers, and
peanuts have been used successfully in a mixture with n u m b e r 2 diesel fuel to p o w e r diesel
engines. Some engines have allegedly been
operated on 100 percent vegetable oil. Alt h o u g h some engine problems may result f r o m
continuous usage of vegetable oil fuel mixtures,
many believe that these problems can be overcome relatively easily.
The major obstacle to widespread usage of
vegetable oils as a substitute f o r diesel fuel is the
higher cost of oils. The cost of soybean o i l , the
cheapest of the alternatives available c o m m e r cially, ranged between $1.50 and $2.30 per
gallon d u r i n g 1980. In mid-January of 1981,
farmers paid an average of $1.06 per gallon for
diesel fuel and the spot price of soybean oil was
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




about $1.85 per gallon. Clearly, farmers cannot
save m o n e y be replacing diesel fuel w i t h vegetable oils at c u r r e n t prices. Vegetable oils c o u l d
serve as a t e m p o r a r y backup fuel supply in the
e v e n t t h a t p e t r o l e u m supplies w e r e curtailed or
cut o f f . Over the l o n g run, however, prices of
f o o d products such as vegetable oils seem likely
to increase also as p e t r o l e u m prices rise.

Gas from Wood
A hospital at Rome, Georgia, has successfully
e x p e r i m e n t e d w i t h a w o o d gasification process
w h i c h replaces natural gas and n u m b e r 2 f u e l oil
as the primary means of heating. 2 W o o d is
harvested and run t h r o u g h a c h i p p e r , then
hauled to the use site w h e r e it is fed green into
the gasification unit. C o m b u s t i o n of the w o o d
chips themselves generates heat that drives
gases f r o m the w o o d and t h r o u g h a pipe to a gas
b u r n e r w h i c h provides the heat source for the
hospital. Costs of the gas f r o m w h o l e t r e e w o o d
chips averaged $2.04 per m i l l i o n BTU in 1980 as
c o m p a r e d w i t h $3.50 and $6.20 per m i l l i o n BTU
f r o m natural gas and n u m b e r 2 fuel oil, respectively. The investment in the w o o d gasification
unit itself was not included in the cost of fuel
f r o m w o o d chips, b u t the investment costs
allegedly w o u l d be recovered over a four-year
period f r o m the savings generated t h r o u g h the
use of w o o d chips.
It is uncertain that w o o d chips w o u l d cont i n u e to be available at 1980's prices if use were
to expand sharply. The cost increased about 20
percent f r o m 1977 to 1980. Nevertheless, the
potential is attractive to farmers because the
w o o d chip system allows t h e m to market all
trees g r o w n w i t h no waste resulting f r o m unused portions of the tree. The clean removal of
all trees f r o m the harvested area facilitates the
replanting and r e g r o w t h process and increases
the productivity f r o m a given area of
forest land.
DOU
—Gene

D.

Sullivan

' Based on a presentation by Ray A. Shirley, Director ot the Georgia Forestry
Commission. "Wood as an Alternative Energy Source.'' Georgia Chapter of
American Society of Farm Managers and Rural Appraisers, January 2 7 , 1 9 8 1

5

The Fed vs. Inflation
by Otto Eckstein

The e c o n o m y is likely t o e n t e r a n e w recession in the w e e k s ahead. A rising p r i m e
rate w i l l cause interest-sensitive e x p e n d i tures t o p l u m m e t . The substantial declines in
housing, other construction, and automobiles
w i l l create a small recession f o r t h e e c o n o m y
as a w h o l e . H o w e v e r , since business and
h o u s e h o l d expectations never became particularly positive d u r i n g the brief recovery,
and inventories are near e q u i l i b r i u m , the recession is u n l i k e l y t o be d e e p . I n d e e d , t h e r e
is still a chance that the declines o f early 1981
w i l l n o t c o n s t i t u t e a g e n u i n e recession, b u t
w i l l be l i m i t e d t o t h e h o u s i n g and a u t o m o t i v e
sectors.
M o r e i n t e r e s t i n g is t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of
p r o d u c t and financial markets o n c e t h e little
recession is o v e r : w i l l the Federal Reserve's
t o u g h policy o f l i v i n g w i t h i n the m o n e t a r y
aggregate targets k e e p interest rates unstable
f o r a n o t h e r year o r two? If so, the e c o n o m y
may be t r a p p e d in a stop-go pattern that w i l l
make business p l a n n i n g d i f f i c u l t and damage
the already l o w rate of capital f o r m a t i o n . W i l l
t h e e c o n o m y be k e p t in recession u n t i l t h e
inflation has abated, a process w h i c h c o u l d
take q u i t e a l o n g time? O r are w e in a p e r i o d
o f . . . restraint w h i c h can set t h e stage f o r new
policies of e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t t h r o u g h
supply-side measures?
The near-term e c o n o m i c o u t l o o k is d o m i nated by the Federal Reserve's struggle
against i n f l a t i o n ; later o n , the w i s d o m and

6




s t r e n g t h of t h e n e w a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ' s
e c o n o m i c policies w i l l b e c o m e decisive.
Why Has There Been So Much Trouble?
W h e n t h e Federal Reserve a d o p t e d t h e
m o n e t a r i s t a p p r o a c h a year ago, n o o n e exp e c t e d it t o p r o d u c e such volatile interest
rates and t w o recessions. W h y has its i n t r o d u c t i o n p r o v e d so t r o u b l e s o m e ? First, the
g r o w t h in t h e m o n e y supply has b e e n hard t o
p r e d i c t , a n d i n d e e d even d i f f i c u l t t o measure.
The r e d e f i n i t i o n s o f m o n e y r e q u i r e d by the
arrival of N O W a n d ATS accounts i n t r o d u c e
n e w uncertainties i n t o the d e f i n i t i o n o f
m o n e y and its r e l a t i o n s h i p t o e c o n o m i c activity. W i t h t h e w e e k l y m o n e y s u p p l y estimates r e s e m b l i n g t h e t h r o w o f d i c e , m o n e t ary p o l i c y is d r i v e n by a partly r a n d o m variable. Second, the Federal Reserve is still
l e a r n i n g the relation b e t w e e n its n e w policy
i n s t r u m e n t (the v o l u m e o f bank reserves)
[and] the m o n e y s u p p l y . In early 1980 t h e Fed
u n d e r e s t i m a t e d the effects o f reserve retard a t i o n in creating a recession and b r i n g i n g
d o w n the m o n e y s u p p l y ; o v e r t h e s u m m e r , it
u n d e r e s t i m a t e d the effect o f reserve expansion and created a m o n e y s u p p l y e x p l o s i o n .
T h i r d , the c o m p l i a n c e and r e p o r t i n g lags f o r
bank reserves c o m p l i c a t e t h e Fed's task
needlessly, a l t h o u g h this flaw is b e i n g corrected. Finally, and most f u n d a m e n t a l l y , a
6 1 / 2 % year-over-year increase in the m o n e y
s u p p l y c a n n o t be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h a very

APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

I

—
Otto Eckstein is President of Data Resources, Inc., of Lexington, Massachusetts.
On a recent visit to Atlanta, he addressed the Board of Directors of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Atlanta. The following are excerpts from his remarks.

s t u b b o r n core inflation and the oil price
shocks. The m o n e t a r i s t a p p r o a c h converts
every price shock i n t o an activity s h o c k , and
w h i l e this a p p r o a c h may ultimately b r i n g
d o w n the i n f l a t i o n rate, it w i l l cause m u c h
pain along the way.

)4

>

H o w severe w i l l be t h e effects o f the current r o u n d of m o n e t a r y policy? As Chart 1
shows, the real interest rate peak is higher
than in t h e earlier r o u n d s , b u t t h e r e are no
c o n s u m e r credit c o n t r o l s this t i m e , and
familiarity w i t h 20% rates has m a d e t h e m less
d i s t u r b i n g . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the d e c l i n e in n e w
h o m e sales and h o u s i n g activity is likely t o be
less than in [Spring 1980.] The Fed w i l l n o t
score a k n o c k o u t v i c t o r y over i n f l a t i o n this
t i m e a r o u n d . The 1981 prospect is d o m i n a t e d
by a 9 + % c o r e rate, a 2.1% shock rate
created by OPEC and d o m e s t i c oil price dec o n t r o l , and a f o o d price increase o u t l o o k o f
14.9%. Weak d e m a n d w i l l l o w e r t h e inflation
rate by o n e percentage p o i n t , the b e n e f i t o f
the m o n e t a r y policy t h r o u g h l o w e r c o m m o d ity prices (Chart 2), some wage m o d e r a t i o n
and business cost a b s o r p t i o n .

Chart 1
Federal Funds Rate vs. Inflation Rate*

"As measured by the year-over-year percent change in the Producer Price Index for
finished goods.

Chart 2
Sensitive Prices, BLS Tuesday Spot Price Index

No a d m i n i s t r a t i o n is likely t o tolerate such
f r e q u e n t b o u t s o f t i g h t m o n e y , w i t h interest
rates b o u n c i n g f r o m 10% t o 20% t w i c e in o n e
year. If inflation p e r f o r m a n c e i m p r o v e s
d u r i n g 1981, the Federal Reserve may be able
to achieve its m o n e t a r y target t h r o u g h a
normal increase o f velocity. If the i n f l a t i o n
record does n o t i m p r o v e t o make this happy
-*

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




7

o u t c o m e possible, the Federal Reserve is
likely t o b e c o m e s o m e w h a t m o r e flexible
a b o u t the achievement of its targets.

Assumptions
The first h u n d r e d days o f t h e Reagan Adm i n i s t r a t i o n w i l l see a dramatic e f f o r t t o halt
the g r o w t h of real g o v e r n m e n t s p e n d i n g . Alt h o u g h the requisite goals f o r s p e n d i n g cont r o l are u n d e r s t o o d , the political difficulties
o f m e e t i n g t h e m are e m e r g i n g . DRI has
raised its federal s p e n d i n g forecasts somew h a t since the N o v e m b e r post-election forecast.
DRI assumes a t w o - p a r t tax package effective July 1, 1981, p r o d u c i n g tax cuts (at annual
rates) o f $38 b i l l i o n , $62 b i l l i o n , and $93 billion in 1981, 1982, a n d 1983, respectively. The
personal cuts consist of a 10% r e d u c t i o n in
tax rates effective July 1, 1981, f o l l o w e d by 5%
r e d u c t i o n s o n January 1, 1981 a n d January 1,
1982, creating revenue losses of $30 b i l l i o n in
1981, $48 b i l l i o n in 1982, and $72 b i l l i o n in
1983. The c o r p o r a t e tax package, assumed to
be retroactive t o January 1, 1981, consists o f
accelerated d e p r e c i a t i o n w h i c h reduces corporate tax liabilities by $8 b i l l i o n in 1981, $14
b i l l i o n in 1982, and $21 b i l l i o n in 1983.
The Reagan A d m i n i s t r a t i o n w i l l increase
military outlays and reduce civilian s p e n d i n g .
In the DRI forecast, real defense purchases
rise 5.7% in 1981, 3.1% in 1982, a n d 5.3% in
1983. Real n o n d e f e n s e purchases decline
5.4% in 1981, 5.5% in 1982, and 3.2% in 1983.
The u n i f i e d b u d g e t deficit d r o p s f r o m $59.0
b i l l i o n in fiscal 1980 t o $54.8 b i l l i o n in fiscal
1981 b e f o r e increasing again d u e t o tax cuts
and a slow e c o n o m y . The fiscal 1981 b u d g e t
outlay estimate is $648.4 b i l l i o n , far above the
j o i n t Congressional r e s o l u t i o n figure of $632.4
b i l l i o n b u t b e l o w some internal Carter
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n figures.
Fed policy limits reserve g r o w t h early in
1981, even as demand-side weakness pushes
8




interest rates l o w e r . The Reagan fiscal policy
stimulus is n o t a c c o m m o d a t e d by the Fed
d u r i n g t h e second half, so that interest rates
again m o v e h i g h e r . The s t r o n g 1982 e c o n o m y
generates t o o - r a p i d m o n e t a r y g r o w t h , a n d
Fed policy o n c e again t u r n s restrictive.

The Forecast in Brief
The recession s h o u l d be o v e r by mid-1981.
By July 1, and perhaps even a m o n t h or t w o
earlier, the tax cuts s h o u l d be effective,
b o o s t i n g c o n s u m e r p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r and
p r o v i d i n g n e w incentive to business investm e n t . Real g r o w t h moves to a 4.6% rate f o r
t h e f o u r quarters e n d i n g in mid-1982, as
h o u s i n g starts m o v e t o w a r d 1.6 m i l l i o n units,
car sales recover t o 10 m i l l i o n units, and inv e s t m e n t begins a 6% rate of increase. Inflat i o n i m p r o v e s o n l y slightly over t h e 1980 rec o r d , w i t h the c o n s u m e r price index u p by
11.6% in t h e f o u r quarters e n d i n g next Dec e m b e r . The rate o f wage increase accelerates
a bit, as w o r k e r s and e m p l o y e r s m o v e t o
maintain real p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r .
Interest rates retreat, n o w that t h e y have
d o n e t h e i r nasty w o r k , w i t h the p r i m e interest rate b o t t o m i n g o u t at an average 14% in
the s u m m e r . It is assumed that t h e Federal
Reserve w i l l n o t repeat its mistake o f letting
real interest rates go substantially negative.
The next u p s w i n g in interest rates is m o r e
g e n t l e , carrying t h e p r i m e rate t o 16% a n d AA
utility b o n d yields and m o r t g a g e yields to
14%. This relatively m i l d c r e d i t cycle begins
to curtail the e c o n o m y ' s g r o w t h by 1983. The
best year of t h e recovery, 1982, shows a 4.1%
rate o f g r o w t h ; 1983 shows a retreat to 3.0%.
C o n s u m p t i o n shows s o m e w h a t s m o o t h e r
g r o w t h , as p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r is m a i n t a i n e d by
tax cuts. The forecast assumes that the initial
personal r e d u c t i o n is 10%, b u t that t h e seco n d and t h i r d steps are l i m i t e d t o 5% cuts
because o f the danger of unacceptably large
deficits.
OR]
APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

Behind Miami's Surge in
International Banking
Miami's international banking activity has expanded substantially since 1969.
Regulatory changes have made the Edge Act corporation a more viable entity.
Florida's legal and tax structure has become more accommodating to
international financial development. And banking activity with Latin American
individuals and nonfinancial firms has surged.

»

In t h e past t w o decades, M i a m i has e m e r g e d
as o n e of t h e n e w international b a n k i n g centers. T h e m o v e t o M i a m i by major U . S. a n d
foreign banks has b e e n stimulated by b o t h
regulatory changes and e c o n o m i c factors.

International Banking from Miami:
The Cast of Participants
International b a n k i n g f r o m M i a m i consists
of locally based c o m m e r c i a l banks, Edge A c t
c o r p o r a t i o n s set u p by out-of-state a n d
foreign banks, a n d f o r e i g n bank agencies and
representative offices. U s i n g June 1980 data,
transactions w i t h the Caribbean Basin and t h e
rest of Latin A m e r i c a c o n s t i t u t e d at least half,
and regularly 80 t o 90 p e r c e n t , of M i a m i ' s
commercial b a n k , Edge, and agency activity
with foreigners.

Commercial Banks
Several o f M i a m i ' s c o m m e r c i a l banks have
had active i n t e r n a t i o n a l d e p a r t m e n t s f o r
years. In recent years, t h e i r n u m b e r has
g r o w n steadily. C u r r e n t l y , m o r e than 20
commercial banks have " a c t i v e " international
departments (see Table 1). This g r o w t h has
been stimulated by c o m p e t i t i v e factors, by
the increasing n u m b e r s of Latin Americans
traveling t o M i a m i , a n d by an i n t e r n a t i o n a l
orientation stimulated by f o r e i g n acquisition
of Florida c o m m e r c i a l banks. In fact, nine o f
the c o m m e r c i a l banks w i t h active international d e p a r t m e n t s are f o r e i g n - c o n t r o l l e d (see
Table 2).
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




Edge Act Corporations
It was n o t u n t i l 1969 that a n o n - F l o r i d a
U. S. bank e n t e r e d t h e M i a m i i n t e r n a t i o n a l
b a n k i n g m a r k e t . In that year, t h e Georgiabased Citizens a n d S o u t h e r n National Bank
o p e n e d t h e first Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n i n
M i a m i . Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n s are restricted t o
i n t e r n a t i o n a l transactions. Since 1969, 21
m o r e banks have e n t e r e d M i a m i ' s b a n k i n g
m a r k e t as Edge Act c o r p o r a t i o n s ; a n o t h e r 11
have applications a p p r o v e d or p e n d i n g (see
Table 3).
All N e w York banks w i t h b a n k i n g Edges
have or have a p p l i e d f o r M i a m i presence.
Four of t h e six C a l i f o r n i a banks a n d t h r e e o f
the f o u r Chicago banks w i t h b a n k i n g Edges
also have active or p e n d i n g M i a m i presence.
The f u t u r e g r o w t h o f Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n s in
M i a m i , h o w e v e r , w i l l be t h r o u g h e x p a n d i n g
use o f Edge A c t p o w e r s by f o r e i g n banks a n d
by U . S. regional banks. C u r r e n t l y , 22 U. S.
regional c o m m e r c i a l banks have b a n k i n g
Edge Act c o r p o r a t i o n s o r Edge branches in t h e
U. S.; nine have established o r a p p l i e d f o r
M i a m i presence. Foreign banks, n o w eligible
f o r Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n e s t a b l i s h m e n t , have
just b e g u n t o utilize t h e Edge A c t vehicle. T h e
rapid expansion o f Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n s a n d
t h e i r branches in M i a m i has been i n d u c e d
n o t o n l y by t h e e x p a n d i n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s m of
the city b u t also by regulatory changes m a k ing t h e Edge A c t c o r p o r a t i o n a m o r e viable
entity (see box).
9

TABLE

5

The Miami Bank Participants in International Banking
(as of December 31, 1980)
Commercial Banks
Creditbank
Bank of Miami
Barnett Bank
Capital Bank
Central Bank and Trust
Central National Bank
City National Bank ot Miami
Coconut Grove National Bank
Dadeland National Bank
First National Bank of Greater
Miami
First State Bank of Miami
Flagship Banks. Inc
Florida National Bank
International Bank of Miami
intercontinental Bank
Pan American Bank
Peoples Downtown National Bank
Republic National Bank
Royal Trust Bank of Miami
Southeast First National Bank
Southeast First National Bank
Totalbank

Edge Act Corporations
Algemene Bank Nederland'
American Security Bank International
Banco de Bogota International
Banco de Santander International
Banco de Venezuela International'
BankAmerica International
Bank of Boston International of Miami
Bank of New York International 1
Bankers Trust International—Miami
Chase Bank International—Miami
Chemical Bank International of Miami
Citizens and Southern International Bank
Citibank International
Continental Bank International
European American Bank International'
First Chicago International'
First Palm Beach International Bank'
First Union International Bank'
Irving Trust Company International/Miami
Manufacturers Hanover International
Banking Corporation

Edge Act Corporations (continuedÌ

Marine Midland Inter American Bank
Mellon International Company-'
Merchants International Bank'
Morgan Guaranty International Bank
New England Merchants Bank International
Northern Trust InterAmerican Bank
Republic International Bank of New York
Riggs International Banking Corporation'
J Henry Schroder International Bank
Security Pacific International Bank
Shamut Boston International Banking
Corporation'
United California Bank International
Wells Fargo InterAmerican Bank

Foreign Bank Agencies
Banco de Bilbao
Banco Central'
Banco de la Nacion Argentina
Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Air
Banco de Santander
Banco de Viscaya
Banco do Brasil
Banco do Estado de Sao Paulo
Banco Exterior de Espana
Banco Industrial de Venezuela'
Banco Real
Bank Hapoalim
Bank Leumi Le-lsrael
Bank of Nova Scotia
Barclays Bank International'
Credit Suisse'
Israel Discount Bank
Lloyds Bank International
Royal Bank of Canada
Standard Chartered Bank

Foreign Bank Representative Offices
Banco internacional de Costa Rica
Bank of Tokyo Ltd
Credit Suisse'
Dow Banking Corporation'

' Approved, unopened
1

Application pending

Foreign Bank Agencies
In 1977, Florida f u r t h e r e d its international
b a n k i n g d e v e l o p m e n t by a u t h o r i z i n g f o r e i g n
bank agencies and representative offices. At
first, f o r e i g n bank agencies set up u n d e r
Florida state charters w e r e l i m i t e d t o internationally o r i e n t e d credits and to n o n d e p o s i t
activities. Since e n a c t m e n t o f the U. S. International Banking Act o f 1978, w h i c h set up
mechanisms for establishment of federally
chartered agencies, Florida has altered its
regulations o n f o r e i g n bank agencies so as t o
10




be o n a par w i t h t h o s e federally chartered. 1
N o w all f o r e i g n b a n k agencies in Florida may
deal f u l l y in d o m e s t i c a n d international
credits and can accept n o n r e s i d e n t (foreign)
deposits.
Agencies are l i m i t e d to c r e d i t balances
reflecting i n t e r n a t i o n a l transactions. Representative offices are p r o h i b i t e d f r o m und e r t a k i n g d e p o s i t o r l e n d i n g activity and may
o n l y represent t h e i r parent bank. T h r o u g h
D e c e m b e r 1980, 16 f o r e i g n banks had set up
Florida agencies; t h r e e m o r e f o r e i g n banks
had agency applications e i t h e r a p p r o v e d or
p e n d i n g . A n o t h e r f o u r f o r e i g n banks have set
up or are in the process of o p e n i n g M i a m i
representative offices.

International Banking f r o m Miami: The
Deposit (Liability) Structure
M i a m i ' s i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d banks acc e p t over f o u r - f i f t h s o f t h e i r f o r e i g n deposits
f r o m individuals and n o n f i n a n c i a l firms (see
Table 4). Total U. S. bank liabilities t o individuals a n d n o n f i n a n c i a l f i r m s , in contrast,
r e p r e s e n t e d o n l y 15 p e r c e n t . Nearly t w o t h i r d s of the M i a m i deposits f r o m f o r e i g n e r s
are placed in t i m e deposits.
The f o r e i g n agencies in M i a m i , h o w e v e r ,
d e p e n d p r i m a r i l y o n their affiliated bank
offices abroad f o r f u n d s . Since Florida f o r e i g n
bank agencies can n o w accept f o r e i g n deposits, their share of such deposits s h o u l d
expand in the f u t u r e .
In spite of the large influx o f out-of-state
and o u t - o f - c o u n t r y banks i n t o M i a m i ' s international b a n k i n g m a r k e t , M i a m i ' s c o m m e r c i a l
banks still d o m i n a t e the city's f o r e i g n d e p o s i t
activity (see Table 5).
Edge Act c o r p o r a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , have dev e l o p e d t h e largest d e p o s i t activity w i t h
f o r e i g n official i n s t i t u t i o n s .

International L e n d i n g — W h a t Is the Depth
of Miami's International Banking Center?
W h i l e M i a m i - b a s e d c o m m e r c i a l banks
d o m i n a t e in liability activity w i t h f o r e i g n e r s ,
the Edge Act c o r p o r a t i o n s d o m o r e t h a n half

' S e e E. N . R o u s s a k i s , " F o r e i g n B a n k s i n M i a m i ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l B a n k i n g
C o m m u n i t y , " M i a m i School of Business and O r g a n i z a t i o n a l Sciences,
F l o r i d a I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y , 1980. P r o f e s s o r R o u s s a k i s has a l s o r e c e n t l y
written t w o companion manuscripts o n Miami's international banking,
" E d g e A c t C o r p o r a t i o n s in M i a m i ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l B a n k i n g C o m m u n i t y " a n d
" L o c a l B a n k s in M i a m i ' s I n t e r n a t i o n a l B a n k i n g C o m m u n i t y . "

APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

TABLE 2
K n o w n and Pending Foreign A c q u i s i t i o n s of Florida Commercial Banks
(Through November 5,1980)
Acquired Bank

New Name of Bank
(if changed)

Name of Acquirer

Nationality
of Acquirer

American Bank of Orange County

Royal Trust Bank of Orlando

Royal Trust Company

Canada

Bank of Culler Ridge

Creditbank

J L. Calonge

Spain

Bank of Miami Beach

Intercontinental Bank

J. Castell Lastortras
Family

Spain

Bank o( Perrine'

No name change

F Corea Maya and
F. H. Saldarnaga

Colombia

Baymeadows Bank

Royal Trust Bank of
Jacksonville

Royal Trust Company

Biscayne Bank

No name change

M. Espirito and S. Silva

Portugal

Central National Bank ot Miami

No name change

Sabrían Properties/
Eagle National
Holding C o m p a n y

Colombia

Dale Mabry State Bank

Royal Trust Bank of Tampa

Royal Trust Company

Canada

Dania Bank

No name change

J. J- Gonzalez
Gorrondona, Jr

Venezuela

Deerfield Beach State Bank-

No name change

MFG Investments/
J. Alvarez Stelling

Venezuela

Fidelity National Bank of
South Miami

International Bank of Miami

Banco Internacional
de Comercio 1

Spain

First Bank of Gulfport

Royal Trust Bank of
St Petersburg

Royal Trust Company

Canada

First Bank of Pembroke Pines

Royal Trust Bank of
Broward County

Royal Trust Company

Canada

First City National Bank
of Jacksonville

No name change

Canadian and Dutch
Investors

Canada/Netherlands

First National Bank of Hialeah

First National Bank of
Greater Miami

J Alvarez Stelling/
MFG Investments

Venezuela

Flagler Bank

Intercontinental Bank

J. Castell Lastortras
Family

Spain

E Safra/SafraCorp

Brazil

Spanish and South
American Investors

Six countries'

Flagship Bank of Adventura
Flagship National Bank
of Dadeland

SafraBank
Dadeland National Bank

International Bank of Miami

Royal Trust Bank of Miami

Royal Trust Company

Canada

Miami National Bank

No name change

Banco Zaragozano

Spain

Pan American Bank of Coral
Gables

Caribank

J. J Gonzalez
Gorrondona, Jr

Venezuela

Republic National Bank
of Miami

No name change

Rebank Corporation/
Isaias Family

Ecuador

No name change

A. Robles Chiara and
J. Andonie Fernandez

Panama/Honduras

No name change

F E. Blanco

Spain

Royal Trust Bank of
Palm Beach

Royal Trust Company

Canada

Sunshine State Bank
Totalbank
Worth Avenue National Bank

• O w n e d by H. V. R o j a s a n d J. M i c h a e l s o n U r i b e . 2 Plus t w o o t h e r g r o u p s of S p a n i s h i n v e s t o r s . ' C o l o m b i a , C o s t a Rica, El S a l v a d o r , G u a t e m a l a , P a n a m a , a n d S p a i n . 4 P e n d i n g .
S o u r c e s : W . L o n g b r a k e , M . Q u i n n , a n d J. W a l t e r , F o r e i g n O w n e r s h i p o f U. S. B a n k s : F a c t s a n d P a t t e r n s , W a s h i n g t o n , D. C., O f f i c e of t h e C o m p t r o l l e r of t h e C u r r e n c y , 1 9 8 0 ,
plus Office of t h e C o m p t r o l l e r of t h e C u r r e n c y a n d B o a r d of G o v e r n o r s of t h e F e d e r a l R e s e r v e S y s t e m u p d a t e d i n f o r m a t i o n , a n d M i r a W i l k i n s , " I m p a c t o f N o n - U . S . I n v e s t m e n t
on Florida's R e s o u r c e s a n d E n t e r p r i s e s , " R e p o r t to t h e O f f i c e of t h e S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e , M i a m i , F l o r i d a I n t e r n a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y , 1 9 8 0 .

of Miami's d i r e c t l e n d i n g a b r o a d . Excluding
funds placed w i t h affiliated f o r e i g n b a n k
offices, t h e Edge share j u m p s t o nearly
two-thirds.
Lending t o n o n f i n a n c i a l f i r m s and i n d i v i d u als abroad c o n s t i t u t e d a t h i r d o f M i a m i ' s
foreign l e n d i n g at t h e e n d o f June 1980 (see
Table 4). The relatively heavy c o n c e n t r a t i o n
on such l e n d i n g reflects, as o n t h e liability
side, the i m p o r t a n c e o f f o r e i g n personal and
nonfinancial e n t i t y transactions t o M i a m i .
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




A q u a r t e r o f M i a m i ' s f o r e i g n l e n d i n g is t o
unaffiliated f o r e i g n b a n k s ; m u c h o f this is
t h r o u g h lines o f c r e d i t established w i t h corr e s p o n d e n t banks a b r o a d . O n l y a m i n o r p o r t i o n is l e n t d i r e c t l y t o f o r e i g n g o v e r n m e n t s
and o t h e r official institutions. Significant bank
l e n d i n g t o p u b l i c b o r r o w e r s is generally d o n e
t h r o u g h large-scale syndicated credits w h i c h
t r a d i t i o n a l l y have been b o o k e d in m o n e y
centers. The capital base o f t h e Edge Act corp o r a t i o n s , particularly b e f o r e t h e IBA i n d u c e d
11

TABLE

5

Banking Edges and Edge Branches in the United States, by Year of Establishment*
(Through December 31,1980)

N e w York Banks
Bank of N e w York
B a n k e r s Trust
Chase Manhattan
Chemical
Citibank
European American
Irving Trust
M a n u f a c t u r e r s H a n o v e r Trust
Marine Midland
Morgan Guaranty
Republic National Bank of N e w York
J. Henry Schroder Bank & Trust
California Banks
Bank of A m e r i c a
Bank of California
Crocker
Security Pacific
United California
Wells Fargo

Chicago

Houston

1980 2
1974
1974
1964
1972

1 980 2
1974
1974

2

1 980
1980 5

Foreign Banks
A l g e m e n e Bank N e d e r l a n d
B a n c o C o n s o l i d a d o del C e n t r o 3
Banco de Bogota (Colombia)
B a n c o de S a n t a n d e r (Spain)
B a n c o de V e n e z u e l a
B a n c o Real
B a n q u e de Paris (France)
S k a n d i n a i s s k e Enskilda Banker
S t a n d a r d C h a r t e r e d (England)
Total

1980=
1 980 2
1974*

1973
1970
1980*
1970*
1979
1974
1973*
1980 2
1980
1980

New
York

1980 2
1974
1972
1979
1971
1980 2
1972
1979
1979
1977
1979
1980

1972*

1972*

1972*

1973
1980*
1980"

1980"
1 9805

1980*
1980*
1971

Chicago Banks
Continental Illinois
First National Bank of C h i c a g o
Harris Trust
Northern Trust
Regional Banks
Allied B a n k '
A m e r i c a n Security ( W a s h i n g t o n , D.C.)
Central National Bank of C l e v e l a n d
Citizens a n d S o u t h e r n (Georgia)
Connecticut Bank & Trust
Fidelity Bank (Pennsylvania)
First National Bank in Dallas
First National Bank of B o s t o n
First National Bank of St. Louis
First W i s c o n s i n Bank of M i l w a u k e e
First National Bank of Palm B e a c h (Fla.)
Girard Bank (Pennsylvania)
Mellon Bank ( P e n n s y l v a n i a )
M e r c h a n t s National Bank & Trust (Ind.)
N e w E n g l a n d M e r c h a n t Bank (Mass.)
North Carolina National Bank
Philadelphia National Bank
Pittsburgh National Bank
Rainier National Bank (Washington)
Riggs National Bank (Washington. D C.)
S h a m u t Bank of B o s t o n
State Street Bank & Trust C o m p a n y (Mass.)
W a c h o v i a Bank & Trust (N. C.)

1972

Los
Angeles

1974*
1979

1972*
1973*

1979*
1980*
1974

San
Francisco

1973
1977*

1980*
1980 2 ( A l l / D a l l a s ) '

1972-

1980"

1950*
1966
1967
1967
1962
1964
1962*
1962
1971
1968

1980"
1974"

1980*"*
1980 ( B o s t o n )

1968
1980
1968
1972 (New Orleans)

1969

1980"

1974

1972
1980 =
1 9802
1980 2
1980 2
1980*

1963
1980 5
1980*

1972
1968
1978
1959

, 1 9 8 0 (Dallas)*

1972
1969
1963

1973
1967
1980*
1969

1965
1973
1980

1980"

1980*
1980

1980*

1980
1980
1980*

1980s
1979

1980*
1980"
14

16

14

33

28

25

I n c l u d e s o n l y B a n k i n g E d g e s l o c a t e d o u t s i d e the B a n k s h e a d q u a r t e r city T h i s list a l s o i n c l u d e s E d g e s a p p r o v e d in 1980. But u n o p e n e d a s well a s E d g e s w i t h a p p l i c a t i o n s p e n d i n g
1
A |Ointly o w n e d E d g e b y a n u m b e r ot U S r e g i o n a l b a n k s » A p p l i c a t i o n p e n d i n g » W i t h First N a t i o n a l B a n k of G r e a t e r M i a m i * N o w a n E d g e Act c o r p o r a t i o n Branch. The d a t e r e f e r s to t h e b a n k s first E d g e A c t
c o r p o r a t i o n p r e s e n c e in t h e city n o t n e c e s s a r i l y t h e d a t e of r e s t r u c t m g of a n e x i s t i n g E d g e Act c o r p o r a t i o n into a Branch of a n o t h e r E d g e > A p p r o v e d u n o p e n e d E d g e A c t c o r p o r a t i o n or E d g e b r a n c h
" ( A t l a n t a 1 B e v e r l y Hills . C l e v e l a n d D a l l a s . M i n n e a p o l i s ' . St L o u i s * . S e a t t l e 1 )
"(Atlanta
B o s t o n C l e v e l a n d ' . D a l l a s M i n n e a p o l i s ' . St L o u i s
Seattle)
•••(Cleveland Dallas Minneapolis Philadelphia Seattle )

12




APRIL 1981, ECONOMIC REVIEW

TABLE 4

TABLE 5

Miami International B a n k i n g — D i s t r i b u t i o n
of Activity with Foreigners
(Percent of Total, June 1980)

Miami International B a n k i n g — M a r k e t Share
of Activity with Foreign Entities
(Percent of Total, June 1980)
Com- Edge Act Foreign
mercial CorpoBank
Banks rations Agencies Total

Com- Edge Act Foreign
mereiai CorpoBank
Banks rations Agencies Total

Reporting Entity's Own Claims On:

Reporting Entity's Own Claims On
Foreign public borrowers
Unaffiliated foreign banks

5.1

5.0

19.0

6.2

78.5

25.7

23.0

25.4

Own foreign offices
All other foreigners
Total

100.0

7.6

100.0

25.9

34.9

Own foreign offices

58.7

35.1

6.2

100.0

32.1

33.5

All other foreigners

18.9

73.1

8.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Total

38.6

53.0

8.4

100.0

Reporting Entity's Own Liabilities To:

0.5
5.5

6.6

—

3.2

Foreign official instit.

11.4

88.6

-

100.0

7.7

Unaffiliated foreign banks

51.4

46.0

2.6

100.0

8.3

2.9

1.6

90.7

6.9

Own foreign offices

94.0

83.5

6.4

82.2

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

—

Source: U. S. Department of the Treasury.

capital c o n s o l i d a t i o n , l i m i t e d t h e size o f
Edge-organized syndicated credits.
The lack o f a significant i n t e r b a n k market in
credit participations or in acceptances keeps
M i a m i f r o m b e i n g a full m o n e y c e n t e r . M a n y
M i a m i Edges and f o r e i g n agencies sell participations o f large loans t o t h e i r parent and
affiliate banks rather t h a n to c o m p e t i t o r
banks. Bankers acceptances t r a d e d by M i a m i
Edges are also typically sold t o an Edge's
parent bank rather t h a n in the m a r k e t p l a c e —
this in part is d u e t o a l o w e r rating given in
m o n e y markets f o r bankers acceptances issued by an Edge c o m p a r e d t o the parent
bank. Because M i a m i is in the same t i m e
zone as N e w Y o r k , and because o f the speed
of f u n d transfers, t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a full
m o n e y center in M i a m i is v i e w e d by some
participants as unrealistic.
Nevertheless, a l i m i t e d i n t e r b a n k market is
likely to d e v e l o p . As of June 1980, M i a m i
banking entities placed a t h i r d of t h e i r international claims w i t h their o w n affiliated
foreign offices a b r o a d . These f u n d s are
placed into i n t e r b a n k Euromarkets and largely
represent excess f u n d s . M i a m i , f o r years, has
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




25.5

53.7

46.2

Unaffiliated foreign banks

Total

42.8

23.1

Foreign official instit.

Allother foreigners

31.7
38.7

16.4

Reporting Entity's Own Liabilities To:

Own foreign offices

Foreign public borrowers
Unaffiliated foreign banks

10.1

89.9

100.0

All other foreigners

65.2

34.4

0.4

100.0

Total

59.2

35.2

5.6

100.0

—

Source: U. S. Department of the Treasury.

generated m o r e f u n d s f r o m abroad t h a n it
has b e e n able to place directly a b r o a d .
M i a m i has tax advantages over N e w York.
The Florida legislature has e x e m p t e d internat i o n a l transactions f r o m intangible and
d o c u m e n t a r y taxes. It is c o n s i d e r i n g legislat i o n t o fully e x e m p t t h e p r o p o s e d international b a n k i n g facilities (IBFs) f r o m all state
and local taxes; N e w York has already d o n e
so. The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f IBFs in Florida c o u l d
add a n o t h e r d i m e n s i o n t o M i a m i ' s international financial d e v e l o p m e n t and e n c o u r a g e
a d d i t i o n a l M i a m i Edge Act c o r p o r a t i o n s , particularly f r o m banks w i t h o u t N e w York
offices.

International Banking From Miami —
A Perspective
In slightly m o r e t h a n a decade, M i a m i ' s
i n t e r n a t i o n a l b a n k i n g has e x p a n d e d f r o m a
relatively small n u m b e r o f M i a m i - b a s e d
c o m m e r c i a l banks i n t o a b a n k i n g c e n t e r w i t h
a diversified cast of participants w h i c h inc l u d e m a j o r banks in the U. S. and the w o r l d .
13

Geographic Distribution of Miami Banking Activity with Foreigners
Claims On:

Commercial Banks

Edge Act
Corporations

Foreign Agencies

Still, it is i m p o r t a n t to maintain a perspective. Miami's emergence into a Caribbean and
Latin American banking center is still in a
d e v e l o p m e n t phase. The city's forte, so far,
has been the d e v e l o p m e n t of activity w i t h
Caribbean and Latin American individuals and
nonfinancial firms. M i a m i accounts for a sixth
of U. S. bank d e m a n d and t i m e deposits f r o m
these sources. H o w e v e r , less than 5 percent
of U. S. parent bank l e n d i n g to individuals
and nonfinancial firms in the Caribbean and
Latin America is o u t of M i a m i . M i a m i accounts for a similarly small p r o p o r t i o n of
U. S. bank claim and liability activity w i t h
Caribbean and Latin American g o v e r n m e n t s ,

The Edge Act Corporation-A
Regulatory Perspective
Edge Act corporation formation was set
out in the 1919 amendment sponsored by
New Jersey's Senator Walter Edge. The
amendment, which permits establishment
of internationally oriented banking subsidiaries beyond a bank's own state, was
years before its time. It was not until 1950
that a bank actually set up a "banking"'
Edge. The 1960s saw formation of
another 20 "banking" Edge Act corporations; nearly all of these Edge Act corpo-

1

(June 1980)

Liabilities to:

Banking Edges, upon which this article concentrates,
are regulatorily defined as those Edges regularly
accepting deposits in the U. S. from nonaffiliated
persons. The other class of Edge Act corporations,
commonly referred to as the investment" Edge, is
often established in the same city as the parent bank
and generally has confined its activities to its bank's
investments abroad.

14




Commercial Banks

Edge Act
Corporations

Foreign Agencies

official institutions, and unaffiliated foreign
banks. So M i a m i has ample r o o m to g r o w . As
interbank transactions increase, as bank
clearings b e c o m e m o r e efficient, as the cast
of participants expands, and as International
Banking Facilities b e c o m e i n c o r p o r a t e d , M i a m i
will emerge m o r e and m o r e as a Caribbean and
Latin American b a n k i n g center. The c o n t i n u e d
expansion of Miami's international c o m m e r c e ,
transportation, and t o u r i s m will c o m p l e m e n t t h i s
growth.
0EJ

rations were set up in New York by
California, Chicago, and regional banks.
The 1970s witnessed a quite different
Edge Act era. Not only did the number of
banking Edge Act corporations triple
(from 24 in 1970 to 70 in 1979), but Edges
also dispersed geographically, mainly to
Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami,
New York, and San Francisco. The Edge
Act expansion is far from over. In 1980
alone, 65 new banking Edge Act corporations and their branches have applications approved or pending (more than in
the first 58 years of the amendment's
existence).
What has motivated this surge in Edge
Act corporation formation? The answer is
complex. The increasing importance of
international trade and international
banking to the U. S. economy explains, in
part, this surge. The liberalization of Edge
Act corporation regulation is also inducing
renewed interest in the Edge Act corporations. These changes in Edge Act regula-

—Donald

E. Baer

tion stem from the 1978 International
Banking Act (IBA) and accompanying
alterations to the Federal Reserve System's Regulation K i Some of the most
important regulatory changes on Edge
Act corporations are detailed in the ensuing sections.
Edge Act Corporation Orientation

Edge Act corporations have always
been limited to dealing with the international transactions of U. S. firms and with
persons and entities abroad. In turn, each
Edge Act corporation is required to
explicitly publicize its international orientation through the requirement that its
name include "international," "foreign,"
"overseas," or some similar word.

2

Copies of Regulation K can be obtained by writing to
the Service Department of the Federal Reserve Bank
of Atlanta, P. O. Box 1731, Atlanta, Georgia 30301.

APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

With U. S. entities, Edges have been
generally confined to trade financeoriented activity. The IBA has extended
permissible Edge Act activity to include
the financing of the costs of production of
goods and services exported. 3 The Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System is reviewing the effects of possible extension of Edge Act corporation
activity to include "full-service" banking to
qualified internationally oriented business
entities (e.g., a firm which conducts twothirds or other such determined proportion
of its sales abroad).
Edge Act Corporation Branching
in the U.S.
Until the IBA-induced changes, each
Edge Act corporation had to be separately
incorporated. Formation of an Edge Act
corporation required a minimum $2million capitalization. Edge Act corporations, as with national banks, were subject
to the provision that no loan could be
made to any single borrower which was
greater than 10 percent of that Edge's
capital and surplus. This provision,
therefore, both induced larger-thanminimum capitalization and, at the same
time, limited large-scale loans being
booked by the Edges. Larger loans required complex accounting practices as
the Edge participated portions of the loan
to their parent bank or other affiliated
entities.
The June 14, 1979, revised Regulation
K has affected Edge capitalization and,
therefore, intrinsically the size of loans
that can be booked by any single Edge Act
office. The revised Regulation K also
permits an Edge Act corporation to establish branches in the U. S., subject to
Federal Reserve approval. This revision,
therefore, permits establishment of Edge
branches without requiring a separate
capitalization of each office. A bank with
several Edge Act corporations can consolidate its capital into a single Edge Act
corporation and have the separate Edge
offices operate as branches. This
branching provision should reduce the
costs of entering and operating at new
locations. Ultimately, exporters and importers should encounter larger and more
competitive international banking entities.
The consolidation of individual Edge
Act corporations into a single corporation
with multiple branches also expands the
lending limit of any single Edge office.
Lending to a single borrower now constitutes the entire Edge Act corporation
lending to that entity compared to the

3

The provision requires that either an export order be
obtained or that the items produced are identifiable as
for export.

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




consolidated Edge Act corporation's capital and surplus.4 To assure sufficient
capitalization, the Board established that
risk assets of Edge Act corporations shall
not exceed 7 percent of the Edge's capital
and surplus. This replaces the previous
requirement which stated that aggregate
outstanding liabilities on accounts of acceptances, monthly average deposits,
borrowings, guarantees, endorsements,
debentures, bonds, notes, and other such
obligations could not exceed 10 times the
Edge's capital and surplus.
Reserve Requirements and Deposit
Liabilities
Edge Act corporations were subject to a
minimum 10-percent reserve requirement
on deposit liabilities. This resulted in
higher required reserves on certain Edge
deposits than those imposed on Federal
Reserve System member banks. The
1979 revised Regulation K eliminated
such separate treatment and now subjects Edge Act corporation deposits to the
same reserve requirements (and interest
rate ceilings) as member banks. Edge Act
corporations may now accept savings
deposits and issue negotiable certificates
of deposit; previously, Edge Act corporations were limited to demand and certain
time deposits. All Edge Act deposits must
have an international orientation, either
involving an entity residing or operating
abroad or with U. S. entities where the
deposit involves an international transaction.
The Edge as an Optional Form for
Foreign Bank Establishment
Until the IBA, foreign banks were prohibited from establishing Edge Act corporations. The IBA eliminated this restriction
and, in effect, gave foreign banks "national treatment" in regard to Edge Act
corporation establishment. 5 The Edge Act
corporation has several distinct advantages and disadvantages as compared to
a foreign bank's other options (e.g., an
agency, branch, or subsidiary bank acquisition).

4

Extensions of credit to one person by a member bank
and by its Edge corporation and foreign direct and
indirect subsidiaries may not exceed the member
bank's lending limit.

5

Edge Act corporation ownership, as set out by the IBA,
shall at all times be held by citizens of the U. S.,
corporations, firms or companies majority owned by
U. S. citizens, or held by one or more foreign banks or
by banks in the U S. controlled by foreign banks.
Banks in the U. S. owned by foreign individuals,
however, may not be majority owners of Edge Act
corporations. The Board of Governors has recommended to Congress that the Board be given authority
to permit majority ownership of Edge corporations by a
U S. bank controlled by foreign individuals.

First, Edge Act corporations may be set
up in any U. S. state and are not limited to
those states accepting foreign bank
agencies or branches. 6 Second, Edge Act
corporation establishment does not require reciprocity from the applying bank's
home country. Several U. S. states require such reciprocity for agency and/or
branch charter. 7 The reciprocity issue is
significant to many Basin economies
which have placed restrictions on foreign
bank operations in their own countries.
Edge Act corporations, as seen, are
subsidiaries and not fully integrated components of their parent bank, as an
agency or branch may be. This separation, an advantage to foreign banks where
consolidation would subject the foreign
office to more restrictive parent bank
reserve requirements, obligatory investments, etc., may be particularly important
to Latin American banks operating in
highly bank-regulated economies.
Edge Act corporations may accept internationally related demand, time, and
savings deposits from U. S. clients as well
as from entities and persons abroad.
Agencies are limited to more restrictive
"credit balances" with domestic clients.
Although U. S. Comptroller of the Currency interpretations permit federally
chartered agencies to accept deposits
from foreigners, 8 many state-chartered
agencies cannot. Florida altered its
state-chartered agency treatment in early
1980 to place their state-chartered agencies on a par with Federal agencies,
thereby permitting agencies to accept
offshore deposits.
Edge Act corporations operate with
some disadvantages compared to foreign
agencies or branches. First, by definition,
Edge Act corporations are restricted to
international activities. Foreign bank
agencies and branches, on the other
hand, may lend to finance purely domestic
activities. Edge Act corporations require
separate incorporation and a $2-million
minimum capitalization. Lending, as
seen, is compared to this capitalization.
Agency lending is not so restricted. No
separate capitalization is required for
agency establishment, although a capital
equivalency deposit is required. 9
HRl

6

The Banque de Paris Edge Act corporation in Houston
is an example of a foreign bank operation in a state
(Texas) which does not permit foreign bank agencies
or branches.
' It should be recognized that federally chartered agencies and branches do not require such reciprocity.
»Federal Register, Vol. 44, No. 220, November 13,
1979.
9

Five percent of an agency's liabilities are to be
maintained in deposits in other qualified banks or in
eligible securities as a "capital equivalency deposit."

15

Commentary

Supply-Side Tax Policy:
Reviewing the Evidence
" S u p p l y - s i d e e c o n o m i c s " has c o m e t o mean
d i f f e r e n t things t o d i f f e r e n t p e o p l e . A variety of
proposals n o w are i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e " s u p p l y s i d e " label. M o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e r e is a g o o d
deal of disagreement a b o u t t h e e v i d e n c e relating t o supply-side tax policies.

What Are Supply-Side Tax Cuts?
Supply-side tax policies c o n s t i t u t e m o r e t h a n
a mere r e c o g n i t i o n that tax changes affect t h e
supply of g o o d s a n d services. W h a t distinguishes supply-side policies f r o m o t h e r policies
is the m a n n e r in w h i c h tax changes affect factors
of p r o d u c t i o n (labor a n d capital, f o r example)
and, hence, aggregate s u p p l y . Tax changes
w h i c h are especially relevant t o aggregate supply are changes in tax rates—more
specifically,
changes in marginal tax rates ( t h e rate at w h i c h
t h e a d d i t i o n a l i n c r e m e n t of activity is taxed). It is
tax rates at t h e margin ( n o t average tax levels)
w h i c h affect behavior a n d incentives. Proponents of supply-side tax cuts indicate that t h e r e
is an i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n tax rates
and tax revenues. They emphasize that changes
in such tax rates are changes in relative prices
and thus affect c h o i c e , allocation of resources,
and, hence, real e c o n o m i c activity. T h u s , tax
rate changes s h o u l d be t h o u g h t o f as relative
price changes a n d n o t as revenue or i n c o m e
changes; it is t h e change in relative prices a n d
n o t t h e change in i n c o m e or s p e n d i n g that
matters f o r aggregate s u p p l y . P r o p o n e n t s o f
supply-side e c o n o m i c s , t h e r e f o r e , d o not see
tax cuts as injections of p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r o r
spending.

have o n l y a l i m i t e d effect o n t h e overall s u p p l y
o f labor (usually measured b y hours o f w o r k ) .
W o r k e r s d o n o t m a r k e d l y increase or decrease
hours o f w o r k , in o t h e r w o r d s , in response t o
changes in after-tax wage rates. (The elasticity o f
aggregate labor w i t h respect t o wages is low.) A
10-percent i n c o m e tax r e d u c t i o n , f o r e x a m p l e ,
m i g h t increase hours of w o r k f o r various g r o u p s
o f w o r k e r s b y a n y w h e r e f r o m a b o u t 1 t o as
m u c h as 10 p e r c e n t , d e p e n d i n g o n t h e relevant
group considered.1
These responses are especially l o w f o r p r i m e
age male w o r k e r s . A 10-percent i n c o m e tax
r e d u c t i o n , f o r e x a m p l e , m i g h t increase labor
s u p p l i e d by such w o r k e r s by a b o u t 1 percent. 2
This e v i d e n c e , t h e n , indicates that tax cuts
w o u l d have little effect o n hours w o r k e d b y
p r i m e age males. Secondary w o r k e r s (mostly
married w o m e n ) together with younger and
o l d e r w o r k e r s make u p a b o u t o n e - h a l f of t h e
total w o r k force. Those g r o u p s have been f o u n d
t o be m u c h m o r e responsive t o changes in
after-tax wage rates. 3
Tax Cuts and Savings: A l t h o u g h f e w studies
have carefully e x a m i n e d this issue, most studies
have f o u n d that saving is n o t responsive t o
changes in interest rates. The c o n v e n t i o n a l v i e w
holds that tax cuts w h i c h w o u l d increase t h e
after-tax rate o f r e t u r n t o saving w o u l d have
little o r n o effect o n increasing t h e supply of
saving. Because o f this, some large e c o n o m e t r i c
m o d e l s d o n o t i n c l u d e mechanisms representing the effect o f taxes o n personal savings.
1

A Brief Review of Some Empirical Evidence
Tax Cuts and the Supply of Labor: Several
e m p i r i c a l studies have e x a m i n e d t h e effects o f
tax cuts o n t h e supply o f labor. T h e b u l k o f t h e
e v i d e n c e indicates that i n c o m e tax r e d u c t i o n s
16




See. for example, Harvey Rosen, What Is Labor Supply and Do Taxes Affect It?",
American Economic Review, May 1980; Don Fullarton, " O n the Possibility of an
Inverse Relationship Between Tax Rates and Government Revenues," Working
Paper Series, National Bureau of Economic Research, No. 467; a n d Jerry
Hausman, "Income and Payroll Tax Policy and Labor Supply," paper prepared for
a conference on "The Supply-Side Effects of Economic Policy," Washington
University and the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. October 24-26, 1980. The
labor studies referred to here are cross-section studies and, hence, are not
associated with a time dimension. Consequently, they provide no information as to
the timing of the response.

2

See, for example, Hausman, op. cit.,p. 25.

i See Rosen, op. cit., p. 171. (Elasticities tor married women workers, for example,
have been estimated to be as high as 1.0.)

APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

*

^

>

r-

»

~

Supply-side tax policies are policies which change the marginal tax rate, not
average tax levels. Empirical and historical evidence suggests that conventional
macroeconomic models may be unable to detect supply-side effects of changes in
marginal tax rates.

I
*

Recently, h o w e v e r , some e v i d e n c e has b e e n
p r o v i d e d w h i c h contradicts this accepted doctrine. M i c h a e l Boskin, e m p l o y i n g m o r e relevant
measurements o f interest rates, f o u n d a substantial interest elasticity of saving (about 0.4).
W h i l e this is n o t an e n o r m o u s elasticity by
c o n v e n t i o n a l standards, it is substantially larger
than virtually all previous estimates and t h e
c o n v e n t i o n a l w i s d o m . 4 Results i n d i c a t i n g a
substantial interest elasticity of saving have also
been recently f o u n d by Evans, T u r e , a n d especially King, S u m m e r s , and Boskin and Lau. 5 This
recent e v i d e n c e tends t o indicate that the interest elasticity o f saving is larger t h a n c o n v e n t i o n ally believed. (Some of these recent estimates
have been as high a s 2 . 0 o r 2 . 5 ! ) 6 T h e i m p l i c a t i o n
is that tax cuts w h i c h increase the real after-tax
return t o saving w o u l d w o r k t o i n d u c e an
i m p o r t a n t increase in saving.
Tax Cuts and Investment: W h e r e a s t h e conventional d o c t r i n e holds that tax cuts have
relatively small effects o n t h e supply of saving
and labor, it accepts t h e idea that tax changes
can i m p o r t a n t l y affect i n v e s t m e n t . This v i e w
suggests that tax cuts d i r e c t e d at i n v e s t m e n t
may be t h e most p o t e n t area t o stimulate
aggregate s u p p l y via t h e i r effect in increasing
the capital stock. O t t o Eckstein, f o r e x a m p l e ,
suggests that tax cuts f o r i n v e s t m e n t are t h e best

(

i
4

Michael J. Boskin, "Taxation, Saving, and the Rate of Interest, " Journal of Political
Economy, Vol 86, No. 2, Part 2, April 1978, p. 54. Boskin's study employs annual
time series data. His results, then, imply that a 10-percent increase in the after-tax
rate of return would increase saving by 4 percent per year The other studies
mentioned can be interpreted similarly.
Michael K. Evans, An Econometric Model Incorporating the Supply-Side Effects
of Economic Policy," paper prepared for a conference on "The Supply-Side
Effects of Economic Policy," October 24-25 1930; Norman Ture, testimony before
the Joint Economic Committee, Forecasting the Supply Side of the Economy,
Ninety-Sixth Congress, Second Session, May 21, 1980; M. King, "Savings and
Taxation," G. A. Hughes and G. M. Heal, e d . . , Essays in Public Policy (London,
1980); L. H Summers, "Tax Policy in a Life Cycle Model," National Bureau of
Economic Research Working Paper No. 302, 1978; and Michael Boskin and L. J
Lau, Taxation, Social Security and Aggregate Factor Supply in the United States,
Washington, 1978.

'•See, for example, Summers, op. cit., King, op. cit., and Lawrence H. Summers,
"Tax Policy and Corporate Investment," paper presented at the St. Louis
Conference on Supply-Side Effects of Economic Policy," October 24.1980. p. 32

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




way to b o o s t real GNP. The effect o n i n v e s t m e n t
and t h e capital s t o c k , of course, d e p e n d s o n t h e
size and type of t h e tax cut. A study by Eckstein
indicates that t h e elasticities of i n v e s t m e n t w i t h
respect t o taxes (over t h e 1982-85 p e r i o d ) f o r
various tax policies are the f o l l o w i n g : 7
c o r p o r a t e i n c o m e tax rate
—0.3
d e p r e c i a t i o n allowances
—1.1
i n v e s t m e n t tax c r e d i t
—0.9
As an illustration of the p o t e n c y of d e p r e c i a t i o n
a l l o w a n c e s , Eckstein s t u d i e d t h e so-called
10-5-3 p r o p o s a l and c o n c l u d e d that if this p r o p osal had been enacted in 1980, real business
fixed i n v e s t m e n t w o u l d have b e e n $20.9 b i l l i o n
higher in 1984. ( M o r e o v e r , d u r i n g t h e phase-in
p e r i o d b e f o r e 1984, a d d i t i o n a l i n v e s t m e n t
w o u l d have averaged $10 b i l l i o n a year.) 8 Several
authors have c o n t e n d e d that if j u d i c i o u s l y
c h o s e n , tax cuts in the i n v e s t m e n t area c o u l d
lead t o a substantial increase in i n v e s t m e n t
w i t h o u t any large revenue loss t o the governm e n t . They have indicated that it is possible f o r
certain o f these business tax cuts to be selffinancing. 9
Tax Cuts and Aggregate Supply: W h a t does all
this mean f o r aggregate supply? The c o n v e n t i o n a l v i e w holds that tax cuts d o — t o s o m e
e x t e n t — increase t h e supply o f l a b o r , saving,
i n v e s t m e n t , a n d , hence, aggregate s u p p l y . But
the c o n v e n t i o n a l v i e w holds that these effects
w i l l n o t be very large.
Eckstein, f o r e x a m p l e , simulated Kemp-Roth
type i n c o m e tax cuts o n the DRI m o d e l . 1 0 He
c o n c l u d e d that if Kemp-Roth had been i n t r o d u c e d in 1980, by 1985, real GNP w o u l d have

7

Otto Eckstein, A Time for Supply Economics." testimony submitted to the Joint
Economic Committee, 96 Cong., 2 Sess., May 2 1 , 1 9 8 0 .

»Otto Eckstein, "Tax Policy and Core Inflation," a study prepared for the use of the
Joint Economic Committee, 96 Cong.. 2 Sess., April 10, 1980.
• See, for example. Lawrence H Summers, Tax Policy and Corporate Investment,"
paper presented at the St. Louis conference on Supply-Side Effects of Economic
Policy," October 24,1980.
"> See Eckstein, "A Time for Supply Economics," op. cit.

17

increased by 2.6 p e r c e n t and potential GNP
w o u l d have increased by 1.9 p e r c e n t . (The
elasticity o f potential o u t p u t w i t h respect t o
personal i n c o m e taxes is small, i.e., —0.05.)
Thus, a c c o r d i n g to Eckstein, personal i n c o m e
tax cuts have little effect o n aggregate s u p p l y .
He indicates that the 50-percent increase in t h e
personal i n c o m e tax rate over the last 15 years
has r e d u c e d p o t e n t i a l GNP by o n l y V h p e r c e n t .
O f course, this consensus v i e w o f the effect of
Kemp-Roth type tax cuts is p r e m i s e d o n little o r
no response of either labor or capital t o a
r e d u c t i o n in personal i n c o m e tax rates. M o s t
large e c o n o m e t r i c m o d e l s , it s h o u l d be rem e m b e r e d , are essentially d e m a n d - o r i e n t e d ,
i n c o m e - e x p e n d i t u r e m o d e l s w i t h little or no
supply-side constructs built i n t o t h e m .
Supply-side m o d e l s , o n the o t h e r h a n d , have
b e e n built by Laffer-Ranson, Evans, T u r e , and
others. The Evans m o d e l includes larger responses of savings and labor t o a cut in taxes. As
a c o n s e q u e n c e , Evans indicates that y o u get
i m p o r t a n t supply-side effects in t h r e e t o five
years w i t h a Kemp-Roth type tax c u t . Une m p l o y m e n t w i l l be r e d u c e d by 2.4 p e r c e n t by
1985 if t h e tax cuts are n o t offset by g o v e r n m e n t
s p e n d i n g decreases a n d by 1.8 p e r c e n t if they
are offset. (Inflation is slightly w o r s e n e d — u p by
1.8 p e r c e n t in 1 9 8 5 — w i t h these tax cuts if they
are not offset by g o v e r n m e n t s p e n d i n g cuts, b u t
it is substantially i m p r o v e d — d o w n by 5 perc e n t — i f these tax cuts are a c c o m p a n i e d by
s p e n d i n g limits.) 1 1
Tax Cuts and Tax Revenues: T h e r e is little
empirical e v i d e n c e relating t o the so-called
Laffer c u r v e ( a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h higher tax rates
e v e n t u a l l y l e a d t o l o w e r tax r e v e n u e s ) .
C o n v e n t i o n a l o p i n i o n o f t e n tends t o equate tax
rate cuts w i t h tax revenue cuts so that b o t h tax
rates and tax revenue are o f t e n p r e s u m e d t o fall
in the same p r o p o r t i o n . H o w e v e r , since the
c o n v e n t i o n a l v i e w concedes that Kemp-Roth
type tax cuts i n d u c e s o m e small increases in
aggregate s u p p l y , it is f o r c e d t o c o n c e d e that
f e e d b a c k effects d o exist a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , tax

revenues w i l l p r o p o r t i o n a l l y fall by less t h a n w i l l
tax rates. H a u s m a n , f o r e x a m p l e , estimates that
a 10-percent cut in tax rates w i l l result in a fall of
tax revenues by 6.1 percent. 1 2 H o w e v e r , this
c o n v e n t i o n a l v i e w emphasizes that Kemp-Roth
t y p e tax cuts are n o t self-financing (especially in
the short run).
Some e v i d e n c e exists w h i c h indicates that tax
cuts aimed at specific sectors (i.e., i n v e s t m e n t ) ,
specific g r o u p s (i.e., high i n c o m e g r o u p s ) , or
specific localities may be self-financing. In o t h e r
w o r d s , the Laffer effect (of self-financing tax
cuts) is m o r e likely t o exist f o r n a r r o w l y based
taxes t h a n f o r b r o a d l y based taxes. The o n l y
empirical study of t h e Laffer curve (for labor) at
the m a c r o l e v e l — b y F u l l a r t o n — i n d i c a t e s that
the U. S. c o u l d conceivably be o p e r a t i n g in the
area w h e r e tax rate cuts lead t o tax revenue
increases. For this t o be t h e case, h o w e v e r ,
labor supply elasticity w o u l d have t o be higher
t h a n most estimates n o w suggest. 1 3
The supply-side m o d e l s o f b o t h Evans and
Laffer-Ranson indicate that Kemp-Roth tax cuts
are self-financing in a longer run t i m e frame.
The Evans' m o d e l , f o r e x a m p l e , indicates that
such tax cuts w o u l d b r i n g a b o u t a surplus o f $78
b i l l i o n by 1985, even if g o v e r n m e n t s p e n d i n g
c o n t i n u e d t o g r o w at a 10-percent rate. The
Laffer-Ranson m o d e l indicates t h a t , by the f i f t h
year after passage, Kemp-Roth w o u l d increase
total aggregate tax r e v e n u e above w h a t it w o u l d
have been in the absence o f a tax cut. 1 4

Some Criticisms of the Evidence
W h y hasn't t h e supply-side t h e o r y received
m o r e e m p i r i c a l support? Is the t h e o r y w r o n g ?
Are t h e a p p r o p r i a t e data n o t available? Is the
t h e o r y d i f f i c u l t t o test? T h e r e are various
" S e e Hausman, op. cit. This study is based on cross-section data. See footnote 1.
13
Fullarton's research, for example, indicates that high elasticities of labor supply
with respect to tax r a t e s — elasticities at least as high as 1.0 (together with a tax
rate of at least 30 p e r c e n t ) — would make the Laffer effect plausible. It should be
remembered that Fullarton's paper applies only to labor, whereas the Lafter curve
applies to all factors of production.
14

" See Evans, op. cit.

18




See Evans, op. cit., and Arthur Laffer and David Ranson, "The Prototype Wedge
Model': A Tool tor Supply-Side Economics (H. C. Wainwright & Co., Economics,
September 14,1979).

APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

>

reasons t o believe that a g o o d deal o f t h e
c o n v e n t i o n a l e v i d e n c e may be misleading.
Measurement Problems: O n e p r o b l e m w i t h
much of t h e e v i d e n c e relates t o m e a s u r e m e n t .
T h e c r i t i c a l tax v a r i a b l e f o r s u p p l y - s i d e
economists is the marginal tax rate. Marginal tax
rates d i f f e r across individuals and sectors o f the
e c o n o m y . M o r e o v e r , because o f i n f l a t i o n and
e c o n o m i c g r o w t h , t h e y change over t i m e .
Hence, t h e r e are m a n y c o n c e p t u a l difficulties
associated w i t h m e a s u r i n g an aggregate marginal tax rate. C o n s e q u e n t l y , average tax rates and
even levels o f tax revenue are o f t e n e m p l o y e d
as proxies f o r marginal tax rates in various
empirical studies. These variables can o b s c u r e
the effects that rising marginal tax rates may
have o n e c o n o m i c activity. In s h o r t , m a n y o f the
studies p u r p o r t i n g t o test supply-side p r o p o s i tions have e m p l o y e d t h e w r o n g tax variable.
M u c h of the labor s u p p l y e v i d e n c e uses hours
w o r k e d as a p r o x y f o r labor supply. Because of
the i n s t i t u t i o n o f a 40-hour w o r k w e e k , this
variable w o u l d n o t be e x p e c t e d t o be r e s p o n sive t o tax changes f o r some o f t h e labor f o r c e .
H o w e v e r , o t h e r variables relating to t h e s u p p l y
of labor may still r e s p o n d to tax incentives.
Variables, such as m o t i v a t i o n , e n t r e p r e n e u r ship, w o r k intensity, t h e quality of w o r k , i n n o vation, managerial skills, and a m b i t i o n , alt h o u g h d i f f i c u l t t o measure, may r e s p o n d t o tax
incentives a n d be very i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e s u p p l y
of labor. Tax cuts may also result in less absenteeism, later r e t i r e m e n t , and shorter p e r i o d s of
u n e m p l o y m e n t . They may e n c o u r a g e p e o p l e t o
assume m o r e responsibility and a c c u m u l a t e
more h u m a n capital. These effects are n o t
measured in the c o n v e n t i o n a l e m p i r i c a l w o r k . If
they w e r e i n c l u d e d , t h e response o f t h e labor
supply w i t h respect t o tax changes w o u l d und o u b t e d l y be greater t h a n is n o r m a l l y believed
to be the case.

¡

i

Finally, these studies d o not recognize t h e
effect of t h e so-called u n d e r - g r o u n d e c o n o m y .
The supply of labor t o t h e m a r k e t m i g h t be
f o u n d t o be m o r e responsive t o tax changes if
this c o u l d be m e a s u r e d . Virtually all e c o n o m i s t s
recognize that t h e Laffer curve w o r k s b e t t e r f o r
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




n a r r o w l y based taxes t h a n f o r b r o a d l y based
taxes. The existence o f t h e u n d e r - g r o u n d
e c o n o m y (plus various tax l o o p - h o l e s ) implies
that personal i n c o m e tax is m u c h m o r e n a r r o w l y
based (and is b e c o m i n g m o r e so) t h a n is c o m m o n l y believed. Laffer effects, t h e n , may be
m o r e likely t o o c c u r t h a n is c o n v e n t i o n a l l y
believed.
Some Criticisms of the Large Econometric Models: T h e r e are several reasons to believe that the
large m a c r o e c o n o m e t r i c m o d e l s o f t e n used t o
simulate tax policies such as Kemp-Roth will n o t
detect supply-side effects o f tax cuts. In general,
these m o d e l s are d e m a n d - o r i e n t e d , i n c o m e expenditure models with underdeveloped
supply-side constructs. Being incomeexpenditure models, they emphasize spending
f l o w s rather t h a n relative prices. C o n s e q u e n t l y ,
t h e y are u n l i k e l y t o d e t e c t supply-side effects o f
changes in marginal tax rates. As a result, t h e y
exaggerate r e v e n u e losses.
Secondly, taxation is o f t e n assumed to have
no i n d e p e n d e n t effect o n saving in most m o d els. As Evans has i n d i c a t e d , changes in saving d o
n o t translate i n t o changes in i n v e s t m e n t in
m a n y of these m o d e l s . Instead, saving retards
d e m a n d w h e r e a s i n v e s t m e n t increases it.
T h i r d l y , many general effects o f tax rate red u c t i o n s are n o t c a p t u r e d in m a n y of these
studies. For e x a m p l e , t h e c o m m o n n o t i o n implicit in m a n y studies o f Kemp-Roth that taxes
o n individuals o n l y affect labor i n c o m e is s i m p l y
n o t c o r r e c t . The i n d i v i d u a l i n c o m e tax affects
small businesses as w e l l as i n c o m e f r o m interest, d i v i d e n d s , a n d capital gains. Personal inc o m e taxation, t h e n , is hardly irrelevant t o
capital f o r m a t i o n . 1 5 A r e d u c t i o n in i n c o m e tax
rates, in fact, affects at least f o u r relative prices
at the same t i m e :
1. The price o f leisure vis-a-vis w o r k . Leisure
b e c o m e s m o r e expensive in t e r m s of
f o r e g o n e i n c o m e . (At the m a r g i n , t h e n ,

» Alan Reynolds, "Individuals and the Tax Question," Wall Street Journal, October
2 4 , 1 9 8 0 ; see also World Report, First Chicago Corporation, July-August 1980

19

such a tax rate r e d u c t i o n lessens the attractiveness o f tax-free u n e m p l o y m e n t a n d
welfare benefits relative t o w o r k . )
2. The price of c u r r e n t c o n s u m p t i o n vis-a-vis
f u t u r e c o n s u m p t i o n , i.e., saving and investment. Current consumption becomes
m o r e expensive in terms o f f u t u r e i n c o m e
f o r e g o n e by n o t saving or investing.
3. The r e t u r n t o w o r k in the market e c o n o m y
vis-a-vis w o r k in the n o n m a r k e t ( u n d e r ground) economy.
4. The return o n i n v e s t m e n t in t h e taxable
sector vis-a-vis t h e r e t u r n o n i n v e s t m e n t in
tax shelters.
C o n s e q u e n t l y , at the m a r g i n , resources w i l l
shift f r o m leisure t o w o r k , f r o m c o n s u m p t i o n t o
saving and investing, f r o m the u n d e r g r o u n d
e c o n o m y t o t h e m a r k e t e c o n o m y , and f r o m
investments in tax shelters t o m o r e p r o d u c t i v e
taxable i n v e s t m e n t .
None
of the studies
of Kemp-Roth
or
econometric
models contain all of these relative
price changes and capture all of these
resource
shifts into saving and investment as well as into
market
labor.
If t h e y d i d , the response of
aggregate s u p p l y t o r e d u c t i o n in tax rates w o u l d
u n d o u b t e d l y be larger t h a n is c o m m o n l y supposed.
Time Frames: Finally, supply-side e c o n o m i c s
relates t o t h e l o n g r u n . M a n y of t h e studies, as
w e l l as the large m a c r o e c o n o m e t r i c m o d e l s ,
f o c u s o n a relatively s h o r t - t e r m t i m e f r a m e .
Alice Rivlin, in her t e s t i m o n y b e f o r e the Joint
Economic C o m m i t t e e on
supply-side
e c o n o m i c s , f o r e x a m p l e , p o i n t e d o u t the inadequacies o f m a c r o e c o n o m e t r i c m o d e l s in
d e a l i n g w i t h issues r e l a t i n g t o l o n g - r u n
e c o n o m i c g r o w t h . 1 6 These large macroe c o n o m e t r i c m o d e l s w e r e essentially b u i l t to
analyze s h o r t - t e r m stabilization policies, n o t
policies relating to long-run g r o w t h . All
e c o n o m i s t s recognize that elasticities b e c o m e
larger the longer the t i m e frame u n d e r conside r a t i o n . Hence, supply-side e c o n o m i c s bec o m e s m o r e relevant the longer t h e t i m e frame.

" A l i c e Rivlin, Forecasting

the Supply Side of the Economy, op. cit., pp. 6, 7.

20




Supply-side e c o n o m i c s , t h e n , has n o t h i n g t o d o
w i t h stabilization p o l i c y ; it pertains t o l o n g - r u n
economic growth.

Some Broader Historical Evidence
Because m u c h o f t h e e c o n o m e t r i c e v i d e n c e
may be i n a d e q u a t e , w e s h o u l d c o n s i d e r o t h e r
sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t supply-side tax
p o l i c y . A great deal o f "casual e v i d e n c e " s h o w s
that in various historical episodes, tax rate cuts
w e r e associated w i t h tax revenue i n c r e a s e s —
particularly f o r n a r r o w l y based taxes (such as
tariffs). 1 7 D u r i n g t h e G l a d s t o n e era in England,
f o r e x a m p l e , various tax rates w e r e r e d u c e d a n d
e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a n d tax revenues increased. 1 8
Historical examples o f cuts in i n c o m e taxes are
n o t as n u m e r o u s . The U. S., f o r e x a m p l e , has
had very little historical e x p e r i e n c e w i t h significant r e d u c t i o n s in federal i n c o m e tax rates.
The M e l l o n tax cuts in the 1920s and the Kenn e d y tax cuts in t h e early 1960s p r o v i d e p r o b a b l y
t h e o n l y g o o d examples. A l t h o u g h no extensive
e m p i r i c a l w o r k has b e e n d o n e o n the M e l l o n tax
cut e p i s o d e , t h e casual e v i d e n c e seems t o
s u p p o r t t h e supply-side p o s i t i o n . Specifically,
t h e tax c u t s — w h i c h l o w e r e d marginal rates o f
t a x a t i o n — w e r e associated w i t h b o t h rapid
e c o n o m i c g r o w t h and increases in tax revenues. 1 9
M a r g i n a l i n c o m e tax rates w e r e also r e d u c e d
in t h e early 1960s. A l t h o u g h t h e r e are always
i m p o r t a n t d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n various historical p e r i o d s , the K e n n e d y tax cuts p r o v i d e a
useful example o f the t y p e o f i m p a c t that a
Kemp-Roth tax cut m i g h t have. Specifically, in
1964, marginal tax rates w e r e cut across the
b o a r d f r o m 91 p e r c e n t t o 70 p e r c e n t at t h e t o p
and f r o m 20 p e r c e n t t o 14 p e r c e n t at the b o t t o m .

" S e e , for example, Robert E. Keleher and William P. Orzechowski, "Supply-Side
Effects of Fiscal Policy: Some Historical Perspectives," Working Paper Series,
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, August 1980.
"Ibid.
" S e e , for example, ibid; Andrew W. Mellon, Taxation: The People's
Business
(MacMillan & Company, 1924); Jude Wanniski, The Way the World Works (Basic
Books, 1978); and Jack Kemp, " K e m p on Stein: Are We All Supply-Siders Now?",
letter to Wall Street Journal, April 4, 1980.

APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

Evidence indicates that the Kennedy tax cuts
w o r k e d , b u t n o t f o r reasonsthe Keynesians w h o
designed t h e m have stated. Specifically, Denison's estimate of the gap b e t w e e n actual and
potential GNP for 1962 and 1963 indicates that
this gap may have been t o o small for demandside policies t o have created the g r o w t h in real
GNP that actually ensued. 2 0 S o m e t h i n g else had
to have caused aggregate supply to increase.
What happened appears to be fully consistent
w i t h an increase in aggregate supply in response to the various tax incentives w h i c h were
created. This assertion is fully s u p p o r t e d by t w o
recent empirical studies by Canto, Joi'nes, and
Webb (1979 and 1980). 21
The evidence w i t h respect to tax revenues
also seems to s u p p o r t the supply-side view.
Specifically, the w o r k by Canto, Joines, and
Webb indicates that the Kennedy tax cuts
caused only a small loss of revenues f r o m the
individual i n c o m e tax by 1 9 6 6 — a loss w h i c h was
largely offset by gains in corporate and o t h e r tax
receipts f r o m t h e increased real e c o n o m i c
growth.

Conclusions
• A supply-side cut in income and business
taxes will probably result in some increase in the
supply of labor, saving, investment, and, hence,
in aggregate supply.
• Because of this additional real g r o w t h , the
tax base will increase and, hence, revenues will
not fall in p r o p o r t i o n to tax rates. In short, the
deficit will not be as large as many have predicted because of these feedback effects.
M o r e o v e r , w i t h i n c r e a s e d real e c o n o m i c
g r o w t h , some g o v e r n m e n t spending (such as
transfers) may d e c l i n e , f u r t h e r m i n i m i z i n g the
deficit.

'•> See Paul Craig Roberts, "The Economic Case for Kemp-Roth," The Economics of
the Tax Revolt, Arthur B. Laffer and Jan P. Seymour, eds. (Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1979), p. 61; Denison's estimates are published in E. F. Denison,
Accounting For Slower Economic Growth (Brookings Institute, 1979).
Victor A. Canto, Douglas H. Joines, and Robert I. Webb, "Empirical Evidence on
the Effects of Tax Rates on Economic Activity," unpublished manuscript.
University of Southern California, September 1979, and Victor A. Canto, Douglas
H. Joines, and Robert I. Webb, "The Revenue Effects of the Kennedy Tax Cuts,"
unpublished manuscript, University of Southern California, November 1980.

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




• Despite the increase in aggregate supply,
the tax cuts w i l l p r o d u c e an increase in the
deficit, at least in the short run. H o w e v e r , to the
extent that the tax cuts create an increase in
saving, the deficit may be, in part, financed
w i t h o u t increasing the m o n e y supply.
• In the l o n g run, the supply-side effects
should be m o r e p o t e n t a n d the deficit s h o u l d be
less w o r r i s o m e . Supply-side economics pertains to l o n g - r u n e c o n o m i c g r o w t h policy rather
than short-run stabilization policy. If lower tax
rates increase deficits for t w o to three years b u t
result in a stronger e c o n o m y after that, in the
l o n g r u n , f u t u r e taxpayers may inherit b o t h a
stronger e c o n o m y and a smaller d e b t b u r d e n .
In assessing the effects of such tax cuts,
several o t h e r factors should also be m e n t i o n e d .
First, there is a large a m o u n t of evidence w h i c h
indicates that tax rates f o r individuals, as well as
f o r businesses, have increased substantially in
recent years. As classical economists repeatedly
and forcefully indicated, w h e n p e o p l e spend a
significant a m o u n t of t i m e and resources in
o r d e r to c i r c u m v e n t o r avoid taxes, tax rates
p r o b a b l y are t o o high. (The u n d e r g r o u n d
e c o n o m y may be telling us something.) In
a d d i t i o n to b e i n g t o o h i g h , tax rates o n labor,
saving, and investment are increasing every day
d u e to inflation. In a d d i t i o n to increases d u e to
inflation, Social Security tax increases, as well as
increases in w i n d f a l l oil profits taxes, are already
scheduled. In short, tax rates are not only t o o
high b u t are increasing every day and scheduled
to increase even f u r t h e r in the f u t u r e . Thus, to
some extent, a Kemp-Roth type tax cut will
simply be offsetting these past, present, and
f u t u r e increases in tax rates.
In a d d i t i o n , a l t h o u g h a few supply-side p r o p onents still c o n t e n d that tax cuts can be made
w i t h o u t regard to g o v e r n m e n t spending, many
supply-side economists assert that g o v e r n m e n t
s p e n d i n g restraints should accompany the tax
cuts w h e r e v e r possible. If such restraints d o
accompany tax cuts, the deficit will be smaller
and less w o r r i s o m e .
m
—Robert E. Keleher

21

The 1981
Monetary Targets
Excerpts from testimony before the House Banking Committee,
February 25, 1981

Chairman,

Fed Study Upholds 1979's
Reserve Targeting Technique
As y o u w e l l k n o w , 1980 was a
t u m u l t u o u s year f o r the
e c o n o m y and financial markets.
W h i l e most measures of t h e
m o n e t a r y and c r e d i t aggregates
grew at or very close t o o u r
target ranges f o r the year as a
w h o l e , t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e
volatility f r o m m o n t h t o m o n t h
or quarter t o quarter.
M o r e o v e r , interest rates m o v e d
t h r o u g h a sharp cycle, and had
considerable instability over
shorter t i m e spans.
In the light of these developments, I initiated in September
a detailed study b y Federal Reserve staff of the o p e r a t i n g
t e c h n i q u e s a d o p t e d by the Federal O p e n M a r k e t C o m m i t t e e in
O c t o b e r , 1979, l o o k i n g , a m o n g
o t h e r things, t o the q u e s t i o n of
w h e t h e r the particular
t e c h n i q u e s w e e m p l o y e d cont r i b u t e d i m p o r t a n t l y t o the o b served volatility. Those
t e c h n i q u e s , as described in o u r
Report, place emphasis in t h e
short r u n o n f o l l o w i n g a path of
n o n - b o r r o w e d reserves.
1. The w o r k c o n f i r m s that t h e
w e e k - t o - w e e k m o n e y supply
figures are subject t o a considerable a m o u n t o f statistical
"noise"—unpredictable
s h o r t - r u n variations related t o
the inherent difficulty of comp u t i n g reliable w e e k l y seasonal

22




Paul
A.
Volcker
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
a d j u s t m e n t factors and o t h e r
r a n d o m disturbances. O n e
analysis suggests the r a n d o m
e l e m e n t in the w e e k l y M 1 data,
as first p u b l i s h e d , is a b o u t $3
b i l l i o n , plus o r m i n u s . W h i l e
those variations average o u t
overtime, they could a m o u n t t o
$11/2 b i l l i o n o n a m o n t h l y average basis, equivalent t o a
change o f 41/2% at an annual
rate.
2. N o clear e v i d e n c e was
f o u n d that, in the present institutional setting, alternative
approaches t o reserve (or
m o n e t a r y base) t a r g e t i n g w o u l d
increase t h e p r e c i s i o n of
monetary control.
3. Pursuing the closest possible s h o r t - r u n c o n t r o l o f the
m o n e y supply by any t e c h n i q u e
entails a w i l l i n g n e s s t o tolerate
large changes o v e r short
periods o f t i m e in s h o r t - t e r m
interest r a t e s — g r e a t e r t h a n
w e r e e x p e r i e n c e d in 1980.
4. Interest rate instability associated w i t h the n e w
t e c h n i q u e s per se is e x t r e m e l y
d i f f i c u l t t o distinguish f r o m
o t h e r sources of interest rate
fluctuation. However, the
major swings in interest rates
d u r i n g the y e a r — h i s t o r i c peaks
in early 1980, the sharp d r o p in
t h e s p r i n g , and t h e r e t u r n t o
historic h i g h s — c a n be traced t o
disturbances in t h e e c o n o m y
itself, t o the i m p o s i t i o n and removal o f c r e d i t c o n t r o l s , t o t h e

budgetary situation, and t o
s h i f t i n g inflationary expectations. Indeed, while much
c o m p r e s s e d in t i m e , t h e b r o a d
interest rate f l u c t u a t i o n s w e r e ,
in relative m a g n i t u d e , n o t o u t o f
k e e p i n g w i t h earlier cyclical experience.
5. M o n e y s u p p l y f l u c t u a t i o n s
last year over periods o f a
q u a r t e r o r so w e r e p r o b a b l y
larger t h a n m i g h t have b e e n
expected o n the basis o f
e c o n o m e t r i c analysis of reserve
c o n t r o l t e c h n i q u e s . The inference f r o m t h e study is that the
credit control program and
o t h e r external " s h o c k s " c o u l d
have been responsible. At t h e
same t i m e , the e v i d e n c e is that
t h e q u a r t e r l y deviations in
money growth from the trend
f o r t h e year d i d n o t have an
important influence on
e c o n o m i c activity. If m o n e y
g r o w t h had s o m e h o w b e e n
held constant, s h o r t - r u n
interest rate variability w o u l d
have b e e n still larger.
As a personal o b s e r v a t i o n , I
w o u l d emphasize that swings in
t h e m o n e y and c r e d i t aggregates over a m o n t h , a q u a r t e r ,
or even longer s h o u l d n o t be
d i s t u r b i n g (and i n d e e d may i n
some situations be desirable),
p r o v i d e d t h e r e is understanding and c o n f i d e n c e in o u r int e n t i o n s over m o r e significant
periods of time.

APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

1981 Targets Aim to
Further Reduce Money G r o w t h
•

The 1981 targets w e r e set w i t h
the i n t e n t i o n o f a c h i e v i n g
further r e d u c t i o n in t h e g r o w t h
of m o n e y and c r e d i t , r e t u r n i n g
such g r o w t h o v e r t i m e t o
.amounts consistent w i t h the
capacity o f the e c o n o m y to
grow at stable prices. Against
the b a c k g r o u n d of the s t r o n g
inflationary m o m e n t u m in the
e c o n o m y , t h e targets are
frankly d e s i g n e d t o be restrict i v e . They d o i m p l y restraint o n
j j l t h e potential g r o w t h of the

n o m i n a l GNP. If i n f l a t i o n cont i n u e s unabated or rises, real
activity is likely t o be s q u e e z e d .
As i n f l a t i o n begins noticeably t o
abate, t h e stage w i l l be set f o r
s t r o n g e r real g r o w t h . M o n e t a r y
policy is, o f c o u r s e , d e s i g n e d t o
encourage that d i s i n f l a t i o n a r y
process. But the success o f the
p o l i c y , and the extent t o w h i c h
it can be achieved w i t h o u t great
pressure o n interest rates and
stress o n financial markets that
have already b e e n heavily
strained, w i l l also d e p e n d u p o n
o t h e r p u b l i c policies and private attitudes and b e h a v i o r .

Planned and Actual Growth of Monetary and Credit Aggregates
(percent changes, fourth quarter to fourth quarter)
M-1 targets and growth before and after shifts into ATS/NOW accounts
Before adjustments
After adjustments
M-1 B
M-1 A
M-1 A
M-1 B
41/2 to 7(b)
21/4 to 4%(b)
Planned for 1980
31/a to 6
4 to 6
7 1 /4
5
Actual 1980
61/2(a)
6%(a)
1
1
1
1
6 to 8 /2(c)
-4 /2 to -2(c)
Planned for 1981
3 to 5 /2
3 /2 to 6
M-2, M-3 and bank credit targets and growth
Planned for 1980
Actual 1980
Planned for 1981

M-2
6 to 9
9.8
6 to 9

M-3

6V2 to 91/2
9.9
61/2 to 91/2

Bank Credit
6 to 9
7.9
6 to 9

(a) Reflects current estimates of the impacts on M-1A and M-1 B of shifting from demand deposits and other assets into new
ATS and NOW accounts not taken into account in 1980 targets. Growth of M-1 A is about VA percentage points larger
than actual recorded data after adding back in shifts out of demand deposits; growth of M-1 B is reduced by about Vz
percentage point after taking out shifts into M-1 B from savings accounts and other assets.
(b) Target ad|usted to reflect N O W / A T S account shifts referred to in note above.
(c) Reflects tentative assumptions regarding impacts of shifts into new ATS and N O W accounts in 1981. Growth of M-1A is
assumed to be reduced by roughly IV2 percentage points by transfer from demand balances to N O W / A T S accounts;
growth of M-1 B is assumed to be increased by 2Vi percentage points by transfer from sources outside of M-1 A. These
assumptions will be reviewed from time to time.

* NOW Accounts
"Distort Figures
I must emphasize that b o t h
M1 series, as actually r e p o r t e d ,
are currently d i s t o r t e d by the
shift into interest-bearing transfaction accounts. Those shifts
were particularly large in
V January, w h e n f o r t h e first t i m e
| depository i n s t i t u t i o n s in all
t

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




parts of the c o u n t r y w e r e perm i t t e d to o f f e r such accounts.
As t h e year progresses, w e anticipate t h e d i s t o r t i o n w i l l dim i n i s h , as has already b e e n the
case in February. H o w e v e r , any
estimate of the shifts i n t o
N O W - t y p e accounts f o r 1981 as
a w h o l e , and the source o f
t h o s e f u n d s , must be tentative.

Monetary Policy Alone
Cannot Deal w i t h Inflation
I k n o w that t h e case is sometimes made that m o n e t a r y policy can a l o n e deal w i t h t h e inflation side of the e q u a t i o n . But
n o t in the real w o r l d — n o t if
o t h e r policies pull in o t h e r directions, f e e d i n g i n f l a t i o n a r y
expectations, p r o p e l l i n g t h e
cost and wage s t r u c t u r e upw a r d s , and placing e n o r m o u s
b u r d e n s o n financial markets
w i t h large b u d g e t a r y deficits
i n t o the i n d e f i n i t e f u t u r e .
That is w h y it seems t o m e so
c r i t i c a l — i f m o n e t a r y policy is to
d o its j o b w i t h o u t u n d u l y
straining the financial f a b r i c —
that the Federal b u d g e t be
b r o u g h t i n t o balance at t h e earliest practical t i m e . That o b j e c tive c a n n o t be achieved in a
sluggish e c o n o m y . M o r e o v e r ,
tax r e d u c t i o n — e m p h a s i z i n g
incentives—is important to
help lay t h e base f o r r e n e w e d
g r o w t h and p r o d u c t i v i t y . For
those reasons, t h e l i n c h p i n of
any effective e c o n o m i c p r o gram today seems t o me early,
and by past standards massive,
progress in c u t t i n g back the
u p w a r d surge o f e x p e n d i t u r e s ,
o n and o f f b u d g e t .
0R]

23

New Competition for
Consumer
Financial Business
An article in the February Economic Review compared the size and structure of
southeastern financial institutions as they enter a new phase of competition.
This article extends that discussion and focuses in more detail on the probable
shape of the new competition.

The D e p o s i t o r y Institutions D e r e g u l a t i o n a n d
M o n e t a r y C o n t r o l A c t (MCA) affects f o u r
types o f financial i n s t i t u t i o n s : c o m m e r c i a l
banks, savings a n d loan associations, m u t u a l
savings banks, a n d c r e d i t u n i o n s . They already had d e f i n i t e family resemblances; n o w
they may b e c o m e identical q u a d r u p l e t s — a t
least in c o n s u m e r s ' eyes. T h e M C A gave all
c o m m e r c i a l banks, m u t u a l savings banks and
savings a n d loan associations p o w e r s t o o f f e r
N O W accounts t o i n d i v i d u a l s . It a l l o w e d f e d erally insured credit u n i o n s t o o f f e r share
drafts. These p o w e r s c o m p l e m e n t each institution's existing p o w e r s t o o f f e r t i m e a n d
savings deposits. Thus, c o n s u m e r d e p o s i t
24




p o w e r s w i l l b e c o m e closely parallel f o r all
institutions. O n t h e l e n d i n g side, S&Ls received n e w p o w e r s t o o f f e r second
mortgages, c r e d i t cards, a n d c o n s u m e r installment credit. They w e r e also a l l o w e d t o
o f f e r trust services a n d o p e r a t e r e m o t e autom a t e d teller machines. Insured credit u n i o n s
had already received a u t h o r i t y t o o f f e r longt e r m residential mortgages. Thus, as of Dec e m b e r 31, 1980, t h e f o u r types of i n s t i t u t i o n s
had parallel p o w e r s in c o n s u m e r l e n d i n g a n d
c o n s u m e r deposits.
The n e w p o w e r s c o u l d rapidly increase t h e
n u m b e r o f financial institutions o f f e r i n g f u l l
c o n s u m e r services. Previously, c o m m e r c i a l
APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

banks had an exclusive h o l d o n this distinct i o n . Since m a n y c o n s u m e r s prefer d e a l i n g
w i t h a single b a n k i n g i n s t i t u t i o n f o r all services, banks d r e w a significant c o m p e t i t i v e
edge f r o m the situation. If the t h r i f t institutions use t h e i r n e w p o w e r s , h o w e v e r , banks
stand t o lose that e d g e .
Three crucial q u e s t i o n s arise f r o m this expansion of p o w e r s : W h a t are the characteristics of these i n s t i t u t i o n s w i t h n e w powers?
H o w m a n y w i l l use t h e n e w p o w e r s t o bec o m e full-service c o m p e t i t o r s of banks? W h a t
do those answers i m p l y f o r t h e future? Alt h o u g h these q u e s t i o n s are a n s w e r e d here in
terms o f t h e Sixth District states, t h e answers
apply generally t o the n a t i o n . Florida and
Mississippi are near o p p o s i t e ends of a national c o n t i n u u m of relative n u m b e r and size
of t h r i f t i n s t i t u t i o n s ; t h e region's o t h e r states
are i n - b e t w e e n .
First, what are the important characteristics
of the institutions? The region has 2,135 c o m mercial banks. W h e n m u l t i b a n k h o l d i n g
c o m p a n y subsidiaries are l u m p e d i n t o single
organizations, that n u m b e r is r e d u c e d t o
1,720 (of t h e nation's 12,700). These b a n k i n g
organizations (banks f o r short) operate 6,940
offices. There are 564 savings and loans and
2,673 c r e d i t u n i o n s (and n o m u t u a l savings
banks) in the r e g i o n . O n January 1, 1981,
t h e n , the total n u m b e r o f i n s t i t u t i o n s able t o
offer full c o n s u m e r services j u m p e d f r o m
1,720 to nearly 5,000. These institutions o p e r ate m o r e t h a n 12,000 offices. ( C o m p a r a b l e
national figures are 40,000 i n s t i t u t i o n s and
96,000 offices.)
S&Ls and credit unions generally trail
commercial banks in aggregate deposits in
the region. O n l y in Florida are t h e y larger
overall than banks. T h e i r aggregate share is
smallest (22 percent) in Mississippi. Credit
union c o n t r i b u t i o n t o this aggregate is m o d est i n d e e d , a c c o u n t i n g f o r b u t 3 p e r c e n t in
the region.
H o w e v e r , S&Ls and c r e d i t u n i o n s already
hold substantial p r o p o r t i o n s of certain types
of c o n s u m e r business. Their share of transactions accounts is still l o w , but t h e y h o l d
around 18 p e r c e n t of c o n s u m e r installment
loans. They h o l d m o r e than half o f c o n s u m e r
time and savings deposits in Florida, G e o r g i a ,
and Louisiana a n d a r o u n d 90 p e r c e n t of
single-family m o r t g a g e loans in all states b u t
Mississippi and Tennessee. O m i s s i o n o f busiFEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




ness d o n e by c o n s u m e r finance c o m p a n i e s
and m o r t g a g e c o m p a n i e s o w n e d by banks
and bank h o l d i n g c o m p a n i e s inflates the
n o n b a n k i n s t i t u t i o n s ' share o f c o n s u m e r and
m o r t g a g e loans to s o m e e x t e n t . The fact remains, h o w e v e r , that the n o n b a n k i n s t i t u t i o n s
have already m a d e substantial inroads in
c o n s u m e r financial business. They have
p l e n t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y t o cross-sell their n e w
services if t h e y desire.
In a d d i t i o n t o having substantial market
p e n e t r a t i o n in s o m e types o f c o n s u m e r business, i n d i v i d u a l S&Ls are c o n s i d e r a b l y larger
than i n d i v i d u a l banks in s o m e areas. This
pattern is most e v i d e n t in Florida a n d
Georgia, w h e r e deposits of the m e d i a n S&L
are seven times and t h r e e t i m e s , respectively,
those o f t h e median bank. The m e d i a n S&L is
also larger in Alabama and Tennessee. Banks
are typically larger in Louisiana and Mississippi. S&Ls rank a m o n g t h e 10 largest dep o s i t o r y financial intermediaries headquartered in each o f t h e region's states except
Louisiana. C r e d i t u n i o n s are typically q u i t e
small. The region's m e d i a n u n i o n has o n l y
a b o u t $600,000 in shares.
Finally, u n d e r present rules, S&Ls have
f e w e r expansion restrictions. They are all o w e d by t h e Federal H o m e Loan Bank Board
statewide b r a n c h i n g b o t h by de novo b r a n c h
and by m e r g e r . They are no longer r e q u i r e d
t o s h o w that o p e n i n g n e w branches w i l l have
no ill effects o n the b r a n c h i n g i n s t i t u t i o n . In
the r e g i o n , statewide b r a n c h i n g is unavailable
t o banks in any state. Statewide bank h o l d i n g
c o m p a n i e s may o p e r a t e in Alabama, Florida,
G e o r g i a , a n d Tennessee, b u t Tennessee severely restricts and Georgia p r o h i b i t s acquisit i o n of de novo banks. Since b r a n c h i n g is a
less expensive m e t h o d o f e x p a n s i o n , S&Ls
have a distinct advantage over banks in all of
the region's states.
How many of the institutions potentially
offering the same full line of consumer financial
services will actually offer these services? For a
start, w e can i g n o r e most c r e d i t u n i o n s as
full-service c o m p e t i t o r s . M o s t are q u i t e small.
Unless they m u l t i p l y t h e i r size several t i m e s ,
t h e y w i l l be unable to capture scale
e c o n o m i e s available in c o n s u m e r l e n d i n g and
d e p o s i t o p e r a t i o n s . The c o m m o n b o n d
r e q u i r e m e n t makes expansion d i f f i c u l t f o r
m o s t . They may, h o w e v e r , c o m p e t e
effectively in some lines o f business, in some
25

p l a c e s — p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n a subsidy assures
that they cover their costs despite their small
size.
Savings and loans are different. They are
generally at least as large as banks and have
substantial existing c o n s u m e r deposit and
mortgage business. Many will be aggressive.
The New England N O W experience indicates
that the thrifts have embraced interest-paying
transactions accounts just as the public has. A
recent survey d o n e by this Bank f o u n d that
more than 90 percent of the District's savings
and loans began offering N O W accounts
f r o m the beginning of 1981. If most
consumers still prefer one-stop " b a n k i n g , "
S&Ls will likely be drawn into the other new
s e r v i c e s — c o n s u m e r loans, second
mortgages, credit cards, and trust services.
This will make t h e m full-service c o m p e t i t o r s
of banks. Savings and loan-oriented
publications have been full of " h o w t o "
articles; consultants are still d o i n g a land
office business. Larger associations have been
aggressively advertising full-service plans.
Larger credit unions and most S&Ls c o u l d
well account for a 40-percent increase in the
n u m b e r of full-service c o n s u m e r financial
institutions in the Sixth District states and
about the same percentage gain in the
nation. The increase will not be d i s t r i b u t e d
equally. Florida and Georgia, w h e r e S&Ls and
credit unions are larger and m o r e active
already, will feel it more than Mississippi and
Tennessee.
What are the implications of such an
increase? M o s t obviously, S&Ls and some
credit unions will begin to be m o r e like
commercial b a n k s — i n financial statements
and in management problems.
In a d d i t i o n , a large j u m p in the n u m b e r of
competitors in any line of business w i t h some
scale economies generally leads to lower
profit margins, less tolerance for mistakes by
the market, and, consequently, m o r e
incentive for institutions to exit the market.
Failure and liquidation are generally f r o w n e d
on as m e t h o d s of exit for insured financial
institutions in this c o u n t r y . Thus, this added
incentive to exit will probably accelerate the
consolidation of financial institutions.
Consolidation implies loss of some
c o m p e t i t o r s , g r o w t h by others. W h o will
disappear and w h o will grow? Larger,
well-managed S&Ls o f f e r i n g a full line of
26




services and w i t h m o r e liberal b r a n c h i n g
powers are likely to be particularly
threatening to rural and suburban banks and
S&Ls, especially the smaller,
c o n s u m e r - o r i e n t e d institutions. The large
S&Ls will be able to enter the smaller
institutions' markets inexpensively w i t h
branches and offer consumers all the services
that banks can. In a d d i t i o n , for up to six
years, they may retain their regulatory
interest differential on some types of time
and savings deposits. Some smaller institutions
are likely to disappear. Larger S&Ls will gain, b u t
they may not n o w m e r g e w i t h or acquire banks.
Small banks will have to look to larger b a n k i n g
organizations for relief.
If this consolidation proceeds rapidly,
pressures to d o away w i t h geographic and
interinstitutional barriers to consolidation will
rise. These pressures w o u l d be particularly
strong in cases of weakness a m o n g smaller
institutions in states like Mississippi w i t h few
large banks, S&Ls, or credit unions. A bill
allowing interstate h o l d i n g c o m p a n y
acquisitions of large failing banks has
received strong Federal Reserve s u p p o r t , but
it has not passed. Pressure for this and m o r e
extensive legislation will no d o u b t c o n t i n u e .
There will also be pressure for credit
unions to consolidate in o r d e r to achieve
scale economies. That w o u l d center attention
on the c o m m o n b o n d r e q u i r e m e n t w h i c h
limits mergers and o n merger procedures for
these institutions. We can expect political
activity on these fronts as well.

Conclusions
The new c o n s u m e r powers will increase the
n u m b e r of full-service financial institutions.
M a n y of the new institutions are neither runts
nor johnnys-come-lately to c o n s u m e r financial services. Consolidation will result f r o m
the increase in c o m p e t i t o r s , and the large
S&Ls and banks may benefit most. Political
and regulatory action for interstate and interinstitutional mergers and for credit u n i o n
mergers will probably f o l l o w . The era w h i c h
o p e n e d officially on January 1, 1981, offers
new o p p o r t u n i t i e s to consumers. It also offers problems for bankers, thrift institution
managers, and regulators alike.
0R]
—B. Frank King

APRIL 1 9 8 1 , E C O N O M I C REVIEW

NOW Competition:
S&Ls Start Fast, Banks
More Conservative
Preliminary data indicate that S&Ls in the Southeast are more aggressive in
their pricing strategy than commercial banks. Banks which are "defensive" tend
to be those with a high percentage of household demand balances in their total
demand accounts.

Almost all savings a n d loan associations a n d c o m m e r c i a l
banks in t h e Southeast are o f fering
NOW
accounts
(interest-paying c h e c k i n g accounts), b u t t h e r e are w i d e variations in pricing.
The S&Ls s h o w m o r e aggress i v e n e s s in- t h e i r
pricing
' strategies. A D e c e m b e r survey
by t h e Federal Reserve Bank o f
A t l a n t a p r e d i c t e d t h a t S&Ls
w o u l d price l o w e r t h a n banks,
; and recent reports f r o m t h e institutions t o t h e Federal Reserve
. c o n f i r m t h e survey's indications.
Seventy-seven percent of
S&Ls surveyed are r e q u i r i n g
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




m i n i m u m charge-free balances
of o n l y $500 o r less. N i n e t y - o n e
p e r c e n t o f banks, o n t h e o t h e r
h a n d , have set m i n i m u m balances at o r above $1,000.
Banks a n d S&Ls have o t h e r
d i f f e r e n c e s o n service charges
a n d balance r e q u i r e m e n t s .
- 5 4 p e r c e n t o f t h e banks assess charges o n b o t h a m o n t h l y
and p e r - c h e c k basis, c o m p a r e d
t o o n l y 19 p e r c e n t o f t h e S&Ls.
Seventy-nine percent of t h e
S&Ls make a m o n t h l y charge
only.
- O n l y 16 p e r c e n t o f t h e
banks i n c l u d e balances in o t h e r
a c c o u n t s ( s u c h as r e g u l a r
passbook savings accounts) as

part o f t h e r e q u i r e d m i n i m u m .
The f i g u r e is h i g h e r (27 percent)
f o r S&Ls.
C o m m e r c i a l bank m a r k e t i n g
strategy t e n d s t o be defensive,
a l t h o u g h a significant m i n o r i t y
(32 percent) of banks describe
t h e i r strategy as aggressive.
" D e f e n s i v e " banks t e n d t o be
t h o s e w i t h a high percentage o f
h o u s e h o l d d e m a n d balances
(HDBs) in t h e i r total d e m a n d
balance (TDB). T h e h i g h e r t h e
h o u s e h o l d share o f T D B , t h e
h i g h e r g e n e r a l l y is t h e
m i n i m u m balance f o r chargefree N O W accounts. T h e " a g gressive" banks t e n d t o have a
l o w e r percentage o f HDBs a n d
generally o f f e r N O W s w i t h n o
27

service charges and w i t h
m i n i m u m balances lower than
" d e f e n s i v e " banks.
These " a g g r e s s i v e " b a n k s
also t e n d t o split evenly bet w e e n a per m o n t h service
charge and per m o n t h plus per
check service charge if the balance falls b e l o w the required
m i n i m u m . The " d e f e n s i v e "
banks tend to structure service
charges o n a per m o n t h plus per
check basis.
The average service charge
for b e l o w - m i n i m u m balance is
$7.55 for the greater-than-50
percent HDB banks and $6.95
f o r the less-than-50 p e r c e n t
HDB g r o u p .
Banks also show a willingness
to accommodate customer
preferences by o f f e r i n g variety
in their p r o d u c t . Some banks
are allowing customers to pick a
b u n d l e of bank services f r o m
several choices. Banks w i t h a

" d e f e n s i v e " m a r k e t i n g strategy
are w i l l i n g to offer charge-free
N O W s if a m i n i m u m balance is
maintained in another t i m e account.
S&Ls are m o r e aggressive in
pricing, but banks are slightly
m o r e likely to offer N O W s .
Ninety percent of S&Ls and 97
percent of commercial banks
began o f f e r i n g N O W accounts
as soon as they became legal on
December 31,1980. In a d d i t i o n ,
19 of 26 credit unions surveyed
w e r e already o f f e r i n g share
draft accounts (similar t o N O W
accounts).
Thrift institutions in the Sixth
District are reacting to the new
accounts w i t h considerably
m o r e enthusiasm than thrifts in
New England did w h e n N O W s
w e r e first offered there. T w o
years after N O W s began in New
England, only one-half to
t h r e e - f o u r t h s of thrifts w e r e

o f f e r i n g N O W s . The Southeast
surpassed that total at the outset.
In Mississippi and Lousiana,
however, where bank-thrift1
c o m p e t i t i o n is less intense, only
two-thirds and three-fourths,
respectively, of the S&Ls offered NOWs i m m e d i a t e l y — ,
c o m p a r e d to 100 percent in
Alabama, Florida, Georgia and
the District p o r t i o n of Tennessee. Larger institutions (with
deposits over $100 million) in
the District are somewhat more
likely to offer N O W s than
smaller ones, by a margin of 95
to 85 percent. Similarly, m o r e '
larger credit unions (deposits f
over $25 million) are o f f e r i n g
share draft accounts than smal- ,
ler ones (in the $5- to $25m i l l i o n range). No significant
differences have emerged between urban and rural institutions.
EH
—William

N. Cox III

The following tables present the results of surveys conducted by the Federal Reserve Bank of
Atlanta in December 1980. The surveys included 26 credit unions, 60 savings and loan associations,
and 127 commercial banks in the Sixth District.
TABLE 1
CREDIT UNIONS: Share Draft Survey, S i x t h Federal Reserve D i s t r i c t s ( s a m p l e of 26 i n s t i t u t i o n s ,
December 1980)
Offering Share Drafts?
State/Size*
Alabama

Service Charge If Offered?
All
Over $25m.
$5-25m.

S5-25m.

Over $25m.

All

1 Out of 3

2 out of 2

3 out of 5

0 out of 1

6/7

0/3

3/3

2 out of 2
2/3

2 out of 3
2/6

Florida

3/4

Georgia

2/3

1/2

3/5

2/2

1/1

3/3

0/0

2/2

0/2

0/0

0/2

Louisiana**

2/2

Mississippi**

0/2

1/1

1/3

0/0

0/1

0/1

Tennessee**

1/2

2/2

3/4

0/1

1/2***

1/3

Sixth Federal Reserve District

9/16

9/10

18/26

2/9

6/9

8/18

"Deposit Size in Millions.
" S i x t h District Portion.
" " B e l o w S300 minimum, $3 per month.

28




APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

TABLE 2
SAVINGS AND LOAN ASSOCIATIONS: NOW Account Pricing in the Sixth Federal Reserve District
(sample of 60 institutions, December 1980)
Percentage of
Institutions
Offering NOWs
Later
Right
Away in 1981
Sixth Federal Reserve
91%
District

5%

Service Charges for
Below Minimum
Checking**

Minimum Balance for
Charge-Free Checking**

Not
Sure

Less
than
$500

4%

26%

51%

11%

8%

11

11

0

$500

$500-1,000
4%

$1,000

Over
$1,000

Per
Month
Only

Per
Item
Only

Both

79%

2%

19%

100

0

0

Charge-Free Checking
with Minimum Balance
in Another Time
Account**

Yes

No

27%

73%

22

78

Alabama

100

0

0

22

56

Florida

100

0

0

42

33

0

8

17

89

0

11

36

64

Georgia

100

0

0

33

42

8

17

0

45

0

55

33

67

Louisiana*

78

11

11

0

57

0

14

29

86

14

0

33

67

Mississippi*

62

25

13

0

83

0

17

0

83

0

17

0

100

Tennessee*

100

0

0

43

57

0

0

0

86

0

14

29

71

96

4

0

32

53

0

11

4

82

4

14

33

67

Smaller Institutions
(under $100 million) 86

7

7

20

48

8

12

12

76

0

24

20

80

Large Institutions
(over $100 million)

"Sixth District Portion Only.
" I n c l u d e s S&Ls which did not respond, unsure or not offering NOW Accounts.

TABLE 3
COMMERCIAL BANKS: NOW Account Pricing in the Sixth Federal Reserve District (survey of 127
institutions, December 1980)
Percentage of
Institutions
Offering NOWs

Sixth Federal Reserve
District
Alabama
Florida
Georgia

97%
100

Minimum Balance for
Charge-Free Checking**

Charge-Free Checking
with Minimum Balance
in Another Time
Account**

$1,000

Over
$1,000

Per
Month
Only

Per
Item
Only

4%

37%

54%

39%

0%

54%

0

42

58

78

0

22

5

95

0

68

32

68

0

100

21

79

0

100

Not
Sure

Less
than
$500

$500

$500-1,000

1%

2%

0%

3%

0

0

0

0

Later
Right
Away in 1981

Service Charges for
Below Minimum
Checking**

92

4

4

0

9

0

36

55

32

100

0

0

0

0

9

58

33

0

Both

Yes

No

16%

84%

Louisiana*

96

0

4

0

4

9

35

52

39

0

61

Mississippi*

94

0

6

0

0

6

12

82

76

0

24

6

94

0

28

33

67

100

0

0

0

6

0

44

50

72

Large Institutions
(over $100 million)

100

0

0

0

4

6

32

58

51

0

49 _

18

82

Smaller Institutions
(under$100million)

95

1

4

0

3

2

30

40

42

0

58

15

85

Tennessee*

"Sixth District Portion Onlv.
""Includes S&Ls which did not respond, unsure or not offering NOW Accounts.

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




29

I

TABLE 4
Commercial Banks: Now Account Pricing Based on Household Accounts
"Estimated percent
of total d e m a n d
balances in h o u s e h o l d
demand balances*

Percent of
responding banks
in e a c h c a t e g o r y

Offering NOWs
Immedi
ately

Minimum Balance for

Weighted

Charge-Free Checking

average

Later
in 1981

Not
Sure

Less
than
$500

S500

y)00

2

2

0

5

5

39

51

Service Charges for
Below Minimum
Checking

Charge-Free Checking
with M i n i m u m Balance
in A n o t h e r Time
Account

Per
Month
Only

Per
Item
Only

Both

Yes

$1,278

44

0

56

17

Over
$1,000 $1,000

20- 30%

39%

30- 40%

27

100

0

0

0

0

7

31

62

1,341

50

40- 50%

0

50

10

23

90

100

0

0

0

4

8

52

36

1,156

52

4

44

20

80

96%

83

50- 60%

7

88

0

12

0

0

0

29

71

1,386

14

60- 70%

0

86

14

4

86

100

0

0

0

0

0

0

100

1,375

25

0

75

0

100

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

70-100%

commercial banks surveyed responded to the "Estimated percent of total demand balances in retail household a c c o u n t s : " question, with slightly less for other questions

TABLE 5
Commercial Banks: Marketing Strategy Based on Household Accounts
Estimated percent of
total d e m a n d balances in
household demand balances

Aggressive

Defensive

Other

20-30%

44%

42%

14%

30-40%

17%

63%

20%

40-50%

28%

52%

20%

50-60%

43%

29%

28%

60-70%

0%

75%

25%

70-100%

0%

0%

0%

TABLE 6

"Our NOW marketing
strategy is:"*

Offering NOWs
I m m e d i Later
ately
i n 1981

Service Charges for
Below Minimum
Checking

M i n i m u m Balance for
Charge-Free Checkinq

Not
Sure

Less
than
$500

$500

$500-1,000

$1,000

$1,000

Per
Month
Only

Over

Charge-Free Checking
with M i n i m u m Balance
in A n o t h e r T i m e
Account

Per
Item

Aggressive

Both

Yes

100%

0

0

No

0

6

11

58

25

44

66

Defensive

17

83

98

2

0

0

0

2

31

67

40

58

Other

85

15

95

0

5

0

5

5

16

74

56

44

16

84

•87% (111/127)0, commercia l banks surveyed responded to the " O u r NOW marketing strategy i s : " question, with slightly less

for other questions.

30




APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C

REVIEW

Inflation Experiences in Seven
Major Countries: A n Overview
An analysis of seven major economies reveals some interesting patterns in world
inflation experiences. The author focuses on money growth, wage pressures,
government deficits, and oil prices.

tA
J

"

f

W h i l e c u l t u r a l a n d institutional differences
make it d i f f i c u l t t o c o m p a r e data f r o m c o u n try t o c o u n t r y , w e can discern some general
patterns in t h e i n f l a t i o n history o f some major
western e c o n o m i e s . From these general patterns, perhaps w e can draw some policy implications.

Let's l o o k at i n f l a t i o n (measured by t h e
C o n s u m e r Price Index) for the seven c o u n tries. The U. S., Canada, and G e r m a n y shared
relatively l o w i n f l a t i o n rates f r o m 1954-66 (the
first t h r e e periods in Table 1). The U. S. had
the lowest rate of i n f l a t i o n of any o f the
c o u n t r i e s d u r i n g the 13-year span. The U n i t e d
K i n g d o m had m u c h higher i n f l a t i o n in the
1954-58 and 1961-66 periods t h a n the U.S.,
G e r m a n y , or Canada b u t d i d have an a b r u p t
s l o w i n g in 1959-60. France's i n f l a t i o n was unif o r m l y high t h r o u g h o u t the 13 years, r u n n i n g
t w o to t h r e e times faster t h a n o t h e r w e s t e r n
e c o n o m i e s . Italy and Japan had relatively m i l d
i n f l a t i o n u n t i l 1961-66 w h e n their rates
j u m p e d several-fold.

Seven c o u n t r i e s in particular l e n d t h e m selves to analysis because of close trade relationships, c o m p l e t e n e s s of available data,
and their major roles in i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m merce. 1 They are: Canada, France, G e r m a n y ,
Italy, Japan, t h e U. S., and t h e U n i t e d Kingdom.

' The table covers six time periods, starting with the post-Korean War period,
1954-58. The second period, 1959-60, was chosen because, in five out of the
seven nations, there was a marked slowing in inflation from the moderate pace
of 1954-58. Two six-year periods, 1961-66 and 1967-72, were chosen because
of fairly consistent rates within the two periods. The three-year period, 1973-75,
was taken as a sub-period due to the tremendous supply shocks which
occurred, making that period's inflation substantially different from other
periods. The final period is 1976-79, or up to date as of this writing.

W o r l d w i d e i n f l a t i o n became e n t r e n c h e d
d u r i n g the 1960s and 1970s. Virtually no
c o u n t r y was unscathed by t h e effects of
rapidly rising prices, e i t h e r at h o m e o r in international transactions. Some c o u n t r i e s ,
h o w e v e r , have b e e n m u c h m o r e successful
than others in s l o w i n g the l o n g - t e r m t r e n d
t o w a r d ever higher rates of i n f l a t i o n .

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




31

TABLE
5
Consumer Price Inflation in Seven Countries
(percent change per year)

Canada
1954-58

1.66

United
Kingdom

West
Germany

France

Italy

3.66

1.86

4.77

2.43

Japan
1.12

United
States
1.62

1959-60

1.35

0.95

1.50

4.71

1.35

1.83

1.21

1961-66

1.94

3.60

2.90

3.41

4.48

5.96

1.60

1967-72

3.95

5.80

3.41

5.28

4.19

5.64

4.81

1973-75

10.02

16.72

6.26

10.61

13.64

15.22

9.53

1976-79

8.03

12.75

3.68

9.69

15.14

5.86

8.76

Source: Rapidata—Citibank Database.

Starting in 1967-72, every c o u n t r y in t h e
study s h o w e d either c o n t i n u e d high rates or
a substantial increase t o higher rates o f inflat i o n . D u r i n g 1973-75, every nation suffered
sharp increases in i n f l a t i o n , s o m e d o u b l i n g
and others t r i p l i n g . The U n i t e d K i n g d o m , f o r
instance, leaped 11 p e r c e n t , w h i l e Japan's
rate rose a b o u t 9 p e r c e n t . In t h e U. S., the
rate d o u b l e d f r o m 4.8 t o 9.5 p e r c e n t . O f t h e
seven, G e r m a n y had m u c h t h e b e t t e r experience, w i t h i n f l a t i o n averaging 6.3 p e r c e n t
d u r i n g 1973-75, up f r o m 3.4 p e r c e n t in
1967-72.
Finally, the 1976-79 p e r i o d i n c l u d e d a w i d e
range o f experiences. Canada, France, and
t h e U. S. s h o w e d m o d e s t s l o w i n g , w h i l e the
U n i t e d K i n g d o m and G e r m a n y had declines
in rates. Japan's rate was c u t by nearly t w o t h i r d s t o 5.9 p e r c e n t per year. In contrast,
Italy's i n f l a t i o n rate actually increased, averaging 15.1 p e r c e n t , c o m p a r e d to 13.6 percent in 1973-75. A l t h o u g h the U n i t e d Kingd o m had a d e c l i n e , its rate o f inflation was
still very high at 12.7 p e r c e n t . In each c o u n try, w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f Japan and Germany, i n f l a t i o n rates w e r e h i g h e r , in some
cases, m u c h h i g h e r t h a n in the 1961-72
p e r i o d . Even in G e r m a n y and Japan, c o n s u m e r price i n f l a t i o n is significantly faster
n o w t h a n d u r i n g t h e 1950s.
W h a t are the i m p o r t a n t factors b e h i n d the
nearly universal acceleration in i n f l a t i o n since
32




the mid-sixties? Let's examine f o u r patterns:
(1) the g r o w t h in m o n e y supply, (2) wage
pressures d u e to o r g a n i z e d labor, (3) the size,
absolute a n d relative, of g o v e r n m e n t deficits,
and (4) the price o f i m p o r t e d oil. 2
1. Money Supply Growth. For i n t e r n a t i o n a l
c o m p a r i s o n , t h e o n l y m o n e y supply definit i o n w h i c h is w o r t h using and f o r w h i c h historical data are available is M - 2 . Table 2 contains data f o r t h e late 1960s and 1970s as w e l l
as the average annual rate o f g r o w t h f o r
1960-68 f o r t h e seven c o u n t r i e s .
Table 2 shows t r e m e n d o u s acceleration in
w o r l d m o n e y g r o w t h f r o m the late 1960s to
t h e early 1970s. A l m o s t as if o r c h e s t r a t e d ,
m o n e y g r o w t h rates w e r e 30 t o 100 p e r c e n t
faster in 1971 t h a n in 1970 after rising relative
t o l o n g - t e r m t r e n d s in 1970. Faster m o n e y
g r o w t h (relative t o t h e 1960s' t r e n d rate) c o n t i n u e d in all c o u n t r i e s t h r o u g h 1974. By 1974,
the U. S., Japan, a n d G e r m a n y had succeeded in b r i n g i n g m o n e y g r o w t h back t o o r
b e l o w a rate customary d u r i n g t h e 1960s. In
1974, all the c o u n t r i e s except France and
Canada s h o w e d a s l o w i n g , in several cases, a

2

This discussion excludes a long list ot contributing inflationary factors which
create a vicious circle effect but are in themselves not primary causes. These
include low savings rates and small shares of investment in GNP, tax structures that create nonneutral results during inflationary periods, cost-increasing
governmental regulations, slow productivity growth, external payments problems from imperfect exchange markets, and not least, indexing of contracts
and welfare benefits. However, most of these factors are in many respects
products of inflation rather than primary causes of inflation.

APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

TABLE 2
Money Supply (M-2) Percent Growth per Year

9
Canada

France

Japan

Italy

West
Germany

United
Kingdom

United
States

1960-68

8.6

12.5

16.6

12.5

10.4

k

1969

5.6

4.6

18.6

11.4

7.8

1970

9.8

15.9

16.9

13.6

9.1

9.5

8.3

1

1971

18.3

18.1

24.3

17.1

13.4

13.4

11.1

1972

14.7

18.6

24.6

18.2

14.4

28.1

11.0

1973

16.5

14.9

16.9

23.2

10.1

27.0

8.8

1974

21.2

20.6

11.5

15.5

8.5

12.6

7.1

1975

8.3

16.4

14.5

23.5

8.6

7.6

11.5

»

A

~

7.0

3.2

2.6

1976

19.8

12.8

13.5

22.3

8.4

11.2

14.1

1977

13.4

13.9

11.1

20.3

11.2

9.8

10.8

1978

17.2

12.2

13.1

23.0

11.0

14.9

8.3

1979

18.0

14.4

9.1

19.7

5.8

12.3

8.8

i
Source: "International Economic Indicators and Competitive Trends," 1976 and 1980, U. S. Department ot Commerce.

»

!

I
f

;
i
'

!

r
)

H
*

marked s l o w i n g . From 1975 t o 1979, t h e average rate o f m o n e y g r o w t h was faster in most
countries t h a n in the 1960s. Canada's and
Italy's rates w e r e nearly d o u b l e those of the
1960s. In the U. S., the rate averaged a b o u t
30 percent faster; in France, 15 p e r c e n t faster,
Germany's g r o w t h was virtually identical w i t h
the 1960s, a n d Japan's actually d r o p p e d 25
percent.
The c o r r e l a t i o n s o f m o n e y g r o w t h rates
with the i n f l a t i o n p e r f o r m a n c e s are q u i t e
high, a l t h o u g h the degrees of sensitivity are
very d i f f e r e n t (another way of saying that
changes in velocity o f m o n e y vary w i d e l y
across countries). In t h e U. S., t h e 30-percent
faster m o n e y g r o w t h in the late 1970s accompanied a rate of i n f l a t i o n t h r e e times that o f
the 1960s. For Japan, m o n e y g r o w t h is 25 percent slower t h a n the 1960s, b u t t h e i n f l a t i o n
rate is a b o u t the same. A 20-percent faster
money g r o w t h c o i n c i d e d w i t h d o u b l e d inflation in France. A d o u b l i n g in t h e Canadian
and Italian m o n e y g r o w t h rates a c c o m p a n i e d
nearly q u a d r u p l e d i n f l a t i o n . The U n i t e d Kingdom e x p e r i e n c e is hard t o j u d g e because of
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




l i m i t e d pre-1967 data, b u t it w o u l d appear
that a d o u b l e d m o n e y g r o w t h rate o c c u r r e d
s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h a t r i p l e d i n f l a t i o n rate.
G e r m a n y ' s i n f l a t i o n f o r the 1975-79 p e r i o d
and its m o n e y g r o w t h rate are almost identical t o t h e 1960s' e x p e r i e n c e .
That m o n e y g r o w t h a n d i n f l a t i o n are
s t r o n g l y related is n o t a d i s p u t a b l e p o i n t .
That has b e e n k n o w n f o r years, h o w e v e r , and
still m o n e y g r o w t h c o n t i n u e s very s t r o n g in
m a n y c o u n t r i e s . Central banks m u s t be aware
o f the role o f m o n e y in i n f l a t i o n , yet t h e y d o
n o t restrict its rapid g r o w t h . Why? The answ e r m u s t be either t h e r e are e c o n o m i c a n d
political costs t o restraining m o n e y g r o w t h ,
or t h e banks d o n o t k n o w h o w t o restrain it.
2. Wage Pressures. W o r k i n g days lost d u e t o
strikes relative t o total labor f o r c e is an indicator o f pressures b r o u g h t by o r g a n i z e d labor
t o raise wages a n d t o persuade p o l i c y m a k e r s
t o f o l l o w p r o - e m p l o y m e n t , e x p a n s i o n i s t , and
inflationary policies w h e r e i n m o n e y g r o w t h
and g o v e r n m e n t s p e n d i n g are excessive.
Table 3 contains t h e ratio o f w o r k i n g days lost
33

TABLE
5
Industrial Disputes—Number of Working Days Lost as Share of Labor Force
(percent)

1965
1966

United
States

.05

--

.37

.0

.12

.13

-

.78

.0

.09

.35

.04

.45

.02

.11

.57

.06

.49

.0

.19

.65

2.05

.01

.28

.55

.54

1968

.67

1970

United
Kingdom

.34
.72

.21

Japan

West
Germany

France

1967

1969

Italy

Canada

1.00

.11

.07

.

.83

.09

.08

1.13
.80

.33

.0

.45

.84

.17

.56

.60

1971

.35

.21

.12

1972

.94

.18

.10

1.07

.0

1.00

.33

1973

.67

.19

.09

1.28

.02

.30

.33

1974

1.02

.16

.18

1.04

.04

.60

.56

1975

1.18

.19

.15

1.44

.0

.24

.37

1976

1.22

.24

.06

1.34

.02

.13

.43

1977

.34

.18

.03

.83

.0

.41

.40

1978

.74

.11

.03

.51

.17

.38

-

Union Membership (percent labor force unionized), International Directory of the Trade Union Movement

1979

27.0

23.0

34.7

40.0

38.0

40.0

23.7

Source: Year of Labor Statistics, 1975 and 1979, International Labor Office.

t o labor f o r c e f o r t h e seven countries f r o m
1965 t o 1978. The table also shows p e r c e n t
u n i o n i z a t i o n in 1979.

pressures seem t o c o n t r i b u t e t o i n f l a t i o n ,
they are n o t necessary f o r inflation to o c c u r .

In the days-lost-to-strikes-ratio, Italy is o n c e
again the clear w i n n e r overall, a l t h o u g h
Canada has closed the gap in recent years.
Far b e h i n d these t w o are the U. S., and the
U n i t e d K i n g d o m , w i t h the U. S. g e t t i n g a
slight edge f o r t h i r d place. Fairly far back in
f i f t h is France, w i t h Japan sixth and G e r m a n y
a distant last. Except f o r France, all the c o u n tries s h o w some c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n wage
pressures and i n f l a t i o n , especially in the
1970s. France's case is a m b i g u o u s . The inflat i o n rate and days lost index d o n o t match
the pattern set by the first f o u r , b u t that does
n o t necessarily mean that French u n i o n s have
a m o r e p o w e r f u l voice t h a n t h e days lost
index indicates t h e y w o u l d . W h i l e wage

3. Government Deficits. Table 4 depicts by
c o u n t r y t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s deficits as a percent of GNP f o r t h e years 1964 t o 1979. T h e r e
are a f e w general c o n c l u s i o n s w h i c h can be
d r a w n i m m e d i a t e l y f r o m these data. Deficit
s p e n d i n g has been and remains highest in
Italy. That c o u n t r y ' s deficit at 15.4 p e r c e n t of
GNP in 1978 dwarfs any o t h e r c o u n t r y ' s highest n u m b e r . Virtually all c o u n t r i e s set a new
r e c o r d by w i d e margins d u r i n g 1975. After
1975, every g o v e r n m e n t except France has
utilized deficits t o a m u c h greater extent than
d u r i n g the pre-1974 era. In the 1975-79
p e r i o d , the Japanese a l l o w e d their deficit t o
g r o w rapidly, and as a share of GNP, it is
m u c h larger t h a n the late 1960s or early 1970s.

34




APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

TABLE 4TABLE5
Government Deficits as a Share of GNP
(percent)

Canada

France

West
Germany

United
Kingdom

United
States

Japan

Italy

1.1

2.4

0.3

1.3

0.9

1964

0.3

1965

.0

.0

1.6

4.2

0.5

1.7

0.2

1966

1.1

0.4

2.2

4.6

0.5

1.4

0.5

1967

2.0

1.1

1.6

2.8

1.7

2.9

1.1

1968

1.1

1.5

1.3

4.3

0.7

1.7

1.7

0.3

1969

0.3+

0.5

1.0

3.2

0.3+

1.9+

0.6+

1970

1.2

0.5+

0.4

5.5

.0

1.3+

1.2

1971

2.0

0.4

0.2

6.9

0.2

1.1

2.3

1972

1.6

0.6+

1.6

7.8

0.4

2.5

1.5

1973

1.4

0.7+

1.6

8.9

0.3

3.2

0.6

1974

1.1

0.3+

1.3

8.1

1.0

4.2

0.8

1975

3.8

3.0

4.7

13.2

3.3

8.0

4.9

1976

2.6

0.8

2.0

9.4

2.7

5.4

3.3

1977

4.3

0.8

6.1.

11.8

1.9

3.1

2.7

1978

4.6

0.8

6.5

15.4

2.0

5.1

2.1

1979

4.0

—

5.3

11.2

1.9

5.5

1.2

*

+ = surplus
Source: "International Financial Statistics Yearbook 1980." International Monetary Fund.

Italy has the highest deficit relative t o GNP.
it is far ahead of Japan, t h e s e c o n d r a n k i n g
c o u n t r y . After Japan c o m e t h e U n i t e d
K i n g d o m , Canada, the U. S., G e r m a n y , and
well back, France. France's e x p e r i e n c e is
quite e x t r a o r d i n a r y . Since 1964, it had f o u r
surplus years and, since 1975, the lowest
relative deficits o f the seven.
*

In f o u r cases, the relative size of the deficit
is positively c o r r e l a t e d w i t h i n f l a t i o n : the
United K i n g d o m , Italy, Canada, a n d , t o a
lesser d e g r e e , t h e U. S. In G e r m a n y , France,
and Japan, o n the o t h e r h a n d , either the
correlation is reversed or no c o r r e l a t i o n
* exists. The French and Japanese experiences
are especially surprising. O f course, this is
only a q u i c k l o o k at b r o a d relationships,
i Nonetheless, it is o b v i o u s that large
FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




g o v e r n m e n t deficits d o n o t inevitably mean
h i g h inflation rates.
4. The Price of Imported Oil. M a n y g o v e r n m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g past U. S. a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ,
have argued that t h e i r inability t o c o n t r o l inflation was l i n k e d to rising oil prices. T h e r e is
little d o u b t that t h e q u a d r u p l i n g o f oil prices
by the OPEC actions of 1973 and 1974 had an
effect o n the i n f l a t i o n rates of all o u r sample
c o u n t r i e s . In a d d i t i o n to the oil price r u n - u p ,
t h e r e had already been a j u m p in w o r l d
c o m m o d i t y prices in 1973. The oil price surge
was a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f that e x p l o s i o n in 1974.
It is easy t o see that the rise in oil prices was
a c c o m p a n i e d by higher inflation rates in
1973-75. Table 5 shows the cost of oil i m p o r t s
as a p r o p o r t i o n of GNP in o u r sample
e c o n o m i e s . For each c o u n t r y , the outlays for

35

TABLE 5
Oil Imports as a Share of GNP
(percent)

Canada

France

Japan

Switzerland

Italy

West
Germany

United
Kingdom

United
States

1964

0.64

1.00

1.47

1.36

1.44

1.16

1.78

0.29

1965

0.60

1.10

1.50

1.30

1.59

1.08

1.74

0.30

1966

0.48

1.03

1.42

1.30

1.65

0.94

1.65

0.28

1967

0.54

1.13

1.47

1.39

1.90

1.30

1.83

0.45

1968

0.51

1.12

1.44

1.48

1.90

1.44

2.10

0.27

1.87

1.33

1.88

0.27

1.90

1.26

1.79

0.28

2.06

1.48

2.05

0.31

1969

0.50

1.06

1.34

1.37

1970

0.48

1.18

1.36

1.41

1.57

1.64

1971

0.57

1.36

1972

0.65

1.38

1.46

1.34

1.90

1.29

1.83

0.37

1973

0.76

1.41

1.61

1.84

2.21

1.63

2.27

0.58

1974

1.80

3.69

4.57

3.17

5.68

3.26

5.40

1.85

1975

1.99

2.86

4.19

2.27

4.29

2.80

3.96

1.74

1976

1.71

3.29

4.13

2.52

4.78

3.13

4.38

2.00

1977

1.56

3.10

3.71

2.49

4.54

2.87

3.53

2.32

1978

1.50

2.54

2.64

1.98

4.11

2.50

2.72

1.96

1979

1.70

3.75

3.29

4.53

3.49

2.72

2.47

-

Source: "International Financial Statistics Yearbook 1980." International Monetary Fund.

oil rose sharply in absolute terms and relative
to GNP. All of the rise was d u e t o price since
quantities w e r e flat or d o w n . In Japan, the
ratio c l i m b e d f r o m 1.6 percent in 1973 t o 4.6
p e r c e n t in 1974, nearly a t r i p l i n g . In West
G e r m a n y , the increase was a d o u b l i n g , f r o m
1.6 p e r c e n t t o 3.2 p e r c e n t . Similar changes
o c c u r r e d in all the nations in the aftermath of
the OPEC price hike.
From 1974 t h r o u g h 1978, most c o u n t r i e s
managed t o r e d u c e oil i m p o r t s as a share of
GNP. T h e n , w i t h the near d o u b l i n g of prices,
the shares rose a g a i n — b u t n o t by the
m a g n i t u d e t h e y d i d in 1974. The U n i t e d
K i n g d o m , w h i c h d e v e l o p e d its o w n s u p p l y ,
was able t o h o l d d o w n i m p o r t s , as was
Canada, j a p a n , G e r m a n y , and the U. S. w e r e
hard hit, w i t h oil i m p o r t s rising as a share of
GNP. Japan's i m p o r t ratio d i d n o t reach the
36




1974 level, w h i l e G e r m a n y and the U. S.
attained n e w highs.
The i n f l a t i o n e x p e r i e n c e in these c o u n t r i e s
since 1975 is revealing. W h i l e i m p o r t i n g
virtually all t h e i r p e t r o l e u m , G e r m a n y a n d
japan managed t o cut their i n f l a t i o n rates by
50 a n d 60 p e r c e n t , respectively. 3 The U. S.,
Canada, France, t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , a n d
Italy achieved o n l y slight o r no i m p r o v e m e n t
in t h e i r inflation. So, w h i l e oil was most likely
an i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t o r to i n f l a t i o n in
1974-75, it certainly c a n n o t take exclusive
b l a m e f o r w h a t has h a p p e n e d since 1975.
H i g h and rising oil prices do n o t guarantee
that accelerating inflation w i l l o c c u r .

' T h e relative strength of the Japanese and German currencies limited the effect
of oil price increases. It is also likely that these two economies may have
newer, more energy-efficient equipment than other Western countries

APRIL 1981, E C O N O M I C REVIEW

Conclusions
Comparative inflation rates of the late sixties and early seventies were w i t h i n such a
narrow range for the seven nations (3.4 to 5.8
percent) that it is difficult to say very much
about inflation's causes except that the
w o r l d w i d e acceleration was accompanied by
w o r l d w i d e m o n e y acceleration and almost
universal m o v e m e n t t o w a r d expansionist fiscal policies in the late sixties. Japan, if anything, moved t o w a r d a tighter policy in the
1967-72 p e r i o d . A rise in the n u m b e r of labor
disputes also o c c u r r e d c o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h
more expansionist monetary and fiscal
policies in the U. S., the U n i t e d K i n g d o m ,
Italy, and Canada.
The secular m o v e m e n t t o w a r d faster money
growth, greater use of deficits, and labor disputes has been maintained since the early
seventies, w i t h the specific exceptions previously m e n t i o n e d . In the early seventies, n o
clear identification of causality across c o u n tries could be made, o t h e r than m o n e y
growth. Simultaneous movements of the
other factors in virtually all countries and the*
attendant acceleration of inflation c o n f o u n d
empirical research efforts trying to test various theories. Then, in the 1973-75 p e r i o d , the
oil price shocks, f o l l o w i n g t r e m e n d o u s c o m modity inflation in 1972-73, f u r t h e r obscured
the already difficult task of discerning patterns in the evidence.
Since 1975, the various factors and inflation
rates have diverged e n o u g h to p e r m i t some
conclusions.
1. M o n e y g r o w t h rates are correlated positively w i t h inflation rates.
2. W i t h the exception of France, the degree
of wage pressure is correlated positively w i t h
inflation.
3. W i t h the exception of France and Japan
and, to a lesser degree, Germany, inflation is
positively correlated w i t h the size of deficits
relative to CNP. Deficits d o not necessarily
cause inflation or make it worse.
4. The relative importance of oil imports in
an e c o n o m y is not always a g o o d indication
of inflation.

FEDERAL RESERVE B A N K O F A T L A N T A




We can make some observations about
these general conclusions. Germany and
Japan c o n t r o l l e d m o n e y g r o w t h since 1975
despite greater-than-traditional use of deficits. Their success is u n d o u b t e d l y related to
their high personal savings rates w h i c h provide large quantities of funds to the capital
markets. As a result, m o n e t i z a t i o n of gove r n m e n t d e b t is not necessary. In a d d i t i o n ,
the wage restraint and general cooperativeness of labor in i m p r o v i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y in
Japan and Germany means that higher levels
of e m p l o y m e n t (lower levels of u n e m p l o y ment) are possible w i t h the same degree of
monetary and fiscal stimulus w i t h o u t engend e r i n g wage-push inflation d u r i n g slack
periods. In the anomalous case of France, the
m o n e y g r o w t h and inflation are obviously
r o o t e d in institutional differences that labor
pressures and fiscal policy measures d o n o t
capture.
What can governments do? They can reduce
their role in increasing wage rigidities and
upward biases in wages. They can p r o m o t e
supply-side incentives, such as tax cuts to encourage p r o d u c t i v e efforts. They can enforce
belt-tightening fiscal policies w h i c h reduce
the need to m o n e t i z e debt. Central banks'
resolve to act responsibly in c o n t r o l l i n g
m o n e y g r o w t h w o u l d still be needed, b u t the
j o b w o u l d be infinitely easier if the o t h e r
changes were f o r t h c o m i n g .
As the title of this analysis indicates, this is
an overview. We have deliberately not considered exchange rates and balance of payments data because of the difficulties in assessing all the changes in exchange rate regimes, etc. We have also n o t l o o k e d at institutional or structural changes—such as
changes in the industrial makeup of national
o u t p u t . Factors such as the u n d e r g r o u n d
e c o n o m y , w h i c h are of great importance in
some European e c o n o m i e s , were also not
examined.
0r]
—Charles

J. Haulk

37

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