The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.
Lost Revenues? Faced with ever-rising demands for new spending programs, Con gress is anxiously searching for new ways to pay for such programs. In particular, it is now closely examin ing "tax expenditures” —at the House Ways and Means Commit tee's current hearings, and at other committee sessions as well. Tax expenditures are revenues that the Treasury fails to receive because of special treatment granted to individual or corporate taxpayers. Specifically, they are defined as revenue losses attribut able to a special exclusion, ex emption or deduction from gross income, or attributable to a special credit, preferential tax rate or deferral of tax liability. Total "losses” of this type approximated $75 billion in fiscal 1974 and $81 billion in fiscal 1975, according to a table published (for the first time) in the current budget document. This new emphasis on tax expendi tures reflects the pressure of tax reformers who believe that the entire tax system should justify itself in the same way the appropria tions system does. Critics and defenders Each type of preference has its critics and defenders. For example, should we continue to subsidize farmers to the tune of almost $1.0 billion a year because of specific tax provisions applicable only to farm income? Again, should we continue to subsidize home owners to the tune of $10.3 billion a year because of the tax deducti bility of mortgage interest and1 1 Digitized for FRA SER property taxes—a feature not available to renters? Or should we continue to subsidize small business with at least $3.5 billion in preferences because of the re duced tax rates applicable to the first $50,000 of corporate income? Defenders of the present system claim that it should be retained because of its many benefits for ordinary taxpayers, put into law by Congressional decisions to support certain worthwhile activities. (Individuals account for about three-fourths of all such tax benefits, and corporations account for the rest.) In their view, the taxreform tactic can be pushed to excess, because it would imply that all income covered by tax legisla tion rightfully belongs to the government, and that whatever the government decides not to collect (through exemptions) constitutes a suspect subsidy. Tax reformers, in contrast, claim that a proper income-tax structure should include in the tax base all sources of income, allowing deduc tions for expenses incurred in obtaining that income. They add, however, that any special provision beyond that point is a subsidy which merits full Congressional scrutiny. Reformers admit that some tax expenditures largely benefit low-income taxpayers; for example, through the tax exemp tion of unemployment compensa tion, workmen's compensation and public-assistance payments. But they argue that the greatest benefits go to higher-income (continued on page 2) Federal Opinions expressed in this newsletter do not necessarily reflect the views of the management of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, nor of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. groups. In 1972, the average individual in the $3-5,000 tax bracket received $10 in taxexpenditure benefits, but aver age benefits rose to $1,358 in the $25-50,000 bracket and to $29,264 in the $100-500,000 bracket. The estimates of total revenue "losses" prepared by the Office of Management and Budget are somewhat inexact, especially since they fail to take into account the interactions among different pref erence categories. OMB assumes that the tax structure, average taxpayer behavior and the general economic situation all remain unchanged in response to the hypothetical deletion of individ ual tax-expenditure categories. Such assumptions in many cases are unrealistic; for example, the deletion of the investment-tax credit presumably would harm the economy, and this in turn would affect other preference categories such as unemployment-insurance benefits. Moreover, OMB deletes from its list certain preferences that it argues are normal features of the tax structure, such as rapid depre ciation write-offs, failure to tax capital gains at death, and defer ments of tax payments on foreignsource income—preferences which some critics claim should be included in its list. Again, the figures are inexact because only preliminary estimates are now available regarding the impact on tax preferences of the Tax Reduc tion Act of 1975. 2 Digitized for FRA SER How much involved? Given these qualifications, tax expenditures as a group were estimated at $81.4 billion for fiscal 1975. The OMB study broke the total into 15 major categories, but three of those categories account ed for 46 percent of the total amount involved. Income-security activities brought about a $16.1 billion revenue loss, since such income benefits as social-security, pension and unemploymentinsurance payments are all ex cluded from taxable income. Another $16.0 billion was involved in tax-investment preferences available to holders of both real and financial assets; most of this came from the homeowner's ability to deduct from gross in come both the mortgage interest and the property taxes on owneroccupied homes, although the favorable tax treatment of capital gains also fell under this heading. Another $5.7 billion came from a third (health) category, reflecting the individual's ability to deduct medical expenses from gross in come, and to exclude employer contributions to medicalinsurance premiums from taxable income. Two other categories, related mainly to Federal fiscal assistance to other levels of government and to nonprofit institutions, accounted for 26 percent of the overall revenue loss. These included the tax deductions for state-local taxes, charitable contributions and consumer-credit interest, as well as the nontaxable status of statelocal government debt. Three other categories, related to busi ness investment and resources development, accounted for 20 percent more of the total. These included the investment tax credit, the corporate surtax exemp tion below $25,000 income, and the special provisions for firms involved in the extraction of natural resources. The other seven cate gories were relatively minor in dollar terms, although they in volved such popular programs as the tax exclusion of veterans' benefits, the special treatment of farmers' capital outlays, and the deductibility of child-care and dependent-care expenditures. The Tax Reduction Act has affected tax expenditures in both direc tions, although no official estimate has yet been made of its overall impact. For individuals, the Act tends to reduce estimated tax expenditures because of the increase in the minimum standard deduction. But in the other direc tion, the Act increases certain preference items, especially through the tax credit of 10 percent of earned income for lowincome wage earners, but also through the new-home purchase credit and the widening of eligi bility for child-care deductions. For corporations, certain prefer ences are tightened—the elimi nation or reduction of the oildepletion allowance and the Digitized for FRA SER change in treatment of foreignearned profits—but these are more than offset by the revenue loss caused by the increase in the investment tax credit and the reduction in tax rates on the first $50,000 of profits. What objectives? In the main, tax expenditures are designed to achieve specific econ omic and social objectives through fiscal activities. Thus, they can be viewed as alternatives to other fiscal tools such as credit programs and direct outlays. Most such preferences either encourage certain activities—for example, the broadening of home-ownership, the operation of small businesses, or the financing of state-local governments—or they reduce the burden of those in adverse cir cumstances such as the blind, the aged, and low-income individuals. As in other areas, however, our economic and social objectives change over time, and thus ne cessitate a review of our tax laws. The Ways and Means Committee, in its current deliberations, may tighten up on some tax expendi tures while loosening others in an attempt to meet new national goals. But increased Congression al scrutiny of these preferences is clearly in the works. In fact, the Budget Reform Act of 1974 spe cifically enjoins the new budget committees to “ devise methods of coordinating tax expenditures, policies and programs with direct budget outlays." Rose McElhattan ucnSUinqsEM • qejn • uo S s j o • epEA3|\j . oqepi MEM EH . E J U J O J IIE 3 • E U O Z jj y . • | ! | B 3 'O D S p U E J J U E $ ZSL ON lUVHJd aivd BDVISOd s n HVW SSV13 JLSHIJ BANKING DATA—TWELFTH FEDERAL RESERVE DISTRICT (Dollar amounts in millions) Selected Assets and Liabilities Large Commercial Banks Amount Outstanding 6/25/75 Change from 6/18/75 Loans (gross, adjusted) and investments* Loans (gross, adjusted)—total Security loans Commercial and industrial Real estate Consumer instalment U.S. Treasury securities O ther securities Deposits (less cash items)—total* Demand deposits (adjusted) U.S. Governm ent deposits Time deposits—total* States and political subdivisions Savings deposits O ther time deposits! Large negotiable CD's 85,168 64,244 1,022 23,294 19,585 9,835 8,474 12,450 85,329 23,147 445 60,341 6,904 20,276 29,399 16,045 Weekly Averages of Daily Figures W eek ended 6/25/75 Member Bank Reserve Position Excess Reserves Borrowings Net free (+) / Net borrowed (-) Federal Funds—Seven Large Banks Interbank Federal fund transactions Net purchases (+) / Net sales (-) Transactions of U.S. security dealers Net loans (+) / Net borrowings (-) + - - + + - + - + - + + + 53 0 53 945 402 411 99 7 22 614 71 591 400 637 499 69 69 321 336 Change from year ago Dollar Percent W eek ended 6/18/75 + + 1.59 2.24 - 17.91 0.91 + 0.60 + 4.53 + 66.61 4.49 + 7.69 + 6.05 57.21 + 9.84 + 3.43 + 12.86 + 7.00 + 13.09 + 1,329 1,474 223 214 + 116 + 426 + 3,388 585 + 6,096 + 1,320 595 + 5,408 + 229 + 2,311 + 1,923 + 1,857 Comparable year-ago period 66 0 66 - 6 141 147 + 1,475.8 + 2,374.5 + 1,606.7 + + + 490.3 940.7 495.9 ♦Includes items not shown separately. {Individuals, partnerships and corporations. Information on this and other publications can be obtained by calling or writing the Public Information Section, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, P.O. Box 7702, San Francisco 94120. Phone (415) 397-1137. Digitized for FRA SER http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/ Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis E>jSE|V