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, April 9, 2020 - Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond

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Home / Publications / Research / Coronavirus

Economic Impact of COVID-19
April 9, 2020

COVID-19: The Fiscal Policy Response
Article by: Sam Louis Taylor

The necessary steps the United States has taken in response to the
COVID-19 pandemic are impacting Americans in new and often
challenging ways. For most citizens, "stay-at-home" orders and "social
distancing" were relatively foreign concepts two months ago. N ow those
words have become a part of everyday life, and the effect on the economy
is becoming all too apparent.
At the same time, Congress and the federal government are attempting to
stem the outbreak by shutting down nonessential sectors of the economy;
they are taking significant steps to respond to the forced slowdown of the
U.S. economy. Those steps have been in three distinct phases of
legislation, each more dramatic than the one previous, responding to the
growth of the outbreak and the economic reaction. This fiscal policy
response is aimed at supporting the immediate health care responses to
the pandemic and at helping businesses and workers adapt and survive
the economic downturn. As the number of cases continues to grow
domestically and internationally, it remains to be seen whether the
amount of spending will be adequate to fully respond to the unfolding
public health and economic crises.

Phase 1
On Feb. 24, 2020, the Trump administration submitted to Congress an
emergency supplemental funding request of $2.5 billion, of which $1.25
billion was new spending and $1.25 billion would come from the authority
to transfer and reprogram funds from other federal agencies for
combating COVID-19.

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Believing that the administration would require additional resources to
combat the escalating outbreak, Congress passed what would be known
as the Phase 1 response, H.R. 6074, Coronavirus Preparedness and
Response Supplemental Appropriations Act. As a first step, this widely
supported bill provided $8.3 billion in emergency funding and was fairly
narrowly targeted for the immediate needs of key health care and disease
response agencies. The bill included $2.2 billion for the Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, $3 billion to develop and procure a
vaccine and other treatments for the novel coronavirus, and $1 billion for
community health centers to prepare for a possible surge in patients. In
anticipation of the president declaring a national emergency under the
Stafford Act, the bill provided $1 billion for small business disaster loans.

Phase 2
The second phase of the response, which legislators began developing
almost immediately following passage of the Phase 1 bill, focused on
relieving the national disruption to employment. The central pieces of H.R.
6201, the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, are 14 days of emergency
paid family and medical leave and emergency paid sick leave for any
worker impacted by COVID-19;emergency funding for the unemployment
insurance system;an expansion of nutrition assistance programs;and a
number of health provisions aimed at ensuring coverage for COVID-19
testing. The costs of the emergency paid leave provisions are fully
reimbursable to businesses through tax credits, and reimbursement for
covered family leave (up to 10 weeks) is capped at two-thirds of an
employee's salary. Altogether, this package is anticipated to cost up to
$192 billion.1 The package was overwhelmingly approved by both houses
of Congress.

Phase 3
Almost immediately upon passing the Phase 2 spending package, the
Senate began working on their Phase 3 proposals. The bill that ultimately
emerged from cross-party negotiations was H.R. 748, Coronavirus Aid,
Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, which provided an estimated $2
trillion in targeted relief for individuals, businesses, and state
governments;assistance for health care providers;and emergency
spending for federal agencies. This spending package is the largest such
economic stimulus and support package in U.S. history, representing

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roughly 9.5 percent of G DP;it is more than twice the size of the $831
billion 2009 Recovery Act. W hile described as a stimulus package, in reality
the measures in this bill are intended to provide immediate economic
relief for losses in income and revenue due to the national public health
response.
The cornerstone economic provisions in this package included:
• $377 billion to support small businesses, including $349 billion in
forgivable, low-interest loans to pay wages and other necessities;
• Direct tax rebates of $1,200 per adult and $500 per child, with an
upper-income limitation;
• Expanded unemployment insurance support aimed at almost 100
percent wage replacement for displaced workers, along with
extending eligibility for the first time to sole proprietors, independent
contractors, and others not traditionally eligible;
• $500 billion for loans and guarantees for distressed sectors of the
economy, including both private and public sector organizations. This
provision included $29 billion in loans for the airline sector, $32 billion
in grants for payroll support, $17 billion for critical national security
related businesses, and $454 billion to backstop lending and
investment facilities through the Federal Reserve, as well as multiple
layers of administrative and congressional oversight;
• $150 billion in fiscal aid to states and large municipalities;
• $340 billion in emergency agency funding, of which $130 billion will
go to hospitals and providers.
Despite tense negotiations, this package passed the Senate unanimously
and then passed the House on an unrecorded voice vote.

G aps in the Response and Possible N ext Steps
Over the course of March 2020, Congress appropriated well over $2
trillion in direct and indirect aid intended to stabilize the economy and
provide a bridge to help Americans get through the immediate COVID-19
downturn. These were not, however, perfect bills, and there are some
gaps that may need to be filled by future legislation.
States and municipalities, especially those with large infected populations,
are already issuing warnings that the $150 billion in direct aid will not be
enough. The Phase 3 provision allocates money based on state

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population but sets a floor for funding at $1.25 billion so that smaller
states are not cut out of the funding completely. The District of Columbia,
which generally is considered for funding alongside states, is included
with territories for a $3 billion allocation. There are only rough estimates
for how much the response could impact state and local tax revenue, and
a prolonged slowdown will affect those jurisdictions' abilities to provide
critical public services without outside aid.
The federal response to the needs of the health care system also has
gaps, some more complicated than you might expect. Due to both
governmental orders and the growth in COVID-19 cases, many hospitals
are having to limit or suspend lucrative elective procedures, removing a
critical revenue stream during this period of increasing demand for care.
Congress did provide substantial aid to hospitals in the CARES Act, but an
extended pandemic may require additional support.
There have been widespread reports of shortages of critical medical and
safety equipment, such as ventilators and personal protective equipment.
W hile the federal government and individual states are working to use
response funds to obtain this necessary equipment, they are often
competing for the same supply of goods. This problem is compounded by
the fact that much of this equipment has been produced in heavily
infected areas and supply chains have been disrupted. Many nations are
also starting to restrict the export of medical equipment and testing tools.
Further legislation or executive action may be needed to direct a national
strategy to get these tools to providers and to limit shortages in the
future.
In all three phases of its response, Congress gave more flexibility and
funding to telehealth in an effort to reserve in-person care for the highestneed patients. However, some rural and low- and moderate-income areas
lack access to reliable internet service. W ithin the Fifth District alone, it is
estimated that over 2.6 million households don't have access to the
internet, making those people unable to take advantage of any type of
telehealth alternative to in-person care.2 Already, members of Congress
are discussing including additional broadband funding in a future
stimulus package, but that will not immediately address this gap in health
care access.
Though the small-business provisions in Phase 3 are, essentially, lowinterest loans that can be transformed into grants, if businesses of any
size are unable to retain their workforce in line with the loan terms, the

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loans become additional debt. Coupled with an environment of declining
revenue and declining customer confidence, the possibility that these
loans may become an additional burden could cause businesses to think
twice and decide that they may be better off allowing their employees to
apply for enhanced unemployment benefits while shuttering their doors
completely.
Despite these potential concerns, demand for the loans has already been
very high. Initial anecdotal reports indicated that smaller lenders have
concerns about accessing the program, while larger institutions that were
better equipped to handle initial applications have been overrun with
interest and are having to prioritize existing lending customers. In
addition, the program is expected to run out of funding earlier than
expected. Because it is first-come, first-serve, this may leave some
businesses without the funds they need to stay afloat. In addition to
providing more money, legislators may see some need to provide
statutory fixes of the program if there are sectoral or regional gaps in who
is able to access the lending program.
All in all, there are two outstanding questions. First, is the legislation
enough to bridge the gap for workers and companies during an economic
downturn of unprecedented scale?Second, are the additional health care
resources enough to help providers and public health officials lower the
curve of infection?The latter question will be critical in restoring
confidence to consumers that it will be safe to return to normal life and
normal economic activity once the pandemic begins to subside.
Sam Taylor is a public policy analyst in the G overnment Affairs
department at the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond

Congressional Budget O ffice, "Preliminary Estimate of the Effects of H.R.
6201, the Families First Coronavirus Response Act," April 2, 2020.
1

"Connecting Rural Households to Broadband: Barriers and Models for Public
Intervention," Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond 5th District Spotlight no. 1,
2019.
2

General Sources

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U.S. House Committee on Appropriations. "Lowey Introduces
Coronavirus Supplemental." Press Release, March 4, 2020.
U.S. House Committee on Appropriations. "H.R. 6074 Coronavirus
Preparedness and Response Supplemental Appropriations Act,
2020."
U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions.
"CARES Section-by-Section."

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