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3F

HENRY
July

Mifflin

& Parry,

V^
D.
till,

GILPIN,
1834„

Printers, 99 S.

Second Street.

/

A

SPEECH
DELIVERED AT THE

BB»ZOCRATZC CEIiEBRATXOH
BY THE CITIZENS OF THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL
TRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA,

OP THE

^-

i

or

The M^ecUiration
July

BY

ot Inilepenilence^

4tli

HENRY

1834,

D.

GILPIN.

[Published by the Committee of Arrangement.]

f^/4
^

DIS-

^

"

Holahan'a Hotel, 8th July, 1834.

To Henry D

Gilpin, Esq.

celeAt the request of the Committee of Arrangement for
the Democratic
brating the Anniversary of American Independence, by
from their micitizens of the City of Philadelphia, I annex an extract

Dear

Sir:

nutes of this date.

Your

friend and obedient servant,

HENRY SIMPSON, Sec'yOn motion Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to
Henry D.Gilpin for his excellent Oration, delivered on the 4th instant, and
that he be requested to furnish a copy of

it

for publication.

Philadelfihia, 9th July, 1834.

To Henry

Simpson, Esq. Sec'y.

Committee of Arrangement a copy of the
remarks made by me at the celebration at M'Arann's Garden on the 4th
I beg you to express to the committee my sense of the compliinstant.
ment they have paid me, in the request communicated by you,

Dear

Sir:

I

inclose for the,

I aro,

very respectfully, yours,
H. D. GILPIN.

DEMOCRATIC FESTIVAL,
JULY FOURTH,

1834.

President.

GEORGE

M. DALLAS.

Vice Presidents.

Henry Horn,
Samuel B. Davis,
William J. Lciper,
Samuel Badger,

Joseph Worrelly

Thomas Roney,
George W. Try on,
Lewis Taylor,
William Ruff,
Alexander Diamond,
Levi EUmaker.

Charles K. Servoss,
Michael Nisbet,
Wilson Taylor,
Robert Adams,

Orator of the Day.
Henry D. Gilpin.

Reader of the^Declaration.
Henry Horn.
Committee of Invitation.

Wm.

Henry Simpson,
Benjamin Miffli-n,

Wm.

J.

Ruff,

Lewis Taylor,
Theodore Evans.

Leiper,

GUESTS.
Senators.
Thos. H. Benton, of Missouri, John Tipton, of Indiana,
Felix Grundy, of Tennessee,
Isaac Hill, of New Hampshire,

Representatives in Coivgress.
Robert T. Lytle, of Ohio,
William Allen, of Ohio,

Judge G.
i

W.

Co).

Wm. Findlay, of Pa.
Wm. Dnane, of Pa.

Dr.

Wilmer Worlhington,

Campbell, of Tenn. Gov.

Mr. Pope, of Va.
Mr. Sibley, of Mass.

Commodore

George R. Gilmer, of Georgia,
of Maine.

Edward Kavenaugh,

Chas. Stewart,

of Pa.

—

SPEECH.
than eight hundred years after the foundation of Rome,
a Grecian traveller, visiting the vast mistress of the world,

More

found her citizens assembled to celebrate the day on which a band
of shepherds had first traced the boundaries of the infant republic.

ing age.

empire,

The festival had been kept sacred through each succeedThe people who then embraced, within their extended
all the nations of the earth; who had spread the blessings

of commerce, civilization and the arts from seven little hills on the
shores of the Tiber, to the remotest oceans and the wildest deserts,
cherished,

with

sacred

the day

regard,

when

a

few bold and

oppressed husbandmen sought a refuge where they could establish
their own institutions, and protect their own privileges, by a

compact framed among themselves. The festival was not
established with the bloody rites which marked all the other days
consecrated by public celebrations; no slaughtered victims stained
the altars of the gods; no smoking entrails were examined by the
social

priesthood; nothing that had
vinities

who had watched over

ministers were crowned with

brought offerings of early

was

life

the birthday of
chaplets

fruits,

nity, the streets of the city,

offered to propitiate the di-

and

Rome;

of flowers,

but the

the people

as night closed the solem-

the surrounding villages, and the

were lighted up by bonfires and enlivened by dancing and song.
Year after year, the citizens of that proud republic
their breasts imbued with the spirit of independence, and
their rights as freemen guarded by the laws they had made
After the
sacredly cherished the remembrance of that day.
ancient energy was departed, even their descendants dwelt with
conscious satisfaction on the period when the Roman people

rural abodes

—

exerted their

own

majesty;

when they

successfully guarded the

republican institutions against the secret or the open ambition of

designing men, and from factions formed to elevate the wealthy or
the proud upon the ruin of popular rights.

The

corrupted loved to recur to the lessons of patriots

spirits

who had

ished the genuine principles of freedom; to deeds where
2

yet uncher-

life

was

held

iacrificc

a trifling

if

and institutions calculated

own

welfare.

at stake;

to

laws

preserve the direct and practical

to

interference of the people,
their

honor was

national

measures connected with

in all the

was not

remembrance of these
spirit of the republic was gone,
and the liberties of its citizens were overthrown.
It was not
until immense wealth was gradually accumulated in the hands
of comparatively few
till privileged associations of individuals took advantage of their powers and position to assume an inthings passed

It

the

until

away, that the

;

fluence never intended to be conferred;

the silent and stealthy

till

but sure and rapid march of intrigue, of selfishness and ambition
had penetrated into the very centre of popular rights that the
republic was found only to be a name, and the people in reality

—

nothing but instruments or slaves.

Then indeed

—

these festivities

became but an idle ceremony idle to the thoughtless, but to those
whose bosoms the love of country yet warmed, the painful emblem
of a freedom that existed no more
the sad proof, that if a people
would guard their own power in the government of themselves,
they must watch, daily and nightly, the inroads of corruption and
ambition, and tear from them, before it becomes familiar to their

—

mask they are always ready to assume. The annual
which marks the birth of their republic, must not be cele-

eyes, the
feast,

brated alone with the symbols of joy

— with assemblages

of those

who merely recall the memory of the past; but

it must bring together
the people to weigh well the principles on which their institutions

have been formed,

review the gradual progress of events, and
see whether, under any specious pretext, they have been perverted or abused; to dwell on the actual position of their affairs, and
to decide whether they preserve, not merely in name, but in positive and practical efficiency, all the benefits which their forefato

thers intended to secure

when they

laid the

corner stone of the re-

public.

We

are here assembled, fellow citizens, after fifty-eight years

have passed away,
the

Romans

emblems of

did,

we

festivity

hail

it

with joy

and peace

;

we

in

warm

;

we hang over

us

the

surround the names of

founders with chaplets of flowers; and

memories

As

to celebrate the birthday of our republic.

we

its

hold their deeds and

and grateful remembrance.

It

would be

fraught with pleasure— our hearts would, respond to

it

—

a task

to cele-

brate their actions, to repeat the sacred traditions of their personal

sacrifices

grove

and their public

we might

zeal.

Beneath the shades of

dwell upon the past, recall

to

ourselves

this

how our

7

how

fathers acted in their days,

onward way

in arts, in happiness

our beloved country has held

and

in

institutions and the lofty character of its sons

in this early time of

But such

history,

its

a celebration

pardonable, feeling.

among

would evince
It would be to

how

fame, and

its

have made

the fairest of

let slip, in

noble

even

human things.

weak,

a vain and

it,

its

even a

if

thoughtless cere-

monies, the period for performing an important and patriotic duty.
If we have not the same cause for bold and vigorous conduct which

animated the sages of 1776, we have other duties equally sacred to
perform.
It was theirs to preserve hallowed rights, republican institutions, the principles of a fierce
It is

ours to see that

all

moment our ancestors
to us, if we have lost

these are

democracy from

now

as safe as

saved them from that

a foreign foe.

they were

foe.

What

the virtuous impulses from

alone can spring, whether they have been yielded to

at the

matters

it

which freedom
the hand of vio-

lence from abroad, or sunk beneath the silent inroads of ambition,

home? What matavowedly lost, or whe-

of dissention, of weakness, or of corruption at
ters

it

to us,

whether our

liberties

ther they are subverted in effect

ance with them?

year after year,

are

by policy altogether

at vari-

As in the later days of the republic of Rome,
when we thus met together, might show us the

same outward forms of government, but the real, the animating
the true voice of the people would be
spirit would be gone
drowned by the increased and undue influence of power, meant to
be subordinate; by the combinations of a false ambition, or the in-

—

terested motives of powerful classes of individuals,

purposes of transient and

who would,

selfish interest, forget or

for

overlook the

real welfare of their country.

The

duty, then, of American citizens

Fourth of

Jul)^, is

pendence.

It is

who assemble on

the

not merely to celebrate the day of their inde-

not even mainly to do

this.

Their proper duty

is,

examine the present, and to look forward to the future. To see
that the just motives which actuated our forefathers then, actuate
To observe whether our present meatheir descendants now.
To watch
sures and policy are founded on, and sustain them.
to

who have been elevated to ofHces of trust,
To examine the career and explore the
confidence and honor.
designs of ambitious men, who aim at personal advancement or
To pledge ourselves, with a solemnity as sacred as
distinction.
the conduct of those

that of the signers of the great charter
to

do in these days,

as

which has just been read,

they did then, whatever

is

necessary

to

preserve what they established, honestly and usefully, not merely
in theory

And

and name.

my

countrymen, on any previous anniversary of
our independence, have American citizens assembled Avith this
duty imposed upon them more sacredly than now. At no monever,

ment of our

have they been required to weigh
with greater care the measures and conduct of their public men,

to

political existence

examine the

practical results of

and

their policy,

revert

to

government, and the means by which

to the great ends of social

No

they must be maintained.

enemy roams along our

foreign

no desolating scourge hovers over our homes. Peace extends her olive wand, and heaven seems more abundantly to heap
on us the prosperity and the bounteous blessings it has always
showered, with a gracious hand.
Yet the voice of domestic
shores,

strife is

not

silent.

The

halls that should

be sacred to patriotic

The

deliberation, ring with the echoes of faction.
bition,

and the designs of avarice, are

work

at

in

intrigues of

am-

every corner of the

land, and the purposes of the one and the other are to be subserved

amid the tumult they have conspired
contest 'with these

never

is

doubtful, the triumph

is

Yet in
overthrow

to excite.

difficult,

their

never uncertain,

when

truth, the

never

is

the determination

is

resolutely made.

Fellow

The

citizens, factions

leaders of factions have ever been the designing, the disap-

pointed, the malignant

by

a

low and

selfish

haps always should

on

have ever been the curse of republics.

principles,

it

— those who are actuated, not by

exist, in free

men

governments; but

together,

for the attainment of greater ends.

sometimes
aiming

to destroy an individual,

or his tool;

it

it

Faction has

it

carries its

and misrepresentation,

it

and then

is

founded

sacrifices smaller objects

no principle;

professes one, and at others the reverse;

it

it

becomes

ends by corruption,

it

his

it

is

deals in falsehood

forms unnatural alliances,

it

digs the grave

the early days of our republic, the citizens of America,
principles on

formed on

now

accomplice

of patriotism, and pollutes the fountains of national honor.
political institutions

but

Party must, and always does, per-

ambition.

rallies

a lofty,

new

In

to the

they had framed, differed essentially as to the

which they were

this difference;

were
these opposing principles became the
to be administered.

Parties

subject of anxious deliberation; and after a struggle, arduous but

determined

democracy of the country nobly
The republican party became avowedly

in its character, the

and signally prevailed.

9
9

triumphant; the ranks of
nority of the people.

its

A

opponents dwindled into a small mi-

course of policy, distinguished by the

reduction of the public debt, the abolition of the bank of the United
States, the security of the navigation of the Mississippi, and the

extension of our boundaries to the great western ocean, was rendered more illustrious by the glories cf a war in which our flag

triumph on every ocean, and the eagle of victory perched
on the standards of our armies. Throughout this long career,
the mutterings of faction were not always suppressed; and the de-

waved

in

signs of ambition could not always be disguised.

Many manly

and generous spirits opposed to the principles of our party, did indeed act nobly with us in the common cause of country, but
there were not wanting those, who alike in the hour of prosperity
and of trial, were deaf to the voice of patriotism, though they could
listen to the

whispers of selfishness and ambition.

In the natural consequences of

war

a

— the

derangement of the

finances, the accumulation of the public debt, the necessity of large

means of transporthe opponents of the republican party saw a favourable

supplies of manufactures, and the want of ready
tation,

occasion to introduce into the system of our general government,
those broader views of power which hitherto the people had refused
to approve.

Many

of them, honestly actuated by the belief that

they were those on which our
ministered, sustained

them now

as

government ought to be adthey had sustained them before;

while ambitious leaders, found in their ranks, as in those of all
political associations, saw in these, topics which might be serviceably used for their

own

ends.

Even some who maintained

inflexibly original democratic sentiments, believed that a change

of policy, required
variance with them.

by the exigencies of the

The

result

times,

was not

at

was the establishment of anew

national bank, intended to be a useful fiscal agent, subject to strict
examination and control; thd protection, by a moderate tariff, of

the domestic industry of the country; and the

commencement

of a

plan of internal improvement, limited in extent, and confined to
Well were it for us, if the
objects of evident national utility.

system so established had been maintained in the same spirit
with which it was founded. Well were it, if it had not been
The boundaperverted and misused to subserve political designs.

however, were quickly overleaped; the promotion of manufactures was converted into a scheme of partizan protection designed
to aid the aspirations! of certain politicians; the expenditure of pub

ries,

10

money

improvements, became a notorious means of
bargaining for the advancement of personal popularity in particular
districts; and the national bank began to assume a power indepen-

lie

for internal

dent of the government, of which

was the agent, and to establish
an influence over the community, which might be employed for
purposes oppressive,

it

These consequences,

or corrupt.

selfish,

gradually developed, were at length fully displayed during the ad-

Quincy Adams

ministration of John

—a

president

having

one third of the electoral votes, and elevated

than

by means of

against the will of the people,
ately without a parallel in

and avowed

power

to

a coalition,

less

fortun-

our history, a coalition with an old

political rival, himself a candidate for the presidential

by the people. Could the consequences be
The American people indignantly hurled from the

also rejected

chair,

doubtful? No.

—

offices of trust,

men who had

thus stolen unwarily into places of
honour; the principles of the republican party were again asserted
the chief place in the government was' confided to a man
;

grown venerable

whose blood had
been freely shed beneath her banners, whose integrity was unsullied by the breath of suspicion, whose courage and decision were
equal to every crisis, and whose cherished political maxims were
those that had been ever maintained by the great democratic family.
in the service of his country,

Representing as he has done the sentiments of the people, carrying
out their honest wishes^ yielding to no motives of partizan ambition, suffering himself to be the tool of

faction,

we have

seen the republican party rallying round him, and

extricating us from the toils into
Internal

led.

ticians.

commerce

The funds

local, partial,

are protected with

is

which we had been

no longer made the instrument of poli-

to lessen their

burthens, not squandered

Domestic manufactures

and interested designs.

aview

vindictive contests.

deceitfully

raised from the labours of the people, have

been faithfully applied

with

no struggling or aspiring

to the general benefit, not'so as to excite

The

quiet majesty of the laws

against the designs of defeated political aspirants,

who

is

upheld

publish under

own.
The honor and fame of the American people are protected and extended over distant countries, the wrongs of our citizens redressed,
claims unjustly withheld readily discharged, and new sources of

the

name

of democracy doctrines which

it

would blush

to

But above all this, throughand practical spirit of democracy asserts

wealth opened to fearless enterprise.
out our land, the positive
its

sway; the people rule now

as

they ruled thirty years 3go; they

11

redeemed from the control of interested leaders; they see the
government of their choice administered by men of their choice;

are

they are carrying on triumphantly that struggle, which, in every

must be periodically carried on, between the great mass
of the people, honest, conscientious, and straight forward, and
those who, actuated by false theories, or by a misguided ambition,
republic,

or by their peculiar position, or by considerations of personal interest, are

constantly at variance with them.

Such, fellow citizens, has hitherto been the progress of

affairs,

gradually restoring the government, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, to "its republican tack."

As

plished.

more

But the work

the contest hastens to

and

violent,

is

the fury of despair.

months have no

attended with

The

parallel in

its close,

not yet accom-

is

the struggle becomes

the recklessness of anger and

all

political events

of the last eighteen

They

our domestic history.

who

the last rally of a few politicians,

see close at

display

hand the

prostration of their ambitious designs; and the last struggle of a

band of moneyed monopolists, who dread the inevitable termination of privileges, heedlessly conferred on them,

own

have been served,

interests

by which thek

expense of their fellow

at the

citi-

may, the people of the United States know
too well that this is now a contest between the democracy and the
country on one hand, and, on the other, a coalition formed between
political leaders already rejected by the peo])le, and the Bank of the
United States, always distrusted by them, and only tolerated from a
confidence and a hope, which have now been proved to be vain.
Whatever disguise is assumed, whatever name is invoked, the evizens.

Disguise

dent truth
raised,

it

as they

is this.

what

is it

If the

clamour about executive usurpation

is

but an unflinching opposition on the part of the

chief executive magistrate towards the

Bank of

the United States?

If lamentations over popular errors are querulously uttered,

what

are they but a settled purpose on the part of the people to dis-

card from their favour Clay, Webster, or Calhoun?
citizens,

the history of the last eighteen months,

of a coalition between the bank for

its

selfish

is

Yes, fellow
the

purposes, and

few

factious politicians, for their own ambitious designs.

put

down

is

this coalition that all

our

efforts

the last battle the republican party has

history

It is to

should be directed;

now to

a

fight; it is a

it

cause

which, before every other, they should pledge themselves on the
anniversary of the Fourth of July.
to

Never bave

the annals of a republic presented a course of conduct

12
more presumpluouSj more intemperate, more

with the

at variance

purity of institutions, the solemnity of public assemblies, the rights

of citizens

— nayj the common

dictates of justice,

and of public and

private honour, than that displayed in the combined

Bank

of the

movements

of the United States, audits instruments and associates

in Congress.

Can

be doubted, that the framers of our Constitution never

it

contemplated the existence of a corporation possessing such fearful

powers, and so capable of placing

we

mean

itself;

so

we

power we have thoughtlessly given away

are at last startled at the

audacity a creature has ventured to assume,

the

whom

those to
er;

as a

allowed this institution to advance, step by step, that

we

at

it

how impudent

owes
its

its

abusive at

its

its

The

How

American people

to suit

fortunes of our

nod; the press

its

against

frightful is its

is

made

decree; the laws of the land are perverted

try, or boldly violated

its

existence.

audacity!

are elevated or depressed at

of the

Bank

have designed that any

permitted, year after year, this cancer to extend

have

—

control, as the

mere money-agent, should set itself
nay the very master, of the people. Yet so have

thing, so intrinsically
as the rival,

beyond

Little could they

of the United States?

up

itself

pow-

citizens
silent or

by

sophis-

purposes; the chosen officers

are assailed with gross scurrility to gratify

malignity; and their representatives are treated with an insolent

which would really be amusing, if the source whence it proceeds were alone considered, and not the precedent it may afford
These arc not matters of doubt, but they
to every public agent.
They are facts which should never be forare recorded facts.
gotten. They should serve as beacons to warn the people of the
They should be incendangers upon which they were running.
tives to renewed ardour in the present contest, for it is against these
very things we are now contending these very things are now to
be put down, or else they may be always afterwards triumphantly
perpetrated. Fellow citizens, you must forgive me if I repeat some
scorn,

—

of these

facts.

freedom

ter of our

to

keep

You have

its

is

heard them before, but as the great char-

read, over and again, every returning year,

very language

as well as its principles

deeply impressed

on every occasion while our present great strugthe struggle between the country on one side, and
gle goes on
the bank and its political allies on the other; between the too paon every occasion
tient master and the presumptuous servant
on our

hearts, so

—

—

when we

are thus assembled, these facts should be repeated, that

l3

we may

perpetually see what

we have

heen, and

submissively to bear.

still

are,

expected
>

Is the value of our property to be regulated

fortunes to be raised or depressed
cut off— as suits the notions of a

— are

our private

— are the public revenues

moneyed

to

be

when it chooses
Every freeman would

conclave,

to dabble in politics, or speculate in stocks?

—

Yet what has been the power and policy of this
answer No.
bank? In June, ISIS, it raised its discounts to the community to
in December following it had reduced them to
iS41,000,000
In 1S26, in the same manner, we find its dis§36, 000,000.

—

§35,000,000— in December reduced to §30,000,000.
In December 1S30, its discounts were §42,000,000— in May 1S32,
they were increased to §70,000,000— in the following December
they were reduced to §61,000,000— in August 1833, they were
and in December 1833, they were
increased to §64,000,000
counts in June

—

In January, 1831,

reduced to §54,000,000.
of

its

bank notes

in circulation, sustained

in January, 1832,

it

had increased

it

had §17,600,000

by §11,000,000 of specie;

circulation to §23,000,000,

its

was reduced to §7,500,000. What have been the
consequences of so wanton a course ? Repeated periods of fallacious
prosperity, and of unforeseen difficulty and suffering, among the
people, who have been made the victims of this cupidity, without
No matter to what motives this conduct is to
pity or remorse.
be ascribed whether to erring judgment, to selfish speculation,
paramount or
it is such as no power,
or to political intrigue
subordinate, can exercise, without endangering and destroj^Ing
But when we come to examevery thing we ought to hold dear.
while

its

specie

—

—

ine the times and circumstances,

with a view

while

of the representatives of the people.

does not exceed the faithlessness with which,
was throwing out its money from one end of the na-

as this
it

find Its actions are directed

operate on the political affairs of the country, and to

to

affect the elections

Bad

we

is, It

tion to the other.

payment of the
cient public

It

secretly

made arrangements

national debt, though

money

for the

it

purpose in

to

postpone the

had, at the very time,

suffi-

its vaults.

Growing bolder, however, It wa^ not long content thus, under the
weight into the scale of politics. It
was not enough to operate indirectly on the industry and resources
The press, the fountain of information, was to be
of the people.
forms of business, to cast

its

secretly pensioned, and the

money
3

of the government as well as

14
individualSj

aid the

unlinown

bank and

themselves, was to be freely expended to

political

its

has been carried, and
lavished, are yet

to

all

the

The

allies.

extent to which this

sums of money

that

have thus been

unknown; they

are veiled mysteriously by the
bank from the public eye; they are secrets it is afraid or ashamed
to disclose.
But may we not judge from what we do know? May
we not form some estimate,, from what has been already developed,
in the examinations of
at

Congress and

its

own

confessions?

Look

them!

The publishers of the New York Inquirer
The publisher of the Philadelphia Inquirer
The publisher of the United States Telegraph
The publishers of the National Intelligencer
To these are to be added the sums distributed
parts of the United

States,

for publishing

i^52,000

32,000

20,000
80,000
to printers, in all

documents which are

said to be for the defence of the bank, but which,

in

many

in-

were electioneering articles or pamphlets. This sum
is admitted by Ihe directors to amount to ^58,000, and makes an
aggregate paid to subsidize the press, of nearly ^250,000
How small a proportion it may be of the whole sum thus illegally expended, time perhaps will show; how notoriously instances,

?

sufficient

is

known; but

the security given for a large part of
the very fact

is

it,

already

one that must alarm every virtuous

citizen.

Turn from

is

,

management of the bank itself.
Does the history of any institution, in any country, present evidences
of misconduct more glaring, of violations of the spirit, nay, letter of
a charter, more wanton and violent?
The functions of directors
these acts to the

transferred to secret committees; loans

made contrary

to the rules,

and on security the most worthless; the expenditure of money

in-

trusted to an officer without control as to

re-

amount; no vouchers

quired from him for the disbursements he thus makes; the cor-

respondence seldom or never submitted

to the

board; in a word,

all

the essential duties, for which the managers of such a corporation are chosen, virtually nullified.

Do

the officers appointed

by

the President and Senate oppose these illegal acts, or refuse to conceal

them from the people?

They

are

denounced and misrepre-

sented, though their statements cannot be refuted, in manifestos

from the bank. Does the Secretary of the Treasury exercise the powers given him by law, to remove the public revenue
from the custody of such agents? He is attacked in language the
issued

K
15

Does the
promulgated by the bank.
President of the United States express his opinions on the legality
or propriety of such acts? He is assimilated to the wretched crimi-

most

scurrilous,

who

nals

officially

counterfeit the notes of the bank.

Do

the immediate

American people, who have incorporated

delegates of the

it,

money in its vaults, and own seven millions of its cadoes the House of Representatives itself, appoint a com-

placed their
pital

—

authorises,

mittee, as the charter

amine

They

proceedings?

investigation

all
if

its

is

to inspect

its

books and ex-

are treated with absolute contempt;

denied^ and, with charges openly made, which,

untrue, can be refuted at once,

it

shrinks, with the conscious-

Fellow

ness of guilt, behind the shield of legal subterfuge.
zens,

we

why

is

that these disclosures

it

are told the

bank should not be

Innocence never

offers

such a plea

are refused?

called

—

it

on

citi-

Why

is it

to criminate

itself?

—

chal-

courts the light

it

What! is it
lenges the most searching scrutiny of the accuser.
come to this that an agent of the American people, intrusted

—

with their public moneys; can say that he will give no account
of his stewardship, because he cannot be compelled to criminate
himself

!

Dark must be

the catalogue of offences,

where

it is

ne-

cessary to resort to a pretext such as this!

Are

not these facts, thus briefly recalled to your notice, strik-

ing evidences of the importance of the political contest in which
we are engaged? It is this institution, thus abused, thus corrupt,

thus determined wantonly to exercise

regarding

its

own

its

power, thus

dis-

and setting at defiance the people, the
and the very laws of the land it is this

charter,

constituted authorities,

—

overgrown moneyed monopoly, the abuses of which we are now
called upon to crush, or submit ourselves for the future to its renovated arrogance and power.

That we should do
rate political leaders,
it,

as

it

uses them, to

so, is its

own

design, and that of the despe-

who, linked with it in an unholy alliance, use
promote the interested and selfish views of

one another, utterly disregarding the

To

real welfare of the nation.

this end, all original principles, all previous views, all past an-

former preferences have been sacrificed and on
the floor of congress, and from one end of the country to the
other, a common feeling brings together those who uphold the bank
tipathies,

and

all

;

of the United States, and those, hitherto frowned on and despised
by the people, who yet vainly hope, by its aid, to taste the cup of
success.

What

a spectacle is

presented!

All consistency

is

con-

'

16
lemptuously discarded; disunion

is

allowed quietly

to sleep in the

embraces of federalism; the praises of the bank arc chanted by
lips that declaimed against it in tonesof bitterness and hatred; the
force-bill has becomCj in the eyes of those lately its denouncers, a
harmless manifesto; and nullification, v/hose terrors were notlonij
ago depicted in hues of blood, has dwindled to an insignificant

A

phantom.

power;

legislative

colours,

faction,

motley and

deceitful, usurps the privileges of

hundred
king of shreds and

a political harlequin, tricked off in a

plays his antics on the stage; and a

patches wields his gilded truncheon, as

if

the

American people

But already has the heartless exhibition lasted too long; already has the mask fallen off and disclosed the distorted features it was meant to conceal; already are the
expected sounds of applause, converted into the murmurs of diswere submissive

to his

sway.

approbation and disgust.

Who

with patience, on the proceedings of the

can look back,

opposition party in congress, during the session that has closed?

Who

can

States,

fail

to trace in

having for

institution,

its

it

an alliance with the bank of the United

sole objects the perpetuation of

and the recovery of

political

influence for

Acting on these principles have we not seen
partizan warfare

—

our history, and

I

cannot say legislation

I trust

never

unheard in our national

halls,

sanction of legislative
States, a

hairs

allies?

—hitherto

and

unknown

to

Language, before

has been freely uttered under the

The President

privilege.

man whose gray

its

to that

a course of debate

be repeated?

to

power

of the United

might have protected him from

in-

whose long life devoted to his country might have saved him
from wanton abuse; nay, whose very position, as was_ known to
those who abused him, took from him the opportunity to reply;
sult;

this venerable

man

has been insulted in debate, has been the ob-

ject of public censure without the permission to defend himself,

and has been refused the small right of placing, on the public
records, his

own

The

vindication.

Secretary of the Treasury, a

statesman of unsullied purity of character, against whose moral

worth slander cannot raise a suspicion, and whose admirable
talents have been proved, on every single occasion, when hia
opponents ventured to meet him in argument on the measures he
has proposed or sustained; this officer, whose manly firmness and
sagacious judgment have
his

won

countrymen, has been

privilege

to

for

him

fiercely'

answer, and has

at

the ardent good wishes of

attacked where he had not the
length

been driven from

the

17
which he so well served and adorned, a

councils of his country,

who

victim to political rivals,

and

felt little

feared the superiority of his genius,

of the loftiness of his

Are

spirit.

the sacred institu-

tions of our country to be thus disgraced for the purposes of political

Are

success?

the characters of

men

to

be attacked under the

Are the executive sessions of the
be turned, by an accidental majoi'ity, into

pretext of legislative privilege?

American Senate

to

How

the clandestine inquisition of apolitical junto?
to

defend himself from false aspersions,

when

is

a citizen

his actions are per-

verted, his sentiments misrepresented, or slanders uttered against

him, unknown

How

is

he

to

to himself, or to

which he

is

not allowed to reply?

be protected against discussions not carried on before

Why are

the face of day?

not the men,

who

thus give their votes,

and pass their sentence of condemnation, called upon

to

make

where they may be fully known, and, if they can
be, fairly repelled?
It never was the meaning of the constitution,
it never was consistent with the feelings or spirit of the American
people, that a secret conclave should pass upon its citizens unheard; should listen to the whispers of enmity or slander; should
receive the letters of private informers, or be tutored by the inAs well might we witness in
structions of personal malignity.
our republic such days as those, the most odious that history retheir charges

cords,

when

three

Roman

candidates for power, selfishness just

suppressing their bitter rivalry and
a

they could not subdue.
gorgeous columns of our
closed,

met together on

mutually to denounce and proscribe the

island,

little

distrust,

even in the

spirits

As well might we see erected, amid the
own capitol, the lion's mouth that is now

Venetian senate, and surrender our
the secret malice of political opponents or

halls of a

characters and honor to

personal foes.

Nothing proves, fellow citizens, more clearly, that the contest we
are now waging, is one in which these political leaders know that
they are struggling desperately for power, than the intemperate
language of their debates, and the want of manly feeling displayed so repeatedly on the
to

the coarse

slanders

small politicians,

floor of congress.

I

do not allude

of the Ewings, or the Hardins,

who seem

to

or the

be the necessary vents of that scur-

which refinement of sentiment, or the impulses of genius,
could not condescend. But how great must be the stake how imperioys the requisitions of faction
when she has compelled one

rility, to
'

—

—

who

lately held

the second

station

in

the republic, to sacrifice

18
himself

on

What

her polluted shrine?

the proper designa^

is

man, who could, with no conceivable motive but malignity towards a more honoured rival, state, without a blush,
in the face of the American Senate, that his absence at the opening
of successive sessions, was not a matter of design; could desert the
political principles he had formerly avowed, and endeavor to overtion of a

turn the constitution he had by solemn oaths repeatedly pledged

himself

support; could seek refuge in the peaceful halls of legis-

to

lation at

from the scene of strife he had himself
the very moment, when, in all human probability, his

Washington,

raised, at

far

braver associates would be called on to sustain with their swords,
doctrines intended to subserve his individual ambition?

proper

to

to use,

even by following

halls
lege.

such as

designate a course

cannot condescend

this, I

own example,

his

The terms

set in the august

of legislation, and under the sanction of legislative privi-

How

great

must be the stake

United States knows herself

to

which the bank of the
be playing how strong must be
for

—

the influence she has brought to bear, in her contest with the people

— how potent must be the

ploy; when, as

we have

means
its

never before turned from a private
a voluntary sacrifice in a

to give their little aid, to

of

art.

in the

To me

it

seems

machine can em-

seen, fellow citizens, before our

mediate eyes, she can allure from

made

that great

own im-

haunts, that selfishness

end; never before

to a public

community, where few have

some one cause of

a circumstance,

which
failed

charity, of literature or

among

the most degrading,

conduct of the present leaders of the opposition, that those

who have

received large sums from the bank, either as loans or as

rewards for services performed, should yet

no hesitation to

feel

It is true

we can

scarce wonder, that

to an institution, should

impugn

the motives

it,

record their votes as legislators in

men so bound
of those who censure

its

behalf.

when unable

allegations, or should indulge in petty slander

mind must be dead, which

their

on the one hand, or

a natural but lamentable adulation on the other.

of a generous

to refute

The

sensibility

utters the language

and

adopts the arts of an advocate, while holding the position of a
statesman; and

which

who would envy

affects to despise

that coldness, real or assumed,

an imputation founded in truth, that can-

not consist with unbiassed judgment or disinterested conduct?

While the

floor of

congress has thus been misused, the current

business of the countr}^ has been neglected, and important measures have been suffered to sleep,

week

after

^Yeek.

Heavy

ex-

19
penses have been incurred during sessions occupied by this use-

Large sums have been
the contingent fund of congress and to the public appro-

declamation or vindictive attack.

less

added

to

priations, for the purpose of upholding the publishers of partizan

newspapers.

The

abused, in order to disseminate the misrepre-

leges of franking
sentations that

mails have been overburdened and the privi-

were profusely poured

out.

It

appears by

official

documents that the publisher of the United States Telegraph, a
newspaper devoted to nullification, and the organ of one portion of the opposition, received for

public

printing,

including

the cost of paper, Sl06,400, in a single year, that of 1832; ami
that ^105, 000 have been advanced for
lic

a

is

bank, and the organ of another portion of the opposition.

more, although

in the estimate furnished

Senate, before the
requires the large
will

it

pub-

done by the publishers of the National
newspaper in the immediate ownership of the

documents, which

Intelligericer,

reprinting certain

Nay

by the Secretary of the

commencement of the session
sum of ^18,000 for printing

just closed,
for that

he

body,

be believed that he was obliged to ask, before the ad-

journment, an additional appropriation of ^35,500 for "printing
for the current business of the Senate," making in the whole the
incredible

sum

of ^53,500 for the printing of the Senate alone,

during a single session?

I

have not by

me

the statement of the

similar expenditure, in the last long session of 1832, but I have
that of the preceding one of 1830, and

I find

the

amount paid

^1 1,408 57, or ^41,000 less than the estimate
Facts like these require no comment, but they must

for printing to be

of this year.

convince the people that there are other objects in printing such

voluminous masses of documents, besides the mere difiusion of
information among them. To the efforts thus made, by means
of official situation and power, and the extravagant or improper

money,

application of the public
to

are to be added

the attempts

spread distress throughout a prosperous community,

by ha-

rangues containing statements of the situation of various districts
of country, utterly at variance with the actual situation of things.

The

credit of institutions has been

wantonly attacked, the plana

have been thwarted, and month after
month has been suffered to pass away, in the hope of changing
of commercial enterprize

the steady purpose, and misguiding the sound sense of the people.

Such, fellow citizens,

>

is

a

sketch of the contest that has been

20
waged, and the means that have been resorted to. Innuinera'
hlc facts are within your recollections, illustrating them even more
olearly than those to which I have referred.
They prove, in a

manner not

to be disguised or misrepresented, the true

the struggle

—

a struggle that can only be terminated

They show

of the people, given at the polls.

nature of

by the voices

that the cries so

loudly raised about executive usurpation, the destruction of commercial prosperity, the violations of the constitution, the union of
the purse and sword, are but idle declamation, intended to conceal

What executive

the real object.

usurpation has there been, but the

change of the public nione3"s from the bank of the United States
banks?

to the state

Where

has

commerce been

injured, except

by

the direct oppression of the former, and the panic purposely excited

by

What

its political allies?

clause of the constitution has

In what single instance has the property of the

been violated?

people been unjustly taken from them, or the hand of military violence displayed?

No!

— we are not

to be thus deceived.

We know

meaning of all this. If the charter of the bank of
the United States was renewed, there would be no cry of danger to
the treasury. If Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, or Daniel Weband see the

real

ster could

obtain

— vain

hope!

— the

suffrages of the people,

in

their desperate struggle for the presidency, instead of a candidate

who

shall represent the principles

the republican party, there

and wishes of the vast body of

would be no more clamour about

It is to obtain these

olated constitution.

ends that

all this

a vi-

turmoil

has been raised; and that the country has been, for months past,

kept in

this state of

And what is
coming

unceasing agitation.

the result?

Is the

contest, either directly

indirectly

by

the people?

its fearful

Have

bank rechartcred,

by the

influence of

to aid in the

its

money, or

power over the industry and property of

the obstacles and delays of the opposition been

able to prevent the passage of salutary laws, called for

gencies of the country?

Have

the

commerce and

by the

exi-

internal prosperi-

ty of the land, sunk under their prophecies, their maledictions, and
their unceasing efforts to injure and destroy them?
spirit of the

put down.

No

!

— the

people has not been, and cannot be, either misled or

The

noble phalanx of the Representatives, coming di-

rectly from their ranks; the bold and unflinching minority of the

Senators

— a minority indeed

body, but representing a great
majority of the people; the Chief Magistrate, raised to his honorable post

v/i than

in their

enthusiasm equalled only by that

<lispliiyed

towards

21

Washington and Jefferson; the spontaneous voice of tlie people,
echoed from their hills and valleys, throughout the vast extent of
the

Union

—these

have so

moneyed corruption and

against

through

this strugo-je

political intrigue;

and they are

far carried us

the guaranties and harbingers of triumphs yet

more

After

signal.

a debate prolonged for four months, a

solemn resolution was adopted in the House of Representatives, by a majority of one hundred and thirty-three votes out of two hundred and twelve, that
the bank of the United States ought not to be rechartcred.
In
every obstacle and delay; in spite of repeated threats that
obnoxious clauses and amendments would be introduced; the bills
spite of

making appropriations

works of great public utility, and the
continuance of the government, were passed.
Laws to restore
for

the metallic currency of the country to a proper standard, and lo

medium for that
was made to guard the

substitute a sounder

of paper,

Ample

public treasure deposited

provision

in the state banks, and to secure to the

management

of

its

were enacted.

government

benefits in the

funds, at least equal to those ever obtained from

the bank of the United States, without the dangers incident to the

employment of that

unfaithful

and arrogant agent;

this

indeed the

combination of the Senate, had unfortunately the power
to thwart, but it cannot be long before, even there, the voice of

political

the people

is

heard, and their will

is

carried into effect.

While the true servants of the nation have thus held their
onward course, and secured a noble triumph over the bank and
the political factions, in the legislative halls, what have the people
themselves been doing, to disprove the calumnies and make vain
the efforts of their foes?
Over all our wide land, prosperity waves
her wing; and every broad lake and winding river, the
prairies

and the seats of commerce, prove that where

fertile

men have

perly resisted this system of alarm, the oppression of a

pro-

moneyed

oligarchy could be exerted only against those who, incautiously
trusting

it,

or brought beneath

its

influence

by accident or

design,

might be made directly to feel its heartless power. Yes, my
countrymen, more than this, they prove, in a manner infinitely better than mere assertion or argument, that the sad lamentations and
the mournful prophecies poured forth by selfish politicians, as if
they uttered the oracles of truth, have been as entirely erroneous
as they certainly were unpatriotic, unwise and unjust,
" I know an opinion is entertained,'" exclaims the senator from
4

—
22
when descanting on the sad change to be produced
by removing the public moneys from his favorite bank, " among
" those who have the best means of forming a correct judgment,

Massachusetts,

may

be a falling off in the receipts of the customs,

*'

that there

*'

from

*'

pectation," he afterwards adds, "that the receipts of the year

<'

will fall

a quarter to a third of the

amount

below the estimate, probably

anticipated.

It is

to the extent I

my

ex-

have men-

" tioned; and that this effect will be produced by no other cause^
" than the deranged state of things occasioned by the removal of

moneys." Such is the mournful prophecy; how has it
been fulfilled in the few months elapsed since it was made? The
''the public

receipts of the first quarter of the year are produced,

mand

on the de-

of these political alarmists, and they are found to establish

The income from

exactly the contrary of what had been foretold.

the customs positively exceeded the estimate produced at the com-

mencement of the session; that from the public lands had doubled,
yes, more than doubled what it was in the preceding year; and the
actual available funds in the treasury amounted to more than eleven
millions of dollars.

"We have before us,"

exclaims a representative from Georgia,

agony of distress, which brings the phantom of Caesar and
all his tyranny before his eyes
"We have before us the prospect
" of a suspension of specie payments." How has the prospect been
verified? Why, during the very climax of this imaginary sufiering,
in the

the

—

official

United

into the

ably

more than

" The
**

returns

show

that there has been a clear importation

States, certainly of

more than twelve, and prob-

fourteen, millions of dollars in silver and gold.

usual channels of business with the south and west are

broken up," cries an honorable member from Connecticut

" the
"the

risk of loss, the uncertainty and difficulty of remittance,

and

difference in the local currencies, exceed the profits of busi-

*'ness; acceptances on

think

commerce was

all

One would

consignments are stopped."
at

an end; that the ocean no longer

brought us the products of other lands, or bore away our own;

works of

that the noble
serted.

How

tally plain facts

lored for effect?

the

first

The

communication were utterly de-

and figures with

duties on imports into

quarter of 1833,^3,122,000

hung over our

land,

tliese pictures co-

New

York were

— of 1834, while

in

this sad ruin

S3, 249,000, or an increase of more than

at

Baltimore the increase has been more than §70,000;

Richmond

the duties have doubled; at Charleston they are near-

§120,000;
at

internal

23
The

ly twice as much.

New York

foreign arrivals at

—

in the first

months of 1833 were 751 during the same period of this unhappy year they increased to 795; at Boston they were, for the
same time last year, 379 this year they amount to 394. Sad evidences of the effect of removing the deposits on our foreign commerce! But the channels of internal intercourse are broken up.
Let us see! How is it with the noble canals of New York? There
are now navigating it 2,453 boats, being an increase upon the number registered last year of 593.
At Albany and Troy, over whose
desolate condition the senator from Kentucky especially mourned,
the clearances this year have been 834 more than they were to the
same period last year. The amount of toll received at Rochester
this year, in the month of May, has exceeded the amount received
during the same month last year ^2,371.
The increase of toll at
Brockport, whose distress memorial the senator from Massachusetts
presented with the usual melancholy picture, was on the 1 June
this year, ^1,300 more than on that day last year.
The property
cleared at Buffalo, coming from the lake which the senator from
Ohio described as " a desert waste of waters," exceeded on the
five

—

May

15

1834,

more than

that

cleared

on the

three millions of pounds.

The

Pennsylvania?

tolls

same day

How

on our canal up

is

to

last

with our

it

the

1

May

by

own
were
Five

amount received on the same day last year.
boats had been registered up to that time.
Cotton

three times the

hundred canal

year,

has been brought, with inconceivable rapidity and cheapness, from
the remotest parts of Tennessee to the warehouses of our merchants.

Yet

was about "the ruin and desolation" of this state so flourishing, her resources so abundant and her works so noble, that one
of her own representatives in Congress, uniting in the same scheme
it

of political panic, ventured to speak.

How

is it

with Virginia?

In the midst of these times of dreadful distress, the books of sub-

Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Rail Road have been closed, and the Commissioners announce
the gratifying information that more than ^300,000 v/ere at once
subscribed; by November or December next it is believed it will
scription to the stock of the

be practicable

to

put thirty miles of

the contractors will be able to

and

in three years it will

How is

it

with our

it

under contract;

commence the execution

in

January

of the work;

probably be finished to Fredericksburg.

fair sister

of the

West?

The

tolls

on the Mia-

were g4,115 in May 1833; they are 1^5,560 in May 1834.
The tolls on the Ohio canal were ^15,735 in May 1833; they ara

mi

canal

24
S25,231 in May 1834; yet, in the prophetic visions of Congress,
these noble works are described as solitary and deserted.

"Produce," exclaims one honorable Senator, alluding to the interior of the state of New York
''produce has fallen in price

—

from twenty-five to thirty-three per cent since the interference
" of the executive with the public revenue; and land, land itself,

''

"

— the form
— has

which the vast pro*' portion of its property consists
fallen, within the same time,
I receive this information from the best
''to the same extent.
Here then is a re"sources, and to which I give entire credit.
" duction of the vvhole property of the people, twenty-five or thir'

'

"

the great capital of the country

ty-three per cent, a striking

ofl'

at a

blow, the quarter or one-third

of the whole value of what they possess!

I turn
rific

Sir, is this tolerable?"

gazette published in the neighborhood

to a

scene

in

— and

what do

" acres Was recently

"of Wayne,

sold,

I

"

see?

in the

A

of this ter-

farm of one hundred

town of Galen,

in the

county

^30 per acre, in cash; this farm was valued
"two years ago by two discreet farmers in the neighborhood
"to be worth ^20 per acre; increase in value in two years 50
"per cent. A farm of thirty acres, in the town of Marion, in
"Wayne county, was sold last fall at ^25 per acre; the pur" chaser has this spring sold the same farm for ^30 per acre;
" increase in value in six months 20 per cent.
A farm in the
"town of Marion was sold this spring for ^30 per acre; two
"years ago was it valued at ^20 dollars per acre; increase in value
" in two years 50 per cent, A farmer in Yates county purchased
"a farm at 553,000 during the last winter, and was offered imme" diately afterwards §1,000 for his bargain, being 333 per cent
" increase in value. A farm in Jerusalem, Yates county, which
"was valued last fall at §10 per acre, has been sold this month
"for §16 per acre."
Again, "Hov/ tender is the system what danger of explosion
for

—

" on any untoward event!"

is

the fearful foreboding of the repre-

sentative from Connecticut, in regard to the state banks.
to the list of

more than

them throughout the Union, and

six hundred.

We see

all

find they

We

turn

amount

to

the engines brought to bear

to effect their destruction; the halls of

Congress resounding with

expressions of distrust; the newspapers advising the presentation

of their notes; the bank of the United States assuming an attitude
unfriendly
derness,

if

not hostile to

where

many

the explosion:

of them.

A

Yet where

few banks of

I

is

the ten-

rifling capital

and

25
mismanaged long before this terrible removal of the deposits—^
are all that answer these lamen-^
their very names scarcely known

—

If laws are passed for the incorporation of new

table forebodings.

ones, an alacrity to subscribe

is

evinced, utterly inconsistent with

any notion of excessive tenderness, any danger of explosion. I
observe, during the very height of these dangerous times, evidThe subscripences of confidence in them not to be mistaken.
amounted to
tions to the stock of the Albany City Bank
^1,142,900, being ^642,900 more than the amount of its capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Phoenix Bank, in New
York, exceeded three times the amount of its capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Commeicial Bank of New York,
amounted to ^1,300,000, nearly three times the amount of its
capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Orleans County
Bank amounted to ^680,200, exceeding its capital ^380,200;
the subscriptions to the stock of the Sackett's Harbour Bank
were about three times the amount of its capital. Indeed, fellow citizens, if there is one circumstance beyond all others, that
displays the solid credit, resources and integrity of the people,
it is the manner in which the state banks have resisted the panic,
raised mainly to crush them, and to found more effectually on
their ruins the overgrown institution, whose place they arc so well
able to supply.

"
*'ry

Men

could no longer

means; property

fulfil

fell

in

by the customa-

their engagements

value and thousands failed,"

another of the exclamations of an

honorable senator.

the records of our courts here, and I find that the

I

—

is

turn to

number

of In-

solvent applicants in June 1833 was three hundred and twenty-

June 1834 was only two hundred and eightysix.
I have no means to ascertain how it may have been elsewhere, but I cannot suppose that the immediate victims and witnesses of the panic, are those who would least suffer from its

seven, and

in

power.
It

were easy

to trace these political

and

selfish alarmists

through

other errors equally glaring; to show that at no period have the
solid resources of our country been less injured

whatever of
this,

partial

inconvenience or suffering has existed

— and

own

eyes,

which of us who has seen,

as

we

have, under our

instances of oppression and the effect of panic,

—

all this

coalition

has had

its

and impaired; that

origin solely in the ends

between the bank and

is

disposed to deny

aimed

its political ;dlies.

by the selfish
or in the means
at

26'
adopted
is

to

Why

tedious.

petty sinuosities,

But the task would be

them.

attain

as useless as

trace these misrepresentations through

when

it

all

it

fheir

needs but to turn our eyes on the broad

aspect of our land to see their falsity, and to smile at the credulity
or the cunning, which could thus hope to impose on the sagacity

of the American people?

have done. I have endeavored, as the
mostappropriate way of performing the part you have assigned me,
in this celebration of our national anniversary, to call your attenBut, fellow citizens,

I

tion to the present position of our country, and to see
to be

performed by those, who cherish and would maintain the

berties that

were won, and the

which, in empty ceremony,

solid rights

is
li-

were established,
vain and silly fes-

institutions that

fifty-eight years ago; for I hold that to be but a
tival,

what part

lets slip

by the preservation of

and the performance of sacred

duties.

I

have endeayears, have

show you, that never in those eight and fifty
the American people been more seriously called on to examine
how they stand and what they are to do. Never was there
a period when the democratic family should rally more warmly
together, and sustain the ancient landmarks of their faith. Never
was there a period when we ought to look more anxiously to
vored

to

that firm, decided,

and

resistless expression of

popular opinion,

may be reviled or underrated, will be found to
To that decision we shall all of us cheerfully
be invariably just.
If it shall tell us that the system of
submit, whatever it may be.
which, however

it

administration adopted by our opponents was wiser than our ovvnj
if it shall

give us back

system, or sustain the

all

the partizan protection of the

fatal

delusion of nullification, or permit the

lavish and selfish appropriation of the public

of a national character;

ence of

a great

— nay more,

if

it

money on works not

shall say that the exist-

moneyed corporation has become an

ture of our republic; that

American

we

essential fea-

must, of necessity, have

among

us,

created by ourselves, a creature, heretofore only fabled by romance,

possessing the powers of a giant, but endued not with the perception of right or

men

— ought

to

wrong;

that

our fortunes

be depressed or elevated

— the
at

fortunes of free-

the nod of a bank;

our political lessons learned from the pamphlets or newspapers
scatters abroad; our public servants, chosen

ed according to the thermometer of
halls of legislation filled

debtors;

— above

all,

its

by ourselves, estimat-

passions or interests; our

with the declamation of

if it shall

it

its

agents or

its

justify a coalition of political aspi-

—

27
rants, in

breaking down, for their

own

ends,

the obstacles placed

by the people in the way of their ambition; condemning public
officers; denying to the accused the common right, not only of
trial, but even of being heard; passing in secret upon private
characters; driving from the national councils men of unquestioned genius and unsullied honor; delaying the progress of public
business; scattering the language of dissention through the land;

indeed, such shall be the decision of the American people, to

if,

that decision

we must bow

— saving

lation that our struggle has
faltered, our
spirit of

But

it

to ourselves only the sad conso-

been manly, our resolution has never

hopes have never yielded, our trust in the republican

our country has never for an instant
cannot be,

— my countrymen,

animated our forefathers

is

failed.

cannot be.

it

not dead; the sons of

The spirit that
men who risked

their fortunes for their freedom, are not to be frightened at the panic

of a bank; nor are the descendants of those

who

braved armies from

abroad, to be scared by the noisy intrigues of ambition at home.

Our country

We

will go onward, as she has done, in her noble march.

shall smile ere

our days.

We

long

shall

and presumption of these

at the efforts

meet together,

as

we now

do, on

future anniversary of our independence, to rejoice in the

many

a

unmoved

grandeur of our political institutions, and to confess that corruption

and ambition, oppression and

faction,

view and judgment of the people, war

And God

grant! that,

when

when exposed

against

them

alike in vain.

centuries shall have rolled by, and

our people are dwelling on every mountain summit, and

every

fertile plain,

stranger

may

who

shall

to the

filling

from the waves of one ocean to another, the
chance to be among them, on this returning day,

behold them celebrating the festival of our nation's birth,

blessed

— not only with extended empire, and unbounded wealth

but blessed with that, without which

it

were better

to dwell with-

narrow limits and a rugged land, a government of equal laws, of
equal rights, founded, upheld, examined and controlled by the
in

watchful spirit of the people.

Je

'10