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1982 ANNUAL REPORT
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF R IC H M O N D







Federal Reserve
Bank of Richmond
SIXTv-EIG H TH

ANNUAL

REPORT

193

Shown on the cover is Ken Anderson’s acrylic painting
of the sculpture in front of the Federal Reserve Bank
of Richmond. Created by Harry Bertoia (1915-1978),
the sculpture consists of 110 copper rods that range in
height from 16 to 18 feet and that sway and chime in
the breeze.

Contents

5

A Historical Assessment of the Rationales
and Functions of Reserve Requirements

24

Highlights

27

Summary of Operations

28

Comparative Financial Statements

30

Directors

32

Officers

ISSN 0164-0798
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER:

16-7264

Additional copies of this Annual Report may be obtained without charge from the
Public Services Department, Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond,
P. O. Box 27622, Richmond, Virginia
23261.







February 10, 1983

T o Our Member B anks:

W e are pleased to present the 1982 Annual Report of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Richmond. The Report's feature article assesses the historical and current
rationales and functions of reserve requirements.

The

Report also

includes

highlights of the year, a summary of operations, comparative financial statements,
and current lists of directors and officers of our Baltimore, Charlotte, Charleston,
Columbia, Culpeper, and Richmond Offices.

On behalf of our directors and staff, we wish to thank you for the cooperation
and support you have extended to us throughout the past year.

Sincerely yours,

Chairman of the Board

President




A Historical Assessment
oi me Kationaies anu i-unouons
of Reserve Requirements
Marvin Goodfriend and Monica Hargraves*

I.

INTRODUCTION
Laws requiring banks to hold a volume of reserves
equal to a prescribed fraction of their deposits orig­
inated in this country more than a century ago.
Since then both the financial system and the ra­
tionales supporting reserve requirements have
changed considerably. Nevertheless, the practice of
requiring reserves has continued without interrup­
tion. This article examines the history and function
of reserve requirements at the national level and
assesses the validity of various prominent reserve
requirement rationales.
Section II reviews the history of reserve require­
ments, focusing on the succession of rationales that
have supported major reserve requirement legisla­
tion. The prominent rationales have been, in turn,
that reserve requirements have been necessary for
liquidity provision, Federal Reserve credit policy,
and monetary control. However, the discussion in
Section II explains that reserve requirements have
never served these functions well, and often have not
served them at all.
On the other Hand, reserve
requirements have consistently functioned to help
finance the United States Treasury.
Section III
describes the financing function of reserve require­
ments and documents its importance in reserve re­
quirement legislation throughout the history of the
Federal Reserve System up to and including the
Monetary Control A ct of 1980. The analysis is
summarized in the conclusion.

II.

CRITIQUE OF PROMINENT RESERVE
REQUIREMENT RATIONALES
The prominent rationales for reserve requirements
at the national level can be roughly separated accord­
ing to the periods in which they were popular. The
argument that reserve requirements are necessary




for providing bank liquidity was offered in support
of reserve requirements from their initial imposition
at the national level during the Civil W ar through
the creation of the Federal Reserve System. The
argument that reserve requirements contributed im­
portantly to Federal Reserve credit policy became
prominent in the early years of the Federal Reserve
System. The credit policy rationale has since evolved
into the argument that reserve requirements are
useful for monetary control. This section discusses
each rationale in turn, explaining both theoretically
and practically where appropriate why reserve re­
quirements have rarely functioned as indicated in
the standard rationales.

Liquidity Provision
Reserve requirements on bank deposits were first
established at the national level in 1863 with the pas­
sage of what is known as the National Bank Act.
The main provisions of the National Bank A ct
helped to create a uniform national currency and
provided banks with an alternative to a state charter
by establishing a national charter under which they
could organize. Banks with national charters were
required to keep a 25 percent reserve against both
note and deposit liabilities. For national banks in
“ redemption cities” designated in the Act, the re­
serve was to be held entirely in lawful money (specie
and greenbacks) in the bank’s vault. Banks outside
the redemption cities were permitted to hold threefifths of their required reserves with national banks
in redemption cities. Since interbank deposits paid
interest and provided other benefits, this rule greatly
reduced the cost of required reserve maintenance for
non-redemption relative to redemption city banks.
* Marvin Goodfriend is a Research Officer at the Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond, currently visiting the Econo­
metric and Computer Applications Section, Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Monica
Hargraves is an Assistant Economist at the Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond.

5

W hen the National Bank A ct was rewritten in
1864, reserve requirements of non-redemption city
banks were reduced to 15 percent and, in addition,
banks in redemption cities other than New Y ork
were permitted to hold one-half of their required re­
serves with national banks in New Y ork City.1 In
effect, the percent reserve required to be held in law­
ful money in a bank’s vault was “ graduated” from
25 percent for New Y ork City banks, to 12.5 per­
cent for redemption city banks outside of New Y ork
City, to 6 percent for non-redemption city banks.
The reduction in the reserve requirement burden for
banks outside of New Y ork City helped to increase
the attractiveness of a national relative to a state
charter. This was important, since membership in
the National Banking System was voluntary, in
keeping with the so-called “ dual banking system
tradition,” i.e., the coexistence of state and Federal
regulatory authorities, established with the National
Bank Act.
Reserve requirements in the National Bank A ct
were apparently rationalized as being necessary to
ensure bank liquidity, that is, the ability of banks to
convert deposits into currency.2 The geographically
graduated reserve requirement structure seemed con­
sistent with the liquidity rationale, since roughly
speaking, the more central a bank's position in the
financial system, the more lawful money required
reserves it had to hold.
Reserve requirements could have completely guar­
anteed convertibility if the required reserve ratio
had been 100 percent in lawful money in the bank’s
vault. A reduction in deposits would then have re­
duced required reserves by an equal amount, releas­
ing enough funds to meet the withdrawal. H ow ­
ever, 100 percent reserve requirements would also
have imposed a considerable burden on banks, and
would have been difficult to enforce since national
banks had the alternative of a state charter, which
generally carried with it relatively low or zero re­
serve requirements on deposits. On the other hand,
with the fractional reserve requirements specified in
the National Bank A ct a withdrawal only released a
portion of the funds demanded by the depositor.
1 Original Acts Pertaining to National Banks . . . [39],
pp. 19-20, 43-44. See Board of Governors [12], pp. 955-56.
2 It should be noted that an important motive underlying
the National Bank Act was the need to finance the Civil
War. One device designed in part to help finance the
War was the requirement that National Bank notes be
backed by government bonds. By tying note issue to
bond holdings the government attempted to enlarge the
demand for its debt. See Davis [22]; Hammond [33,
34]; and Million [37] for discussions of the origins of
the National Bank Act.
Newcomb [38] contains a
critical appraisal of the National Bank Act as a warfinancing measure.

6



Since required reserves held against other deposits
could not be used without penalty, an individual
bank's ability to convert deposits into currency still
depended on its excess reserves or secondary reserves
in the form of assets which could be easily sold.
Furthermore, although reserve requirements contrib­
uted somewhat to individual bank liquidity, the bank­
ing crises of 1873, 1893, and 1907 demonstrated that
fractional reserve requirements could not guarantee
sufficient liquidity for the banking system as a whole.3
The main contemporary criticism of the reserve
requirement provisions in the National Bank Act
was that they continued to allow a “ pyramiding” of
reserves in financial center banks. The practice of
counting correspondent balances as legal reserves,
combined with the fact that banks could earn interest
on their deposits with banks in m ajor cities, meant
that reserves tended to concentrate in the major
cities, especially in New Y ork City. Reduction of
these interbank balances in peak agricultural periods
in particular tended to put contractionary seasonal
pressure on banks in the major cities, and, in turn,
on banks throughout the country.
The Federal Reserve A ct of 1913 was in large part
designed to alleviate the two main problems of the
National Bank A ct era, namely, recurrent liquidity
crises and seasonal contractions due to reserve pyra­
miding. Specifically, as stated in its preamble, the
purposes of the Federal Reserve A ct were “ to pro­
vide for the establishment of Federal reserve banks,
to furnish an elastic currency, to afford means of re­
discounting commercial paper, to establish a more
effective supervision of banking in the United States,
and for other purposes.” 4 The rediscounting mechan­
ism, which allowed Federal Reserve member banks
to borrow from Federal Reserve Banks using eli­
gible paper as collateral, helped to guarantee li­
quidity by providing a readily accessible source of
reserves for the banking system. By requiring that
member banks hold reserves directly in one of the
twelve Federal Reserve Banks, the Federal Reserve
A ct eliminated pyramiding and made the banking
system less vulnerable to seasonal fluctuations in re­
serve needs.
Apparently, reserve requirements continued to be
imposed under the Federal Reserve A ct on the basis

3 See Sprague [45] for a detailed discussion of bank
crises in the National Banking era.
4 “Federal Reserve Act of 1913” [24], p. 25. See Fried­
man and Schwartz [28], pp. 168-72, 189-96 for a discus­
sion of the need to furnish an elastic currency. For
discussion of the drafting of the Federal Reserve Act,
the proposals that preceded it, and a comparison, see
Willis [67]; U. S. National Monetary Commission [64] ;
and Warburg [65] respectively.

of the liquidity rationale. The Federal Reserve A ct
retained, for reserve requirement purposes, the clas­
sification of banks under the National Bank A ct in
what were known as central reserve city, reserve
city, and country bank categories. In addition, the
Fedeial Reserve A ct went further and distinguished
between demand and time deposits for reserve re­
quirement purposes. Reserve requirements on de­
mand deposits were reduced to 18, 15, and 12 percent
on central reserve city, reserve city, and country
banks respectively. But the net effect of these re­
ductions on reserve city and country banks must also
take account of the fact that these classes of banks
could no longer partially satisfy reserve requirements
by holding interest-earning correspondent balances.
On net, noninterest-earning reserve requirements
against demand deposits were lowered for central
reserve city banks, but raised for both reserve
city and country banks. H owever, all classes of
banks benefitted from the relatively low 5 percent
reserve requirement on time deposits. The sub­
stantial differential in favor of time deposits was ap­
parently established to enable member banks to com ­
pete more effectively with state-chartered banks, who
generally had a lower or zero reserve requirement on
time deposits.6 This was beneficial since Federal
Reserve membership was voluntary, in keeping with
the tradition of choice established with the National
Bank A ct.6 The dual banking system tradition con­
strained the Federal Reserve and was to become an
important issue in later reserve requirement legis­
lation.7
By the 1920s, Fed policy had grown from an al­
most purely defensive operation trying to ensure con­
vertibility and avert crises to one of actively attempt­
ing to influence credit conditions. A new rationale
for reserve requirements emerged along with this
shift in Fed policy and the liquidity rationale was o f­
ficially rejected in the report of the 1931 Federal R e­
serve System Committee on Bank R eserves:

serve System, the liquidity of an individual bank
is more adequately safeguarded by the presence of
the Federal Reserve banks, which were organized
for the purpose, among others, of increasing the
liquidity of member banks by providing for the
rediscount, of their eligible paper, than by the
possession of legal reserves.8

Fed Credit Policy
A s the following quote from the 1931 Fed Com­
mittee on Bank Reserves indicates, the role attrib­
uted to reserve requirements in Fed credit policy
served as the new rationale for their continued im­
position :
The most important function served by member
bank reserve requirements is the control of credit.
. . . The overexpansion of credit may take a par­
ticular form, such as excessive loans on farm lands,
on urban real estate, or on securities, or it may be
more general applying to a wide range of bankable
assets. . . . It is the function of reserve require­
ments to restrain such overexpansion by making it
necessary for banks to provide for additional re­
serves before they expand their credit.9

A s a practical matter, reserve requirements did
not function well to control credit and played only a
minor role in the execution of Fed credit policy in
the 1920s. The Fed Committee on Bank Reserves
itself admitted:
In 1928 and 1929, however, during the most ex­
travagant phases of the stock-market boom, exces­
sive credit demands were reflected in an increase
in borrowings from nonbanking lenders, and an
unprecedented increase in the activity of bank
deposits without an increase in their total volume.
Reserve requriements, consequently, failed com­
pletely during those crucial years to act as a brake
on the unsound use of credit.10

Throughout most of the 1920s, and most of the
early years of the Federal Reserve System as well,
the discount rate was the primary Fed policy instru­
ment.

During much of this period the discount rate

was set below even the call money rate received on
loans with essentially no risk of default, thereby
making it profitable for the banking system to bor­
row continuously at the Reserve Banks.11

The committee takes the position that it is no
longer the primary function of legal reserve re­
quirements to assure or preserve the liquidity of
the individual member bank. The maintenance of
liquidity is necessarily the responsibility of bank
management and is achieved by the individual
bank when an adequate proportion of its portfolio
consists of assets that can be readily converted into
cash. Since the establishment of the Federal Re5 See U. S. Congress, House [48], p. 73.
6 Although Federal Reserve membership was mandatory
for national banks, banks could voluntarily choose a
national or a state charter.

For ex­

ample, member bank discount window borrowing
was roughly 2 billion dollars or above throughout
1919 and 1920, even exceeding member bank reserve
balances at the Fed. For the decade as a whole,
discounts made up over half of Federal Reserve
credit outstanding.
8 Committee on Bank Reserves [20], pp. 260-61.
9 Ibid., pp. 264-65.
10 Ibid., p. 265.

7 For good discussions of the history of the dual banking
system tradition and how that tradition constrained the
Fed, see Federal Reserve Committee on Branch, Group,
and Chain Banking [27], and Wingfield [68].




11 Historical statistics referred to throughout this dis­
cussion may be found in Board of Governors [8], Sec­
tions 9, 10, and 12.

7

The Fed influenced market interest rates and
credit conditions throughout the period primarily by
manipulating the discount rate. The discount rate
was raised to restrain credit and lowered to en­
courage credit expansion. Use of the discount rate
in this manner meant that credit, money, and re­
quired reserves were largely accommodated in the
short run at a given discount rate. T o the extent
that reserve demand was simply accommodated, re­
serve requirements could not exercise an effective
constraint on credit expansion. Reserve require­
ments played a role only to the extent that Fed non­
price rationing at the discount window made interest
rates rise relative to the discount rate as discount
window borrowing increased. In this case, an in­
crease in required reserve demand associated with
an increase in the demand for credit would only be
accommodated at an increased spread of the market
interest rate over the discount rate. Since Fed non­
price rationing at the discount window was relatively
weak at the time, required reserves at best played
only a minor role in restricting credit expansion dur­
ing these years.
In the 1930s interest rates declined to a fraction of
the levels they had averaged in the 1920s, and al­
though the Federal Reserve discount rate also fell, it
was not allowed to fall as far. In contrast to the
period between 1919 and 1931 when the discount
rate was mainly below market rates, from 1934 on
it was mainly above them. A s a result, discounts
were negligible in the latter period, and the discount
rate fell into disuse as an instrument of credit policy.
Due to low credit demand and extremely low in­
terest rates in the 1930s, required reserves were not
needed to control credit. In fact, the mid-1930s was
characterized by enormous growth in excess reserves
relative to historical levels. These abnormally large
excess reserves were probably due to a combination
of very low interest rates and increased demand for
liquidity due to the banking crises of the early 1930s.
A t any rate, Fed officials gradually became con­
cerned about the potential inflationary consequences
of the large volume of excess reserves. Using its
recently acquired power to change reserve require­
ments, the Federal Reserve Board doubled reserve
requirements in a series of steps in 1936-37 saying
that its action “ was in the nature of a precautionary
measure to prevent an uncontrollable expansion of
credit in the future.” 12

12 Board of Governors [6] 1937, p. 2.
The Federal Reserve Board first acquired the power to
change reserve requirements in the Thomas Amendment
to the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933. That legis­
lation authorized the Board, subject to Presidential ap­
proval, to change reserve requirements upon declaration

8



Given the Fed’s judgment of the advisability of
attempting to immobilize excess reserves, its decision
to raise reserve requirements rather than sell se­
curities from its portfolio seems justifiable. A t the
time of the initial reserve requirement increase in
August 1936 excess reserves were approximately 3
billion dollars, while the Fed’s total portfolio of earn­
ing assets, by then essentially government securities,
was roughly 2.5 billion dollars.13 A s a matter of
arithmetic then, the Fed simply did not have enough
securities to absorb the entire volume of excess re­
serves with open market sales.
Furthermore, from the Fed’s point of view, there
was no guarantee that excess reserves would not
continue to grow, necessitating further security sales.
During this period the Fed did not have complete
control of base money since the United States was
on a gold standard. The size of the Fed’s portfolio
had been virtually held constant from 1934 until the
end of the decade but large gold inflows had financed
the increase in excess reserves. Even if the Fed had
desired to absorb only a portion of excess reserve
growth with open market sales, continuing gold in­
flow could have eventually exhausted the Fed’s port­
folio. For these reasons reserve requirements, and
specifically the power to raise them, did play a useful
role in the Fed’s effort to immobilize excess reserves
in this period.
In summary, the role played by reserve require­
ments in Fed credit policy in the interwar period
varied greatly. From the early years of the Federal
Reserve System through the 1920s the Fed relied on
the discount rate as its primary policy instrument.
Credit conditions were managed by manipulating the
discount rate; but credit, money, and reserve demand
were essentially accommodated at a given discount
rate so that reserve requirements did not effectively
restrain credit expansion during those years. A s
pointed out by the 1931 Fed Committee on Bank
Reserves, reserve requirements did not function well
to restrain credit expansion during the stock market
boom of 1928-29. In the 1930s credit demand was
low, excess reserves were extremely large, and re­
quired reserves were not then important as a con­
straint on credit expansion.
However, reserve
requirements, specifically reserve requirement in­
creases, were useful in the Fed’s effort to immobilize
excess reserves which it then regarded as excessive.
of an emergency due to credit expansion. The Banking
Act of 1935 removed the need for Presidential approval
but limited reserve requirement changes to the range
between their existing level and twice that level. See
Board of Governors [12], p. 960.
13 Board of Governors [6] 1936, p. 74.

From 1942 until the Treasury-Federal Reserve
A ccord of 1951 the Fed’s credit policy became a
strict bond price support program. By supporting
the price of government bonds, i.e., holding interest
rates down, the Fed used its money-creating power
to help finance war Lime needs. Under the bond price
support program the Fed simply bought eligible
government securities offered to it at the pegged
price. Since the policy was deliberately accommo­
dative, reserve requirements did not function at all
during this period to restrain credit expansion.

Monetary Control
Federal Reserve policy statements in the 1950s
shifted from almost exclusive concern with credit
conditions to inclusion of the money stock as a rele­
vant criterion for policy.14 Since then the monetary
aggregates have become increasingly important as
guides to policy and by the late 1970s M l became the
primary intermediate policy target. Increasing con­
cern for the monetary aggregates during this period
has been accompanied by a widespread belief that
reserve requirements have been useful for monetary
control. Reserve requirements can contribute signifi­
cantly to monetary control, but only under certain
conditions.
A s explained below, these conditions
have never been entirely met in practice.
The belief that reserve requirements are useful for
monetary control is generally based on the “ money
multiplier” model of money stock determination.15
The money multiplier is essentially a relationship
between deposits ( D ) and reserves ( R ) , D = mR,
where m is called the money multiplier. If banks
keep excess reserves, i.e., reserves held in excess of
legal requirements, to a minimum and reserve requirments are uniformly and solely applied to de­
posits, then the multiplier can be essentially constant.
In this case the Fed can exercise close control of
deposit volume through close control of reserves.
Reserve requirements are important in this method
of monetary control because they make the multiplier
more stable.
A n additional condition, frequently either taken
for granted or overlooked, is necessary for money
stock determination to work as described above. The
Fed must maintain control of reserves. If the volume
of reserves is determined by banking system demand
then reserve requirements do not constrain monetary
expansion. Reserve demand is simply accommodated
and required reserves serve only to enlarge the de14 Friedman and Schwartz [28], pp. 627-32 document this
shift and describe it as a “near-revolutionary change.”
15 For a more detailed discussion of the money multiplier
see Goodfriend [30].




mand for reserves at any given level of deposits. In
this case, the stock of deposits is determined inde­
pendently of reserve requirements.
1----------------------------------------------j
T ~
— -------------~ T 7 „ j
lii piclCUV-C, LiiC J.
liao lie V C
Jl duupicu VjpCiclUll^;

procedures designed to control reserves in order to
use the money multiplier relationship to control de­
posits. Throughout much of the 1950s and 1960s
free reserve targeting was used in conjunction
with discount rate adjustments to execute monetary
policy.16 Restraint was achieved by lowering the
target for free reserves and raising the discount rate;
expansion was encouraged by raising the free reserve
target and lowering the discount rate. Free reserves
and the discount rate fell into disuse in the early
1970s as operating variables.
A t that time, the
Federal funds rate emerged as the primary policy
instrument. Monetary control was exercised with
the funds rate instrument by raising the rate to re­
strain money growth and lowering it when more
rapid money growth was desired.
Operating procedures utilizing free reserves and
the discount rate on one hand or the Federal funds
rate on the other are essentially accommodative.
They operate, as did the discount rate operating pro­
cedure of the 1920s, by influencing the general level
of short-term interest rates in order to affect the
quantity of money and credit demanded.17 W ith
these operating procedures, reserves are merely sup­
plied as required to support the quantity of money
and credit demanded given the operating target. A
1971 Federal Reserve Board Staff Study acknowl­
edged the accommodative nature of these operating
procedures:
The operating emphasis on money market condi­
tions has meant that the [Fed] was essentially
accommodative, in the sense that market demands
for credit and money would be accommodated at a
given Federal funds rate or level of net borrowed
or net free reserves.1
8

Since both the free reserve/discount rate and Federal
funds rate operating procedures are accommodative,
16 Free reserves are defined as excess reserves minus
borrowed reserves, or equivalently nonborrowed reserves
minus required reserves.
Net borrowed reserves are
negative free reserves. For a Federal Reserve view of
free reserves as an operating target see Federal Reserve
Bank of New York [26].
17 Details of the free reserve/discount rate, Federal funds
rate, and discount rate operating procedures can be in­
vestigated within the framework developed by Good­
friend [30]. See McCallum [35] for an analysis of the
feasibility of an interest rate policy rule under rational
expectations. Friedman and Schwartz [28], pp. 615-16
and Meigs [36] point out the accommodative nature of
free reserve targeting. Friedman and Schwartz [28], p.
223 make a similar point about the discount rate oper­
ating procedure of the 1920s.
18 Axilrod [2], p. 6.

9

reserve requirements did not exercise an effective
constraint on monetary expansion during the postA ccord period in which these operating procedures
were utilized.19
In October 1979, the Fed adopted a nonborrowed
reserve operating procedure. The move to nonbor­
rowed reserves could have given reserve requirements
a significant role in controlling money if reserve
requirements had been contemporaneous.20 H ow ­
ever, reserve requirements have been computed on a
lagged basis since September 1968. W ith a nonbor­
rowed reserve instrument and lagged reserve require­
ments, the Fed's operating target within a reserve
statement week has essentially been net borrowed
reserves, i.e., negative free reserves. T o see this,
recall that net borrowed reserves equals the difference
between required reserves and nonborrowed reserves.
W ith a nonborrowed reserve instrument the Fed
supplies a predetermined volume of nonborrowed
reserves each reserve statement week; and under
lagged reserve requirements required reserves are
known at the beginning of each reserve statement
week.
Therefore, operating with a nonborrowed
reserve instrument and lagged reserve requirements
amounts to targeting net borrowed reserves in any
given reserve statement week. A s pointed out above,
net borrowed or free reserve targeting is accommo­
dative; so even after the adoption of a nonborrowed
reserve instrument in 1979, reserve requirements
still do not exercise an effective constraint on mone­
tary expansion.21
W hile it is true that net borrowed reserve and
nonborrowed reserve targeting with lagged reserve
19 It has been argued that even though reserve demand
has been accommodated, the effectiveness of the funds
rate operating procedure may have been enhanced by the
imposition of reserve requirements on transaction de­
posits in the following sense: For targeting transaction
balances, if the implicit own rate on transaction deposits
was competitively determined, then noninterest-earning
reserve requirements on transaction deposits increased
the sensitivity to the level of market rates of the rate
spread between transaction deposits and alternative in­
struments paying a market rate, allowing manipulation
of the funds rate instrument to more readily influence
the quantity of transaction balances demanded. How­
ever, although the implicit own rate on transaction de­
posits may have moved over time with the general level
of interest rates, for the most part it probably has not
moved competitively in immediate response to the level
of market rates. The spread between rates on transaction
deposits and alternative instruments paying a market
rate has therefore likely moved with the level of interest
rates apart from the imposition of reserve requirements
on transaction deposits.
20 See Goodfriend [30] for a discussion of monetary
control with a nonborrowed reserve instrument and con­
temporaneous reserve requirements.
21 Goodfriend [31] explains why with lagged reserve
requirements, a Federal funds rate instrument can pro­
vide better monetary control than a nonborrowed reserve
instrument.

10



requirements are identical within a reserve statement
week, they are different in their dynamic response to
money stock targeting error, i.e., deviations of the
money stock from target, in the following sense. If,
for example, the money stock comes in above target
in a given reserve statement week, then two weeks
later, given an unchanged nonborrowed reserve path,
the banking system is forced to obtain additional re­
quired reserves at the discount window. Given the
nonprice rationing at the discount window, addi­
tional discount window borrowing raises the Federal
funds rate (fo r a given discount rate) and thereby
tends to bring the money stock back to target. By
contrast, with a predetermined net borrowed rather
than nonborrowed reserve path, no automatic mech­
anism exists to bring the money stock back to target.
In short, nonborrowed reserve targeting with
lagged reserve requirements utilizes a feedback rule
to automatically adjust the weekly net borrowed
reserve path in response to money stock targeting
error. In its pure form, the rule feeds changes in
required reserve demand due to money stock target­
ing error dollar for dollar into net borrowed reserves.
But in spite of the fact that the feedback rule is
expressed in terms of required reserves, actual impo­
sition of reserve requirements on deposits is not
essential to the implementation of the feedback rule.
A s explained above, the feedback rule is a mechanism
designed to produce a particular Federal funds rate
movement in response to money stock targeting
error. Under lagged reserve requirements the Fed­
eral funds rate response based on reserve require­
ments is delayed two weeks. But by that time, the
Fed itself already has an observation on the twoweek-old money stock targeting error. This means
that the Fed can base feedback to the Federal funds
rate directly on measured two-week-old money stock
targeting error.22 In other words, the dynamic re­
sponse to money stock targeting error under the
current nonborrowed reserve-lagged reserve require­
ments monetary control procedure could be dupli­
cated without imposition of reserve requirements.
In 1980 Congress passed the Monetary Control

22 In practice, substantial and frequent adjustment of the
discount rate has been utilized to augment or offset the
automatic interest rate response to money stock targeting
error described in the text. The post-October 1979 oper­
ating procedure, utilizing net borrowed reserve targeting
and discount rate adjustments, resembles the free
reserve/discount rate operating procedure utilized in the
1950s and 1960s and also, to a large extent, the discount
rate operating procedure of the 1920s. The post-October
1979 operating procedure differs from the others to the
extent that it employs an automatic mechanism for ad­
justing the net borrowed reserve target in response to
money stock targeting error. Goodfriend [29] discusses
some shortcomings of this automatic adjustment mech­
anism as it has been employed.

A ct ( M C A ) which extensively reformed the struc­
ture of reserve requirements. This legislation grew
out of several years of proposals and debates on the
problem of Fed membership attrition. The Fed’s
share of banks had dropped approximately from SO
percent in 1950 to 40 percent in 1976, and member
banks' share of gross deposits had fallen approxi­
mately from 86 percent to 74 percent in the same
period, with the loss of members and deposits appar­
ently accelerating.23 The cost of membership was
primarily due to the Fed's noninterest-earning re­
serve requirement which put member banks at a
competitive disadvantage relative to nonmembers
who generally had lower reserve requirements and
were allowed to hold interest-earning assets as re­
serves.24 This disadvantage had increased over the
previous two decades with the rise in inflation and
interest rates.
The Fed argued that its ability to control the
monetary aggregates was weakening as deposits
moved outside its reserve requirement jurisdiction.25
The solution adopted by Congress in the M C A was
to make reserve requirements universal, that is, to
require all depository institutions, whether members
of the Federal Reserve System or not, to hold re­
serves in accordance with Fed requirements.
In
addition, reserve requirements were made more uni­
form.26 These are the reforms in the M C A which
are meant to improve monetary control. It should
be noted, however, in light of the discussion above,
that the structure of reserve requirements has been
basically irrelevant to monetary control as carried
23 “The Burden of Federal Reserve Membership . .
[16], pp. 2-3.
24 See Federal Reserve Committee on Branch, Group,
and Chain Banking [27]; Wingfield [68]; White [66],
pp. 5-9; and Benston [5], Chapter III, for discussions of
the costs and benefits of Federal Reserve membership.
“The Burden of Federal Reserve Membership . .
[16],
Appendix A, contains a detailed discussion of nonmember
bank reserve requirements.
25 See for example, testimony by Chairmen of the Fed­
eral Reserve Board: Arthur F. Burns in U. S. Congress,
Senate [61], p. 35; G. William Miller in U. S. Congress,
House [52], pp. 96-98 and in U. S. Congress, Senate
[60], pp. 17, 21-22; and Paul A. Volcker in U. S. Con­
gress, Senate [58], pp. 8-10, 35.
26 The Monetary Control Act of 1980 requires depository
institutions, after a gradual phase-in period, to maintain a
reserve equal to:
i) 3 percent of the first 25 million dollars of total
transaction accounts.
ii) 12 percent— or in the range of 8-14 percent as the
Board may prescribe— of transaction accounts in
excess of 25 million dollars.
iii) 3 percent— or in the range of 0-9 percent as the
Board may prescribe— of nonpersonal time de­
posits.
See Board of Governors [10] for a summary of the
MCA, and Board of Governors [15], Regulation D.




out with the post-October 1979 nonborrowed reservelagged reserve requirements operating procedure.
Recently, the Federal Reserve Board announced its
iiAwtiUAVli L
U 1VLU 1
1 1 L
V W 1L 111J^/^1 U
A
V
iiV U
W vJ 1

VV * t

quirements. This commitment is an important first
step toward a reserve-based operating procedure in
which the reserve requirement reforms embodied in
the M C A could significantly improve monetary con­
trol.27

ill.

FINANCING CONSIDERATIONS AND
RESERVE REQUIREMENT LEGISLATION
The preceding discussion explained that reserve
requirements have rarely functioned as indicated in
the standard rationales. On the other hand, reserve
requirements have consistently functioned to help
finance the United States Treasury. Furthermore,
financing considerations have substantially influenced
reserve requirement legislation throughout the his­
tory of the Federal Reserve System.
The first part of this section explains that reserve
requirement reform in the early years of the Federal
Reserve System was largely designed to enhance the
Fed’s power to create base money in order to provide
reserves to the banking system through the redis­
count mechanism, to meet its own financial needs,
and to finance United States participation in W orld
W ar I. The second part describes the origin and
development of the systematic transfer of net Fed
earnings to the Treasury. Lastly, this section covers
recent reserve requirement reform, focusing on con­
cern for the Fed membership problem and the influ­
ence of Treasury revenue considerations in the draft­
ing of the Monetary Control A ct of 1980.

Early Reserve Requirement Reform Under
the Federal Reserve System
One of the m ajor features of the reorganization of
the banking system under the Federal Reserve A ct
was the requirement that member banks hold re­
quired reserves in the form of deposits with Federal
Reserve Banks. A s mentioned above, the rule that
member banks hold required reserves as vault cash
or with Federal Reserve Banks was designed to
eliminate pyramiding. M ore importantly for the issue
at hand, the requirement centralized gold reserves
in the Federal Reserve Banks. The first installment
of the initial transfer of member bank reserves to the
27 Goodfriend [30, 31] describes how a move to con­
temporaneous reserve requirements could improve mone­
tary control.

11

Reserve Banks consisted entirely of lawful money
(gold or money that the Treasury would exchange
for g o ld ). A t least one-half of each subsequent trans­
fer was in lawful m oney; the rest was receivable in
certain eligible paper.28
The Reserve Banks themselves were initially re­
quired to keep a 35 percent reserve in lawful money
against deposits and a 40 percent reserve against
Federal Reserve notes.
The fact that the initial
transfer of member bank reserves to the Reserve
Banks averaged more than 50 percent lawful money
meant that the volume of deposit and note liabilities
which the Reserve Banks could create was not ini­
tially constrained by their lawful money reserve re­
quirement.29 The centralization of gold reserves in
the Reserve Banks, together with their initially in­
effective reserve requirement constraint and the
power to rediscount or purchase securities, gave
the Federal Reserve System the power to create
additional deposit or note liabilities, i.e., base money,
in exchange for earning assets. A s mentioned earlier,
the power to provide reserves to the banking system,
particularly in times of stress, was viewed as a much
needed provision of the Federal Reserve Act.
28 Section 19 of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 directed
member banks to make an initial transfer of a portion of
their required reserves to the Reserve Banks at the time
of the establishment of the Reserve Banks. Three sub­
sequent installments were to be made at six-month
intervals starting twelve months after the first install­
ment. Section 19 also specified that no more than half
of each installment was to consist of eligible paper; the
rest was receivable in gold or lawful money. See “ Fed­
eral Reserve Act of 1913” [24], p. 40. This provision
appears to have been superseded by Federal Reserve
Board Circular No. 10 of October 28, 1914 which directed
that the first installment, due November 16, 1914, be
made entirely in gold or lawful money. See Board of
Governors [6] 1914, p. 167.
Subsequent installments
were made on November 16, 1915; May 16, 1916; and
November 16, 1916. The Board of Governors Annual
Report 1916 incorrectly reports an installment as having
been made on May 16, 1915. See Board of Governors
[6] 1916, p. 22 and Commercial and Financial Chronicle
[19] November 6, 1915, p. 1515. Federal Reserve Board
notices prior to the second and fourth installments reiter­
ated that no more than half of each installment was re­
ceivable in eligible paper. See Board of Governors [11]
November 1915, p. 361 and November 1916, pp. 597-98.
29 The only time that Reserve Bank lawful money re­
serve requirements were allowed to seriously constrain
Federal Reserve credit expansion was in the period im­
mediately following World War I. See Friedman and
Schwartz [28], pp. 229-31. The next time that Reserve
Bank reserve requirements threatened to constrain the
expansion of Federal Reserve credit, during World War
II, they were reduced to 25 percent on both Reserve
Bank deposit and note liabilities. Finally, the last time
that Reserve Bank reserve requirements threatened to
constrain Fed credit expansion, this time in the mid1960s, they were reduced to zero. See Board of Gover­
nors [8], pp. 328-29 and [9], pp. 464-65. Reserve Bank
reserve requirements were reduced first to enable the
Fed to continue to expand credit and help finance U. S.
participation in World War II, and finally to make gold
available to help finance the U. S. balance of payments
deficit without constraining Fed credit expansion.

12



It should be noted, however, that it was not
technically necessary that member banks hold re­
serves in the form of deposits at Reserve Banks
either to eliminate pyramiding or to give the Fed
power to create base money. Pyramiding could have
been largely eliminated by simply mandating that
banks hold required reserves in their own vaults,
though pyramiding of voluntary correspondent bal­
ances might have been greater in the absence of
correspondent services available at the Fed. Further­
more, availability of reserves at the Fed discount
window alone could have remedied monetary prob­
lems stemming from pyramiding and for that matter
could also in principle have vitiated any liquidity
rationale for reserve requirements.30 Reserve Banks
could have been given the power to rediscount or
purchase securities without having to hold member
bank reserves, although the gold reserve acquired by
the Reserve Banks was probably useful in giving the
appearance of adhering to conventional banking prac­
tice.
However, reserve requirements on member
bank deposits were not even necessary for the Fed
to acquire gold, since Reserve Banks could in prin­
ciple have acquired gold by offering attractive interest
rates on deposits.
A t any rate, initially the Fed’s power to create
base money and acquire earning assets was primarily
useful to the Fed itself. The advantages to the Fed
were twofold.
First, income from a portfolio of
securities made the Reserve Banks financially selfsufficient. Second, possession of a portfolio of securi­
ties allowed the Reserve Banks to more effectively
influence or stabilize the money market. These ob­
jectives were acknowledged in the Federal Reserve
Board’s Annual R eport of 1914:
The Reserve Banks have expenses to meet, and
while it would be a mistake to regard them merely
as profit-making concerns and to apply to them
the ordinary test of business success, there is no
reason why they should not earn their expenses,
and a fair profit besides, without failing to exer­
cise their proper functions and exceeding the
bounds of prudence in their management. More­
over, the Reserve Banks can never become the
leading and important factor in the money market
which they were designed to be unless a consider­
able portion of their resources is regularly and
constantly employed.31

The first reserve requirement reform following the
Federal Reserve A ct was made in 1917. The 1917
reform amended the Federal Reserve A ct to specify
that vault cash could no longer count as required
reserves. This provision by itself would have raised

30 Related issues are discussed in Sargent and Wallace
[43].
31 Board of Governors [6] 1914, p. 18.

total reserve demand since banks still needed to hold
vault cash, but the reform also significantly lowered
reserve requirements, making it more acceptable to
member banks.39 The main purpose of the 1917
reform was to further concentrate gold at Reserve
Banks by removing the incentive for member banks
to hold gold as vault cash. Prior to 1917, vault cash
could be used to partially satisfy reserve require­
ments. However, neither Federal Reserve notes nor
National Bank notes could be counted as required
reserves. A s a result, a large portion of the country’s
gold holdings was absorbed in the form of vault cash
at member banks. The concentration of gold at the
Fed was undertaken to ensure that Reserve Bank
gold reserves would not constrain the Fed’s ability
to accommodate the large demands for credit ex­
pected to arise out of the country’s entry into W orld
W ar I.33
A s it turned out, United States participation in
W orld W ar I and the large Federal deficits that
accompanied it did precipitate the first major use of
the Fed’s power to create base money. Though most
of the Federal deficit was covered by sales of U. S.
bonds to banks and the public, the Reserve Banks
held interest rates down by keeping their discount
rates low and accommodating credit demand at these
rates. In this sense, the Fed used its money-creating
power to help finance bank, public, and Treasury
credit needs in W orld W ar I.
F e d -T r e a s u r y T r a n s fe r s
The power to purchase and rediscount securities in
exchange for its own noninterest-earning liabilities
gave the Fed a means of earning substantial income.
During the drafting of the Federal Reserve A ct it
was recognized that this income would generally
exceed operating expenses and payment of dividends
to “ stockholders.” 34 Accordingly, Section 7 of the
Federal Reserve A ct specified how net earnings were
to be distributed. Specifically, Congress directed the
Fed to pay the Treasury a “ franchise tax” equal to
32 Reserve requirements were reduced to 13, 10, and 7
percent on demand deposits for central reserve city,
reserve city, and country member banks respectively, and
to 3 percent on time deposits at all member banks. See
Board of Governors [12], p. 959; also see Cagan [17],
p. 190.
33 For Federal Reserve statements of the motivation for
the legislation see Board of Governors [6] 1917, pp. 11-12
and [11] July 1917, pp. 508-9.
34 Reserve Bank stock is merely a required payment to a
Reserve Bank that goes with Federal Reserve member­
ship.
Although Reserve Bank stock pays a fixed 6
percent dividend, it carries with it virtually none of the
responsibilities and entitlements of commercial stock
issue. See Federal Reserve Act as Amended . . . [23],
Sections 2, 5, and 7.




one-half of net earnings after expenses and payment
of dividends. The other half of net earnings was to
be paid into a surplus fund until it equaled 40 percent
of paid-in capital stock at the Reserve Banks.35 After
surplus reached 40 percent of paid-in capital, net
earnings were to go entirely to the Treasury. The
reasoning behind the franchise tax can be found in
the House Report on the Federal Reserve A ct which
says:
. . . it is obvious that the function of note issue will
result in a large volume of earnings which the
Federal reserve banks could not enjoy were they to
share this power with other banking institutions.
To a substantial share in this earning, leaving for
the reserve banks only a fair compensation for
their services in taking out the notes, the public is
evidently entitled.36

Legislators also recognized that requiring member
banks to hold noninterest-earning reserves at Federal
Reserve Banks would provide an additional source
of earnings for the Fed. The question of whether or
not to pay interest on required reserves at the Fed
was discussed during the drafting of the Federal
Reserve A ct.37 Ultimately, the Federal Reserve Act
itself was silent on this issue, though the Senate
Report on the A ct says that “ reserves placed with
the Federal reserve banks would not bear interest
under the present bill (although this may possibly be
found expedient at some future time when the system
is established).” 38
Legislation passed in 1919 amended Section 7 to
require that all net earnings be added to surplus until
it amounted to 100 percent of subscribed capital
(which is twice paid-in capital) after which 10 per­
cent of net earnings was to be added to surplus and
90 percent paid as a franchise tax.39 The surplus
deemed appropriate was thereby quintupled as mea­
sured relative to paid-in capital just a few years after
35 Surplus is employed in commercial enterprises as a
reserve for contingencies such as absorbing losses or
meeting expenses and dividends when earnings are low.
Board of Governors [8], p. 356 lists charges against
Federal Reserve Bank surplus from 1914 through 1941.
Board of Governors [9], p. 501 and [7], pp. 450-69
provide less detailed information on the disposition of
surplus from 1942 to 1979. More information on the
disposition of surplus may be found in various Board of
Governors Annual Reports. Although it is not clear
how the level of surplus deemed appropriate for the
Reserve Banks was determined, or why the Fed, with its
power to create money, was expected to need surplus at
all, maintaining surplus held as securities has enabled
the Fed to meet contingencies without affecting the stock
of base money.
36 U. S. Congress, House [48], p. 39.
37 See, for example, Congressional Record [21] Part 1,
pp. 451-54 and Part 17, p. 562.
38 U. S. Congress, Senate [54], p. 12.
39 See U. S. Congress, Senate [55], p. 18.

13

the Federal Reserve A ct was passed. The House
Report on the 1919 amendment says that this was
necessary because the large expansion of Federal
Reserve credit during W orld W ar I warranted a
larger surplus to give the Reserve Banks added
strength. Wartime credit expansion did enormously
increase member bank assets, liabilities, and reserve
balances at the Fed.
But it also correspondingly
raised member bank capital structure, and the re­
quirement that each member bank's subscription to
Reserve Bank capital stock be maintained at 6 per­
cent of its own capital stock meant that increased
member bank reserves at the Fed would be accom­
panied by a proportionate increase in paid-in and
surplus capital.
However, as a result of an increase in the demand
for Federal Reserve notes as currency and, to some
extent, the exchange of Federal Reserve notes for
gold certificates during the war, capital fell from 5.8
percent of total Reserve Bank liabilities at the end of
1914 to 2 percent at the end of 1918.40 Quintupling
the ratio of surplus to paid-in capital roughly re­
stored the 1914 ratio of capital to total Reserve Bank
liabilities. Reserve Bank portfolios and earnings had
grown so large as a result of discount policy during
W orld W ar I that some Reserve Banks were imme­
diately able to raise surplus to 100 percent of sub­
scribed capital, and the Fed transferred 3 million
dollars to the Treasury in 1919. Transfers to the
Treasury during the following two years were in the
neighborhood of 60 million dollars, the largest by far
until after W orld W ar II.
A s the table indicates, Fed-Treasury transfers have
continued almost without interruption, though under
varying labels, to this day.41 Transfers were made
under the franchise tax designation from 1914 until
1932. Congress abolished the franchise tax in the
Banking A ct of 1933. That legislation also created
the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (F D I C )
and required the Reserve Banks to subscribe an
amount equal to one-half their accumulated surplus,
139 million dollars, for F D IC stock.42 A s compen­
sation, the Reserve Banks were allowed to retain all
subsequent net earnings to rebuild surplus. H ow ­
ever, transfers to the Treasury were partially re-

40 See Board of Governors [8], pp. 330, 409; and Willis
[67], p. 1440.

sumed in 1935 under a newly created Section 13b of
the Federal Reserve A ct which permitted the Reserve
Banks to make “ industrial” loans.
Fed-Treasury
transfers under Section 13b were relatively insignifi­
cant and transfers under that designation were ter­
minated in October 1947.43
Larger Fed-Treasury transfers were resumed in
1947 under the so-called “ interest on Federal R e­
serve notes" designation. The events that led to this
means of Fed-Treasury transfers are as follows.
Although the W orld W ar II bond price support
program remained essentially in effect until the 1951
A ccord, the Fed favored higher Treasury bill interest
rates after the war in order to help restrain credit
expansion.

The problem from the Fed's point of

view was clearly summarized by Federal Reserve
Board Chairman Eccles in an April 1947 meeting of
the Federal Open Market Committee (F O M C ) :
Chairman Eccles stated that he had come to the
conclusion that, if any progress was to be made
with the Treasury in getting an agreement to dis­
continue the posted rate on Treasury bills and to
permit the bill rate to rise to a level which would
be determined by the market in line with the ^
percent rate on certificates, it would be necessary
to present to the Treasury a program pursuant to
which the increased cost of Treasury financing
that might result from the changed bill program
would be offset by paying into the Treasury a
substantial portion of the net earnings of the Re­
serve Banks. He thought that the Treasury would
not be willing to agree now to eliminate the posted
rate on the basis of the introduction and passage
of legislation to restore the franchise tax which
probably would require a number of months, and
that therefore the Board of Governors should
immediately prescribe an interest rate on Federal
Reserve notes under the provisions of the fourth
paragraph of Section 16 of the Federal Reserve
Act, the first payment to be made to the Treasury
in April on Federal Reserve notes outstanding
during the first quarter of the year. If this were
done, he said, then the Treasury could agree to a
higher rate on Treasury bills with the assurance
that the increased interest cost would be returned
to the Treasury in the form of interest payments
on Federal Reserve notes.44

A t the same meeting Allan Sproul, President of the
Federal Reserve Bank of New Y ork, stated that:
. . . in his opinion the primary purpose of the
[ Board’s ] authority to impose an interest charge
on Federal Reserve notes uncovered by gold was
the belief that this authority could be used to
restrict the circulation of such notes and thus to
restrain inflationary tendencies and there was a
real question as to whether Congress intended the
authority to be used in the manner proposed.45

However, he went on to say that:

41 Barro [4] discusses and measures Fed revenue from
money creation. Note that his tables report gross while
ours reports net revenue. For more detail on the sources
and uses of Fed earnings see Board of Governors [8],
p. 356; [9], p. 501; and [7], pp. 450-69. See Auernheimer [!]. and references contained therein for theoreti­
cal discussions of the revenue from money creation.

44 Board of Governors [14] 1947, 4/1/47, p. 69.

42 Board of Governors [6] 1947, pp. 83-84.

45 Ibid., p. 74.

14



43 See Hackley [32], pp. 133-45 for a discussion of Sec­
tion 13b; also see Board of Governors [6] 1947, pp. 83-84.

FED-TREASURY TRANSFERS

Fed Payment* to
U. S. Treasury*
($ billions)

Federal
Guvernmeiii
Receipts**
($ billions)

Fed Payments
as a Percent
of Federal
Government
Receipts

.001

18
19

.003

?20

.061
.060

21

22

.011

23
24
25
26
27
28
29

.004

.0001

.00006
.0008

.0002
.003
.004

3.804

.105
.0007

.0003
.0002
.0002
.0001
.00002

3.047
2.047
1.708
2.670
3.541
3.964
5.024
7.039
6.480
6.721

.008
.004
.003
.002
.0003

.00008
.0001
.0002
.0002
.0003
.0002
.00007
.075
.167
.193

8.641
15.420
22.943
39.258
41.008
42.495
39.105
43.220
43.218
38.706

.0009
.0006
.0009
.0005
.0007
.0005
.0002
.174
.386
.499

.197
.255
.292
.343
.276
.252
.402
.543
.524
.911

50.035
64.277
67.317
70.032
63.738
72.559
77.985
81.906
78.662
89.826

.394
.397
.434
.490
.433
.347
.515
.663
.666
1.014

69

.897
.687
.799
.880
1.582
1.297
1.649
1.907
2.464
3.019

96.141
98.058
106.187
114.415
114.913
124.337
141.843
150.496
174.442
196.858

.933
.701
.752
.769
1.377
1.043
1.163
1.267
1.413
1.534

>70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79

3.494
3.357
3.231
4.341
5.550
5.382
5.870
5.937
7.006
9.279

191.871
198.554
227.505
258.640
287.821
287.335
331.750
375.210
431.569
493.636

1.821
1.691
1.420
1.678
1.928
1.873
1.769
1.582
1.623
1.880

>80
81

11.706
14.024

540.722
628.219

2.165
2.232

.00002

?30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

—

.002
—
—

?4Q

41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
?50

51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
>60
61
62
63
64
65

66
67
68




—

.117
—
—

. . . if the alternative of a restoration of the fran­
chise tax would mean extended delay and prevent
effective negotiation with the Treasury with re­
spect to the elimination of the posted rate on
Treasury bills and eventually some change in
short-term interest rates, he would have to go
along with the proposal for the establishment of
the interest charge.
He felt that action with
respect to the restoration of some measure of
control over bank credit at this time was more
important than the means to be used in siphoning
some of the earnings of the Federal Reserve Banks
into the Treasury . . . .4e

The plan proposed by Chairman Eccles was accept­
able to the Treasury, and on April 24, 1947 the
Federal Reserve Board, acknowledging that by the
end of 1946 the combined surplus of the Reserve
Banks exceeded subscribed capital, announced its
decision to levy an interest charge on Federal R e­
serve notes issued by Reserve Banks to pay into the
Treasury approximately 90 percent of Reserve Bank
net earnings.47 The F O M C announced termination
of the fixed rate on Treasury bills two months later.48
The Federal Reserve Board’s voluntary continu­
ance of Fed-Treasury transfers under the “ interest
on Federal Reserve notes” designation in effect oper­
ated like the legislated franchise tax rule prior to
1933. Like the franchise tax rule, the rule for FedTreasury transfers under the “ interest on Federal
Reserve notes” designation placed no ceiling on ac­
cumulated surplus. W ithin a few years this became a
problem for the Fed. Questions about the appropri­
ate level of surplus were raised in hearings on the
Financial Institutions A ct of 1957; and the Board
was aware of a staff recommendation at the Bureau
of the Budget that would transfer to the Treasury
46 ibid., p. 75.
47 Board of Governors [6] 1947, pp. 83-84.
48 Ibid., pp. 91-94. See Stein [46], Chapter 10, for a good
discussion of Fed-Treasury relations during this period.

Note: Figures rounded to millions where possible, otherwise
taken to first significant digit.
* From 1914 to 1932 the Federal Reserve Banks were subject to a
"franchise tax" on net earnings under Section 7 of the Federal
Reserve Act. Payments to the Treasury were made under this
designation each year with the exception of 1914-1916 and 1931,
when Reserve Bank earnings were not sufficient to meet dividend
payments as well as expenses. Tax payments were temporarily
suspended in 1918 pending legislation passed in 1919 concerning
the disposition of Reserve Bank net earnings. As a result of the
suspension of the franchise tax in the Banking Act of 1933, no
payments were made in 1933 and 1934. From 1935 to 1947 pay­
ments were made under Section 13b of the Federal Reserve Act.
In 1947 the Federal Reserve Board initiated payments to the
Treasury in the form of "interest on Federal Reserve notes."
Payments have continued to the present under this designation.
** Not available by calendar year prior to 1929.
Sources:
Board of Governors [6 ] 1981, Table 7, and [6 ] 1931,
pp. 15-16; U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic
Analysis [6 2 ], Table 3.2, and [6 3 ], Table 3.2; and U. S.
Congress, Senate [5 5 ], pp. 17-19.

15

all Reserve Bank surplus funds.49 Finally, the
Federal budget deficit for fiscal year 1959 was about
13 billion dollars, roughly three times larger than
any previous peacetime deficit. A s a result, pressure
on the Fed to take further action on surplus and FedTreasury transfers mounted in the second half of
1959.
The 1959 Congressional session ended without
acting on the matter and Federal Reserve Board
Chairman Martin expressed the hope that the Fed
would have a proposed solution to the problem before
the next session.50 A s mentioned above, it was diffi­
cult to justify any particular level of Reserve Bank
surplus as appropriate. Consequently, the Fed's pro­
posal appealed to the principle that Congress itself
had established in the 1919 amendment to the Federal
Reserve Act. On this basis, the Federal Reserve
Board announced in December 1959 its decision to
maintain surplus at 100 percent of subscribed capital,
to immediately transfer to the Treasury all surplus
currently in excess of that amount, and to transfer
to the Treasury 100 percent of net earnings after
maintaining surplus at the level of subscribed capital
thereafter.51
The 1959 Fed action on surplus did not satisfy
Congress and the Treasury for long. Except for a
slight budget surplus in 1960, the next five years
saw a string of large peacetime Federal budget
deficits cumulating to over 20 billion dollars by the
end of fiscal year 1964. In 1964, legislation con­
sidered by Congress threatened to limit the Fed’s
independence in order to use the Fed’s moneycreating power to help finance the large deficits.52
Meanwhile, because of growth in member bank assets
and liabilities, corresponding growth in member bank
capital structure, and the requirement that member
banks subscribe to Reserve Bank capital stock an
amount equal to 6 percent of their own capital, the
subscribed capital of the Reserve Banks rose by over
35 percent from the end of 1959 to the end of 1964.53
As a result, pressure to reduce the Fed’s surplus
grew both because a reduction in surplus would
provide a sizable immediate lump-sum payment to
the Treasury and because maintaining surplus as a
smaller percentage of subscribed capital would mean
less of a drain on future Fed-Treasury transfers.
49 Board of Governors [13] 1959, 9/23/59, p. 3368.
so Ibid.
51 Board of Governors [6] 1959, pp. 83-85, 96-99.
52 Statements on the proposed legislation by Federal
Reserve Board members before Congress may be found
in Board of Governors [11] February 1964, pp. 148-54
and March 1964, pp. 308-20.
53 Board of Governors [6] 1964, p. 212.

16



The logic of maintaining surplus at the level of
subscribed capital was not easy to defend to a Con­
gress that had changed its mind since 1919. The
problem for the Fed was whether to reduce surplus
voluntarily or to await legislation which might com ­
pletely eliminate surplus. In December 1964, the
Fed announced a voluntary 50 percent reduction in
surplus to the level of paid-in capital.54 This decision
added 524 million dollars to the amount transferred
to the Treasury in 1965.55 Apparently, Congress and
the Treasury were satisfied since to this day FedTreasury transfers have consisted of 100 percent of
net earnings after maintaining surplus at the level of
paid-in capital.

Recent Reserve Requirement Reform
The first major legislative reserve requirement
reform in the post-A ccord era was passed in July
1959. The most important provision of that legis­
lation authorized the Board of Governors to permit
vault cash to count as required reserves.56 The
legislation was not designed to make any changes in
the existing system of reserve requirements that
would have an important bearing on monetary policy.
Rather, the reform was designed to remedy “ in­
equities in the present system of reserve requirements
[that arose] primarily from the differences among
banks . . . as to their holdings of vault cash.” 57 The
1917 amendment to the Federal Reserve A ct that
prevented vault cash from counting as required re­
serves was said to have resulted in an inequitable
situation between banks because many banks, gener­
ally smaller country banks, find it least costly for
operating purposes to hold relatively larger amounts
of vault cash than do other banks. But the difference
between country banks and others in their vault cash
holdings had been more than compensated for by
lower reserve requirements for country banks, so that
at the end of 1959 the ratio of vault cash plus re­
quired reserves to net demand deposits for country
banks was about 14 percent compared to about 18
percent for other banks.58
Obviously, concern for equity alone was not suffi­
cient to account for the structure of the 1959 reserve
requirement reform. This legislation was essentially

54 Ibid., pp. 48-50.
55 Board of Governors [11] January 1965, p. 113.
56 The legislation is described in Board of Governors [11]
August 1959, pp. 888-89; associated changes in Regula­
tion D are described in Board of Governors [11] Decem­
ber 1959, pp. 1482-83.
57 Board of Governors [11] April 1959, p. 370.
58 Ibid., pp. 370-71.

a means of reducing the volume of reserves that
member banks had to hold. A s mentioned earlier,
this period marked the beginning of an exodus of
banks from the Federal Reserve System that ulti­
mately led to the passage of the Monetary Control
A ct of 1980. The Fed was aware then that many
member banks would withdraw from the Federal
Reserve System as gradually increasing interest rates
raised the cost of holding noninterest-earning re­
quired reserves. The 1959 vault cash reserve require­
ment reform should be seen as an early post-Accord
response of the Fed and the Congress to the problem
of Fed membership attrition.
Reducing member bank reserve maintenance cost
for a given volume of deposits, either by allowing
vault cash to count as required reserves or by lower­
ing required reserve ratios directly, necessarily re­

Although reserve requirements serve mainly as a
vehicle for monetary policy, there is, within broad
limits, little basis for judging that in the long run
one level is preferable to another in terms of
facilitating monetary policy. Inevitably therefore
the other effects of reserve requirements— on bank
earnings, on competitive relationships with other
institutions, and on net interest payments by the
Government— become relevant in evaluating the
advisability of a change in the average level of
requirements. It is clear that a substantial reduc­
tion in requirements— to 10 percent or less— would,
at least in the short run, result in a sizable increase
in net profits of banks (especially of larger banks
in reserve cities now subject to a requirement of
U y 2 percent) and a corresponding reduction in net
receipts by the U. S. Government, taking into
account payments by the Federal Reserve to the
Treasury.62

The Committee recommended against reducing re­
serve requirements, apparently because of the associ­

duces the demand for Fed liabilities, and thereby
reduces Fed assets, net earnings, and Fed-Treasury
transfers.59 Required reserves accounted for only
about one-third of total Fed assets and liabilities at
the end of 1960, and by the late 1970s this proportion

ated loss of Treasury revenue.

had dropped to around one-quarter.60 The bulk of
the remainder is accounted for by Federal Reserve
notes held as currency. Nevertheless, Fed-Treasury

monetary control.63 Congressional resistance to uni­

transfers attributable to reserve requirements have
made significant contributions to Treasury revenue.
Consequently Congress and the Treasury have been

system of universal reserve requirements on grounds

highly concerned about the potential loss of revenue
that follows reserve requirement reduction. Congress
was, in fact, concerned about the loss of Treasury
revenue that resulted from the 1959 reform allowing
vault cash to count as required reserves.61 Further­
more, concern for Treasury revenue continued to
play a major role in the search for a solution to the
Fed membership problem.
In 1963 for example, the President's Committee
on Financial Institutions concluded in discussing a
proposal to reduce reserve requirements that:

59 Cagan [17], pp. 188-203 presents evidence relating re­
quired reserve changes to total reserve changes.
60 See Board of Governors [9], pp. 470, 533; and [7],
pp. 28-29, 56.
Since 1959 when vault cash was made eligible to satisfy
reserve requirements, the ratio of member bank required
reserves to total Fed assets probably overstates the share
of Fed assets attributable to reserve requirements, be­
cause if reserve requirements were eliminated the demand
for excess reserves as vault cash would probably rise.
On the other hand, the ratio of member bank reserve
balances at the Fed to total Fed assets probably under­
states the share of Fed assets attributable to reserve
requirements, because vault cash is probably larger than
it would be without reserve requirements. Proportions
given in the text lie roughly within this range.
61 See U. S. Congress, House [49], pp. 7-36 and U. S.
Congress, Senate [56], pp. 16-23, especially pp. 22-23.




In the 1960s, Fed officials argued repeatedly but
without success for universal reserve requirements
on grounds that they would both ease the Fed's con­
cern over membership attrition and would improve
versal reserve requirements came from supporters of
the dual banking system tradition who opposed a
that it would transfer considerable power to the Fed
and undo alleged “ checks and balances" in the dual
banking system.

In 1967 the American Bankers

Association argued that universal reserve require­
ments were not essential for monetary control and
advocated lower reserve requirements to encourage
voluntary membership in the Federal Reserve Sys­
tem.64

But most importantly, nonmember banks

simply did not want to be forced to hold noninterestearning reserves according to Fed requirements.
In September 1968, the Fed took action to reform
reserve requirements that did not require Congres­
sional legislation: it moved from contemporaneous
to lagged reserve requirements.
For most of the
period that lagged reserve requirements have been
in effect, the Fed has used the Federal funds rate
as its policy instrument. W ith a funds rate instru­
ment, reserve requirements made no positive con­
tribution to monetary control. The major benefit
to lagged reserve requirements has been that member

62 Report of the Committee on Financial Institutions . . .
[41], p. 12.
63 The Federal Reserve Board recommended universal
reserve requirements in its Annual Reports from 1964
through 1968.
64 Banking [3], p. 48.

17

banks prefer it to contemporaneous reserve require­
ments because they feel that it allows them to
reduce the cost of reserve maintenance.65

In this

sense the move to lagged reserve requirements should
be viewed as another Fed response to the problem
of membership attrition.

It lowered member banks'

cost of maintaining reserves according to Fed re­
quirements without reducing the size of the Fed
portfolio or Fed-Treasury transfers.
In June 1972, the Fed took further action to
reform reserve requirements that did not require
Congressional legislation.

The reserve city-country

bank classification for reserve requirement purposes,
dating back to the National Bank Act, was dropped.
Under the new system the marginal reserve require­
ment on demand deposits rose with the volume of
such deposits at a given bank.

The move to gradu­

ating reserve requirements by bank size instead of by
geographic location was said to be more equitable,

focused productively on the growing Fed membership
problem.67 During this period the Fed offered an
alternative to universal reserve requirements as a
solution to the membership problem : paying interest
oil required reserves.
In 1977, Federal Reserve
T>

u u a iu

r 'u

t>
~ ; __________ ____________
v ^ u a i i i n a i i J-JUJ.ii3 LC^HHCU.

--------UClVJi C LliC

n

_
-------- „
x
OCllcLLC

Banking Committee:
In view of the apparent reluctance of the Congress
to enact uniform reserve requirements for all
banks, the Board has considered other proposals for
ending the erosion of Federal Reserve membership.
Our conclusion is that the payment of interest on
required reserve balances is the most straight­
forward and appropriate step.68

H e noted, however, that:
Since the Federal Reserve returns virtually all its
net earnings to the Treasury, payment of interest
on required reserve balances would reduce Trea­
sury revenues— something, let me note with some
emphasis, that would not occur if the Congress
were to enact uniform reserve requirements [for
all banks].69

since banks of similar size had sometimes been classi­
fied in different geographical categories for reserve
requirement purposes. But the 1972 reform, like the
1968 move to lagged reserve requirements, should
primarily be viewed as another Fed response to the
problem of membership attrition.

The new gradu­

ated system of reserve requirements was apparently
constructed under the following constraints. First, it
was designed to minimize aggregate release of re­
serves, so as to minimize the reduction in FedTreasury transfers.
Second, it was not to raise
reserve requirements for banks in any size class.
Third, to appear equitable it was to have the marginal
reserve requirement rise with deposit volume at a
given bank. Finally, it was to reduce reserve require­
ments on small banks, who generally benefitted least
from membership in the Federal Reserve System,
sufficiently to induce them to remain in the System.66
In the late 1970s Congressional attention finally
65 See “Report of the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Reserve
Proposals” [40].
Lagged reserve requirements were,
among other things, expected to reduce defensive open
market operations. Coats [18] argues theoretically that
this should not have been expected to happen and pre­
sents evidence that defensive open market operations
increased with the move to lagged reserve requirements.
66 These constraints are evident in the discussion in
White [66], The consequences for member banks of
the 1972 reserve requirement reform were worked out
by taking into account the reduction in Federal Reserve
float that occurred at the same time due to a change in
Fed regulations regarding check collection. See Board
of Governors [11] July 1972, pp. 626-30. With this re­
form, the structure of reserve requirements reached its
most complicated level. See the table summarizing
changes in reserve requirements from 1917 to 1981 in
Board of Governors [6] 1981, pp. 235-37.

18



In 1978, the Fed went so far as to suggest that it
did not need Congressional approval to pay interest
on reserves and proposed to implement its own plan.
Congressional reaction, as expressed in a joint letter
to Federal Reserve Board Chairman Miller from
Representative Reuss and Senator Proxm ire (Chair­
men of the House and Senate Banking Committees
respectively) was strong:
We believe unilateral action by the Board to pay
interest on reserve balances would constitute a
blatant usurpation of Congressional powers and
would raise profound questions about the continued
independence of the Fed.
We can think of no
other action by the Board that could do as much to
undermine confidence and trust in the Board on
the part of those key members of Congress who
feel strongly on this issue.
In the absence of legislative limitations, the pay­
ment of interest on reserve balances, however
modestly begun, could ultimately add billions of
dollars to the federal deficit and could be viewed
as a precedent for carte blanche authority for the
expenditure of Federal Reserve bank earnings
without restraint by either the Executive or Legis­
lative branch of the government. With Reserve

67 The Federal Reserve Board published legislative
recommendations for dealing with the membership prob­
lem in each of its 1970s Annual Reports. Figures de­
scribing the extent of membership attrition are reported
in Board of Governors [6] 1978, p. 316 and 1979, p. 253.
Board of Governors [6] 1978, p. 317, reported an esti­
mate, using 1977 data, of the aggregate burden to member
banks of Federal Reserve membership in excess of 650
million dollars, or about 9 percent of member bank profits
before taxes.
68 Arthur F. Burns, in U. S. Congress, Senate [61], p. 30.
69 Ibid.

bank earnings now running in the neighborhood of
$7 billion annually, the payment of any part of
these earnings to commercial banks can be viewed
as the opening wedge in a serious breach of the
Constitutional power of the Congress and the
President to control federal spending and deter­
mine the fiscal policy of the nation.70

The impact on Fed-Treasury transfers of various
proposed solutions to the Fed membership problem
was a major concern throughout Congressional hear­
ings in 1977, 1978, and 1979.

Proposed legislation

before the Senate Banking Subcommittee on Finan­
cial Institutions in 1977 authorizing the Fed to pay
interest on required reserves limited the total interest
payment to 10 percent of Fed net earnings.71 A t that
time, Chairman Burns requested that the limit be
raised to 15 percent but assured the Subcommittee

away from the Treasury “ would result in an in­
creased Federal deficit which in today’s inflationary
environment must be held as low as possible,” 75 The
Administration itself placed an implicit limit on the
cost of an acceptable reform package, as indicated in
1979 testimony by Deputy Secretary of the Treasury
Robert Carswell :
In testimony before [the Senate Banking Com­
mittee] last June and August and in a letter to
the House Banking Committee in September 1977,
the administration stated that it would accept a
revenue loss of $200-300 million, after tax recover­
ies, to deal with this problem. . . . In the current
budget environment, a solution to the membership
problem involving a revenue loss under $200 mil­
lion, net of tax recoveries, is essential.76

The legislation which emerged as the Monetary

that the Federal Reserve Board intended “ to keep

Control A ct of 1980 ( M C A )

the net cost to the Treasury as low as possible.” 72

among interests represented by the various groups.

The 1978 Federal Reserve Board proposal to pay

was a compromise

The Fed’s concern was to reduce membership attri­

interest on required reserves offered a relatively low

tion. Membership was to remain voluntary according

7 percent net earnings limit on total interest paid but

to the dual banking system tradition, but a solution

also proposed lower reserve requirements. The plan

incorporating either universal reserve requirements

included provisions to price Fed services, which had

or interest on required reserves would have greatly

been provided without explicit charge, and to trans­

reduced the incentive to withdraw from the Federal

fer a portion of Reserve Bank surplus to the Trea­

Reserve System and would have largely solved the

sury in order to minimize loss of Treasury revenue

Fed membership problem.

during a transition period.73 W ith the program fully

cerned primarily for the protection of its revenue and

in place, the Board argued that Fed-Treasury trans­

accordingly tended to prefer universal reserve re­

The Treasury was con­

fers would be reduced by 300 million dollars per

quirements to interest on required reserves.77 M em ­

year, but pointed out that continued attrition of

ber banks may have preferred interest on reserves,

deposits subject to Fed reserve requirements would

but universal reserve requirements would at least

cause a substantial decline in Fed-Treasury transfers

relieve them of a competitive disadvantage relative to

in the absence of the program.

nonmembers.

Since the program

In

addition,

member

banks

could

was expected to reduce, if not eliminate, such deposit

benefit from universal reserve requirements because

attrition, on net the Board argued that the cost to

reserve requirement ratios necessary to generate an

the Treasury would be minimal. The Board pointed

acceptable volume of Fed-Treasury transfers could

out, however, that the impact on Treasury revenue

be lower with the extension of reserve requirements

would be more favorable if Congress enacted the

to nonmembers. Lastly, nonmember depository insti­

Board's proposed universal reserve requirement legis­

tutions obviously preferred that the Fed pay interest

lation.74

on member bank required reserves, since universal

In 1979 hearings before the Senate Banking Com­

requirements would force them to hold noninterest-

mittee, Senator Proxm ire declared that he regarded
the protection of Treasury revenues as an “ obliga­
tion” of the Committee, and warned that transfers

70 U. S. Congress, House [52], p. 781.
71 U. S. Congress, Senate [61], pp. 806-7.
72 Ibid., p. 36.
73 U. S. Congress, House [52], pp. 122-31.
74 Ibid., pp. 130-31.




75 U. S. Congress, Senate [60], p. 2.
™ Ibid., p. 525.
77 In 1977, the Treasury apparently backed payment of
interest on required reserves as part of a solution to the
Fed membership problem. But by 1979 the Treasury
was opposed to interest on required reserves. The evolu­
tion of the Treasury's position is evident in statements
by W . Michael Blumenthal, Secretary of the Treasury,
in U. S. Congress, Senate [61], pp. 8-9; and Robert
Carswell, Deputy Secretary of the Treasury, in U. S.
Congress, Senate [59], pp. 193-94 and in U. S. Congress,
Senate [60], pp. 523, 529.

19

earning reserves at the Fed. The solution to the Fed

A ct indicates that concern for Treasury revenue sig­

membership problem adopted by Congress in the

nificantly affected the course of the debate on reserve

M C A reduced reserve requirements and made them

requirement reform in the M C A .

universal, thereby essentially satisfying the Fed, the

that reserve requirements have only been responsible

Treasury, and member banks.78

for a relatively small fraction o f total F e d -T re a su r y

Despite the fact

The losers are the nonmember depository institu­

transfers, the sums involved have been large enough

tions who were required to meet Fed reserve require­

to warrant considerable effort by the Treasury to

ments, and the state banking supervisors who lost an

influence the outcome of the reforms. A s mentioned

important distinction in the dual banking system

above, either some form of payment of interest on

which they had tried hard to preserve.79 Universal

reserves or universal reserve requirements would

reserve requirements represent a major departure

have largely solved the Fed membership problem ;

from the dual banking system tradition.

While Fed

the former would have satisfied both member and

membership remains voluntary, a constraint on Fed

nonmember depository institutions as well as the

power implicit in voluntary membership has been

Fed. But the Treasury preferred universal reserve

substantially weakened since all depository institu­

requirements because payment of interest on reserves

tions must hold reserves according to Fed require­

would have greatly reduced Fed-Treasury transfers.
Concern for maintaining Treasury revenue accounts

ments regardless of membership.
The reserve requirement reduction is important in

for the fact that universal reserve requirements rather

making the new mandatory requirements less burden­

than the payment of interest on reserves was ulti­

some for members and nonmembers. It also reduces

mately adopted by Congress as the solution to the

the competitive disadvantage of reservable deposits

Fed membership problem in the M C A .81

relative to competing nonreservable instruments out­
side the F ed’s jurisdiction, such as money market
mutual fund shares and Eurodollar deposits.

IV.
CONCLUSION

Obvi­

ously, the reserve requirement reduction eliminates
some Fed earnings which would otherwise have gone
to the Treasury, though Treasury losses could be

Reserve requirements at the national level have
been supported by a succession of three prominent

somewhat offset by higher tax revenues from in­

rationales, namely, that reserve requirements have

creased bank profits.

been necessary for liquidity provision, Federal R e­

The M C A also directs the Fed to price its ser­
vices.80 This reform gives banks a chance to effec­
tively compete against the Fed for correspondent
banking business, while simultaneously eliminating a
drain on Fed earnings and Fed-Treasury transfers
that had previously resulted from Fed services being
provided to member banks without explicit charge.
The legislative history of the Monetary Control

serve credit policy, and monetary control. However,
reserve requirements have never served these func­
tions well, and often have not served them at all.
Although fractional reserve requirements contributed
somewhat to individual bank liquidity, banking crises
in the National Banking era and in the early 1930s
demonstrated that reserve requirements could not
guarantee liquidity for the banking system as a
whole.
The role played by reserve requirements in Fed

78 Interestingly, George Benston, writing in 1978 about
likely solutions to the Fed membership problem, pre­
dicted that universal reserve requirements would “not be
instituted so long as only nonmember institutions would
lose and nobody else would clearly or significantly gain.”
Benston [5], p. 62.
79 See William C. Harris, Conference of State Bank
Supervisors, in U. S. Congress, Senate [58], pp. 41-46.
The American Bankers Association (ABA) had also op­
posed universal reserve requirements through 1979. See
John H. Perkins, President of the American Bankers
Association, in U. S. Congress, House [51], pp. 535-36.
But interestingly, in 1980 the ABA came out in support
of universal reserve requirements. See C. C. Hope, Jr.,
President of the American Bankers Association, in U. S.
Congress, Senate [58], pp. 125-27.
80 See Board of Governors [10], pp. 447-48.

20




credit policy in the interwar period varied greatly.
From the early years of the Federal Reserve System
through the 1920s the Fed relied on the discount rate
as its primary policy instrument.

Credit conditions

were managed by manipulating the discount rate; but
credit, money, and reserve demand were essentially
81 The extent to which concern for maintenance of
Treasury revenue came to dominate the solution to the
Fed membership problem adopted in the MCA is evi­
dent in U. S. Congress, House [50], especially the dis­
senting views, and in testimony by Paul A. Volcker,
Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, in U. S. Con­
gress, Senate [58], pp. 4-39, especially pp. 10-11.

accommodated at a given discount rate so that re­
serve requirements did not effectively restrain credit
expansion during those years. In particular, reserve
requirements did not function well to restrain credit
expansion during the stock market boom of 1928 and
1929. In the 1930s credit demand was low, excess
reserves were large, and reserve requirements were
not then important for restraining credit expansion.
However, reserve requirements were useful for the
Fed to immobilize excess reserves which it then
regarded as excessive.
During the period of increasing concern for mone­
tary control dating from the 1950s, free reserves and
the Federal funds rate were both utilized as operating
variables, with the Federal funds rate emerging as
the primary policy instrument in the early 1970s. In
the 1970s money growth was managed by manipu­
lating the funds rate.

Previously, money and credit

conditions were managed by manipulating the target
for free reserves and the discount rate. W ith
either of these operating procedures, reserves are
merely supplied as required to support the quantity
of money and credit demanded given the operating
target.
Since both the free reserve/discount rate
and Federal funds rate operating procedures are
essentially accommodative, reserve requirements did
not exercise an effective constraint on monetary ex­
pansion during the post-A ccord period in which
these operating procedures were utilized.
Since October 1979, the Fed has used nonbor­
rowed reserves as its monetary control instrument
But the post-October 1979 monetary control pro­
cedure, employing a nonborrowed reserve instrument
with lagged reserve requirements, amounts to target­
ing net borrowed reserves in any given reserve state­
ment week. However, net borrowed or free reserve
targeting is accommodative, so even after the adop­
tion of a nonborrowed reserve operating procedure in
October 1979, reserve requirements still do not exer­
cise an effective constraint on monetary expansion.
W hile net borrowed reserve and nonborrowed
reserve targeting are identical within a reserve state­
ment week, they are different in their dynamic
response to money stock targeting error. A pre­
determined net borrowed reserve path embodies no
automatic mechanism to correct money stock target­
ing error. By contrast, nonborrowed reserve target­
ing can embody an automatic corrective feedback
mechanism.
H owever, the automatic corrective
response to money stock targeting error under the
post-October 1979 nonborrowed reserve-lagged re­
serve requirements monetary control procedure could
be duplicated without imposition of reserve require­
ments.




In contrast to the relatively minor role that reserve
requirements have played in liquidity provision and
in implementing the Fed’s credit and monetary con­
trol policies, reserve requirements have consistently
functioned to provide revenue for the United States
Treasury.
Furthermore, financing considerations
have substantially influenced reserve requirement
legislation throughout the history of the Federal
Reserve System.
Reserve requirement reform in
the early years of the Federal Reserve System was
largely designed to enhance the Fed’s power to create
money in order to provide reserves to the banking
system, to meet its own financial needs, and to finance
United States participation in W orld W ar I.
Since the Accord, rising inflation and interest rates
have increased the cost of holding noninterestearning required reserves at the Fed.
Fed noninterest-earning reserve requirements put member
banks at a disadvantage relative to nonmembers who
generally had lower reserve requirements and were
allowed to hold interest-earning assets as reserves.
Because membership in the Federal Reserve System
is voluntary under the dual banking system tradition,
increasing numbers of banks withdrew from the
System over this period as a result of the increasing
cost of maintaining required reserves at the Fed.
M ajor reserve requirement reform during this period
prior to the Monetary Control A ct was largely de­
signed to reduce the cost of meeting Fed reserve
requirements and should be viewed as a response to
the problem of Fed membership attrition.
Reducing member bank reserve requirements for a
given deposit volume necessarily reduces the demand
for Fed liabilities, and thereby reduces Fed assets
and Fed-Treasury transfers. Fed reserve require­
ments have only accounted for a small fraction of
Fed liabilities, the bulk being accounted for by Fed­
eral Reserve notes held as currency. Nevertheless,
Fed-Treasury transfers attributable to reserve re­
quirements have contributed significantly to Trea­
sury revenue during this period. Consequently, Con­
gress and the Treasury have been highly concerned
about the potential loss of revenue that follows from
reducing the cost to member banks of holding re­
quired reserves at the Fed either by lowering reserve
requirements or by paying interest on required re­
serves. That concern played a m ajor role in the
solution to the Fed membership problem adopted in
the Monetary Control A ct of 1980.
Even though reserve requirement reform embodied
in the Monetary Control A ct appears to have been
motivated largely by concern for the Fed membership
problem and Treasury revenue, the reserve require­
ment reform could significantly improve monetary

21

control if followed up with further reform. Specific­
ally, with contemporaneous reserve requirements and
a nonborrowed or total reserve instrument, the
money multiplier could provide a valuable operational
link between reserves and the targeted money stock.

Reserve requirements and the Monetary Control A ct
reforms could then contribute significantly to mone­
tary control by stabilizing the money multiplier and
tightening the link between the reserve instrument
and the targeted money stock.

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-----------------. Banking and Monetary Statistics,
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.

10

— -------------. “ The Depository Institutions Deregu­
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.1

11

.

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---------------- .

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12 ----------------- .

“ The History of Reserve Require­
ments for Banks in the United States.” Federal
Reserve Bulletin (November 1938), pp. 953-72.

13. -----------------. “ Minutes of the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System.”
Washington,
various years. (Processed.)
14. ----------------- .
Committee.”
cessed.)
15.

16. “ The Burden of Federal Reserve Membership,
NOW Accounts, and the Payment of Interest on
Reserves.” Staff Paper, Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System. Washington, June
1977. (Processed.)
Determinants and Effects of
17. Cagan, Phillip.
Changes in the Stock of Money: 1875-1960. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1965.
18. Coats, Warren L., Jr. “ Lagged Reserve Account­
ing and the Money Supply Mechanism.” Journal
of Money, Credit, and Banking (May 1976), pp.
167-80.
22




27. Federal Reserve Committee on Branch, Group, and
Chain Banking. “ The Dual Banking System in the
United States.” Prepared for the Federal Reserve
System. Washington: Federal Reserve Board, n.d.
28. Friedman, Milton and Schwartz, Anna J. A Mone­
tary History of the United States: 1867-1960.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
29. Goodfriend, Marvin. “ Discount Window Borrow­
ing, Monetary Control, and the Post-October 6,
1979 Federal Reserve Operating Procedure.” Fed­
eral Reserve Bank of Richmond Working Paper
81-1, January 1981.
30.

“ A Model of Money Stock Determination with Loan Demand and a Banking System
Balance Sheet Constraint.” Economic Review,
Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond (January/
February 1982), pp. 3-16.

31.

“ A Prescription for Monetary Policy
1981.” Economic Review, Federal Reserve Bank of
Richmond (November/December 1981), pp. 11-18.

“ Minutes of Federal Open Market
Washington, various years.
(Pro­
Rules and Regulations.

. “ The Significance and Limitations of
Free Reserves.” Monthly Review, Federal Reserve
Bank of New York (November 1958), pp. 162-67.

32. Hackley, Howard H. Lending Functions of the
Federal Reserve Banks: A History. Washington:
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
1973.
33. Hammond, Bray. Banks and Politics in America,
from the Revolution to the Civil War. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1957.
34.

. Sovereignty and an Empty Purse:
Banks and Politics in the Civil War. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1970.

35. McCallum, Bennett T. “ Price Level Determinacy
with an Interest Rate Policy Rule and Rational
Expectations.” Journal of Monetary Economics
(November 1981), pp. 319-29.
36. Meigs, A. James. Free Reserves and the Money
Supply. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1962.
37. Million, John Wilson. “ The Debate on the National
Bank Act of 1863.” Journal of Political Economy
(March 1894), pp. 251-80.
38. Newcomb, Simon. A Critical Examination of our
Financial Policy During the Southern Rebellion.
New York: Appleton, 1865; reprint ed., New
York: Garland Publishing Co., Inc., 1974.
39. Original Acts Pertaining to National Banks in
Chronological Order, vol. 1. Washington: U. S.
Treasury Department, Comptroller of the Cur­
rency. (Processed.)
40. “ Report of the Ad Hoc Subcommittee on Reserve
Proposals.” Federal Reserve Banks. Committee
on Banking and Credit Policy. Ad Hoc Subcom­
mittee on Reserve Proposals.
Robert P. Black,
Chairman. May 13, 1966. (Processed.)
41. Report of the Committee on Financial Institutions
to the President of the United States. Walter W.
Heller,
Chairman.
Washington:
Government
Printing Office, 1963.

53. U. S. Congress.
House.
Subcommittee of the
Committee on Banking and Currency. Banking
and Currency Reform. Hearings before the Sub­
committee of the Committee on Banking and Cur­
rency, 62nd Congress, 3rd session, 1913.
54. U. S. Congress. Senate. Banking and Currency.
S. Report 133, Part 2 to accompany H.R. 7837,
63rd Congress, 1st session, 1913.
55

.

56.

. Expenses of Federal Reserve Banks.
S. Document 75, 67th Congress, 1st session, 1921.
. Member Bank Reserve Requirements.
S. Report 195 to accompany S. 1120, 86th Congress,
1st session, 1959.

57. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking
and Currency. Banking and Currency. Hearings
before the Committee on Banking and Currency on
H.R. 7837 (S. 2639), 3 volumes, 63rd Congress,
1st session, 1913.
58. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Banking,
Housing, and Urban Affairs.
Federal Reserve
Requirements. Hearings before the Committee on
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs on S. 353
and proposed amendments, S. 85, and H.R. 7, 96th
Congress, 2nd session, 1980.
59

.

. Federal Reserve Requirements Act of
1978. Hearings before the Committee on Banking,
Housing, and Urban Affairs on S. 3301+, 95th Con­
gress, 2nd session, 1978.

42. Rodkey, Robert G. Legal Reserves in American
Banking. Michigan Business Studies, vol. VI, no.
5. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1934.

60.

43. Sargent, Thomas J. and Wallace, Neil. “ The RealBills Doctrine versus the Quantity Theory: A
Reconsideration.”
Journal of Political Economy
(December 1982), pp. 1212-36.

. Monetary Policy Improvement Act of
1979. Hearings before the Committee on Banking,
Housing, and Urban Affairs on S. 85 and S. 353,
96th Congress, 1st session, 1979.

61.

. NOW Accounts, Federal Reserve
Membership and Related Issues. Hearings before
the Subcommittee on Financial Institutions of the
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban
Affairs on S. 1661+-1669, and S. 1873, 95th Con­
gress, 1st session, 1977.

44. Smith, Warren L. “ Reserve Requirements in the
American Monetary System.” In Monetary Man­
agement, pp. 175-315. Prepared for the Commis­
sion on Money and Credit. Englewood Cliffs, N. J .:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963.
45. Sprague, O. M. W. History of Crises Under the
National Banking System. Prepared for the Na­
tional Monetary Commission, 1910; reprint ed.,
New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1968.

62. U. S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of Eco­
nomic Analysis. The National Income and Product
Accounts of the United States, 1929-76: Statistical
Tables. Washington: U. S. Government Printing
Office, 1981.

46. Stein, Herbert. The Fiscal Revolution in America.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969.

63.

47. U. S. Congress. House. Amendments to Federal
Reserve Act. H.R. Report 1026 to accompany S.
5236, 65th Congress, 3rd session, 1919.
48.

49

.

50.

. Changes in the Banking and Currency
System of the United States. H.R. Report 69 to
accompany H.R. 7837, 63rd Congress, 1st session,
1913.
. Member Bank Reserve Requirements.
H.R. Report 403 on S. 1120, 86th Congress, 1st
session, 1959.
. Monetary Control Act of 1979. H.R.
Report 96-263 to accompany H.R. 7, 96th Congress,
1st session, 1979.

51. U. S. Congress. House. Committee on Banking,
Finance and Urban Affairs. Monetary Control.
Hearings before the Committee on Banking, Fi­
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96th Congress, 1st session, 1979.
52.

. Monetary Control and the Member­
ship Problem. Hearings before the Committee on
Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs on H.R.
131+76, H.R. 131+77, H.R. 12706, and H.R. 11+072,
95th Congress, 2nd session, 1978.




.

Survey of Current Business (July

1982).
64. U. S. National Monetary Commission. “ Report of
the National Monetary Commission,” “ Suggested
Plan for Monetary Legislation,” and “ Suggested
Plan for Monetary Legislation— Revised Edition.”
In Publications of National Monetary Commission,
vol. I. U. S. National Monetary Commission.
Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office,
1911-12.
65. Warburg, Paul M. The Federal Reserve System,
Its Origin and Growth. 2 volumes. New York:
The MacMillan Company, 1930.
66. White, H. “ Operational Considerations Regarding
Determination of Reserve Requirements.”
Staff
Memo, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve
System. Washington, January 1972. (Processed.)
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New York: The Ronald Press Company,
1923.
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pp. 273-92. Washington: Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System, 1941; reprinted 1947.

23

Highlights
Earnings and Capital Accounts
N et earnings b efore paym ents to the United
States T reasury increased by $138,674,396.99 to
$1,258,267,629.33 in 1982. Six percent statutory
dividends totalin g $4,116,116.30 were paid to
F ifth D istrict m em ber banks and the sum of
$1,248,471,813.03 was turned over to the U nited
States T reasury.
Capital stock increased b y $5,679,700.00 to
$71,546,600.00 as m em ber banks increased their
shareholdings in this Bank, as required by law,
to reflect the rise in their ow n capital and surplus
accounts. T h e B ank’s surplus account increased
$5,679,700.00 to $71,546,600.00.

Business Planning Process
A change in the Bank’s organization conveys to
Planning Teams responsibility for the financial plan­
ning, production, and distribution of priced Federal
Reserve services.
These teams are structured to
achieve Districtwide coordination of the management
of priced services by including representation from
each office. The Fifth District Services Committee
has been formed as the senior management group
having oversight for priced services in the District.
This Committee consists of the first vice president,
the three senior vice presidents in charge of priced
services at each office, the senior vice president in
charge of accounting, budgeting, and automation, and
the two vice presidents directly responsible for Busi­
ness Planning and Customer Accounts. The Plan­
ning Department in the Richmond Office has been
assigned Districtwide responsibility for directing and
supporting the planning process and for preparing
short- and long-range business plans.

Discount Rate
On July 20, the Directors of the Richmond R e ­
serve Bank, with approval of the Board of Governors,
lowered the discount rate to l l y i percent from its
previous level of 12 percent which had been in effect
since December 4, 1981. The rate was reduced fur­
ther to 11 percent on August 2. These actions were
taken in light of the relatively restrained growth of
M l and M 2 in the second quarter and the decline in
M l in July. The rate was lowered further to 10
percent on August 27, to 9 y2 percent on October 12,
to 9 percent on November 22, and to 8)4 percent in
December. These reductions were made against the

24



background of continued progress toward lower in­
flation and indications that business activity remained
___ u ,
VV

Computer Operations
Implementation of the Federal Reserve L ong
Range Automation Program, which involves stan­
dardization of computers and operating systems
throughout the Federal Reserve System, continued
during 1982. This Bank participated heavily in the
development of the General Ledger function of the
Integrated Accounting System.
The number of institutions that are directly con­
nected, or on-line, to the Fifth District Communica­
tions System for wire transfer of funds showed a
net increase of 20 to reach a total of 96 in 1982. O f
these 96 institutions, 37 are also on-line for securities
transfers (C P D s ).

Cash
T w o additional high-speed currency processing
machines were installed in Baltimore and one in
Charlotte in 1982. These machines increase capacity
for piece-sorted currency and improve the quality of
fit currency put into circulation.
Beginning September 1 depository institutions in
25 W est Virginia counties and two western M ary­
land counties were permitted to obtain currency and
coin from the Pittsburgh Branch of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Cleveland in order to save on
transportation costs.

Check Clearing Operations
The Baltimore Branch expanded its regional check
processing area in January to include the remaining
parts of its territory— western Maryland, the Eastern
Shore of Maryland, and parts of W est Virginia—
which were classified as country clearing points.
This change gives depositors faster availability for
checks drawn on institutions in these localities.

Culpeper Office
A new version of the Federal Reserve Communi­
cations System (F R C S -8 0 ) became operational in
June 1982, thus completing the first stage in up­
grading the F R C S to a nationwide packet switching
communications network. This new system is de­
signed to improve data transmission capabilities of
the Federal Reserve’s Communications System.

New Building - Baltimore

Nondepository Trust Company

In October, the Baltimore Branch moved to its
new headquarters at 502 South Sharp Street. Dedi­
cation ceremonies were held on November 18. The
new 279,000 square foot building enables the branch
to provide improved service to both the public and
the financial community. Located adjacent to the
financial district and several blocks west of the Inner
Harbor, the building was designed to blend in archi­
tecturally with the Otterbein neighborhood, one of
the earliest in Baltimore City. Unique features of
the building include a two-story currency vault with
an automated currency stacking system, an energyefficient heating and cooling system, and the latest in
security and monitoring equipment.

Old Colony Trust Company of South
Carolina, National Association
Hilton Head, South Carolina
September 27

The following State-chartered banks converted to
membership in the Federal Reserve System during
1982:
Virginia Bank and Trust Company
Danville, Virginia
The Bank of Louisa
Louisa, Virginia
Piedmont Bank and Trust Company
Davidson, North Carolina

January 7

February 11

March 31

The Bank of Brunswick
Lawrenceville, Virginia

Federal Reserve Membership
The following newly chartered institutions in the
Fifth District opened for business during 1982 as
members of the Federal Reserve System:

April 1

First Virginia Bank-Damascus
Damascus, Virginia

April 1

Bank of the Commonwealth
Norfolk, Virginia

May 27

National Banks
Century National Bank
Washington, D. C.

May 3

Equitable Bank, National Association
Baltimore, Maryland
July 1
(Successor to The Equitable Trust Company,
nonmember, Baltimore, Maryland)
Farmers and Merchants National Bank
of Hagerstown
Hagerstown, Maryland
July 1
(Successor to Farmers and Merchants Bank,
nonmember, Hagerstown, Maryland)
First National Bank of the Valley
Luray, Virginia
August 2
(Successor by merger of The First National
Bank of Luray, Luray, Virginia, and
Jefferson Bank of the Valley, Fishersville,
Virginia)
State Banks
Arlington Bank
Arlington, Virginia

July 1

The Bank of Alexandria
Alexandria, Virginia

July 7

Miners Exchange Bank
Coeburn, Virginia

July 8

Blue Ridge Bank
Floyd, Virginia
November 19
(Successor to Blue Ridge Savings and
Loan Association, Floyd, Virginia)




Changes in Directors
In February the Board of Directors of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond appointed Marvin D.
Trapp, President and Chief Executive Officer, The
National Bank of South Carolina, Sumter, South
Carolina, to fill the vacancy created on the Charlotte
Board by the resignation of J. B. Aiken, Jr., Chair­
man of the Board, Guaranty Bank and Trust Com ­
pany, Florence, South Carolina.
Fifth District member banks elected one Class A
and one Class B director to three-year terms on the
Richmond Board of Directors in early fall. W illard
H . Derrick, President and Chief Executive Officer,
Sandy Spring National Bank and Savings Institu­
tion, Sandy Spring, Maryland, was elected a Class A
director by banks in Group 2 to succeed W illiam M.
Dickson, President and Senior Trust Officer, The
First National Bank in Ronceverte, Ronceverte,
W est Virginia, whose term expired at the end of
1982.
James A . Chapman, Jr., Chairman of the
Board and Chief Executive Officer, Inman Mills,
Inman, South Carolina, was re-elected by banks in
Group 3 as a Class B director.
The Richmond Board appointed Howard I. Scaggs,
Chairman of the Board, American National Building
and Loan Association, Baltimore, Maryland, to a
three-year term on the Baltimore Board.
He

25

succeeded A . R. Reppert, President, The Union
National Bank of Clarksburg, Clarksburg, W eal
Virginia, whose term expired at the end of 1Q82.
Reappointed to the Baltimore Board for a three-year
term was Hugh D. Shires, Senior Vice President,
First National Bank of Maryland, Cumberland,
Maryland. John G. Medlin, Jr., President, Wachovia
Bank and Trust Company, N .A., Winston-Salem,
North Carolina, was appointed by the Richmond
Board to a three-year term on the Charlotte Board
to succeed W . B. Apple, Jr., President, First N a­
tional Bank of Reidsville, Reidsville, North Carolina,
whose term expired December 31, 1982. Marvin D.
Trapp, President and Chief Executive Officer, The
National Bank of South Carolina, Sumter, South
Carolina, was reappointed to a three-year term on
the Charlotte Board.
The Board of Governors redesignated Steven
Muller, President, The Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, Maryland, as Chairman of the Board for
1983. W illiam S. Lee, III, Chairman of the Board
and Chief Executive Officer, Duke Power Company,
Charlotte, North Carolina, was named Deputy Chair­
man of the Board for 1983.
Robert A . Georgine, President, Building & Con­
struction Trades Department, A F L -C IO , W ashing­
ton, D. C., was appointed by the Board of Governors
to a three-year term as a Class C director.
He
replaced Paul E. Reichardt, Chairman of the Board,
Washington Gas Light Company, Washington, D. C.,
whose term expired December 31, 1982.
The Board of Governors reappointed Edward H .
Covell, President, The Covell Company, Easton,
Maryland, to a three-year term on the Baltimore
Board. The Board of Governors also appointed G.
A lex Bernhardt, President, Bernhardt Industries,
Inc., Lenoir, North Carolina, to a three-year term on
the Charlotte Board.
Mr. Bernhardt succeeded
Naomi G. Albanese of Greensboro, North Carolina,
whose term expired December 31, 1982.

26




Mr. Covell was re-elected Board Chairman of the
Baltimore Branch for 1983, siiiiUtiiiy, nem ^ x uiiu.ei,
President. Benedict College^
South Caro­
lina, was elected Board Chairman of the Charlotte
Branch.

Federal Advisory Council
The Board of Directors reappointed Vincent C.
Burke, Jr., Counsel, Steptoe & Johnson, W ashing­
ton D. C , to a one-year term as the Fifth Federal
Reserve District representative to the Federal A d ­
visory Council beginning January 1, 1983.
The
twelve-member Council, consisting of one member
from each of the Federal Reserve Districts, meets
in Washington at least four times a year with the
System’s Board of Governors to discuss business
conditions and other topics of current interest to the
System.

Changes in Official Staff
A t the Richmond Office on February 16 Bradford
N. Carden was appointed Assistant Cashier with
responsibility for the Computer Services Department
and Jesse W . Seamster was promoted to Building
Officer. On March 16, Thomas P. Kellam’s ap­
pointment as Audit Officer was announced. Susan E.
Goodwin, Assistant V ice President, resigned on
March 19.
Effective April 16, three appointments were made
by the Richmond Board. R oy L. Fauber was made
Senior V ice President with responsibility for priced
services. In addition, he will have charge of the
following departments: Check Collection, Electronic
Payments, Fiscal Agency, Securities, Cash, and
Planning and Operations Research as well as the
Charleston Office. James D. Reese and Bruce J.
Summers were each promoted to V ice President.
In October it was announced that Sharon M.
Haley would be appointed Corporate Secretary effec­
tive January 1, 1983.

Summary of Operations
Currency Received and Verified

1982

1981

1,140,003,000
12,926,344,000

1,164,325,000
12,947,387,000

433,145,000
3,410,520,000

472,161,000
3,690,480,000

2,246,412,000
346,093,000

2,174,919,000
327,720,000

Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________

79,270,000
108,964,634,000

81,223,000
107,345,384,000

Postal money orders
Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________

12,389,000
738,050,000

12,439,000
667,523,000

1,031,115,000
635,928,220,000

1,282,894,000
731,335,102,000

269,398,000
142,446,000,000

N /A
89,290,000,000

Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________

206,000
82,281,000

208,000
74,421,000

Noncash items
Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________

187,782
614,501,000

194,819
590,604,000

13,985,311
2,611,818,000

15,404,606
2,999,757,000

356,858
943,501,989,000

281,927
655,716,915,000

3,213,987
3,547,390,000,000

2,720,382
2,949,711,000,000

237,653,000
943,157,000

266,671,000
1,020,669,000

2,252
13,843,249,000

3,865
22,954,883,000

Number of pieces----------------------------------------------------------------------------Dollar amount -------------------------------------------------------------------------------Currency Verified and Destroyed
Number of pieces___________________________________________________
Dollar amount _____________________________________________________
Coin Received and Verified
Number of coin ____________________________________________________
Dollar amount _____________________________________________________
Checks Handled
U. S. Government checks

Commercial checks - processed*
Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________
Commercial checks - packaged items
Number _________________________________________________________
Dollar amount ___________________________________________________
Collections Item s Handled
U. S. Government coupons paid

Fiscal A gency Activities
Issues, Redemptions, and Exchanges of U. S. Securities:
Definitive securities
Number _______________________________________________________
Dollar amount ________________________________________________
Book-entry
Number _______________________________________________________
Dollar amount ________________________________________________
Transfer of Funds
Number of transfers sent and received____________________________
Dollar amount _____________________________________________________
Food Stamps Redeemed
Number ____________________________________________________________
Dollar amount _____________________________________________________
Loans
Number ____________________________________________________________
Dollar amount _____________________________________________________

* Excluding checks on this Bank.




27

Comparative Financial Statements
Condition
December 31, 1982

Assets:
Gold certificate account

December 31, 1981

967 , 000 ,000.00

$ 1,147,000,000.00

Special Drawing Rights certificate account

408 , 000 ,000.00

288,000,000.00

Coin ______________________________________

51 , 028 , 115.01

46,346,966.87

Loans to depository institutions

107 , 700 , 000.00

101,920,000.00

Federal agency obligations ____

758 , 299 ,295.27

728,521,797.06

Bills _____________________

4 , 618 ,070 , 603.80

3,940,568,103.24

Notes ____________________

5 , 313 ,868 , 582.13

4,788,365,756.70

Bonds ____________________

1 , 574 ,472 ,219.85

1,469,001,972.05

11 , 506 ,411 , 405.78

10,197,935,831.99

12 , 372 , 410 , 701.05

11,028,377,629.05

Cash items in process of collection „„

1 , 722 , 703 ,818.75

1,729,881,689.23

Bank premises _____________________

110 , 329 , 161.12

99,075,439.14

$

LOANS AND SECURITIES:

U. S. Government securities:

TOTAL U.

s.

GOVERNMENT SECURITIES

TOTAL LOANS AND SECURITIES ________

Furniture and equipment, n et.

14 , 172 , 723.97

12,746,209.54

Other assets _________________

540 , 333 , 121.00

463,727,861.26

Interdistrict settlement account

- 306 ,876 ,348.88

562,031,992.59

Accrued service income________

4 ,374 ,826.30

1,846,240.51

$ 15 ,883 ,476 , 118.32

$15,379,034,028.19

$ 12 ,410 , 635 , 323.00

$12,046,173,656.00

1 , 322 , 402 , 795.06

1,300,933,871.27

TOTAL ASSETS

Liabilities:
Federal Reserve notes
d e p o s it s

:

Depository institutions
Foreign ______________

10 ,920 ,000.00

16,269,000.00

Other _________________

64 ,436 , 452.72

30,690,803.24

1 , 397 , 759 ,247.78

1,347,893,674.51

Deferred availability cash items

1 , 477 , 600 , 023.94

1,655,638,196.00

Other liabilities ________________

454 ,388 , 323.60

197,594,701.68

15 , 740 , 382 , 918.32

15,247,300,228.19

TOTAL DEPOSITS

TOTAL LIABILITIES

Capital Accounts:
Capital paid i n _
_

71 . 546 .600.00

65.866.900.00

Surplus _________

71 . 546 . 600.00

65.866.900.00

$ 15 ,883 ,476 , 118.32

$15,379,034,028.19

TOTAL LIABILITIES AND CAPITAL ACCOUNTS

28



Earnings and Expenses
1981

1982

EARNINGS:
Loans to depository institutions .

?

10,511,320.23

$

20,183,191.60
1,164,394,436.14

Interest on U. S. Government securities

1,283,449,216.11

Foreign currencies _____________________

22,369,053.51
28,019,258.07

28,620,552.36

Income from services___________________
Other earnings__________________________

624,750.95

855,114.99

1,344,973,598.87

1,224,586,260.79

Operating expenses (including depreciation on bank premises) after
deducting reimbursements received for certain Fiscal Agency and
other expenses ______________________________________________________

70,698,886.54

Cost of Federal Reserve currency_____________________________________

10,400,381.51

66,056,503.31
9,956,109.02

Cost of earnings credits ______________________________________________

2,740,819.60

415,413.35

83,840,087.65

76,428,025.68

1,261,133,511.22

1,148,158,235.11

7,303,207.48
844,770.72

453,086.37

8,147,978.20

453,086.37

Losses on Foreign Exchange transactions__________

7.779.835.08

10,031,985.80
15,605,584.34

All other __________________________________________

________60,625.01

143,719.00

TOTAL DEDUCTIONS

7.840.460.09

25,781,289.14

NET ADDITIONS OR DEDUCTIONS

+ 307,518.11

-25,328,202.77

Assessment for expenses of Board of Governors______________________

3.173.400.00

3.236.800.00

NET EARNINGS BEFORE PAYMENTS TO U. S. TREASURY

$1,258,267,629.33

$1,119,593,232.34

$

$
3,841,322.70
1,111,570,209.64

TOTAL CURRENT EARNINGS .

10,532,965.70

EXPEN SES:

NET EXPENSES

CURRENT NET EARNINGS
ADDITIONS TO CURRENT NET EARNINGS:

Profit on sales of U. S. Government securities (net)
All other____________________________________________
TOTAL ADDITIONS
DEDUCTIONS FROM CURRENT NET EARNINGS:

Loss on sales of U. S. Government securities (net)

Dividends paid _______________________________________________________

4,116,116.30

1,248,471,813.03
5.679.700.00

Payments to U. S. Treasury (interest on Federal Reserve notes) -----Transferred to surplus _______________________________________________

4.181.700.00

$1,258,267,629.33

$1,119,593,232.34

$

TOTAL

$

Surplus Account
Balance at close of previous y ear___

65,866,900.00
5,679,700.00

Addition account of profits for year
BALANCE AT CLOSE OF CURRENT YEAR

$

71,546,600.00

61,685,200.00
4,181,700.00

$

65,866,900.00

$

61,685,200.00

Capital Stock Account
(Representing amount paid in, which is 50% of amount subscribed)
Balance at close of previous y e a r_____________________________________

$

6,642,250.00

Cancelled during the year




$

5,212,700.00

962,550.00

Issued during the year _______________________________________________

BALANCE AT CLOSE OF CURRENT YEAR

65,866,900.00

1,031,000.00

71,546,600.00

$

65,866,900.00

29

U i r e c i o r s (December 31, 1982)
Richmond
Steven Muller _______ ___ ______ Chairman of the Board
Paul E. Reichardt _____________ Deputy Chairman of the Board

Class A
William M. Dickson ___________President and Senior Trust Officer, The First National Bank in Ronceverte
Ronceverte, West Virginia
(Term expired December 31, 1982)
Succeeded by:

Willard H. Derrick
President and Chief Executive Officer
Sandy Spring National Bank and Savings Institution
Sandy Spring, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1985)

Joseph A. Jennings ____________ Chairman and Chief Executive Officer
United Virginia Bankshares, Inc. and United Virginia Bank
Richmond, Virginia
(Term expires December 31, 198U)
J. Banks Scarborough_______ __ Chairman and President, Pee Dee State Bank
Timmonsville, South Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1983)

Class B
James A. Chapman, Jr. _______ Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer, Inman Mills
Inman, South Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1985)
Leon A. Dunn, Jr. _____________ Chairman, President, and Chief Executive Officer
Guardian Corporation and Subsidiaries
Rocky Mount, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1983)
Paul G. Miller ________________ Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer, Commercial Credit Company
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 198U)

Class C
William S. Lee, III ____________ Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer, Duke Power Company
Charlotte, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 198U)
Steven Muller __________________President, The Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1983)
Paul E. Reichardt _____________ Chairman of the Board
Washington Gas Light Company
Washington, D. C,
(Term expired December 31, 1982)
Succeeded by:

Robert A. Georgine
President
Building & Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO
Washington, D. C.
(Term expires December 31, 1985)

Member of Federal Advisory Council
Vincent C. Burke, Jr. __________Counsel, Steptoe & Johnson
Washington, D. C.
Director, The Riggs National Bank of Washington, D. C.
and Riggs National Corporation
Washington, D. C.
(Term expires December 31, 1983)

30



Baltimore
Pearl C. Brackett ..........................Deputy Manager, Baltimore Regional Chapter of the American National Red Cross
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 198U)
*Edward H. Covell______ _______President, The Covell Company
Eastony Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1985)
Joseph M. Gough, J r .___________ President, The First National Bank of St. Maryfs
Leonardtown, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1983)
Thomas H. Maddux -----------------Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, Easco Corporation
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 81, 198U)
A. R. Reppert _________________ President, The Union National Bank of Clarksburg
Clarksburg, West Virginia
(Term expired December 31, 1982)
Succeeded by:

Howard I. Scaggs
Chairman of the Board
American National Building and Loan Association
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1985)

Hugh D. Shires _______________ Senior Vice President, First National Bank of Maryland
Cumberland, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1985)
Robert L. Tate ________________ Chairman, Tate Industries
Baltimore, Maryland
(Term expires December 31, 1983)

Charlotte
*Naomi G. Albanese ________ ___ Greensboro, North Carolina
(Term expired December 31, 1982)
Succeeded by:

G. Alex Bernhardt
President
Bernhardt Industries, Inc.
Lenoir, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1985)

W. B. Apple, J r ._______________President, First National Bank of Reidsville
Reidsville, North Carolina
(Term expired December 31, 1982)
Succeeded by:

John G. Medlin, Jr.
President
Wachovia Bank and Trust Company, N.A.
Winston-Salem, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1985)

Hugh M. Chapman ____________ Chairman of the Board
The Citizens and Southern National Bank of South Carolina
Columbia, South Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 198If.)
Wallace J. Jorgenson __________President, Jefferson-Pilot Broadcasting Company
Charlotte, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1983)
Nicholas W. Mitchell___________ Chairman of the Board, Piedmont Federal Savings & Loan Association
Winston-Salem, North Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1983)
Henry Ponder __________________President, Benedict College
Columbia, South Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 198A)
Marvin D. Trapp _____________ President and Chief Executive Officer, The National Bank of South Carolina
Sumter, South Carolina
(Term expires December 31, 1985)
♦Branch Board Chairman.




31

(January 1, 1983)

Richmond
Robert P. Black, President
Jimmie R. Monhollon, First Vice President
Welford S. Farmer, Senior Vice President
Roy L. Fauber, Senior Vice President
James Parthemos, Senior Vice President and
Director of Research
John F. Rand, Senior Vice President
Joseph F. Viverette, Senior Vice President
Lloyd W. Bostian, Jr., Vice President
J. Alfred Broaddus, Jr., Vice President
Timothy Q. Cook, Vice President
George B. Evans, Vice President
William C. Glover, Vice President
Robert B. Hollinger, Jr., Vice President
William D. Martin, III, Vice President and
General Counsel
Arthur V. Myers, Jr., Vice President
Chester D. Porter, Jr., Vice President
Joseph C. Ramage, Vice President
James D. Reese, Vice President
Aubrey N. Snellings, Vice President
Bruce J. Summers, Vice President
Andrew L. Tilton, Vice President
James F. Tucker, Vice President

J. Lander Allin. Jr.. Assistant Vice President
Fred L. Bagwell, Assistant Vice President
Jackson L. Blanton, Assistant Vice President
William E. Cullison, Research Officer
Donna G. Dancy, Assistant Vice President
Wyatt F. Davis, Chief Examiner
William C. Fitzgerald, Assistant General Counsel
Marvin S. Goodfriend, Research Officer
Robert L. Hetzel, Research Officer
John C. Horigan, Assistant Vice President
Thomas M. Humphrey, Research Officer
Alice H. Lingerfelt, Assistant Vice President
Harold T. Lipscomb, Assistant Vice President
Barthonhue W. Reese, Assistant Vice President
G. Ronald Scharr, Assistant Vice President
John W. Scott, Research Officer
R. Wayne Stancil, Assistant Vice President
Frank D. Stinnett, Jr., Assistant Vice President
Walter A. Varvel, Assistant Vice President
Jack H. Wyatt, Assistant Vice President
William A. Bridenstine, Jr., Assistant Counsel
Bradford N. Carden, Assistant Cashier
Sharon M. Haley, Corporate Secretary
Jesse W. Seamster, Building Officer
James R. Slate, Assistant Counsel

David B. Ayres, Jr., General Auditor
H. Lewis Garrett, Assistant General Auditor
Thomas P. Kellam, Audit Officer

Baltimore

Charlotte

Robert D. McTeer, Jr., Senior Vice President

Stuart P. Fishburne, Senior Vice President

William E. Pascoe, III, Vice President
Gerald L. Wilson, Vice President

Woody Y. Cain, Assistant Vice President
Harry B. Smith, Assistant Vice President
Robert F. Stratton, Assistant Vice President
Jefferson A. Walker, Assistant Vice President

Ronald B. Duncan, Assistant Vice President
Ronald E. Gould, Assistant Vice President
Robert A. Perry, Assistant Vice President
Samuel W. Powell, Jr., Assistant Vice President
Victor Turyn, Assistant Vice President

Marsha H. Malarz, Personnel Officer
Francis L. Richbourg, Operations Officer

Culpeper
Charleston

Albert D. Tinkelenberg, Senior Vice President

Richard L. Hopkins, Vice President

John G. Stoides, Vice President
James G. Dennis, Assistant Vice President
Thomas C. Judd, Assistant Vice President

Columbia
Boyd Z. Eubanks, Vice President

32



Jackson L. Baker, Communications Operations Officer
Bobby D. Wynn, Technical Support Officer