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Issue 7 | february 2014

Perspectives on Household Balance Sheets

Housing Crash Continues to Overshadow
Young Families’ Balance Sheets
By William R. Emmons and Bryan J. Noeth

T

he average young family—which we
define as a single- or multi-person
family unit headed by someone under
40—has recovered only about one-third
of the wealth it lost during the financial
crisis and recession. The average wealth of
middle-aged families (ages 40 to 61) and
older families (ages 62 or older) has recovered to about its precrisis level.
The main reason young families’
balance-sheet recovery lags is the recent
housing crash and its lingering effects.
The homeownership rate among younger
families has plunged, reflecting both the
loss of many homes through foreclosure
or other distressed sales and delayed
entry into homeownership among newly
formed households. The house-price gains
that have helped mainly older families to
rebuild homeowners’ equity have been
overshadowed among younger families by
the ongoing retreat from homeownership.

Young Families’ Wealth Remains Far
below the Precrisis Level
The average inflation-adjusted (real)
wealth of a young family was about
$108,000 at the end of the third quarter
of 2013, based on our estimates.1 The
average real wealth of a family headed by
someone between 40 and 61 was about
$691,000, while the average real wealth
of a family headed by someone aged 62
or older was about $928,000.2 Figure 1
displays the average wealth for families in
each age category at three-year intervals
beginning in 1989, when our data begin.
To more easily compare percentage
changes over time, Figure 2 re-scales the
level of average real net worth for families
in each age group to equal 100 in 2007.
The very large percentage decline in average wealth among young families between

2007 and 2010 is clear in Figure 2.3 Column 1 of Table 1 reports the percentage
declines for each age group between 2007
and 2010. Column 2 of Table 1 shows
that the average wealth of young families
actually recovered a bit faster between
2010 and the third quarter of 2013 than it
did among middle-aged and older families,
according to our estimates.
Column 3 of Table 1 displays the net
change in average real wealth since 2007.
Despite a notable recovery since 2010, the
average wealth of young families remains
some 30 percent below its 2007 level.
The two older age groups have, on average, recovered to about their respective
2007 levels.
Column 4 of Table 1 shows that the
average real wealth among young families
at the end of the third quarter of 2013
remained below its 1989 level—a period
of 24 years. In contrast, the average
wealth of middle-aged families was about
two-thirds higher than its 1989 level and
the average wealth of an older family has
almost doubled since 1989.

What’s Behind the Slow Wealth
Recovery of Young Families?
Recessions …
Figures 1 and 2 suggest that young
families’ wealth is especially sensitive to
recessions. These figures span three U.S.
recessions, which occurred in 1990-91,
2001 and 2007-08. The average real
wealth of all age groups declined between
1989 and 1992 and again between 2007
and 2010.
In both cases, the average wealth of
young families declined more steeply than
that of other groups. While the middle(continued on Page 2)

1

The Center for Household Financial
Stability at the Federal Reserve Bank
of St. Louis focuses on family balance
sheets. The Center’s researchers study the
determinants of healthy family balance
sheets, their links to the broader economy
and new ideas to improve them. The
Center’s original research, publications
and public events support researchers,
practitioners and policy-makers seeking to
rebuild and strengthen the balance sheets
of all American households, but especially
those harmed by recent economic and financial shocks. For more information, see
the web site at www.stlouisfed.org/hfs.

(continued from Page 1)
aged and older groups’ average wealth
did not decline during any three-year
period between 1992 and 2007, young
families’ wealth did decline between 2001
and 2004. Thus, young families’ wealth
is more sensitive to recessions than the
wealth of middle-aged and older families,
on average.

… and Real Estate
The primary cause of lagging wealth
recovery in recent years among young
families appears to be the massive decline in the value of residential real estate
(owner-occupied housing).4 Figure 3
traces the evolution of the average value
of residential real estate among the three
age groups. To highlight developments
since 2007, the level of housing assets
for each age group was set equal to 100
at its respective 2007 level. One notable
feature evident in Figure 3 is the similarity
across age groups in the period-to-period
percentage changes—both negative and
positive—in the average value of real
housing assets between 1989 and 2007.
The average real value of young families’ housing assets declined a bit more in
percentage terms between 1989 and 1995
than for the other groups, but the difference is relatively minor.
This pattern changed dramatically after
2007. While middle-aged and older families have experienced notable recoveries
after their own significant declines, the
average value of housing on young families’ balance sheets remains about
35 percent below its 2007 level.

Young Families Lead a Retreat
from Homeownership
After peaking in 2004 at 69.0 percent,
the national homeownership rate has fallen
nine consecutive years, reaching 65.1
percent in 2013.5 Figure 4 shows that
the homeownership rate first surpassed
this level in 1979, some 34 years ago.
The homeownership rate is not declining
because the number of owner-occupiers is
falling; in fact, their number has increased
by about 0.4 million since 2004. But
this represents a tiny fraction—about 5.6
percent—of the net new households that
have formed since 2004 (numbering about
7.1 million); the rest have become renters.
Below the surface appearance of a
roughly constant number of homeowners
since 2004 lie complex movements of families choosing between renting and home-

ownership. Recent Census data show that
young and, to a lesser extent, middle-aged
families are leading a retreat from homeownership. Only the very oldest families,
headed by someone aged 75 or older, are
more likely to be homeowners now than
before the recession.

Homeownership Rates by Age
Figure 5 displays homeownership
rates between 1994 and 2013 for young
families (headed by someone under 40),
middle-aged families (headed by someone
between 40 and 61 years old) and older
families (headed by someone 62 or older).
Homeownership rates increased among
all three groups until the middle of the
last decade.
As the housing crash unfolded, the
homeownership rate among young
families decreased rapidly, from 50.1
percent in 2005 to 42.2 percent in 2013.
Middle-aged families’ homeownership
rate declined from 76.9 percent in 2005
to 72.1 percent in 2013. While striking,
this nearly 5 percentage point decline is
notably smaller than the nearly 8 percentage point decline among young families.
In sharp contrast, older families actually
increased their homeownership rate after
2005 by almost a full percentage point.6

Homeownership Rates
by Birth-Year Cohort
Table 2 displays movements in agespecific homeownership rates by various
birth-year cohorts reported by the Census
Bureau at five points during the last 20
years (1993, 1998, 2003, 2008 and 2013).
The table allows tracking both of household groups born during a certain period—
in particular, five-year birth cohorts—and
of the evolution of homeownership rates
of different groups of households as they
pass through a certain age range—a lifecycle perspective. The table also includes
the average homeownership rate observed
for each age group during the 2004-06
period, when the housing boom and
homeownership rate reached their peaks.
One conclusion we draw from Table
2 is that homeownership rates generally
increase for a given cohort as they age.
(To see this, read down any column.) The
exceptions to this rule are that homeownership rates generally fall after age 75 and
that the most recent observation in each
column (corresponding to 2013) is lower
than the one right above it (corresponding
to 2008) for most cohorts. This is evidence
that the housing crash affected virtually all

2

age groups to some extent.
Table 2 also shows that successive (that
is, later-born) cohorts generally had higher
homeownership rates than earlier-born
cohorts during the early part of the sample
(1993, 1998 and 2003).7 Falling homeownership rates at a given life-cycle stage
in 2008 and 2013 reflect the housing
crash. (To see this, read across any row.)

Young Families Have Had the Largest
Declines in Homeownership Rates
Table 3 transforms the homeownership
data by subtracting the 2004-06 average
homeownership rate for each age range
from the annual observations. The table
shows that homeownership rates fluctuated the most from their peak levels
in young and middle-aged groups. For
example, the homeownership rate in the
35-39 age group increased 5.9 percentage
points between 1993 (when we observe
the 1954-58 cohort) and 2004-06 before
falling 11.0 percentage points by 2013
(when we observe the 1974-78 cohort).
Comparing specific cohorts through
time—that is, reading down the columns—the groups with the largest fluctuations in homeownership rates relative to
the life-cycle pattern evident at the peak
(2004-06) were those born in 1969-73,
1974-78 and 1979-83. The 1974-78 cohort, for example, had a homeownership
rate of 55.4 percent in 2013, when they
were in the 35-39 age range. This was a
huge 11.0 percentage points lower than
the 66.4 percent observed among families
that were 35 to 39 years old at the peak of
the housing boom.
As the tables show, families headed by
someone between the ages of 24 and 38 in
2007 (i.e., born between 1969 and 1983)
experienced the largest declines in homeownership rates from peak levels for their
stage in the life cycle. By this measure,
young families clearly felt the greatest
impact of the housing crash.
Families that were middle-aged at the
beginning of the housing crash—primarily Baby Boomers—have also experienced
a notable decline in homeownership
rates, albeit less steep than among young
families. For example, families headed by
someone born between 1959 and 1963
(i.e., aged 44 to 48 in 2007) had a homeownership rate of 72.8 percent in 2013,
which was 5.2 percentage points lower than
the rate experienced by families of a similar age at the peak of the housing boom.
Older families experienced much
smaller declines in homeownership rates

or even increased them. For example,
families headed by someone born between
1939 and 1943 had a homeownership rate
of 82.8 percent in 2013, which was only
marginally (0.3 percentage points) below
the homeownership rate among families
of a similar age during the peak period.
Even more striking, families headed by
someone born between 1934 and 1938
had a homeownership rate of 79.8 percent
in 2013 (when they were 75-79 years
old), which was 1 percentage point higher
than the rate for all families headed by
someone 75 years or older at the peak.

The Homeownership Rate Is Unlikely
to Return to Its Peak Level Soon
As of 2013, the homeownership rate appeared to be in continuing decline among
young and middle-aged families. It is
reasonable to expect that, at some point,
the homeownership rate will stabilize
for both groups and for the population
as a whole. Yet, the sharp declines in
homeownership rates experienced among
non-elderly families in recent years suggest that the typical pattern of increasing
homeownership rates over the life cycle
may trace out a lower trajectory than
evident at the housing peak. For example,
the 2013 homeownership rates among
families headed by someone 25-29 was 6.5
percentage points lower than at the peak,
while families headed by someone 30-34
had a homeownership rate in 2013 that
was 8.3 percentage points lower than at
the peak. The result of lower homeownership rates at every stage in the life cycle
would, of course, translate into a lower
homeownership rate overall. This seems
likely because the 2004-06 period likely
represented unusual conditions in housing and mortgage markets that we will
never see again. Thus, it appears unlikely
that the overall homeownership rate will
return to its peak level any time soon,
if ever.

References

ENDNOTES
1. All figures are expressed in terms of purchasing power in 2010. There are advantages and
disadvantages associated with using means
(or averages) and medians (or exact middles of
the distributions), but we report only means
here because it is impossible to determine
medians using our estimation methodology.
For a description of family wealth trends
through 2010 that includes both means and
medians, see Emmons and Noeth (2012).
2. The estimates reported here are designed to
be comparable to the data reported in the
Federal Reserve Board’s Survey of Consumer
Finances (SCF). The SCF provides detailed
balance-sheet information every three years
for a representative sample of U.S. families
beginning in 1989, with the latest data collected in 2010.
3. We are comparing the average of families
headed by someone under 40 in 2010 to the
average of families headed by someone under
40 in 2013, and similarly when we discuss
earlier years. The identities of the families in
an age group change over time as some move
into the middle-aged group and new young
families are formed. Thus, we are examining groups of families experiencing certain
life-cycle stages, rather than a fixed group
of families over time as they age. When we
discuss homeownership rates, we will follow
particular groups of families over time—that
is, we employ a cohort analysis to isolate effects on discrete groups of households.
4. Emmons and Noeth (2013a) document the
significant role of homeownership in the
large wealth declines suffered by young families between 2007 and 2010.
5. U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population
Survey.
6. One possible explanation for the rising homeownership rate among older families is that
some of the families that might have planned
previously to sell their homes to move to retirement homes or with family delayed selling
in hopes that house prices would rebound.
7. The first observation in each row was made
in 1993; the second, in 1998; the third, in
2003; the fourth, in 2008; and the fifth,
in 2013.

William R. Emmons is senior economic adviser
at the Center for Household Financial Stability
at Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Bryan J.
Noeth is a policy analyst at the Center.

3

Emmons, William R.; and Noeth, Bryan J.
“Household Financial Stability: Who Suffered
the Most from the Crisis?” Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis The Regional Economist, July
2012.
Emmons, William R.; and Noeth, Bryan J.
“Why Did Young Families Lose So Much Wealth
During the Crisis? The Role of Homeownership.” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review,
January-February 2013a.
Emmons, William R.; and Noeth, Bryan J.
“Economic Vulnerability and Financial Fragility.” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review,
September-October 2013b.

Appendix
Some of the tables and figures used estimates for 2013. For the methodology
used in creating these estimates, see the
appendix at www.stlouisfed.org/itb7/
appendix.

Research Symposium
On May 8-9, the Center will host a research
symposium titled “The Balance Sheets
of Younger Americans: Is the American
Dream at Risk?” For more information, see
www.stlouisfed.org/hfs/symposium.

TABLE 1

Percent Change in Average Real Net Worth by Age of Family Head
Age of Family Head
at Time of Observation

Time Period
2007 to 2010

2010 to 2013:Q3

2007 to 2013:Q3

1989 to 2013:Q3

Under 40

-43.9

24.3

-30.2

-8.5

40-61

-17.4

19.4

-1.3

65.4

62 and Over

-10.4

15.2

3.2

92.9

SourceS: Federal Reserve Board, Survey of Consumer Finances, for all years between 1989 and 2010; our estimates for 2013:Q3.
TABLE 2

Homeownership Rate in Percent of Households by Age and Year of Birth of Family Head
Age of Family
Head at Time
of Observation

2004-06
Average
Rate (%)

Year of Birth of Family Head
1924-28

Under 25

25.2

25-29

41.0

30-34

56.7

35-39

66.4

40-44

71.6

45-49

75.4

50-54

78.1

55-59

80.7

1929-33

1934-38

1939-43

1944-48

78.1

73.8

73.9

75.5

78.0

76.5

79.8

80.9

79.4

75.7

77.8

81.9

79.9

82.2

82.0

80.9

80.2

81.9

82.6

81.6

80.4

70-74

83.1

82.2

82.1

81.7

82.8

75 or Over

78.8

78.7

78.6

79.8

1959-63

1964-68

1969-73
14.0

18.2

34.0

36.2

39.8

53.6

56.5

53.5

48.4

55.4

2004-06
Average
Rate (%)
25.2
41.0

30-34

56.7

Year of Birth of Family Head

50.0

35-39

66.4

63.7

65.1

64.6

40-44

71.6

71.3

69.4

64.3

45-49

75.4

73.6

69.6

72.8

50-54

78.1

55-59

80.7

60-64

81.9

65-69

82.8

70-74

83.1

75 or Over

78.8

70.1

77.8

82.8

Under 25

67.8
76.7

60-64

25-29

1954-58

60.5

65-69

Age of Family
Head at Time
of Observation

1949-53

1974-78

1979-83

1984-88

1989-93

22.8

23.6

21.8

40.0

34.5

Source: U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey.
Note: The observations for a given five-year birth cohort were in the years 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008 and 2013. We estimated the homeownership rates for 1993 based on data and
trends reported for 1994-97.

4

TABLE 3

Difference in Homeownership Rate from the Average Rate of 2004, 2005 and 2006
in Percentage Points by Age and Year of Birth of Family Head
Age of Family
Head at Time
of Observation

2004-06
Average
Rate (%)

Year of Birth of Family Head
1924-28

Under 25

25.2

25-29

41.0

30-34

56.7

35-39

66.4

40-44

71.6

45-49

75.4

50-54

78.1

55-59

80.7

60-64

81.9

1929-33

1934-38

1939-43

-1.4
-2.0

-1.5

0.1

-0.1

-1.6
-5.0

0.1

-1.4

-1.0

-4.1

-2.5

-2.6

-0.9

-0.3

-1.2

-1.0

-1.4

-0.3

75 or Over

78.8

-0.1

-0.2

1.0

1959-63

1964-68

1969-73

2004-06
Average
Rate (%)

-1.6
-0.3

0.0

-0.8

25.2

-1.6

-1.0

82.8

41.0

-3.8

0.2

83.1

Under 25

1954-58

-2.6

65-69

25-29

1949-53

-5.9

70-74

Age of Family
Head at Time
of Observation

1944-48

Year of Birth of Family Head
1974-78

-2.4

-1.6

-0.9

-6.5

-8.3

56.7

-6.7

-3.1

-0.2

-3.2

66.4

-2.7

-1.3

-1.8

-11.0

-7.3

71.6

-0.3

-2.2

-1.8

-5.8

50-54

78.1

-5.2

55-59

80.7

60-64

81.9

65-69

82.8

70-74

83.1

75 or Over

78.8

-3.4

-7.0
-1.1

30-34

75.4

1989-93

-4.8

35-39
40-44

1984-88

-11.2
-7.0

45-49

1979-83

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey.
Note: The observations for a given five-year birth cohort were in the years 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008 and 2013. We estimated the homeownership rates for 1993 based on data and
trends reported for 1994-97.

5

FIGURE 1

FIGURE 4

Average Real Net Worth by Age of Family Head

U.S. Homeownership Rate

800,000

68

600,000

66

Percent

70

Dollars adjusted to
purchasing power in 2010

1,000,000

400,000
200,000

64
62

0

60
1960

1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013:
Q3

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

2020

Under 40
40-61
62 and Over

SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey.

FIGURE 2

FIGURE 5

Evolution of Average Real Net Worth Relative
to 2007 Level by Age of Family Head

Homeownership Rate by Age of Family Head

120

90

100

80

80

70

60

Percent

Levels set equal to 100 in 2007

SOURCES: Federal Reserve Board’s Survey of Consumer Finances, for all years
between 1989 and 2010; our estimates for 2013:Q3.

40

60
50

20
0

40
1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014

1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013:
Q3
Under 40
40-61
62 and Over

Under 40
40-61
62 and Over

SOURCES: Federal Reserve Board’s, Survey of Consumer Finances, for all years between
1989 and 2010; our estimates for 2013:Q3.

SOURCES: U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey; our estimates.

FIGURE 3

Levels set equal to 100 in 2007

Evolution of Average Real Housing Assets Relative
to 2007 Level by Age of Family Head
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013:
Q3

CD1411 2/14

Under 40
40-61
62 and Over

SOURCES: Federal Reserve Board’s Survey of Consumer Finances for all years between
1989 and 2010; our estimates for 2013:Q3.

6