The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.
Glass Book P o *^ 1 Ql^A^ ^o^ >- zJ BBM^MHM 3F HENRY July Mifflin & Parry, V^ D. till, GILPIN, 1834„ Printers, 99 S. Second Street. / A SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE BB»ZOCRATZC CEIiEBRATXOH BY THE CITIZENS OF THE SECOND CONGRESSIONAL TRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, OP THE ^- i or The M^ecUiration July BY ot Inilepenilence^ 4tli HENRY 1834, D. GILPIN. [Published by the Committee of Arrangement.] f^/4 ^ DIS- ^ " Holahan'a Hotel, 8th July, 1834. To Henry D Gilpin, Esq. celeAt the request of the Committee of Arrangement for the Democratic brating the Anniversary of American Independence, by from their micitizens of the City of Philadelphia, I annex an extract Dear Sir: nutes of this date. Your friend and obedient servant, HENRY SIMPSON, Sec'yOn motion Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to Henry D.Gilpin for his excellent Oration, delivered on the 4th instant, and that he be requested to furnish a copy of it for publication. Philadelfihia, 9th July, 1834. To Henry Simpson, Esq. Sec'y. Committee of Arrangement a copy of the remarks made by me at the celebration at M'Arann's Garden on the 4th I beg you to express to the committee my sense of the compliinstant. ment they have paid me, in the request communicated by you, Dear Sir: I inclose for the, I aro, very respectfully, yours, H. D. GILPIN. DEMOCRATIC FESTIVAL, JULY FOURTH, 1834. President. GEORGE M. DALLAS. Vice Presidents. Henry Horn, Samuel B. Davis, William J. Lciper, Samuel Badger, Joseph Worrelly Thomas Roney, George W. Try on, Lewis Taylor, William Ruff, Alexander Diamond, Levi EUmaker. Charles K. Servoss, Michael Nisbet, Wilson Taylor, Robert Adams, Orator of the Day. Henry D. Gilpin. Reader of the^Declaration. Henry Horn. Committee of Invitation. Wm. Henry Simpson, Benjamin Miffli-n, Wm. J. Ruff, Lewis Taylor, Theodore Evans. Leiper, GUESTS. Senators. Thos. H. Benton, of Missouri, John Tipton, of Indiana, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, Isaac Hill, of New Hampshire, Representatives in Coivgress. Robert T. Lytle, of Ohio, William Allen, of Ohio, Judge G. i W. Co). Wm. Findlay, of Pa. Wm. Dnane, of Pa. Dr. Wilmer Worlhington, Campbell, of Tenn. Gov. Mr. Pope, of Va. Mr. Sibley, of Mass. Commodore George R. Gilmer, of Georgia, of Maine. Edward Kavenaugh, Chas. Stewart, of Pa. — SPEECH. than eight hundred years after the foundation of Rome, a Grecian traveller, visiting the vast mistress of the world, More found her citizens assembled to celebrate the day on which a band of shepherds had first traced the boundaries of the infant republic. ing age. empire, The festival had been kept sacred through each succeedThe people who then embraced, within their extended all the nations of the earth; who had spread the blessings of commerce, civilization and the arts from seven little hills on the shores of the Tiber, to the remotest oceans and the wildest deserts, cherished, with sacred the day regard, when a few bold and oppressed husbandmen sought a refuge where they could establish their own institutions, and protect their own privileges, by a compact framed among themselves. The festival was not established with the bloody rites which marked all the other days consecrated by public celebrations; no slaughtered victims stained the altars of the gods; no smoking entrails were examined by the social priesthood; nothing that had vinities who had watched over ministers were crowned with brought offerings of early was life the birthday of chaplets fruits, nity, the streets of the city, offered to propitiate the di- and Rome; of flowers, but the the people as night closed the solem- the surrounding villages, and the were lighted up by bonfires and enlivened by dancing and song. Year after year, the citizens of that proud republic their breasts imbued with the spirit of independence, and their rights as freemen guarded by the laws they had made After the sacredly cherished the remembrance of that day. ancient energy was departed, even their descendants dwelt with conscious satisfaction on the period when the Roman people rural abodes — exerted their own majesty; when they successfully guarded the republican institutions against the secret or the open ambition of designing men, and from factions formed to elevate the wealthy or the proud upon the ruin of popular rights. The corrupted loved to recur to the lessons of patriots spirits who had ished the genuine principles of freedom; to deeds where 2 yet uncher- life was held iacrificc a trifling if and institutions calculated own welfare. at stake; to laws preserve the direct and practical to interference of the people, their honor was national measures connected with in all the was not remembrance of these spirit of the republic was gone, and the liberties of its citizens were overthrown. It was not until immense wealth was gradually accumulated in the hands of comparatively few till privileged associations of individuals took advantage of their powers and position to assume an inthings passed It the until away, that the ; fluence never intended to be conferred; the silent and stealthy till but sure and rapid march of intrigue, of selfishness and ambition had penetrated into the very centre of popular rights that the republic was found only to be a name, and the people in reality — nothing but instruments or slaves. Then indeed — these festivities became but an idle ceremony idle to the thoughtless, but to those whose bosoms the love of country yet warmed, the painful emblem of a freedom that existed no more the sad proof, that if a people would guard their own power in the government of themselves, they must watch, daily and nightly, the inroads of corruption and ambition, and tear from them, before it becomes familiar to their — mask they are always ready to assume. The annual which marks the birth of their republic, must not be cele- eyes, the feast, brated alone with the symbols of joy — with assemblages of those who merely recall the memory of the past; but it must bring together the people to weigh well the principles on which their institutions have been formed, review the gradual progress of events, and see whether, under any specious pretext, they have been perverted or abused; to dwell on the actual position of their affairs, and to decide whether they preserve, not merely in name, but in positive and practical efficiency, all the benefits which their forefato thers intended to secure when they laid the corner stone of the re- public. We are here assembled, fellow citizens, after fifty-eight years have passed away, the Romans emblems of did, we festivity hail it with joy and peace ; we in warm ; we hang over us the surround the names of founders with chaplets of flowers; and memories As to celebrate the birthday of our republic. we its hold their deeds and and grateful remembrance. It would be fraught with pleasure— our hearts would, respond to it — a task to cele- brate their actions, to repeat the sacred traditions of their personal sacrifices grove and their public we might zeal. Beneath the shades of dwell upon the past, recall to ourselves this how our 7 how fathers acted in their days, onward way in arts, in happiness our beloved country has held and in institutions and the lofty character of its sons in this early time of But such history, its a celebration pardonable, feeling. among would evince It would be to how fame, and its have made the fairest of let slip, in noble even human things. weak, a vain and it, its even a if thoughtless cere- monies, the period for performing an important and patriotic duty. If we have not the same cause for bold and vigorous conduct which animated the sages of 1776, we have other duties equally sacred to perform. It was theirs to preserve hallowed rights, republican institutions, the principles of a fierce It is ours to see that all moment our ancestors to us, if we have lost these are democracy from now as safe as saved them from that a foreign foe. they were foe. What the virtuous impulses from alone can spring, whether they have been yielded to at the matters it which freedom the hand of vio- lence from abroad, or sunk beneath the silent inroads of ambition, home? What matavowedly lost, or whe- of dissention, of weakness, or of corruption at ters it to us, whether our liberties ther they are subverted in effect ance with them? year after year, are by policy altogether at vari- As in the later days of the republic of Rome, when we thus met together, might show us the same outward forms of government, but the real, the animating the true voice of the people would be spirit would be gone drowned by the increased and undue influence of power, meant to be subordinate; by the combinations of a false ambition, or the in- — terested motives of powerful classes of individuals, purposes of transient and who would, selfish interest, forget or for overlook the real welfare of their country. The duty, then, of American citizens Fourth of Jul)^, is pendence. It is who assemble on the not merely to celebrate the day of their inde- not even mainly to do this. Their proper duty is, examine the present, and to look forward to the future. To see that the just motives which actuated our forefathers then, actuate To observe whether our present meatheir descendants now. To watch sures and policy are founded on, and sustain them. to who have been elevated to ofHces of trust, To examine the career and explore the confidence and honor. designs of ambitious men, who aim at personal advancement or To pledge ourselves, with a solemnity as sacred as distinction. the conduct of those that of the signers of the great charter to do in these days, as which has just been read, they did then, whatever is necessary to preserve what they established, honestly and usefully, not merely in theory And and name. my countrymen, on any previous anniversary of our independence, have American citizens assembled Avith this duty imposed upon them more sacredly than now. At no monever, ment of our have they been required to weigh with greater care the measures and conduct of their public men, to political existence examine the practical results of and their policy, revert to government, and the means by which to the great ends of social No they must be maintained. enemy roams along our foreign no desolating scourge hovers over our homes. Peace extends her olive wand, and heaven seems more abundantly to heap on us the prosperity and the bounteous blessings it has always showered, with a gracious hand. Yet the voice of domestic shores, strife is not silent. The halls that should be sacred to patriotic The deliberation, ring with the echoes of faction. bition, and the designs of avarice, are work at in intrigues of am- every corner of the land, and the purposes of the one and the other are to be subserved amid the tumult they have conspired contest 'with these never is doubtful, the triumph is Yet in overthrow to excite. difficult, their never uncertain, when truth, the never is the determination is resolutely made. Fellow The citizens, factions leaders of factions have ever been the designing, the disap- pointed, the malignant by a low and selfish haps always should on have ever been the curse of republics. principles, it — those who are actuated, not by exist, in free men governments; but together, for the attainment of greater ends. sometimes aiming to destroy an individual, or his tool; it it Faction has it carries its and misrepresentation, it and then is founded sacrifices smaller objects no principle; professes one, and at others the reverse; it it becomes ends by corruption, it his it is deals in falsehood forms unnatural alliances, it digs the grave the early days of our republic, the citizens of America, principles on formed on now accomplice of patriotism, and pollutes the fountains of national honor. political institutions but Party must, and always does, per- ambition. rallies a lofty, new In to the they had framed, differed essentially as to the which they were this difference; were these opposing principles became the to be administered. Parties subject of anxious deliberation; and after a struggle, arduous but determined democracy of the country nobly The republican party became avowedly in its character, the and signally prevailed. 9 9 triumphant; the ranks of nority of the people. its A opponents dwindled into a small mi- course of policy, distinguished by the reduction of the public debt, the abolition of the bank of the United States, the security of the navigation of the Mississippi, and the extension of our boundaries to the great western ocean, was rendered more illustrious by the glories cf a war in which our flag triumph on every ocean, and the eagle of victory perched on the standards of our armies. Throughout this long career, the mutterings of faction were not always suppressed; and the de- waved in signs of ambition could not always be disguised. Many manly and generous spirits opposed to the principles of our party, did indeed act nobly with us in the common cause of country, but there were not wanting those, who alike in the hour of prosperity and of trial, were deaf to the voice of patriotism, though they could listen to the whispers of selfishness and ambition. In the natural consequences of war a — the derangement of the finances, the accumulation of the public debt, the necessity of large means of transporthe opponents of the republican party saw a favourable supplies of manufactures, and the want of ready tation, occasion to introduce into the system of our general government, those broader views of power which hitherto the people had refused to approve. Many of them, honestly actuated by the belief that they were those on which our ministered, sustained them now as government ought to be adthey had sustained them before; while ambitious leaders, found in their ranks, as in those of all political associations, saw in these, topics which might be serviceably used for their own ends. Even some who maintained inflexibly original democratic sentiments, believed that a change of policy, required variance with them. by the exigencies of the The result times, was not at was the establishment of anew national bank, intended to be a useful fiscal agent, subject to strict examination and control; thd protection, by a moderate tariff, of the domestic industry of the country; and the commencement of a plan of internal improvement, limited in extent, and confined to Well were it for us, if the objects of evident national utility. system so established had been maintained in the same spirit with which it was founded. Well were it, if it had not been The boundaperverted and misused to subserve political designs. however, were quickly overleaped; the promotion of manufactures was converted into a scheme of partizan protection designed to aid the aspirations! of certain politicians; the expenditure of pub ries, 10 money improvements, became a notorious means of bargaining for the advancement of personal popularity in particular districts; and the national bank began to assume a power indepen- lie for internal dent of the government, of which was the agent, and to establish an influence over the community, which might be employed for purposes oppressive, it These consequences, or corrupt. selfish, gradually developed, were at length fully displayed during the ad- Quincy Adams ministration of John —a president having one third of the electoral votes, and elevated than by means of against the will of the people, ately without a parallel in and avowed power to a coalition, less fortun- our history, a coalition with an old political rival, himself a candidate for the presidential by the people. Could the consequences be The American people indignantly hurled from the also rejected chair, doubtful? No. — offices of trust, men who had thus stolen unwarily into places of honour; the principles of the republican party were again asserted the chief place in the government was' confided to a man ; grown venerable whose blood had been freely shed beneath her banners, whose integrity was unsullied by the breath of suspicion, whose courage and decision were equal to every crisis, and whose cherished political maxims were those that had been ever maintained by the great democratic family. in the service of his country, Representing as he has done the sentiments of the people, carrying out their honest wishes^ yielding to no motives of partizan ambition, suffering himself to be the tool of faction, we have seen the republican party rallying round him, and extricating us from the toils into Internal led. ticians. commerce The funds local, partial, are protected with is which we had been no longer made the instrument of poli- to lessen their burthens, not squandered Domestic manufactures and interested designs. aview vindictive contests. deceitfully raised from the labours of the people, have been faithfully applied with no struggling or aspiring to the general benefit, not'so as to excite The quiet majesty of the laws against the designs of defeated political aspirants, who is upheld publish under own. The honor and fame of the American people are protected and extended over distant countries, the wrongs of our citizens redressed, claims unjustly withheld readily discharged, and new sources of the name of democracy doctrines which it would blush to But above all this, throughand practical spirit of democracy asserts wealth opened to fearless enterprise. out our land, the positive its sway; the people rule now as they ruled thirty years 3go; they 11 redeemed from the control of interested leaders; they see the government of their choice administered by men of their choice; are they are carrying on triumphantly that struggle, which, in every must be periodically carried on, between the great mass of the people, honest, conscientious, and straight forward, and those who, actuated by false theories, or by a misguided ambition, republic, or by their peculiar position, or by considerations of personal interest, are constantly at variance with them. Such, fellow citizens, has hitherto been the progress of affairs, gradually restoring the government, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, to "its republican tack." As plished. more But the work the contest hastens to and violent, is the fury of despair. months have no attended with The parallel in its close, not yet accom- is the struggle becomes the recklessness of anger and all political events of the last eighteen They our domestic history. who the last rally of a few politicians, see close at display hand the prostration of their ambitious designs; and the last struggle of a band of moneyed monopolists, who dread the inevitable termination of privileges, heedlessly conferred on them, own have been served, interests by which thek expense of their fellow at the citi- may, the people of the United States know too well that this is now a contest between the democracy and the country on one hand, and, on the other, a coalition formed between political leaders already rejected by the peo])le, and the Bank of the United States, always distrusted by them, and only tolerated from a confidence and a hope, which have now been proved to be vain. Whatever disguise is assumed, whatever name is invoked, the evizens. Disguise dent truth raised, it as they is this. what is it If the clamour about executive usurpation is but an unflinching opposition on the part of the chief executive magistrate towards the Bank of the United States? If lamentations over popular errors are querulously uttered, what are they but a settled purpose on the part of the people to dis- card from their favour Clay, Webster, or Calhoun? citizens, the history of the last eighteen months, of a coalition between the bank for its selfish is Yes, fellow the purposes, and few factious politicians, for their own ambitious designs. put down is this coalition that all our efforts the last battle the republican party has history It is to should be directed; now to a fight; it is a it cause which, before every other, they should pledge themselves on the anniversary of the Fourth of July. to Never bave the annals of a republic presented a course of conduct 12 more presumpluouSj more intemperate, more with the at variance purity of institutions, the solemnity of public assemblies, the rights of citizens — nayj the common dictates of justice, and of public and private honour, than that displayed in the combined Bank of the movements of the United States, audits instruments and associates in Congress. Can be doubted, that the framers of our Constitution never it contemplated the existence of a corporation possessing such fearful powers, and so capable of placing we mean itself; so we power we have thoughtlessly given away are at last startled at the audacity a creature has ventured to assume, the whom those to er; as a allowed this institution to advance, step by step, that we at it how impudent owes its its abusive at its its The How American people to suit fortunes of our nod; the press its against frightful is its is made decree; the laws of the land are perverted try, or boldly violated its existence. audacity! are elevated or depressed at of the Bank have designed that any permitted, year after year, this cancer to extend have — control, as the mere money-agent, should set itself nay the very master, of the people. Yet so have thing, so intrinsically as the rival, beyond Little could they of the United States? up itself pow- citizens silent or by sophis- purposes; the chosen officers are assailed with gross scurrility to gratify malignity; and their representatives are treated with an insolent which would really be amusing, if the source whence it proceeds were alone considered, and not the precedent it may afford These arc not matters of doubt, but they to every public agent. They are facts which should never be forare recorded facts. gotten. They should serve as beacons to warn the people of the They should be incendangers upon which they were running. tives to renewed ardour in the present contest, for it is against these very things we are now contending these very things are now to be put down, or else they may be always afterwards triumphantly perpetrated. Fellow citizens, you must forgive me if I repeat some scorn, — of these facts. freedom ter of our to keep You have its is heard them before, but as the great char- read, over and again, every returning year, very language as well as its principles deeply impressed on every occasion while our present great strugthe struggle between the country on one side, and gle goes on the bank and its political allies on the other; between the too paon every occasion tient master and the presumptuous servant on our hearts, so — — when we are thus assembled, these facts should be repeated, that l3 we may perpetually see what we have heen, and submissively to bear. still are, expected > Is the value of our property to be regulated fortunes to be raised or depressed cut off— as suits the notions of a — are our private — are the public revenues moneyed to be when it chooses Every freeman would conclave, to dabble in politics, or speculate in stocks? — Yet what has been the power and policy of this answer No. bank? In June, ISIS, it raised its discounts to the community to in December following it had reduced them to iS41,000,000 In 1S26, in the same manner, we find its dis§36, 000,000. — §35,000,000— in December reduced to §30,000,000. In December 1S30, its discounts were §42,000,000— in May 1S32, they were increased to §70,000,000— in the following December they were reduced to §61,000,000— in August 1833, they were and in December 1833, they were increased to §64,000,000 counts in June — In January, 1831, reduced to §54,000,000. of its bank notes in circulation, sustained in January, 1832, it had increased it had §17,600,000 by §11,000,000 of specie; circulation to §23,000,000, its was reduced to §7,500,000. What have been the consequences of so wanton a course ? Repeated periods of fallacious prosperity, and of unforeseen difficulty and suffering, among the people, who have been made the victims of this cupidity, without No matter to what motives this conduct is to pity or remorse. be ascribed whether to erring judgment, to selfish speculation, paramount or it is such as no power, or to political intrigue subordinate, can exercise, without endangering and destroj^Ing But when we come to examevery thing we ought to hold dear. while its specie — — ine the times and circumstances, with a view while of the representatives of the people. does not exceed the faithlessness with which, was throwing out its money from one end of the na- as this it find Its actions are directed operate on the political affairs of the country, and to to affect the elections Bad we is, It tion to the other. payment of the cient public It secretly made arrangements national debt, though money for the it purpose in to postpone the had, at the very time, suffi- its vaults. Growing bolder, however, It wa^ not long content thus, under the weight into the scale of politics. It was not enough to operate indirectly on the industry and resources The press, the fountain of information, was to be of the people. forms of business, to cast its secretly pensioned, and the money 3 of the government as well as 14 individualSj aid the unlinown bank and themselves, was to be freely expended to political its has been carried, and lavished, are yet to all the The allies. extent to which this sums of money that have thus been unknown; they are veiled mysteriously by the bank from the public eye; they are secrets it is afraid or ashamed to disclose. But may we not judge from what we do know? May we not form some estimate,, from what has been already developed, in the examinations of at Congress and its own confessions? Look them! The publishers of the New York Inquirer The publisher of the Philadelphia Inquirer The publisher of the United States Telegraph The publishers of the National Intelligencer To these are to be added the sums distributed parts of the United States, for publishing i^52,000 32,000 20,000 80,000 to printers, in all documents which are said to be for the defence of the bank, but which, in many in- were electioneering articles or pamphlets. This sum is admitted by Ihe directors to amount to ^58,000, and makes an aggregate paid to subsidize the press, of nearly ^250,000 How small a proportion it may be of the whole sum thus illegally expended, time perhaps will show; how notoriously instances, ? sufficient is known; but the security given for a large part of the very fact is it, already one that must alarm every virtuous citizen. Turn from is , management of the bank itself. Does the history of any institution, in any country, present evidences of misconduct more glaring, of violations of the spirit, nay, letter of a charter, more wanton and violent? The functions of directors these acts to the transferred to secret committees; loans made contrary to the rules, and on security the most worthless; the expenditure of money in- trusted to an officer without control as to re- amount; no vouchers quired from him for the disbursements he thus makes; the cor- respondence seldom or never submitted to the board; in a word, all the essential duties, for which the managers of such a corporation are chosen, virtually nullified. Do the officers appointed by the President and Senate oppose these illegal acts, or refuse to conceal them from the people? They are denounced and misrepre- sented, though their statements cannot be refuted, in manifestos from the bank. Does the Secretary of the Treasury exercise the powers given him by law, to remove the public revenue from the custody of such agents? He is attacked in language the issued K 15 Does the promulgated by the bank. President of the United States express his opinions on the legality or propriety of such acts? He is assimilated to the wretched crimi- most scurrilous, who nals officially counterfeit the notes of the bank. Do the immediate American people, who have incorporated delegates of the it, money in its vaults, and own seven millions of its cadoes the House of Representatives itself, appoint a com- placed their pital — authorises, mittee, as the charter amine They proceedings? investigation all if its is to inspect its books and ex- are treated with absolute contempt; denied^ and, with charges openly made, which, untrue, can be refuted at once, it shrinks, with the conscious- Fellow ness of guilt, behind the shield of legal subterfuge. zens, we why is that these disclosures it are told the bank should not be Innocence never offers such a plea are refused? called — it on citi- Why is it to criminate itself? — chal- courts the light it What! is it lenges the most searching scrutiny of the accuser. come to this that an agent of the American people, intrusted — with their public moneys; can say that he will give no account of his stewardship, because he cannot be compelled to criminate himself ! Dark must be the catalogue of offences, where it is ne- cessary to resort to a pretext such as this! Are not these facts, thus briefly recalled to your notice, strik- ing evidences of the importance of the political contest in which we are engaged? It is this institution, thus abused, thus corrupt, thus determined wantonly to exercise regarding its own its power, thus dis- and setting at defiance the people, the and the very laws of the land it is this charter, constituted authorities, — overgrown moneyed monopoly, the abuses of which we are now called upon to crush, or submit ourselves for the future to its renovated arrogance and power. That we should do rate political leaders, it, as it uses them, to so, is its own design, and that of the despe- who, linked with it in an unholy alliance, use promote the interested and selfish views of one another, utterly disregarding the To real welfare of the nation. this end, all original principles, all previous views, all past an- former preferences have been sacrificed and on the floor of congress, and from one end of the country to the other, a common feeling brings together those who uphold the bank tipathies, and all ; of the United States, and those, hitherto frowned on and despised by the people, who yet vainly hope, by its aid, to taste the cup of success. What a spectacle is presented! All consistency is con- ' 16 lemptuously discarded; disunion is allowed quietly to sleep in the embraces of federalism; the praises of the bank arc chanted by lips that declaimed against it in tonesof bitterness and hatred; the force-bill has becomCj in the eyes of those lately its denouncers, a harmless manifesto; and nullification, v/hose terrors were notlonij ago depicted in hues of blood, has dwindled to an insignificant A phantom. power; legislative colours, faction, motley and deceitful, usurps the privileges of hundred king of shreds and a political harlequin, tricked off in a plays his antics on the stage; and a patches wields his gilded truncheon, as if the American people But already has the heartless exhibition lasted too long; already has the mask fallen off and disclosed the distorted features it was meant to conceal; already are the expected sounds of applause, converted into the murmurs of diswere submissive to his sway. approbation and disgust. Who with patience, on the proceedings of the can look back, opposition party in congress, during the session that has closed? Who can States, fail to trace in having for institution, its it an alliance with the bank of the United sole objects the perpetuation of and the recovery of political influence for Acting on these principles have we not seen partizan warfare — our history, and I cannot say legislation I trust never unheard in our national halls, sanction of legislative States, a hairs allies? —hitherto and unknown to Language, before has been freely uttered under the The President privilege. man whose gray its to that a course of debate be repeated? to power of the United might have protected him from in- whose long life devoted to his country might have saved him from wanton abuse; nay, whose very position, as was_ known to those who abused him, took from him the opportunity to reply; sult; this venerable man has been insulted in debate, has been the ob- ject of public censure without the permission to defend himself, and has been refused the small right of placing, on the public records, his own The vindication. Secretary of the Treasury, a statesman of unsullied purity of character, against whose moral worth slander cannot raise a suspicion, and whose admirable talents have been proved, on every single occasion, when hia opponents ventured to meet him in argument on the measures he has proposed or sustained; this officer, whose manly firmness and sagacious judgment have his won countrymen, has been privilege to for him fiercely' answer, and has at the ardent good wishes of attacked where he had not the length been driven from the 17 which he so well served and adorned, a councils of his country, who victim to political rivals, and felt little feared the superiority of his genius, of the loftiness of his Are spirit. the sacred institu- tions of our country to be thus disgraced for the purposes of political Are success? the characters of men to be attacked under the Are the executive sessions of the be turned, by an accidental majoi'ity, into pretext of legislative privilege? American Senate to How the clandestine inquisition of apolitical junto? to defend himself from false aspersions, when is a citizen his actions are per- verted, his sentiments misrepresented, or slanders uttered against him, unknown How is he to to himself, or to which he is not allowed to reply? be protected against discussions not carried on before Why are the face of day? not the men, who thus give their votes, and pass their sentence of condemnation, called upon to make where they may be fully known, and, if they can be, fairly repelled? It never was the meaning of the constitution, it never was consistent with the feelings or spirit of the American people, that a secret conclave should pass upon its citizens unheard; should listen to the whispers of enmity or slander; should receive the letters of private informers, or be tutored by the inAs well might we witness in structions of personal malignity. our republic such days as those, the most odious that history retheir charges cords, when three Roman candidates for power, selfishness just suppressing their bitter rivalry and a they could not subdue. gorgeous columns of our closed, met together on mutually to denounce and proscribe the island, little distrust, even in the spirits As well might we see erected, amid the own capitol, the lion's mouth that is now Venetian senate, and surrender our the secret malice of political opponents or halls of a characters and honor to personal foes. Nothing proves, fellow citizens, more clearly, that the contest we are now waging, is one in which these political leaders know that they are struggling desperately for power, than the intemperate language of their debates, and the want of manly feeling displayed so repeatedly on the to the coarse slanders small politicians, floor of congress. I do not allude of the Ewings, or the Hardins, who seem to or the be the necessary vents of that scur- which refinement of sentiment, or the impulses of genius, could not condescend. But how great must be the stake how imperioys the requisitions of faction when she has compelled one rility, to ' — — who lately held the second station in the republic, to sacrifice 18 himself on What her polluted shrine? the proper designa^ is man, who could, with no conceivable motive but malignity towards a more honoured rival, state, without a blush, in the face of the American Senate, that his absence at the opening of successive sessions, was not a matter of design; could desert the political principles he had formerly avowed, and endeavor to overtion of a turn the constitution he had by solemn oaths repeatedly pledged himself support; could seek refuge in the peaceful halls of legis- to lation at from the scene of strife he had himself the very moment, when, in all human probability, his Washington, raised, at far braver associates would be called on to sustain with their swords, doctrines intended to subserve his individual ambition? proper to to use, even by following halls lege. such as designate a course cannot condescend this, I own example, his The terms set in the august of legislation, and under the sanction of legislative privi- How great must be the stake United States knows herself to which the bank of the be playing how strong must be for — the influence she has brought to bear, in her contest with the people — how potent must be the ploy; when, as we have means its never before turned from a private a voluntary sacrifice in a to give their little aid, to of art. in the To me it seems machine can em- seen, fellow citizens, before our mediate eyes, she can allure from made that great own im- haunts, that selfishness end; never before to a public community, where few have some one cause of a circumstance, which failed charity, of literature or among the most degrading, conduct of the present leaders of the opposition, that those who have received large sums from the bank, either as loans or as rewards for services performed, should yet no hesitation to feel It is true we can scarce wonder, that to an institution, should impugn the motives it, record their votes as legislators in men so bound of those who censure its behalf. when unable allegations, or should indulge in petty slander mind must be dead, which their on the one hand, or a natural but lamentable adulation on the other. of a generous to refute The sensibility utters the language and adopts the arts of an advocate, while holding the position of a statesman; and which who would envy affects to despise that coldness, real or assumed, an imputation founded in truth, that can- not consist with unbiassed judgment or disinterested conduct? While the floor of congress has thus been misused, the current business of the countr}^ has been neglected, and important measures have been suffered to sleep, week after ^Yeek. Heavy ex- 19 penses have been incurred during sessions occupied by this use- Large sums have been the contingent fund of congress and to the public appro- declamation or vindictive attack. less added to priations, for the purpose of upholding the publishers of partizan newspapers. The abused, in order to disseminate the misrepre- leges of franking sentations that mails have been overburdened and the privi- were profusely poured out. It appears by official documents that the publisher of the United States Telegraph, a newspaper devoted to nullification, and the organ of one portion of the opposition, received for public printing, including the cost of paper, Sl06,400, in a single year, that of 1832; ami that ^105, 000 have been advanced for lic a is bank, and the organ of another portion of the opposition. more, although in the estimate furnished Senate, before the requires the large will it pub- done by the publishers of the National newspaper in the immediate ownership of the documents, which Intelligericer, reprinting certain Nay by the Secretary of the commencement of the session sum of ^18,000 for printing just closed, for that he body, be believed that he was obliged to ask, before the ad- journment, an additional appropriation of ^35,500 for "printing for the current business of the Senate," making in the whole the incredible sum of ^53,500 for the printing of the Senate alone, during a single session? I have not by me the statement of the similar expenditure, in the last long session of 1832, but I have that of the preceding one of 1830, and I find the amount paid ^1 1,408 57, or ^41,000 less than the estimate Facts like these require no comment, but they must for printing to be of this year. convince the people that there are other objects in printing such voluminous masses of documents, besides the mere difiusion of information among them. To the efforts thus made, by means of official situation and power, and the extravagant or improper money, application of the public to are to be added the attempts spread distress throughout a prosperous community, by ha- rangues containing statements of the situation of various districts of country, utterly at variance with the actual situation of things. The credit of institutions has been wantonly attacked, the plana have been thwarted, and month after month has been suffered to pass away, in the hope of changing of commercial enterprize the steady purpose, and misguiding the sound sense of the people. Such, fellow citizens, > is a sketch of the contest that has been 20 waged, and the means that have been resorted to. Innuinera' hlc facts are within your recollections, illustrating them even more olearly than those to which I have referred. They prove, in a manner not to be disguised or misrepresented, the true the struggle — a struggle that can only be terminated They show of the people, given at the polls. nature of by the voices that the cries so loudly raised about executive usurpation, the destruction of commercial prosperity, the violations of the constitution, the union of the purse and sword, are but idle declamation, intended to conceal What executive the real object. usurpation has there been, but the change of the public nione3"s from the bank of the United States banks? to the state Where has commerce been injured, except by the direct oppression of the former, and the panic purposely excited by What its political allies? clause of the constitution has In what single instance has the property of the been violated? people been unjustly taken from them, or the hand of military violence displayed? No! — we are not to be thus deceived. We know meaning of all this. If the charter of the bank of the United States was renewed, there would be no cry of danger to the treasury. If Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, or Daniel Weband see the real ster could obtain — vain hope! — the suffrages of the people, in their desperate struggle for the presidency, instead of a candidate who shall represent the principles the republican party, there and wishes of the vast body of would be no more clamour about It is to obtain these olated constitution. ends that all this a vi- turmoil has been raised; and that the country has been, for months past, kept in this state of And what is coming unceasing agitation. the result? Is the contest, either directly indirectly by the people? its fearful Have bank rechartcred, by the influence of to aid in the its money, or power over the industry and property of the obstacles and delays of the opposition been able to prevent the passage of salutary laws, called for gencies of the country? Have the commerce and by the exi- internal prosperi- ty of the land, sunk under their prophecies, their maledictions, and their unceasing efforts to injure and destroy them? spirit of the put down. No ! — the people has not been, and cannot be, either misled or The noble phalanx of the Representatives, coming di- rectly from their ranks; the bold and unflinching minority of the Senators — a minority indeed body, but representing a great majority of the people; the Chief Magistrate, raised to his honorable post v/i than in their enthusiasm equalled only by that <lispliiyed towards 21 Washington and Jefferson; the spontaneous voice of tlie people, echoed from their hills and valleys, throughout the vast extent of the Union —these have so moneyed corruption and against through this strugo-je political intrigue; and they are far carried us the guaranties and harbingers of triumphs yet more After signal. a debate prolonged for four months, a solemn resolution was adopted in the House of Representatives, by a majority of one hundred and thirty-three votes out of two hundred and twelve, that the bank of the United States ought not to be rechartcred. In every obstacle and delay; in spite of repeated threats that obnoxious clauses and amendments would be introduced; the bills spite of making appropriations works of great public utility, and the continuance of the government, were passed. Laws to restore for the metallic currency of the country to a proper standard, and lo medium for that was made to guard the substitute a sounder of paper, Ample public treasure deposited provision in the state banks, and to secure to the management of its were enacted. government benefits in the funds, at least equal to those ever obtained from the bank of the United States, without the dangers incident to the employment of that unfaithful and arrogant agent; this indeed the combination of the Senate, had unfortunately the power to thwart, but it cannot be long before, even there, the voice of political the people is heard, and their will is carried into effect. While the true servants of the nation have thus held their onward course, and secured a noble triumph over the bank and the political factions, in the legislative halls, what have the people themselves been doing, to disprove the calumnies and make vain the efforts of their foes? Over all our wide land, prosperity waves her wing; and every broad lake and winding river, the prairies and the seats of commerce, prove that where fertile men have perly resisted this system of alarm, the oppression of a pro- moneyed oligarchy could be exerted only against those who, incautiously trusting it, or brought beneath its influence by accident or design, might be made directly to feel its heartless power. Yes, my countrymen, more than this, they prove, in a manner infinitely better than mere assertion or argument, that the sad lamentations and the mournful prophecies poured forth by selfish politicians, as if they uttered the oracles of truth, have been as entirely erroneous as they certainly were unpatriotic, unwise and unjust, " I know an opinion is entertained,'" exclaims the senator from 4 — 22 when descanting on the sad change to be produced by removing the public moneys from his favorite bank, " among " those who have the best means of forming a correct judgment, Massachusetts, may be a falling off in the receipts of the customs, *' that there *' from *' pectation," he afterwards adds, "that the receipts of the year <' will fall a quarter to a third of the amount below the estimate, probably anticipated. It is to the extent I my ex- have men- " tioned; and that this effect will be produced by no other cause^ " than the deranged state of things occasioned by the removal of moneys." Such is the mournful prophecy; how has it been fulfilled in the few months elapsed since it was made? The ''the public receipts of the first quarter of the year are produced, mand on the de- of these political alarmists, and they are found to establish The income from exactly the contrary of what had been foretold. the customs positively exceeded the estimate produced at the com- mencement of the session; that from the public lands had doubled, yes, more than doubled what it was in the preceding year; and the actual available funds in the treasury amounted to more than eleven millions of dollars. "We have before us," exclaims a representative from Georgia, agony of distress, which brings the phantom of Caesar and all his tyranny before his eyes "We have before us the prospect " of a suspension of specie payments." How has the prospect been verified? Why, during the very climax of this imaginary sufiering, in the the — official United into the ably more than " The ** returns show that there has been a clear importation States, certainly of more than twelve, and prob- fourteen, millions of dollars in silver and gold. usual channels of business with the south and west are broken up," cries an honorable member from Connecticut " the "the risk of loss, the uncertainty and difficulty of remittance, and difference in the local currencies, exceed the profits of busi- *'ness; acceptances on think commerce was all One would consignments are stopped." at an end; that the ocean no longer brought us the products of other lands, or bore away our own; works of that the noble serted. How tally plain facts lored for effect? the first The communication were utterly de- and figures with duties on imports into quarter of 1833,^3,122,000 hung over our land, tliese pictures co- New York were — of 1834, while in this sad ruin S3, 249,000, or an increase of more than at Baltimore the increase has been more than §70,000; Richmond the duties have doubled; at Charleston they are near- §120,000; at internal 23 The ly twice as much. New York foreign arrivals at — in the first months of 1833 were 751 during the same period of this unhappy year they increased to 795; at Boston they were, for the same time last year, 379 this year they amount to 394. Sad evidences of the effect of removing the deposits on our foreign commerce! But the channels of internal intercourse are broken up. Let us see! How is it with the noble canals of New York? There are now navigating it 2,453 boats, being an increase upon the number registered last year of 593. At Albany and Troy, over whose desolate condition the senator from Kentucky especially mourned, the clearances this year have been 834 more than they were to the same period last year. The amount of toll received at Rochester this year, in the month of May, has exceeded the amount received during the same month last year ^2,371. The increase of toll at Brockport, whose distress memorial the senator from Massachusetts presented with the usual melancholy picture, was on the 1 June this year, ^1,300 more than on that day last year. The property cleared at Buffalo, coming from the lake which the senator from Ohio described as " a desert waste of waters," exceeded on the five — May 15 1834, more than that cleared on the three millions of pounds. The Pennsylvania? tolls same day How on our canal up is to last with our it the 1 May by own were Five amount received on the same day last year. boats had been registered up to that time. Cotton three times the hundred canal year, has been brought, with inconceivable rapidity and cheapness, from the remotest parts of Tennessee to the warehouses of our merchants. Yet was about "the ruin and desolation" of this state so flourishing, her resources so abundant and her works so noble, that one of her own representatives in Congress, uniting in the same scheme it of political panic, ventured to speak. How is it with Virginia? In the midst of these times of dreadful distress, the books of sub- Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Rail Road have been closed, and the Commissioners announce the gratifying information that more than ^300,000 v/ere at once subscribed; by November or December next it is believed it will scription to the stock of the be practicable to put thirty miles of the contractors will be able to and in three years it will How is it with our it under contract; commence the execution in January of the work; probably be finished to Fredericksburg. fair sister of the West? The tolls on the Mia- were g4,115 in May 1833; they are 1^5,560 in May 1834. The tolls on the Ohio canal were ^15,735 in May 1833; they ara mi canal 24 S25,231 in May 1834; yet, in the prophetic visions of Congress, these noble works are described as solitary and deserted. "Produce," exclaims one honorable Senator, alluding to the interior of the state of New York ''produce has fallen in price — from twenty-five to thirty-three per cent since the interference " of the executive with the public revenue; and land, land itself, '' " — the form — has which the vast pro*' portion of its property consists fallen, within the same time, I receive this information from the best ''to the same extent. Here then is a re"sources, and to which I give entire credit. " duction of the vvhole property of the people, twenty-five or thir' ' " the great capital of the country ty-three per cent, a striking ofl' at a blow, the quarter or one-third of the whole value of what they possess! I turn rific Sir, is this tolerable?" gazette published in the neighborhood to a scene in — and what do " acres Was recently "of Wayne, sold, I " see? in the A of this ter- farm of one hundred town of Galen, in the county ^30 per acre, in cash; this farm was valued "two years ago by two discreet farmers in the neighborhood "to be worth ^20 per acre; increase in value in two years 50 "per cent. A farm of thirty acres, in the town of Marion, in "Wayne county, was sold last fall at ^25 per acre; the pur" chaser has this spring sold the same farm for ^30 per acre; " increase in value in six months 20 per cent. A farm in the "town of Marion was sold this spring for ^30 per acre; two "years ago was it valued at ^20 dollars per acre; increase in value " in two years 50 per cent, A farmer in Yates county purchased "a farm at 553,000 during the last winter, and was offered imme" diately afterwards §1,000 for his bargain, being 333 per cent " increase in value. A farm in Jerusalem, Yates county, which "was valued last fall at §10 per acre, has been sold this month "for §16 per acre." Again, "Hov/ tender is the system what danger of explosion for — " on any untoward event!" is the fearful foreboding of the repre- sentative from Connecticut, in regard to the state banks. to the list of more than them throughout the Union, and six hundred. We see all find they We turn amount to the engines brought to bear to effect their destruction; the halls of Congress resounding with expressions of distrust; the newspapers advising the presentation of their notes; the bank of the United States assuming an attitude unfriendly derness, if not hostile to where many the explosion: of them. A Yet where few banks of I is the ten- rifling capital and 25 mismanaged long before this terrible removal of the deposits—^ are all that answer these lamen-^ their very names scarcely known — If laws are passed for the incorporation of new table forebodings. ones, an alacrity to subscribe is evinced, utterly inconsistent with any notion of excessive tenderness, any danger of explosion. I observe, during the very height of these dangerous times, evidThe subscripences of confidence in them not to be mistaken. amounted to tions to the stock of the Albany City Bank ^1,142,900, being ^642,900 more than the amount of its capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Phoenix Bank, in New York, exceeded three times the amount of its capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Commeicial Bank of New York, amounted to ^1,300,000, nearly three times the amount of its capital; the subscriptions to the stock of the Orleans County Bank amounted to ^680,200, exceeding its capital ^380,200; the subscriptions to the stock of the Sackett's Harbour Bank were about three times the amount of its capital. Indeed, fellow citizens, if there is one circumstance beyond all others, that displays the solid credit, resources and integrity of the people, it is the manner in which the state banks have resisted the panic, raised mainly to crush them, and to found more effectually on their ruins the overgrown institution, whose place they arc so well able to supply. " *'ry Men could no longer means; property fulfil fell in by the customa- their engagements value and thousands failed," another of the exclamations of an honorable senator. the records of our courts here, and I find that the I — is turn to number of In- solvent applicants in June 1833 was three hundred and twenty- June 1834 was only two hundred and eightysix. I have no means to ascertain how it may have been elsewhere, but I cannot suppose that the immediate victims and witnesses of the panic, are those who would least suffer from its seven, and in power. It were easy to trace these political and selfish alarmists through other errors equally glaring; to show that at no period have the solid resources of our country been less injured whatever of this, partial inconvenience or suffering has existed — and own eyes, which of us who has seen, as we have, under our instances of oppression and the effect of panic, — all this coalition has had its and impaired; that origin solely in the ends between the bank and is disposed to deny aimed its political ;dlies. by the selfish or in the means at 26' adopted is to Why tedious. petty sinuosities, But the task would be them. attain as useless as trace these misrepresentations through when it all it fheir needs but to turn our eyes on the broad aspect of our land to see their falsity, and to smile at the credulity or the cunning, which could thus hope to impose on the sagacity of the American people? have done. I have endeavored, as the mostappropriate way of performing the part you have assigned me, in this celebration of our national anniversary, to call your attenBut, fellow citizens, I tion to the present position of our country, and to see to be performed by those, who cherish and would maintain the berties that were won, and the which, in empty ceremony, solid rights is li- were established, vain and silly fes- institutions that fifty-eight years ago; for I hold that to be but a tival, what part lets slip by the preservation of and the performance of sacred duties. I have endeayears, have show you, that never in those eight and fifty the American people been more seriously called on to examine how they stand and what they are to do. Never was there a period when the democratic family should rally more warmly together, and sustain the ancient landmarks of their faith. Never was there a period when we ought to look more anxiously to vored to that firm, decided, and resistless expression of popular opinion, may be reviled or underrated, will be found to To that decision we shall all of us cheerfully be invariably just. If it shall tell us that the system of submit, whatever it may be. which, however it administration adopted by our opponents was wiser than our ovvnj if it shall give us back system, or sustain the all the partizan protection of the fatal delusion of nullification, or permit the lavish and selfish appropriation of the public of a national character; ence of a great — nay more, if it money on works not shall say that the exist- moneyed corporation has become an ture of our republic; that American we essential fea- must, of necessity, have among us, created by ourselves, a creature, heretofore only fabled by romance, possessing the powers of a giant, but endued not with the perception of right or men — ought to wrong; that our fortunes be depressed or elevated — the at fortunes of free- the nod of a bank; our political lessons learned from the pamphlets or newspapers scatters abroad; our public servants, chosen ed according to the thermometer of halls of legislation filled debtors; — above all, its by ourselves, estimat- passions or interests; our with the declamation of if it shall it its agents or its justify a coalition of political aspi- — 27 rants, in breaking down, for their own ends, the obstacles placed by the people in the way of their ambition; condemning public officers; denying to the accused the common right, not only of trial, but even of being heard; passing in secret upon private characters; driving from the national councils men of unquestioned genius and unsullied honor; delaying the progress of public business; scattering the language of dissention through the land; indeed, such shall be the decision of the American people, to if, that decision we must bow — saving lation that our struggle has faltered, our spirit of But it to ourselves only the sad conso- been manly, our resolution has never hopes have never yielded, our trust in the republican our country has never for an instant cannot be, — my countrymen, animated our forefathers is failed. cannot be. it not dead; the sons of The spirit that men who risked their fortunes for their freedom, are not to be frightened at the panic of a bank; nor are the descendants of those who braved armies from abroad, to be scared by the noisy intrigues of ambition at home. Our country We will go onward, as she has done, in her noble march. shall smile ere our days. We long shall and presumption of these at the efforts meet together, as we now do, on future anniversary of our independence, to rejoice in the many a unmoved grandeur of our political institutions, and to confess that corruption and ambition, oppression and faction, view and judgment of the people, war And God grant! that, when when exposed against them alike in vain. centuries shall have rolled by, and our people are dwelling on every mountain summit, and every fertile plain, stranger may who shall to the filling from the waves of one ocean to another, the chance to be among them, on this returning day, behold them celebrating the festival of our nation's birth, blessed — not only with extended empire, and unbounded wealth but blessed with that, without which it were better to dwell with- narrow limits and a rugged land, a government of equal laws, of equal rights, founded, upheld, examined and controlled by the in watchful spirit of the people. Je '10