Full text of Chicago Fed Letter : The Cost of Uncertainty, No. 43
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ESSAYS ON ISSUES THE FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO MARCH 1991 NUMBER 43 Chicago Fed Letter 1 ^ — T he cost o f uncertainty Based on economic fundamentals, the current recession shouldn’t be happening. The economy was headed for, in fact had probably achieved, the often-discussed but never experienced soft landing envi sioned by policymakers and analysts alike. Unfortunately, having landed safely at the airport, the economy was struck by a run-away oil truck while taxiing to the gate. The damage came not so much from the acci dent—it wasn’t that large a truck— but from worries about whether there were any more run-away trucks lurking just out of sight. Understanding what happened and why is important if we are to learn the right lessons from the recent M^ ^ — 1 past. It would be easy but false to say that the current recession shows once again the futility of fine tuning the economy through policy, and that the only way to tame inflation is a good old fashioned recession. In fact, care ful examination of the economic data suggests that without the massive in crease in uncertainty that hit the econ omy in the wake of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, inflation would have been brought back under control without a recession and economic growth would have remained positive for the fore seeable future. The soft landing The assessment of the economy be fore the invasion hinges on two ques tions. Were we going to sidestep a recession? and was inflation headed back down? I believe the answer to both of these questions is yes. There is disagreement about what would have occurred in the fourth quarter of 1990 if there had been no invasion, but a num ber of factors point to continued growth. Up until October the new NBER index of leading indicators1and the related recession forecasting equation fore casted only a 6 percent chance of a recession. The reason for such a low probability is that none of the nor mal danger signals were flashing. Inventory-sales ratios in manufactur ing had been decreasing for over a year, rather than increasing. Manu facturing employment also had been falling for over a year and a half. As Figure 1, panels a) and b) show, this is highly atypical for the beginning of 1. Past and present cycles: portrait o f a soft landing a) Inventory to sales ratio - manufacturers b) Manufacturing employment c) Fed funds rate d) Coincident indicators a recession. Also, as shown in Figure 1, panel c), interest rates have been falling for over a year, normally indi cating an upsurge rather than a fur ther decline in output. GNP from the third quarter of 1988 to the third quarter of 1990 averaged 1.5% growth, far below the 4.2% average of the preceding 5 years. As Figure 1, panel d) shows, the coinci dent indicator index had been flat for over a year rather than rising to a peak as it normally does prior to a recession. The third quarter could be called a cyclical peak only in the loos est sense of the word. It would be characterised more accurately as the end of a flat. This extended period of slow growth experienced over the last two years generated the adjustments in inventories and employment, noted earlier, that are typically associ ated with the later stages of a reces sion rather than its beginning. In short, the real economy had expe rienced enough weakness to initiate the recession adjustment process with out actually entering a recession. Simply put, we had a soft landing. On the price side we see much the same story except delayed. Figure 2 shows that the inflationary pressures that had built up in the production process during 1988 and early 1989 beffan to ease off substancially in 1990. Further, aggregate wage pressures began to ease in the third quarter of 1990 and would likely have eased further in the fourth quarter even without the added impetus of the recession. The reason for this belief is that the aggregate wage numbers were pushed up in the first half of 1990 not by higher wage gains but because manufacturing wages were not falling as fast as they had earlier in the decade. Manufacturing wages fell only 0.2% in the first half of 1990, in comparison to the average annual decline of 1% on a real basis from 1987 to 1989. No one would argue that falling real wages are a source of inflation. The real strength in wages during the 80s, and the source of po tential wage-based inflation, was serv ice sector wage growth, which peaked in 1989, as shown in Figure 3. Complicating the inflation picture, the CPI continued to show increased price pressures in 1990, rising in the first half of 1990 at a rate of 5.9% (annualized). It had been 3.6% in the last half of 1989. However, much of this increase was due to a series of special factors unlikely to repeat in the future. For instance, a major culprit in the observed acceleration of inflation in the first half of 1990 was shelter costs, which, according to the numbers, increased 2.9% be tween December 1989 and June 1990, causing the CPI to increase 0.8%, and accounting for 27% of the total acceleration. Anyone active in the housing market at the time knows this is sheer nonsense. The ‘ Employment Cost Index. S O U R C E : Bureau of Labor Statistics. CPI’s use of the very thin rental mar kets to estimate overall housing costs generated this statistical fluke. Com plicating the shelter picture were some increases in temporary lodging costs that seem to have been generated by a shift in hotel chain pricing polices, as casual travelers stayed home and the hotel chains focused pricing on less price-sensitive business travelers. The other major special factors operat ing in the first quarter of 1990 were the heavy discounting that occurred during Christmas of 1989 and the bankruptcies of several large retail chains that caused apparel prices and some related goods to jum p in price after Christmas. Similarly, some large scale consolidations in movie theater chains boosted movie prices and gen erated a blip in entertainm ent prices. Thus, while the CPI inflation numbers coming into the fourth quarter of this year were worrisome, in reality, infla tionary pressures—whether measured by incoming producer prices or wage pressures—had already peaked and would likely have continued to im prove in 1991 and beyond, given the weak growth trends. To summarize, while recessions are the abrupt corrections of excesses in the economy, soft landings should be characterized by the same correction process except spread over a longer time span. That is exactly what we were experiencing until the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The invasion The invasion caused consumers and businesses to delay buying decisions and speeded up layoffs and restruc turings. While the direct effect of the increase in oil prices was negative, it was not that large a change and by itself would probably not have had much effect on the economy. The increase in uncertainty, however, was enormous, especially as the crisis got into full swing in October and No vember. Figure 4 shows the effect of uncertainty on consumer purchasing decisions and Figure 5 shows the TED spread (the difference between Euro dollar and treasury bill returns), a common measure of uncertainty in the financial markets. As can be seen, the change in uncertainty is dramatic and occurred either in late September ‘ Percentage of consumers referring to "bad and uncertain times." SO U R C E: University of Michigan Survey of Consumers. or in early October. This was not a slow building process of accumulated unease growing out of the deep prob lems that the doomsayers dwell upon. The problem uncertainty creates for the economy as a whole is that when faced with high levels of uncertainty, individuals and businesses delay pur chasing decisions. While delaying a purchase is inexpensive for an indi vidual, it can generate significant dis ruption in the economy as a whole if everyone does it. Think, for example, of the tremendous traffic jams caused by looking at the accident on the other side of the road. Uncertainty primarily causes individu als to postpone purchases of durable goods, such as cars, houses and re lated goods, until the situation re solves. Thus, despite low inventories in manufacturing, large cut backs in production instituted during the pre vious slow growth period, and declin ing mortgage rates, the uncertainty generated by the Gulf crisis caused a classic recession led by falling con sumer demand with the fall-off cen tered in durable goods. If this reces sion had been foreordained by the weakness in real estate, the restructur ing of the service sector, or debt as most of the analysts who were predict ing recession argued, the recession would be centered in those sectors instead of durable manufacturing and retailing. Nevertheless, the weakness in services and real estate played an important role in making consumers hypersensi tive to the problems that might arise from the Gulf. Further, the economic weakness resulting from the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait significantly exacer bated the credit quality problems in the financial system, further restrict ing the already tight flow of credit. In reality this recession tells us very little about economic behavior be yond the fact that external forces can play a very large role in the economy. It also reminds us that economic mod els—whether based on financial mar kets indicators or on economic funda mentals—cannot forecast rapid 6 0 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ______I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I I I I I I 1 I I 1 I I I I 1 I___ 7 /2 0 /9 0 8 /1 7 9 /1 4 10/12 1 1/9 1 2 /7 1/4/91 2/1 ‘Eurodollar yield less T-bill yield. S O U R C E: Wall Street Journal changes in circumstance, nor should they be expected to. If the situation in the Gulf resolves soon there is some reason to believe that consumer and business confi dence will rebound and the economy can return to its pre-invasion slow growth path. However, the real eco nomic losses experienced during the disruption may have lingering effects on the financial system and on other more fragile parts of the economy if the situation fails to resolve quickly. —Steven Strongin and Francesca Eugeni *The in d e x was d e v e lo p e d by Ja m e s Stock a n d M ark W atson. See NBER Press R elease, N o v e m b e r 1, 1990. Karl A. S cheld, S en io r Vice P re sid e n t an d D irecto r o f R esearch; David R. A llardice, Vice P re sid e n t a n d A ssistant D irecto r o f R esearch; C arolyn M cM ullen, E ditor. Chicago Fed Letter is p u b lish ed m o n th ly by th e R esearch D e p a rtm e n t o f th e F ederal Reserve B ank o f C hicago. T h e views ex p ressed are th e a u th o r s ’ a n d are n o t necessarily th o se o f th e F ederal Reserve B ank o f C hicago o r th e F ederal Reserve System. A rticles m ay be re p rin te d if th e so u rce is c re d ite d a n d th e R esearch D e p a rtm e n t is pro v id ed with copies o f th e rep rin ts. Chicago Fed Letter is available w ith o u t ch arg e fro m th e Public In fo rm a tio n C e n te r, F ederal Reserve B ank o f C hicago, P.O . Box 834, C hicago, Illinois, 60690, (312) 322-5111. ISSN 0895-0164 Manufacturing activity in the Midwest dropped sharply in November, follow ing a one month reprieve from a downward trend that began five months earlier. The 2.2 percent decline in the MMI was the largest in several years and matched the decline in manufacturing activity nationally. Both the MMI and USMI reflected widespread weakness among industries. However, the transportation sector was by far the hardest hit in the Midwest. Domestic auto production nationwide was cut to a 5.3 million unit rate (annualized) in No vember, from a 6.8 million unit rate a month earlier. A further decline in auto production in December to a 5.0 million unit rate foreshadows another month of sizable declines in Midwest manufacturing activity ahead. Chicago Fed Letter F E D E R A L R E S E R V E B A N K O F C H IC A G O P u b lic I n f o r m a tio n C e n te r P .O . B o x 83 4 C h ic a g o , I llin o is (3 1 2 ) 3 2 2 -5 1 1 1 60690 N O TE: T h e MMI a n d th e USMI are co m p o site in d ex es o f 17 m a n u fa c tu rin g in d u stries a n d are derived from ec o n o m e tric m o d els th a t estim ate o u tp u t from m o n th ly h o u rs w orked a n d kilow att h o u rs data. For a discussion o f th e m eth o d o lo g y , see “R e co n sid erin g th e R egional M an u fac tu rin g In d e x e s,” Economic Perspectives, F ederal Reserve B ank o f C hicago, Vol. XIII, No. 4, Ju ly /A u g u s t 1989.