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United States Government Accountability Office

GAO

Report to Congressional Addressees

January 2009

FINANCIAL
REGULATION
A Framework for
Crafting and Assessing
Proposals to
Modernize the
Outdated U.S.
Financial Regulatory
System

GAO-09-216

January 2009

FINANCIAL REGULATION
Accountability Integrity Reliability

Highlights
Highlights of GAO-09-216, a report to
congressional addressees

A Framework for Crafting and Assessing Proposals
to Modernize the Outdated U.S. Financial Regulatory
System

Why GAO Did This Study

What GAO Found

The United States and other
countries are in the midst of the
worst financial crisis in more than
75 years. While much of the
attention of policymakers
understandably has been focused
on taking short-term steps to
address the immediate nature of
the crisis, these events have served
to strikingly demonstrate that the
current U.S. financial regulatory
system is in need of significant
reform.

The current U.S. financial regulatory system has relied on a fragmented and
complex arrangement of federal and state regulators—put into place over the
past 150 years—that has not kept pace with major developments in financial
markets and products in recent decades. As the nation finds itself in the midst
of one of the worst financial crises ever, the regulatory system increasingly
appears to be ill-suited to meet the nation’s needs in the 21st century. Today,
responsibilities for overseeing the financial services industry are shared
among almost a dozen federal banking, securities, futures, and other
regulatory agencies, numerous self-regulatory organizations, and hundreds of
state financial regulatory agencies. Much of this structure has developed as
the result of statutory and regulatory changes that were often implemented in
response to financial crises or significant developments in the financial
services sector. For example, the Federal Reserve System was created in 1913
in response to financial panics and instability around the turn of the century,
and much of the remaining structure for bank and securities regulation was
created as the result of the Great Depression turmoil of the 1920s and 1930s.

To help policymakers better
understand existing problems with
the financial regulatory system and
craft and evaluate reform
proposals, this report (1) describes
the origins of the current financial
regulatory system, (2) describes
various market developments and
changes that have created
challenges for the current system,
and (3) presents an evaluation
framework that can be used by
Congress and others to shape
potential regulatory reform efforts.
To do this work, GAO synthesized
existing GAO work and other
studies and met with dozens of
representatives of financial
regulatory agencies, industry
associations, consumer advocacy
organizations, and others.
Twenty-nine regulators, industry
associations, and consumer groups
also reviewed a draft of this report
and provided valuable input that
was incorporated as appropriate.
In general, reviewers commented
that the report represented an
important and thorough review of
the issues related to regulatory
reform.

Several key changes in financial markets and products in recent decades have
highlighted significant limitations and gaps in the existing regulatory system.
•

•

•

•

•
To view the full product, including the scope
and methodology, click on GAO-09-216.
For more information, contact Orice M.
Williams at (202) 512-8678 or
williamso@gao.gov.

First, regulators have struggled, and often failed, to mitigate the
systemic risks posed by large and interconnected financial
conglomerates and to ensure they adequately manage their risks. The
portion of firms operating as conglomerates that cross financial
sectors of banking, securities, and insurance increased significantly in
recent years, but none of the regulators is tasked with assessing the
risks posed across the entire financial system.
Second, regulators have had to address problems in financial markets
resulting from the activities of large and sometimes less-regulated
market participants—such as nonbank mortgage lenders, hedge funds,
and credit rating agencies—some of which play significant roles in
today’s financial markets.
Third, the increasing prevalence of new and more complex investment
products has challenged regulators and investors, and consumers
have faced difficulty understanding new and increasingly complex
retail mortgage and credit products. Regulators failed to adequately
oversee the sale of mortgage products that posed risks to consumers
and the stability of the financial system.
Fourth, standard setters for accounting and financial regulators have
faced growing challenges in ensuring that accounting and audit
standards appropriately respond to financial market developments,
and in addressing challenges arising from the global convergence of
accounting and auditing standards.
Finally, despite the increasingly global aspects of financial markets,
the current fragmented U.S. regulatory structure has complicated
some efforts to coordinate internationally with other regulators.
United States Government Accountability Office

Highlights of GAO-09-216 (continued)

As a result of significant market developments in recent
decades that have outpaced a fragmented and outdated
regulatory structure, significant reforms to the U.S.
regulatory system are critically and urgently needed. The
current system has important weaknesses that, if not
addressed, will continue to expose the nation’s financial
system to serious risks. As early as 1994, GAO identified
the need to examine the federal financial regulatory
structure, including the need to address the risks from
new unregulated products. Since then, GAO has
described various options for Congress to consider, each
of which provides potential improvements, as well as
some risks and potential costs. This report offers a
Characteristic
Clearly defined
regulatory goals

9
9

Appropriately
comprehensive

9

Systemwide focus

9

Flexible and
adaptable

9

Efficient and
effective

9

Consistent consumer
and investor
protection

9
9

Regulators provided
with independence,
prominence,
authority, and
accountability
Consistent financial
oversight

9

Minimal taxpayer
exposure

framework for crafting and evaluating regulatory reform
proposals; it consists of the following nine
characteristics that should be reflected in any new
regulatory system. By applying the elements of this
framework, the relative strengths and weaknesses of any
reform proposal should be better revealed, and
policymakers should be able to focus on identifying
trade-offs and balancing competing goals. Similarly, the
framework could be used to craft proposals, or to
identify aspects to be added to existing proposals to
make them more effective and appropriate for
addressing the limitations of the current system.

Description
Goals should be clearly articulated and relevant, so that regulators can effectively carry out their
missions and be held accountable. Key issues include considering the benefits of re-examining the
goals of financial regulation to gain needed consensus and making explicit a set of updated
comprehensive and cohesive goals that reflect today’s environment.
Financial regulations should cover all activities that pose risks or are otherwise important to meeting
regulatory goals and should ensure that appropriate determinations are made about how extensive
such regulations should be, considering that some activities may require less regulation than others.
Key issues include identifying risk-based criteria, such as a product’s or institution’s potential to
create systemic problems, for determining the appropriate level of oversight for financial activities and
institutions, including closing gaps that contributed to the current crisis.
Mechanisms should be included for identifying, monitoring, and managing risks to the financial
system regardless of the source of the risk. Given that no regulator is currently tasked with this, key
issues include determining how to effectively monitor market developments to identify potential risks;
the degree, if any, to which regulatory intervention might be required; and who should hold such
responsibilities.
A regulatory system that is flexible and forward looking allows regulators to readily adapt to market
innovations and changes. Key issues include identifying and acting on emerging risks in a timely way
without hindering innovation.
Effective and efficient oversight should be developed, including eliminating overlapping federal
regulatory missions where appropriate, and minimizing regulatory burden without sacrificing effective
oversight. Any changes to the system should be continually focused on improving the effectiveness
of the financial regulatory system. Key issues include determining opportunities for consolidation
given the large number of overlapping participants now, identifying the appropriate role of states and
self-regulation, and ensuring a smooth transition to any new system.
Consumer and investor protection should be included as part of the regulatory mission to ensure that
market participants receive consistent, useful information, as well as legal protections for similar
financial products and services, including disclosures, sales practice standards, and suitability
requirements. Key issues include determining what amount, if any, of consolidation of responsibility
may be necessary to streamline consumer protection activities across the financial services industry.
Regulators should have independence from inappropriate influence, as well as prominence and
authority to carry out and enforce statutory missions, and be clearly accountable for meeting
regulatory goals. With regulators with varying levels of prominence and funding schemes now, key
issues include how to appropriately structure and fund agencies to ensure that each one’s structure
sufficiently achieves these characteristics.
Similar institutions, products, risks, and services should be subject to consistent regulation, oversight,
and transparency, which should help minimize negative competitive outcomes while harmonizing
oversight, both within the United States and internationally. Key issues include identifying activities
that pose similar risks, and streamlining regulatory activities to achieve consistency.
A regulatory system should foster financial markets that are resilient enough to absorb failures and
thereby limit the need for federal intervention and limit taxpayers’ exposure to financial risk. Key
issues include identifying safeguards to prevent systemic crises and minimizing moral hazard.
Source: GAO.

United States Government Accountability Office

Contents

Letter

1
Background
Today’s Financial Regulatory System Was Built over More Than a
Century, Largely in Response to Crises or Market Developments
Changes in Financial Institutions and Their Products Have
Significantly Challenged the U.S. Financial Regulatory System
A Framework for Crafting and Assessing Alternatives for
Reforming the U.S. Financial Regulatory System
Comments from Agencies and Other Organizations, and Our
Evaluation

63

Appendix I

Scope and Methodology

68

Appendix II

Agencies and Other Organizations That Reviewed
the Draft Report

71

Appendix III

Comments from the American Bankers Association

72

Appendix IV

Comments from the American Council of Life
Insurers

76

Comments from the Conference of State Bank
Supervisors

78

Appendix VI

Comments from Consumers Union

84

Appendix VII

Comments from the Credit Union National
Association

86

Appendix V

Page i

3
5
16
48

GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

Appendix VIII

Comments from the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation

88

Appendix IX

Comments from the Mortgage Bankers Association

90

Appendix X

Comments from the National Association of
Federal Credit Unions

92

Comments from the Center for Responsible
Lending, the National Consumer Law Center,
and the U.S. PIRG

94

GAO Contacts and Staff Acknowledgments

99

Appendix XI

Appendix XII

Related GAO Products

100

Figures
Figure 1: Formation of U.S. Financial Regulatory System
(1863-2008)
Figure 2: Key Developments and Resulting Challenges That Have
Hindered the Effectiveness of the Financial Regulatory
System
Figure 3: Status of Top 25 Subprime and Nonprime Mortgage
Lenders (2006)
Figure 4: Growth in Proportion of Private Label Securitization in
the Mortgage-Backed Securities Market, in Dollars and
Percentage of Dollar Volume (1995-2007)
Figure 5: Example of an Off-Balance Sheet Entity

Page ii

6

17
24

26
34

GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

Abbreviations
BFCU
CDO
CEC
CFTC
CSE
FASB
FDIC
FHFA
FHFB
FHLBB
FRS
FSLIC
FTC
GFA
GLBA
GSE
IMF
LTCM
NAIC
NCUA
NRSRO
OCC
OFHEO
OTC
OTS
PCAOB
SEC
SRO

Bureau of Federal Credit Unions
collateralized debt obligation
Commodity Exchange Commission
Commodity Futures Trading Commission
Consolidated Supervised Entity
Financial Accounting Standards Board
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
Federal Housing Finance Agency
Federal Housing Finance Board
Federal Home Loan Bank Board
Federal Reserve System
Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation
Federal Trade Commission
Grain Futures Administration
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999
government-sponsored enterprise
International Monetary Fund
Long Term Capital Management
National Association of Insurance Commissioners
National Credit Union Administration
nationally recognized statistical rating organization
Office of the Comptroller of the Currency
Office of Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight
over-the-counter
Office of Thrift Supervision
Public Company Accounting Oversight Board
Securities and Exchange Commission
self-regulatory organization

This is a work of the U.S. government and is not subject to copyright protection in the
United States. The published product may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety
without further permission from GAO. However, because this work may contain
copyrighted images or other material, permission from the copyright holder may be
necessary if you wish to reproduce this material separately.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

United States Government Accountability Office
Washington, DC 20548

January 8, 2009
Congressional Addressees
The United States is in the midst of the worst financial crisis in more than
75 years. In recent months, federal officials have taken unprecedented
steps to stem the unraveling of the financial services sector by committing
trillions of dollars of taxpayer funds to rescue financial institutions and
restore order to credit markets, including the creation of a $700 billion
program that has been used so far to inject money into struggling
institutions in an attempt to stabilize markets.1 This current crisis largely
stems from defaults on U.S. subprime mortgage loans, many of which were
packaged and sold as securities to buyers in the United States and around
the world. With financial institutions from many countries participating in
these activities, the resulting turmoil has afflicted financial markets
globally and has spurred coordinated action by world leaders in an
attempt to protect savings and restore the health of the markets. While
much of policymakers’ attention understandably has been focused on
taking short-term steps to address the immediate nature of the crisis, these
events have served to strikingly demonstrate that the current U.S. financial
regulatory system is in need of significant reform.2
The current U.S. regulatory system has relied on a fragmented and
complex arrangement of federal and state regulators—put into place over
the past 150 years—that has not kept pace with the major developments
that have occurred in financial markets and products in recent decades. In
particular, the current system was not designed to adequately oversee
today’s large and interconnected financial institutions, whose activities
pose new risks to the institutions themselves as well as risk to the broader
financial system—called systemic risk, which is the risk that an event
could broadly effect the financial system rather than just one or a few
institutions. In addition, not all financial activities and institutions fall

1

For more information about these activities, see GAO, Troubled Asset Relief Program:
Additional Actions Needed to Better Ensure Integrity, Accountability, and
Transparency, GAO-09-161 (Washington, D.C.: Dec. 2, 2008).

2
Throughout this report, we use the term “financial regulatory system” to refer broadly to
both the financial regulatory structure—that is, the number and organization of financial
regulatory agencies—as well as other aspects of financial regulation, including agency
responsibilities, and mechanisms and authorities available to agencies for fulfilling such
responsibilities.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

under the direct purview of financial regulators, and market innovations
have led to the creation of new and sometimes very complex products that
were never envisioned as the current regulatory system developed. In light
of the recent turmoil in financial markets, the current financial regulatory
system increasingly appears to be ill-suited to meet the nation’s needs in
the 21st century.
As the administration and Congress continue to take actions to address
the immediate financial crisis, determining how to create a regulatory
system that reflects new market realities is a key step to reducing the
likelihood that the U.S. will experience another financial crisis similar to
the current one. As a result, considerable debate is under way over
whether and how the current regulatory system should be changed,
including calls for consolidating regulatory agencies, broadening certain
regulators’ authorities, or subjecting certain products or entities to more
regulation. For example, in March 2008, the Department of the Treasury
(Treasury) proposed significant financial regulatory reforms in its
“Blueprint for a Modernized Financial Regulatory Structure,” and other
federal regulatory officials and industry groups have also put forth reform
proposals.3 Under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, Treasury is
required to submit to Congress by April 30, 2009, a report with
recommendations on “the current state of the financial markets and the
regulatory system.”4 As these and other proposals are developed or
evaluated, it will be important to carefully consider their advantages and
disadvantages and long-term implications.
To help policymakers weigh the various proposals and consider ways in
which the current regulatory system could be made more effective and
efficient, we prepared this report under the authority of the Comptroller
General. Specifically, our report (1) describes the origins of the current
financial regulatory system, (2) describes various market developments
and changes that have raised challenges for the current system, and (3)
presents an evaluation framework that can be used by Congress and

3

See Department of the Treasury, Blueprint for a Modernized Financial Regulatory
Structure (Washington, D.C., March 2008); Financial Services Roundtable, The Blueprint
for U.S. Financial Services Competitiveness (Washington, D.C., Nov. 7, 2007); Timothy F.
Geithner, President and Chief Executive Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of New York,
“Reducing Systemic Risk in a Dynamic Financial System” (speech, New York, June 9,
2008); and Ben S. Bernanke, Chairman, Federal Reserve, “Reducing Systemic Risk”
(speech, Jackson Hole, Wyo., Aug. 22, 2008).
4

Pub. L. No. 110-343, § 105(c).

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

others to craft or evaluate potential regulatory reform efforts going
forward. This report’s primary focus is on discussing how various market
developments have revealed gaps and limitations in the existing regulatory
system. Although drawing on examples of events from the current crisis,
we do not attempt to identify all of the potential weaknesses in the actions
of regulators that had authority over the institutions and products
involved.
To address these objectives, we synthesized existing GAO work on
challenges to the U.S. financial regulatory structure and on criteria for
developing and strengthening effective regulatory structures.5 We also
reviewed existing studies, government documents, and other research for
illustrations of how current and past financial market events have exposed
inadequacies in our existing financial regulatory system and for
suggestions for regulatory reform. In a series of forums, we discussed
these developments and the elements of a potential framework for an
effective regulatory system with groups of financial regulators of banking,
securities, futures, insurance, and housing markets; representatives of
financial services industry associations and individual financial
institutions; and with selected consumer advocacy organizations,
academics, and other experts in financial markets issues. The work upon
which this report is based was conducted in accordance with generally
accepted government auditing standards. Those standards require that we
plan and perform the audit to obtain sufficient, appropriate evidence to
provide a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our
audit objectives. We believe that the evidence obtained provides a
reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our audit
objectives. This work was conducted between April 2008 and December
2008. A more extensive discussion of our scope and methodology appears
in appendix I.

Background

While providing many benefits to our economy and citizens’ lives, financial
services activities can also cause harm if left unsupervised. As a result, the
United States and many other countries have found that regulating
financial markets, institutions, and products is more efficient and effective

5
For example, see GAO, Financial Regulation: Industry Trends Continue to Challenge the
Federal Regulatory Structure, GAO-08-32 (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 12, 2007); and Financial
Regulation: Industry Changes Prompt Need to Reconsider U.S. Regulatory Structure,
GAO-05-61 (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 6, 2004). See Related GAO Products appendix for
additional reports.

Page 3

GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

than leaving the fairness and integrity of these activities to be ensured
solely by market participants themselves.
The federal laws related to financial regulation set forth specific
authorities and responsibilities for regulators, although these authorities
typically do not contain provisions explicitly linking such responsibilities
to overall goals of financial regulation. Nevertheless, financial regulation
generally has sought to achieve four broad goals:
•

Ensure adequate consumer protections. Because financial institutions’
incentives to maximize profits can in some cases lead to sales of
unsuitable or fraudulent financial products, or unfair or deceptive acts or
practices, U.S. regulators take steps to address informational
disadvantages that consumers and investors may face, ensure consumers
and investors have sufficient information to make appropriate decisions,
and oversee business conduct and sales practices to prevent fraud and
abuse.

•

Ensure the integrity and fairness of markets. Because some market
participants could seek to manipulate markets to obtain unfair gains in a
way that is not easily detectable by other participants, U.S. regulators set
rules for and monitor markets and their participants to prevent fraud and
manipulation, limit problems in asset pricing, and ensure efficient market
activity.

•

Monitor the safety and soundness of institutions. Because markets
sometimes lead financial institutions to take on excessive risks that can
have significant negative impacts on consumers, investors, and taxpayers,
regulators oversee risk-taking activities to promote the safety and
soundness of financial institutions.

•

Act to ensure the stability of the overall financial system. Because
shocks to the system or the actions of financial institutions can lead to
instability in the broader financial system, regulators act to reduce
systemic risk in various ways, such as by providing emergency funding to
troubled financial institutions.
Although these goals have traditionally been their primary focus, financial
regulators are also often tasked with achieving other goals as they carry
out their activities. These can include promoting economic growth, capital
formation, and competition in our financial markets. Regulators have also
taken actions with an eye toward ensuring the competitiveness of
regulated U.S. financial institutions with those in other sectors or with
others around the world. In other cases, financial institutions may be

Page 4

GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

required by law or regulation to foster social policy objectives such as fair
access to credit and increased home ownership.
In general, these goals are reflected in statutes, regulations, and
administrative actions, such as rulemakings or guidance, by financial
institution supervisors. Laws and regulatory agency policies can set a
greater priority on some roles and missions than others. Regulators are
usually responsible for multiple regulatory goals and often prioritize them
differently. For example, state and federal bank regulators generally focus
on the safety and soundness of depository institutions; federal securities
and futures regulators focus on the integrity of markets, and the adequacy
of information provided to investors; and state securities regulators
primarily address consumer protection. State insurance regulators focus
on the ability of insurance firms to meet their commitments to the insured.
The degrees to which regulators oversee institutions, markets, or products
also vary depending upon, among other things, the regulatory approach
Congress has fashioned for different sectors of the financial industry. For
example, some institutions, such as banks, are subject to comprehensive
regulation to ensure their safety and soundness. Among other things, they
are subject to examinations and limitations on the types of activities they
may conduct. Other institutions conducting financial activities are less
regulated, such as by only having to register with regulators or by having
less extensive disclosure requirements. Moreover, some markets, such as
those for many over-the-counter derivatives markets, as well as activities
within those markets, are not subject to oversight regulation at all.

Today’s Financial
Regulatory System
Was Built over More
Than a Century,
Largely in Response
to Crises or Market
Developments

As a result of 150 years of changes in financial regulation in the United
States, the regulatory system has become complex and fragmented. (See
fig. 1.) Our regulatory system has multiple financial regulatory bodies,
including five federal and multiple state agencies that oversee depository
institutions. Securities activities are overseen by federal and state
government entities, as well as by private sector organizations performing
self-regulatory functions. Futures trading is overseen by a federal regulator
and also by industry self-regulatory organizations. Insurance activities are
primarily regulated at the state level with little federal involvement.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

Figure 1: Formation of U.S. Financial Regulatory System (1863-2008)

CEC

Federal

OCC

OCC

State

FRS

SEC

GFA

OCC

OCC

FHLBB

FHLBB

BFCU
FRS

FRS

FDIC

FSLIC

1900
Civil War

Financial panics and instability

1863 – National Bank Act
Established Office of the
Comptroller of the Currency
(OCC)

Great Depression

1913 – Federal Reserve Act
Established Federal Reserve
System (FRS)
1922 – Grain Futures Act
Established the Grain
Futures Administration (GFA)
to oversee the trading of
agricultural futures contracts

1932 – Federal Home Loan
Bank Act
Created the Federal Home
Loan Bank Board (FHLBB)
to oversee the Federal
Home Loan Bank System
1933 – Banking Act
Established Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation (FDIC)
1933 – Securities Act
Established federal regulation
of securities issuances

1936 –
Commodity
Exchange
Act
Commodity
Exchange
Commission
(CEC)
established
from the Grain
Futures
Administration

1934 – Securities Exchange Act
Established Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC)
1934 – National Housing Act
Established Federal Savings and
Loan Insurance Corporation (FSLIC)

Secondary mortgage markets
Accounting and auditing

1934 – Federal Credit Union Act
Established Bureau of Federal Credit
Unions (BFCU)

Insurance
Securities and futures
Banking

Source: GAO.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

FHLBB

FSLIC

CEC

BFCU

CEC

FHFB

CFTC

FRS

SEC

OCC

FHLBB

CFTC

FRS

FRS

SEC

CFTC
FRS

SEC

OCC

FHFB

OCC

OFHEO

FHFB

SEC

OCC
FHFA

BFCU
FDIC

FDIC

OFHEO

OFHEO

FDIC

FDIC

PCAOB
FSLIC

NCUA

OTS

NCUA

PCAOB

OTS

NCUA

OTS

2000
S&L crisis

1945 – McCarran-Ferguson Act
Delegated authority to regulate
interstate insurance transactions
to the states

1970 – Amendment to
Federal Credit Union Act
National Credit Union
Administration (NCUA)
established from BFCU

1974 – Commodity Futures
Trading Commission Act
Commodity Futures Trading
Commission (CFTC) established
from CEC
1989 – Financial Institutions
Reform, Recovery, and
Enforcement Act
Established Office of Thrift
Supervision (OTS); FDIC
absorbed FSLIC; Federal
Housing Finance Board (FHFB)
replaced FHLBB
1992 – Federal Housing Enterprises
Financial Safety and Soundness Act
Established Office of Federal Housing
Enterprise Oversight (OFHEO)
1996 – National Securities
Markets Improvement Act
Pre-empted most state oversight
of nationally traded securities

2008 financial crisis

2008 – Housing and
Economic Recovery Act
Created the Federal
Housing Finance Agency
(FHFA); Established from
FHFB and OFHEO, which
were dissolved
2002 – Sarbanes-Oxley Act
Established the Public
Company Accounting
Oversight Board (PCAOB)
2000 – Commodity Futures
Modernization Act
Established principles-based structure for
regulating futures exchanges and derivatives
clearing organizations. Clarified that some
off-exchange trading would be permitted and
remain largely unregulated
1999 – Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act
Eliminated restrictions on banks, securities
firms, and insurance companies affiliating
with each other; and reinforced “functional
regulation” in which institutions may be
overseen by multiple regulators

Overall, responsibilities for overseeing the financial services industry are
shared among almost a dozen federal banking, securities, futures, and
other regulatory agencies, numerous self-regulatory organizations (SRO),
and hundreds of state financial regulatory agencies. The following sections

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

describe how regulation evolved in various sectors, including banking,
securities, thrifts, credit unions, futures, insurance, secondary mortgage
markets, and other financial institutions. The accounting and auditing
environment for financial institutions, and the role of the Gramm-LeachBliley Act in financial regulation, are also discussed.

Banking

Since the early days of our nation, banks have allowed citizens to store
their savings and used these funds to make loans to spur business
development. Until the middle of the 1800s, banks were chartered by
states and state regulators supervised their activities, which primarily
consisted of taking deposits and issuing currency. However, the existence
of multiple currencies issued by different banks, some of which were more
highly valued than others, created difficulties for the smooth functioning
of economic activity. In an effort to finance the nation’s Civil War debt and
reduce financial uncertainty, Congress passed the National Bank Act of
1863, which provided for issuance of a single national currency. This act
also created the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), which
was to oversee the national currency and improve banking system
efficiency by granting banks national charters to operate and conducting
oversight to ensure the sound operations of these banks. As of 2007, of the
more than 16,000 depository institutions subject to federal regulation in
the United States, OCC was responsible for chartering, regulating, and
supervising nearly 1,700 commercial banks with national charters.
In the years surrounding 1900, the United States experienced troubled
economic conditions and several financial panics, including various
instances of bank runs as depositors attempted to withdraw their funds
from banks whose financial conditions had deteriorated. To improve the
liquidity of the U.S. banking sector and reduce the potential for such
panics and runs, Congress passed the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. This
act created the Federal Reserve System, which consists of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System (Federal Reserve), and 12
Federal Reserve Banks, which are congressionally chartered semiprivate
entities that undertake a range of actions on behalf of the Federal Reserve,
including supervision of banks and bank holding companies, and lending
to troubled banks. The Federal Reserve was given responsibility to act as
the federal supervisory agency for state-chartered banks—banks
authorized to do business under charters issued by states—that are
members of the Federal Reserve System.6 In addition to supervising and

6

Staff at the Federal Reserve Banks act as supervisors in conjunction with the Board.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

regulating bank and financial holding companies and nearly 900 statechartered banks, the Federal Reserve also develops and implements
national monetary policy, and provides financial services to depository
institutions, the U.S. government, and foreign official institutions,
including playing a major role in operating the nation’s payments system.
Several significant changes to the U.S. financial regulatory system again
were made as a result of the turbulent economic conditions in the late
1920s and 1930s. In response to numerous bank failures resulting in the
severe contraction of economic activity of the Great Depression, the
Banking Act of 1933 created the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
(FDIC), which administers a federal program to insure the deposits of
participating banks. Subsequently, FDIC’s deposit insurance authority
expanded to include thrifts.7 Additionally, FDIC provides primary federal
oversight of any insured state-chartered banks that are not members of the
Federal Reserve System, and it serves as the primary federal regulator for
over 5,200 state-chartered institutions. Finally, FDIC has backup
examination and enforcement authority over all of the institutions it
insures in order to mitigate losses to the deposit insurance funds.

Securities

Prior to the 1930s, securities markets were overseen by various state
securities regulatory bodies and the securities exchanges themselves. In
the aftermath of the stock market crash of 1929, the Securities Exchange
Act of 1934 created a new federal agency, the Securities and Exchange
Commission (SEC) and gave it authority to register and oversee securities
broker-dealers, as well as securities exchanges, to strengthen securities
oversight and address inconsistent state securities rules.8 In addition to
regulation by SEC and state agencies, securities markets and the brokerdealers that accept and execute customer orders in these markets

7

Thrifts, also known as savings and loans, are financial institutions that accept deposits and
make loans, particularly for home mortgages. Until 1989, thrift deposits were federally
insured by the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation (FSLIC), which was
created by the National Housing Act of 1934. After experiencing solvency problems in
connection with the savings and loan crisis of the 1980s, FSLIC was abolished and its
insurance function was transferred to FDIC.
8

The Securities Act of 1933 (1933 Act), 48 Stat. 74. et. seq., assigned federal supervision of
securities to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) by, among other things, requiring that
securities offerings subject to the act’s registration requirements be registered with the
FTC. See 1933 Act, §§ 2, 5, 6 (May 27, 1933). In the 1934 act, Congress replaced the FTC’s
role by transferring its powers, duties, and functions under the 1933 act to SEC. See
Securities Exchange Act of 1934, 48 Stat. 881, §§ 3(a), 210 (June 6, 1934).

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continue to be regulated by SROs, including those of the exchanges and
the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, that are funded by the
participants in the industry. Among other things, these SROs establish
rules and conduct examinations related to market integrity and investor
protection. SEC also registers and oversees investment companies and
advisers, approves rules for the industry, and conducts examinations of
broker-dealers and mutual funds. State securities regulators—represented
by the North American Securities Administrators Association—are
generally responsible for registering certain securities products and, along
with SEC, investigating securities fraud.9 SEC is also responsible for
overseeing the financial reporting and disclosures that companies issuing
securities must make under U.S. securities laws. SEC was also authorized
to issue and oversee U.S. accounting standards for entities subject to its
jurisdiction, but has delegated the creation of accounting standards to a
private-sector organization, the Financial Accounting Standards Board,
which establishes generally accepted accounting principles.

Thrifts and Credit Unions

The economic turmoil of the 1930s also prompted the creation of federal
regulators for other types of depository institutions, including thrifts and
credit unions.10 These institutions previously had been subject to oversight
only by state authorities. However, the Home Owners’ Loan Act of 1933
empowered the newly created Federal Home Loan Bank Board to charter
and regulate federal thrifts, and the Federal Credit Union Act of 1934
created the Bureau of Federal Credit Unions to charter and supervise
credit unions.11 Congress amended the Federal Credit Union Act in 1970 to

9

The National Securities Markets Improvement Act, Pub. L. No. 104-290 (Oct. 11, 1996), preempted state securities registration requirements for all but a subset of small securities
products and limited state supervision of broker-dealers, but left intact the right of states to
investigate securities fraud.
10

Credit unions are member-owned financial institutions that generally offer their members
services similar to those provided by banks.
11

Home Owners’ Loan Act of 1933, 48 Stat. 128 (June 13, 1933). The administration of the
Federal Credit Union Act was originally vested in the Farm Credit Administration (Act of
June 26, 1934, 48 Stat. 1216.) Executive Order No. 9148, dated April 27, 1942 (7 F.R. 3145),
transferred the functions, powers and duties of the Farm Credit Administration to FDIC.
Effective July 29, 1948, the powers, duties and functions transferred to FDIC were
transferred to the Federal Security Agency. (Act of June 29, 1948, 62 Stat. 1091.)
Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1953, effective April 11, 1953, abolished the Federal Security
Agency and transferred the Bureau of Federal Credit Unions, together with other agencies
of the Federal Security Agency, to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. (67
Stat. 631, 18 F.R. 2053.).

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establish the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA), which is
responsible for chartering and supervising over 5,000 federally chartered
credit unions, as well as insuring deposits in these and more than 3,000
state-chartered credit unions.12 Oversight of these state-chartered credit
unions is managed by 47 state regulatory agencies, represented by the
National Association of State Credit Union Supervisors.13
From 1980 to 1990, over 1,000 thrifts failed at a cost of about $100 billion
to the federal deposit insurance funds. In response, the Financial
Institutions Reform, Recovery, and Enforcement Act of 1989 abolished the
Federal Home Loan Bank Board and, among other things, established the
Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) to improve thrift oversight.14 OTS
charters about 750 federal thrifts and oversees these and about 70 statechartered thrifts, as well as savings and loan holding companies.15

Futures

Oversight of the trading of futures contracts, which allow their purchasers
to buy or sell a specific quantity of a commodity for delivery in the future,
has also changed over the years in response to changes in the
marketplace. Under the Grain Futures Act of 1922, the trading of futures
contracts was overseen by the Grain Futures Administration, an office
within the Department of Agriculture, reflecting the nature of the products
for which futures contracts were traded.16 However, futures contracts
were later created for nonagricultural commodities, such as energy
products like oil and natural gas, metals such as gold and silver, and
financial products such as Treasury bonds and foreign currencies. In 1974,

12

Public Law 91–206 (Mar. 10, 1970, 84 Stat. 49) created the National Credit Union
Administration as an independent agency and transferred all of the functions of the Bureau
of Federal Credit Unions to the new administration.
13

Federally insured state credit unions also are subject to supervision by NCUA.

14

Pub. L. No. 101-73 § 301 (Aug. 9, 1989).

15

The five federal depository institution regulators discussed earlier coordinate formally
through the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council, an interagency body that
was established in 1979 and is empowered to (1) prescribe uniform principles, standards,
and report forms for the federal examination of financial institutions; and (2) make
recommendations to promote uniformity in the supervision of financial institutions.

16

The Grain Futures Act (ch. 369, 42 Stat. 998, Sept. 21, 1922). In 1936 the act was renamed
the “Commodity Exchange Act (CEA),” which, among other things, created the Commodity
Exchange Commission (CEC), a predecessor agency to the Commodity Futures Trading
Commission. 49 Stat. 1491 (June 15, 1936).

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a new independent federal agency, the Commodity Futures Trading
Commission (CFTC), was created to oversee the trading of futures
contracts.17 Like SEC, CFTC relies on SROs, including the futures
exchanges and the National Futures Association, to establish and enforce
rules governing member behavior. In 2000, the Commodity Futures
Modernization Act of 2000 established a principles-based structure for the
regulation of futures exchanges and derivatives clearing organizations, and
clarified that some off-exchange derivatives trading—and in particular
trading on facilities only accessible to large, sophisticated traders—was
permitted and would be largely unregulated or exempt from regulation.18

Insurance

Unlike most other financial services, insurance activities traditionally have
been regulated at the state level. In 1944, a U.S. Supreme Court decision
determined that the insurance industry was subject to interstate
commerce laws, which could then have allowed for federal regulation, but
Congress passed the McCarran-Ferguson Act in 1945 to explicitly return
insurance regulation to the states.19 As a result, as many as 55 state,
territorial, or other local jurisdiction authorities oversee insurance
activities in the United States, although state regulations and other
activities are often coordinated nationally by the National Association of
Insurance Commissioners (NAIC).20

17

Commodity Futures Trading Commission Act, Pub. L. No. 93-463 (Oct. 23, 1974).

18

A derivative is a financial instrument representing a right or obligation based on the value
at a particular time of an underlying asset, reference rate, or index, such as a stock, bond,
agricultural or other physical commodity, interest rate, currency exchange rate, or stock
index. Derivatives contracts are used by firms around the world to manage market risk—
the exposure to the possibility of financial loss caused by adverse changes in the values of
assets or liabilities—by transferring it from entities less willing or able to manage it to
those more willing and able to do so. Common types of derivatives include futures, options,
forwards, and swaps and can be traded through an exchange, known as exchange-traded,
or privately, known as over-the counter.
19

Up until 1944, insurance was not considered interstate commerce and, therefore, was not
subject to federal regulation. In United States v. South-Eastern Underwriters Ass’n, 322
U.S. 533 (1944) the Supreme Court held that Congress could regulate insurance
transactions that truly are interstate. Congress subsequently enacted the McCarranFerguson Act (Mar. 9, 1945), ch. 20, 59 Stat. 33, which provides that state laws apply to
insurance unless they are specifically pre-empted by Congress. See 15 U.S.C. § 1011.
20
NAIC is made up of the heads of the insurance departments of 50 states, the District of
Columbia, and U.S. territories to provide a forum for the development of uniform policy
when uniformity is appropriate.

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Secondary Mortgage
Markets

The recent financial crisis in the credit and housing markets has prompted
the creation of a new, unified federal financial regulatory oversight
agency, the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), to oversee the
government-sponsored enterprises (GSE) Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and
the Federal Home Loan Banks.21 Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are private,
federally chartered companies created by Congress to, among other
things, provide liquidity to home mortgage markets by purchasing
mortgage loans, thus enabling lenders to make additional loans. The
system of 12 Federal Home Loan Banks provides funding to support
housing finance and economic development.22 Until enactment of the
Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, Fannie Mae and Freddie
Mac had been overseen since 1992 by the Office of Federal Housing
Enterprise Oversight (OFHEO), an agency within the Department of
Housing and Urban Development, and the Federal Home Loan Banks were
subject to supervision by the Federal Housing Finance Board (FHFB), an
independent regulatory agency.23 OFHEO regulated Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac on matters of safety and soundness, while HUD regulated
their mission-related activities. FHFB served as the safety and soundness
and mission regulator of the Federal Home Loan Banks. In July 2008, the
Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008 created FHFA to establish
more effective and more consistent oversight of the three housing GSEs—
Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and the Federal Home Loan Banks. With respect
to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the law gives FHFA such new regulatory
authorities as the power to regulate the retained mortgage portfolios, to
set more stringent capital standards, and to place a failing entity in
receivership. In addition, the law provides FHFA with funding outside the
annual appropriations process. The law also combined the regulatory
authorities for all the housing GSEs that were previously distributed

21

Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, Pub. L. No. 110-289, title I, subtitle A
(July 30, 2008).
22

The 12 Federal Home Loan Banks form a system of regional cooperatives, each with its
own president and board of directors, located in different regions of the country. Their
statutory mission is to provide cost-effective funding to members for use in housing,
community, and economic development; to provide regional affordable housing programs,
which create housing opportunities for low- and moderate-income families; to support
housing finance through advances and mortgage programs; and to serve as a reliable
source of liquidity for its membership.
23
OFHEO was created in title XIII of the Housing and Community Development Act (1992),
Pub. L. No. 102-550 (Oct. 28, 1992). In 1932, the Federal Home Loan Bank Act created the
Federal Home Loan Bank System to provide liquidity to thrifts to make home mortgages.
Oversight of these responsibilities was later transferred to the Federal Housing Finance
Board.

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among OFHEO, FHFB, and the Department of Housing and Urban
Development. In September 2008, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were
placed in conservatorship, with FHFA serving as the conservator under
powers provided in the 2008 act. Treasury also created a backstop lending
facility for the Federal Home Loan Banks, should they decide to use it. In
November 2008, the Federal Reserve announced plans to purchase
mortgage-backed securities guaranteed by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac
on the open market.

Gramm-Leach-Bliley

Changes in the types of financial activities permitted for depository
institutions and their affiliates have also shaped the financial regulatory
system over time. Under the Glass-Steagall provisions of the Banking Act
of 1933, financial institutions were prohibited from simultaneously
offering commercial and investment banking services. However, in the
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999 (GLBA), Congress permitted financial
institutions to fully engage in both types of activities and, in addition,
provided a regulatory process allowing for the approval of new types of
financial activity.24 Under GLBA, qualifying financial institutions are
permitted to engage in banking, securities, insurance, and other financial
activities. When these activities are conducted within the same bank
holding company structure, they remain subject to regulation by
“functional regulators,” which are the federal authorities having
jurisdiction over specific financial products or services, such as SEC or
CFTC. As a result, multiple regulators now oversee different business lines
within a single institution. For example, broker-dealer activities are
generally regulated by SEC even if they are conducted within a large
financial conglomerate that is subject to the Bank Holding Company Act,
which is administered by the Federal Reserve. The functional regulator
approach was intended to provide consistency in regulation, focus
regulatory restrictions on the relevant functional area, and avoid the
potential need for regulatory agencies to develop expertise in all aspects
of financial regulation.

24
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, Pub. L. No. 106-102 (Nov. 12, 1999). Although originally
precluded from conducting significant securities underwriting activities, bank holding
companies were permitted to conduct more of such activities over the years. For example,
in 1987, the Federal Reserve allowed the subsidiaries of bank holding companies to engage
in securities underwriting activities up to 5 percent of their revenue. Over time, the Federal
Reserve also expanded the types of securities that banks could conduct business in and
raised the revenue limit to 10 percent in 1989 and to 25 percent in 1996.

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Accounting and Auditing

In addition to the creation of various regulators over time, the accounting
and auditing environment for financial institutions and market
participants—a key component of financial oversight—has also seen
substantial change. In the early 2000s, various companies with publicly
traded securities were found to have issued materially misleading financial
statements. These companies included Enron and WorldCom, both of
which filed for bankruptcy. When the actual financial conditions of these
companies became known, their auditors were called into question, and
one of the largest, Arthur Andersen, was dissolved after the Department of
Justice filed criminal charges related to its audits of Enron. As a result of
these and other corporate financial reporting and auditing scandals, the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 was enacted.25 Among other things, SarbanesOxley expanded public company reporting and disclosure requirements
and established new ethical and corporate responsibility requirements for
public company executives, boards of directors, and independent auditors.
The act also created a new independent public company audit regulator,
the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, to oversee the activities
of public accounting firms. The activities of this board are, in turn,
overseen by SEC.

Other Financial
Institutions

Some entities that provide financial services are not regulated by any of
the existing federal financial regulatory bodies. For example, entities such
as mortgage brokers, automobile finance companies, and payday lenders
that are not bank subsidiaries or affiliates primarily are subject to state
oversight, with the Federal Trade Commission acting as the primary
federal agency responsible for enforcing their compliance with federal
consumer protection laws.

25

Pub. L. No. 107-204 (July 30, 2002).

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Changes in Financial
Institutions and Their
Products Have
Significantly
Challenged the U.S.
Financial Regulatory
System

Several key developments in financial markets and products in the past
few decades have significantly challenged the existing financial regulatory
structure. (See fig. 2.) First, the last 30 years have seen waves of mergers
among financial institutions within and across sectors, such that the
United States, while still having large numbers of financial institutions,
also has several very large globally active financial conglomerates that
engage in a wide range of activities that have become increasingly
interconnected. Regulating these large conglomerates has proven
challenging, particularly in overseeing their risk management activities on
a consolidated basis and in identifying and mitigating the systemic risks
they pose. A second development has been the emergence of large and
sometimes less-regulated market participants, such as hedge funds and
credit rating agencies, which now play key roles in our financial markets.
Third, the development of new and complex products and services has
challenged regulators’ abilities to ensure that institutions are adequately
identifying and acting to mitigate risks arising from these new activities
and that investors and consumers are adequately informed of the risks. In
light of these developments, ensuring that U.S. accounting standards have
kept pace has also proved difficult, and the impending transition to
conform to international accounting standards is likely to create additional
challenges.26 Finally, despite the increasingly global aspects of financial
markets, the current fragmented U.S. regulatory structure has complicated
some efforts to coordinate internationally with other regulators.

26
We include discussion of audit and accounting standards in this report because any new
effort to examine the structure of financial regulation in the United States could include
consideration of the process for creating and adopting these standards. However,
determining whether the oversight of this process should be changed was not part of the
scope of this report.

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Figure 2: Key Developments and Resulting Challenges That Have Hindered the Effectiveness of the Financial Regulatory
System
Developments in financial markets and products

Fi
ma nanci
a
r
com ket siz l
p
l
inte
e e,
rac xity,
tion
s

Emergence of large,
complex, globally active,
interconnected financial
conglomerates

Examples of how developments have challenged the regulatory system
Regulators sometimes lack sufficient authority, tools, or capabilities to oversee and
mitigate risks.
Identifying, preventing, mitigating, and resolving systemic crises has become more
difficult.

Less-regulated entities have
come to play increasingly
critical roles in financial
system

Nonbank lenders and a new private-label securitization market played significant
roles in the subprime mortgage crisis that led to broader market turmoil.
Activities of hedge funds have posed systemic risks.
Overreliance on credit ratings of mortgage-backed products contributed to the recent
turmoil in financial markets.
Financial institutions’ use of off-balance sheet entities led to ineffective risk disclosure
and exacerbated recent market instability.

New and complex products
that pose challenges to
financial stability and
investor and consumer
understanding of risks.

Complex structured finance products have made it difficult for institutions and their
regulators to manage associated risks.
Growth in complex and less-regulated over-the-counter derivatives markets have
created systemic risks and revealed market infrastructure weaknesses.
Investors have faced difficulty understanding complex investment products, either because
they failed to seek out necessary information or were misled by improper sales practices.
Consumers have faced difficulty understanding mortgages and credit cards with new
and increasingly complicated features, due in part to limitations in consumer disclosures and financial literacy efforts.
Accounting and auditing entities have faced challenges in trying to ensure that
accounting and financial reporting requirements appropriately meet the needs of
investors and other financial market participants.

Financial markets have
become increasingly global
in nature, and regulators
have had to coordinate
their efforts internationally.

Standard setters and regulators also face new challenges in dealing with global
convergence of accounting and auditing standards.
Fragmented U.S. regulatory structure has complicated some efforts to coordinate
internationally with other regulators, such as negotiations on Basel II and certain
insurance matters.

Sources: GAO (analysis); Art Explosion (images).

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Conglomeration and
Increased
Interconnectedness in
Financial Markets Have
Created Difficulties for a
Regulatory System That
Lacks a Systemwide Focus

Overseeing large financial conglomerates that have emerged in recent
decades has proven challenging, particularly in regulating their
consolidated risk management practices and in identifying and mitigating
the systemic risks they pose. These systemically important institutions in
many cases have tens of thousands or more customers and extensive
financial linkages with each other through loans, derivatives contracts, or
trading positions with other financial institutions or businesses. The
activities of these large financial institutions, as we have seen by recent
events, can pose significant systemic risks to other market participants
and the economy as a whole, but the regulatory system was not prepared
to adequately anticipate and prevent such risks.
Largely as the result of waves of mergers and consolidations, the number
of financial institutions today has declined. However, the remaining
institutions are generally larger and more complex, provide more and
varied services, offer similar products, and operate in increasingly global
markets. Among the most significant of these changes has been the
emergence and growth of large financial conglomerates or universal banks
that offer a wide range of products that cut across the traditional financial
sectors of banking, securities, and insurance. A 2003 IMF study highlighted
this emerging trend. Based on a worldwide sample of the top 500 financial
services firms in assets, the study found that the percentage of the largest
financial institutions in the United States that are conglomerates—
financial institutions having substantial operations in more than one of the
sectors (banking, securities, and insurance)—increased from 42 percent of
the U.S. financial institutions in the sample in 1995 to 62 percent in 2000.27
This new environment contrasts with that of the past in which banks
primarily conducted traditional banking activities such as deposit taking
and lending; securities broker-dealers were largely focused on brokerage
and underwriting activities; and insurance firms offered a more limited set
of insurance products. In a report that analyzed the regulatory structures
of various countries, The Group of Thirty noted that the last 25 years have
been a period of enormous transformation in the financial services sector,
with a marked shift from firms engaging in distinct banking, securities, and
insurance businesses to one in which more integrated financial services
conglomerates offer a broad range of financial products across the globe.
These fundamental changes in the nature of the financial service markets

27
Gianni De Nicoló, Philip Bartholomew, Jahanara Zaman, and Mary Zephirin, “Bank
Consolidation, Internationalization, and Conglomeration: Trends and Implications for
Financial Risk” (IMF Working Paper 03/158, Washington, D.C., July 2003).

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around the world have exposed the shortcomings of financial regulatory
models, some of which have not been adapted to the changes in business
structures.28
While posing challenges to regulators, these changes have resulted in
some benefits in the United States financial services industry. For
example, the ability of financial institutions to offer products of varying
types increased the options available to consumers for investing their
savings and preparing for their retirement. Conglomeration has also made
it more convenient for consumers to conduct their financial activities by
providing opportunities for one-stop shopping for most or all of their
needs, and by promoting the cross-selling of new innovative products of
which consumers may otherwise not have been aware.
However, the rise of large financial conglomerates has also posed risks
that our current financial regulatory system does not directly address.
First, although the activities of these large interconnected financial
institutions often cross traditional sector boundaries, financial regulators
under the current U.S. regulatory system did not always have full authority
or sufficient tools and capabilities to adequately oversee the risks that
these financial institutions posed to themselves and other institutions. As
we noted in a 2007 report, the activities of the Federal Reserve, SEC, and
OTS to conduct consolidated supervision of many of the largest U.S.
financial institutions were not as efficient and effective as needed because
these agencies were not collaborating more systematically.29 In addition,
the recent market crisis has revealed significant problems with certain
aspects of these regulators’ oversight of financial conglomerates. For
example, some of the top investment banks were subject to voluntary and
limited oversight at the holding-company level—the level of the institution
that generally managed its overall risks—as part of SEC’s Consolidated
Supervised Entity (CSE) Program. SEC’s program was created in 2004 as a
way for global investment bank conglomerates that lack a supervisor

28

Group of Thirty, The Structure of Financial Supervision: Approaches and Challenges in
a Global Marketplace (Washington, D.C., 2008). The Group of Thirty, established in 1978, is
a private, nonprofit, international body—composed of very senior representatives of the
private and public sectors and academia—that consults and publishes papers on
international economic and monetary affairs.
29
GAO, Financial Market Regulation: Agencies Engaged in Consolidated Supervision
Can Strengthen Performance Measurement and Collaboration, GAO-07-154 (Washington,
D.C.: Mar. 15, 2007).

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under law to voluntarily submit to regulation.30 This supervision, which
could include SEC examinations of the parent companies’ and affiliates’
operations and monitoring of their capital levels, enabled the CSEs to
qualify for alternative capital rules in exchange for consenting to
supervision at the holding company level. Being subject to consolidated
supervision was perceived as necessary for these financial institutions to
continue operating in Europe under changes implemented by the
European Union in 2005.31
However, according to a September 2008 report by SEC’s Inspector
General, this supervisory program failed to effectively oversee these
institutions for several reasons, including the lack of an effective
mechanism for ensuring that these entities maintained sufficient capital. In
comparison to commercial bank conglomerates, these investment banks
were holding much less capital in relation to the activities exposing them
to financial risk. For example, at the end of 2007, the five largest
investment banks had assets to equity capital leverage ratios of between
26 and 34 to 1—meaning that for every dollar of capital capable of
absorbing losses, these institutions held between $26 and $34 of assets
subject to loss. In contrast, the largest commercial bank conglomerates,
which were subject to different regulatory capital requirements, tended to
be significantly less leveraged, with the average leverage ratio of the top
five largest U.S. bank conglomerates at the end of 2007 only about 13 to 1.
Moreover, because the program SEC used to oversee these investment
bank conglomerates was voluntary, it had no authority to compel these
institutions to address any problems that may have been identified.
Instead, SEC’s only means for coercing an institution to take corrective
actions was to disqualify an institution from CSE status. SEC also lacked
the ability to provide emergency funding for these investment bank
conglomerates in a similar way that the Federal Reserve could for
commercial banks. As a result, these CSE firms, whose activities resulted
in their being significant and systemically important participants with vast
interconnections with other financial institutions, were more vulnerable to
market disruptions that could create risks to the overall financial system,

30

Under the CSE program, which SEC initiated pursuant to its capitalization requirements
for broker-dealers, SEC instituted a system for supervising large broker-dealers at the
holding company level. See 69 Fed. Reg. 34428 (June 21, 2004). Previously, SEC had
focused its broker-dealer net capital regulations only upon the firms themselves, not their
holding companies or other subsidiaries.
31

69 Fed. Reg. 34428 at n. 9.

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but not all were subject to full and consistent oversight by a supervisor
with adequate authority and resources. For example, one of the ways that
the bankruptcy filing of Lehman Brothers affected other institutions was
that 25 money market fund advisers had to act to protect their investors
against losses arising from their investments in that company’s debt, with
at least one of these funds having to be liquidated and distributed to its
investors.
Following the sale of Bear Stearns to JPMorgan Chase, the Lehman
bankruptcy filing, and the sale of Merrill Lynch to Bank of America, the
remaining CSEs opted to become bank holding companies subject to
Federal Reserve oversight. SEC suspended its CSE program and the
Chairman stated that “the last six months have made it abundantly clear
that voluntary regulation does not work.”32
Recent events have also highlighted difficulties faced by the Federal
Reserve and OTS in their roles in overseeing risk management at large
financial and thrift holding companies, respectively. In June 2008
testimony, a Federal Reserve official acknowledged such supervisory
lessons, noting that under the current U.S. regulatory structure consisting
of multiple supervisory agencies, challenges can arise in assessing risk
profiles of large, complex financial institutions operating across financial
sectors, particularly given the growth in the use of sophisticated financial
products that can generate risks across various legal entities. He also
noted that recent events have highlighted the importance of
enterprisewide risk management, noting that supervisors need to
understand risks across a consolidated entity and assess the risk
management tools being applied across the financial institution.33 Our own
work had raised concerns over the adequacy of supervision of these large
financial conglomerates. For example, one of the large entities that OTS
oversaw was the insurance conglomerate AIG, which was subject to a
government takeover necessitated by financial difficulties the firm
experienced as the result of OTC derivatives activities related to
mortgages. In a 2007 report, we expressed concerns over the
appropriateness of having OTS oversee diverse global financial institutions

32

SEC Press Release (2008-230), Chairman Cox Announces End of Consolidated
Supervised Entities Program (Sept. 26, 2008).
33
Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, Condition of the Banking
th
nd
System, 110 Cong., 2 sess., June 5, 2008 (testimony of Federal Reserve Vice Chairman
Donald L. Kohn).

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given the size of the agency relative to the institutions for which it was
responsible.34 We had also noted that although OTS oversaw a number of
holding companies that are primarily in the insurance business, including
AIG, it had only one specialist in this area as of March 2007.35 An OTS
official noted, however, that functional regulation established by GrammLeach-Bliley avoided the need for regulatory agencies to develop expertise
in all aspects of financial regulation.
Second, the emergence of these large institutions with financial
obligations with thousands of other entities has revealed that the existing
U.S. regulatory system is not well-equipped for identifying and addressing
risks across the financial system as a whole. In the current environment,
with multiple regulators primarily responsible for just individual
institutions or markets, no one regulator is tasked with assessing the risks
posed across the entire financial system by a few institutions or by the
collective activities of the industry. For example, multiple factors
contributed to the subprime mortgage crisis, and many market
participants played a role in these events, including mortgage brokers, real
estate professionals, lenders, borrowers, securities underwriters,
investors, rating agencies and others. The collective activities of these
entities, rather than one particular institution, likely all contributed to the
overall market collapse. In particular, the securitization process created
incentives throughout the chain of participants to emphasize loan volume
over loan quality, which likely contributed to the problem as lenders sold
loans on the secondary market, passing risks on to investors. Similarly,
once financial institutions began to fail and the full extent of the financial
crisis began to become clear, no formal mechanism existed to monitor
market trends and potentially stop or help mitigate the fallout from these
events. Ad hoc actions by the Department of the Treasury, the Federal
Reserve, other members of the President’s Working Group on Financial
Markets, and FDIC were aimed at helping to mitigate the fallout once
events began to unfold.36 However, even given this ad hoc coordination,
our past work has repeatedly identified limitations of the current U.S.
federal regulatory structure to adequately coordinate and share
information to monitor risks across markets or “functional” areas to

34

GAO-07-154.

35

AIG is subject to OTS supervision as a savings and loan holding company because of its
control of a thrift. See, e.g., 12 U.S.C. § 1467a(a)(1)(D), (H).
36

The President’s Working Group on Financial Markets consists of the Secretary of the
Treasury, and the Chairmen of the Federal Reserve, SEC, and CFTC.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

identify potential systemic crises.37 Whether a greater focus on systemwide
risks would have fully prevented the recent financial crises is unclear, but
it is reasonable to conclude that such a mechanism would have had better
prospects of identifying the breadth of the problem earlier and been better
positioned to stem or soften the extent of the market fallout.

Existing Regulatory
System Failed to
Adequately Address
Problems Associated with
Less-Regulated Entities
That Played Significant
Roles in the U.S. Financial
System

A second dramatic development in U.S. financial markets in recent
decades has been the increasingly critical roles played by less-regulated
entities. In the past, consumers of financial products generally dealt with
entities such as banks, broker-dealers, and insurance companies that were
regulated by a federal or state regulator. However, in the last few decades,
various entities—nonbank lenders, hedge funds, credit rating agencies,
and special-purpose investment entities—that are not always subject to
full regulation by such authorities have become important participants in
our financial services markets. These unregulated or less-regulated entities
can provide substantial benefits by supplying information or allowing
financial institutions to better meet demands of consumers, investors or
shareholders but pose challenges to regulators that do not fully or cannot
oversee their activities.

Activities of Nonbank Mortgage
Lenders Played a Significant
Role in Mortgage Crisis but
Were Not Adequately
Addressed by Existing
Regulatory System

The role of nonbank mortgage lenders in the recent financial collapse
provides an example of a gap in our financial regulatory system resulting
from activities of institutions that were generally subject to little or no
direct oversight by federal regulators.38 The significant participation by
these nonbank lenders in the subprime mortgage market—which targeted
products with riskier features to borrowers with limited or poor credit
history—contributed to a dramatic loosening in underwriting standards
leading up to the crisis. In recent years, nonbank lenders came to
represent a large share of the consumer lending market, including for
subprime mortgages. Specifically, as shown in figure 3, of the top 25
originators of subprime and other nonprime loans in 2006 (which
accounted for more than 90 percent of the dollar volume of all such

37

We have noted limitations on effectively planning strategies that cut across regulatory
agencies. See GAO-05-61.
38

For the purposes of this report, nonbank lenders are those that are not banks, thrifts, or
credit unions. Such entities include independent mortgage lenders, subsidiaries of national
banks, subsidiaries of thrifts, and nonbank mortgage lending subsidiaries of holding
companies. Although we include operating subsidiaries of national banks in the category of
nonbanks, they are subject to the same federal requirements and OCC supervision and
examination as their parent bank, according to an OCC official.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

originations), all but 4 were nonbank lenders, accounting for 81 percent of
origination by dollar volume.39
Figure 3: Status of Top 25 Subprime and Nonprime Mortgage Lenders (2006)

Number of lenders

Loan origination volume, 2006 (dollars in billions)

16%

4 banks

19%

$102 (banks)

44%
56%

28%

84%

21 nonbanks
7 subsidiaries
14 independent lenders

81%

37%
$441 (nonbanks)
$203 (subsidiaries)
$239 (independent lenders)

25 lenders

$543

Banks
Nonbanks
Source: GAO.

Although these lenders were subject to certain federal consumer
protection and fair lending laws, they were generally not subject to the
same routine monitoring and oversight by federal agencies that their bank
counterparts were. From 2003 to 2006, subprime lending grew from about
9 percent to 24 percent of mortgage originations (excluding home equity
loans), and Alt-A lending (nonprime loans considered less risky than
subprime) grew from about 2 percent to almost 16 percent, according to
data from the trade publication Inside Mortgage Finance. The resulting
sharp rise in defaults and foreclosures that occurred as subprime and
other homeowners were unable to make mortgage payments led to the
collapse of the subprime mortgage market and set off a series of events
that led to today’s financial turmoil.

39

Of the 21 nonbank lenders, 7 were subsidiaries of national banks, thrifts, or holding
companies.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

In previous reports, we noted concerns that existed about some of these
less-regulated nonbank lenders and recommended that federal regulators
actively monitor their activities.40 For example, in a 2004 report, we
reported that some of these nonbank lenders had been the targets of
notable federal and state enforcement actions involving abusive lending.
As a result, we recommended to Congress that the Federal Reserve should
be given a greater role in monitoring the activities of some nonbank
mortgage lenders that are subsidiaries of bank holding companies that the
Federal Reserve regulates. Only recently, in the wake of the subprime
mortgage crisis, the Federal Reserve began a pilot program in conjunction
with OTS and the Conference of State Bank Supervisors to monitor the
activities of nonbank subsidiaries of holding companies, with the states
conducting examinations of independent state-licensed lenders.
Nevertheless, other nonbank lenders continue to operate under less
rigorous federal oversight and remain an example of the risks posed by
less-regulated institutions in our financial regulatory system.
The increased role in recent years of investment banks securitizing and
selling mortgage loans to investors further illustrates gaps in the
regulatory system resulting from less-regulated institutions. Until recently,
GSEs Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were responsible for the vast majority
of mortgage loan securitization. The securitization of loans that did not
meet the GSEs’ congressionally imposed loan limits or regulator-approved
quality standards—such as jumbo loans that exceeded maximum loan
limits and subprime loans—was undertaken by investment firms that were
subject to little or no standards to ensure safe and sound practices in
connection with the purchase or securitization of loans. As the volume of
subprime lending grew dramatically from around 2003 through 2006,
investment firms took over the substantial share of the mortgage
securitization market. As shown in figure 4, this channel of mortgage
funding—known as the private label mortgage-backed securities market—
grew rapidly and in 2005 surpassed the combined market share of the
GSEs and Ginnie Mae—a government corporation that guarantees
mortgage-backed securities. As the volume of subprime loans increased, a
rapidly growing share was packaged into private label securities, reaching

40

GAO, Consumer Protection: Federal and State Agencies Face Challenges in Combating
Predatory Lending, GAO-04-280 (Washington, D.C.: Jan. 30, 2004); Alternative Mortgage
Products: Impact on Defaults Remains Unclear, but Disclosure of Risks to Borrowers
Could Be Improved, GAO-06-1021 (Washington, D.C.: Sept. 19, 2006); and Information on
Recent Default and Foreclosure Trends for Home Mortgages and Associated Economic
and Market Developments, GAO-08-78R (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 16, 2007).

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

75 percent in 2006, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco.
Figure 4: Growth in Proportion of Private Label Securitization in the Mortgage-Backed Securities Market, in Dollars and
Percentage of Dollar Volume (1995-2007)
Volume of RMBS issuance

Share of RMBS issuance

Dollars in billions

Percentage

2,500

100

2,000

80

1,500

60

1,000

40

500

20

0

0
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007

Ginnie Mae/GSE
Private label
Source: GAO analysis of data from Inside Mortgage Finance.

As shown in figure 4, this growth allowed private label securities to
become approximately 55 percent of all mortgage-backed security
issuance by 2005. This development serves as yet another example of how
a less-regulated part of the market, private label securitization, played a
significant role in fostering risky subprime mortgage lending, exposing a
gap in the financial regulatory structure.
The role of mortgage brokers in the sale of mortgage products in recent
years has also been a key focus of attention of policymakers. In past work,
we noted that the role of mortgage brokers grew in the years leading up to
the current crisis. By one estimate, the number of brokerages rose from
about 30,000 firms in 2000 to 53,000 firms in 2004. In 2005, brokers

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

accounted for about 60 percent of originations in the subprime market
(compared with about 25 percent in the prime market).41 In 2008, in the
wake of the subprime mortgage crisis, Congress enacted the Secure and
Fair Enforcement for Mortgage Licensing Act, as part of the Housing and
Economic Recovery Act, to require enhanced licensing and registration of
mortgage brokers.42

Activities of Hedge Funds Can
Pose Systemic Risks Not
Recognized by Regulatory
System

Hedge funds, which are professionally managed investment funds for
institutional and wealthy investors, have become significant participants in
many important financial markets. For example, hedge funds often assume
risks that other more regulated institutions are unwilling or unable to
assume, and therefore generally are recognized as benefiting markets by
enhancing liquidity, promoting market efficiency, spurring financial
innovation, and helping to reallocate financial risk. But hedge funds
receive less-direct oversight than other major market participants such as
mutual funds, another type of investment fund that manages pools of
assets on behalf of investors.43 Hedge funds generally are structured and
operated in a manner that enables them to qualify for exemptions from
certain federal securities laws and regulations.44 Because their participants
are presumed to be sophisticated and therefore not require the full
protection offered by the securities laws, hedge funds have not generally
been subject to direct regulation. Therefore, hedge funds are not subject to
regulatory capital requirements, are not restricted by regulation in their
choice of investment strategies, and are not limited by regulation in their
use of leverage. By soliciting participation in their funds from only certain
large institutions and wealthy individuals and refraining from advertising
to the general public, hedge funds are not required to meet the registration
and disclosure requirements of the Securities Act of 1933 or the Securities
Exchange Act of 1934, such as providing their investors with detailed
prospectuses on the activities that their fund will undertake using

41

GAO-08-78R.

42

“Secure and Fair Enforcement for Mortgage Licensing Act of 2008" or "S.A.F.E. Mortgage
Licensing Act of 2008”, Pub. L. No. 110-289, title V.
43

Although there is no statutory definition of hedge funds, the term is commonly used to
describe pooled investment vehicles directed by professional managers that often engage
in active trading of various types of assets such as securities and derivatives.
44

See GAO, Hedge Funds: Regulators and Market Participants Are Taking Steps to
Strengthen Market Discipline, but Continued Attention Is Needed, GAO-08-200
(Washington, D.C.: Jan. 24, 2008), 9.

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

investors’ proceeds.45 Hedge fund managers that trade on futures
exchanges and that have U.S. investors are required to register with CFTC
and are subject to periodic reporting, recordkeeping, and disclosure
requirements of their futures activities, unless they notify the Commission
that they qualify for an exemption from registration.46
The activities of many, but not all, hedge funds have recently become
subject to greater oversight from SEC, although the rule requiring certain
hedge fund advisers to register as investment advisers was recently
vacated by a federal appeals court. In December 2004, SEC amended its
rules to require certain hedge fund advisers that had been exempt from
registering with SEC as investment advisers under its “private adviser”
exemption to register as investment advisers.47 In August 2006, SEC
estimated that over 2,500 hedge fund advisers were registered with the
agency, although what percentage of all hedge fund advisers active in the
United States that this represents is not known. Registered hedge fund
advisers are subject to the same requirements as all other registered
investment advisers, including providing current information to both SEC
and investors about their business practices and disciplinary history,
maintaining required books and records, and being subject to periodic
SEC examinations. Some questions exist over the extent of SEC’s
authority over these funds. In June 2006, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the

45
Under the Securities Act of 1933, a public offering or sale of securities must be registered
with SEC, unless otherwise exempted. In order to exempt an offering or sale of hedge fund
shares (ownership interests) to investors from registration under the Securities Act of 1933,
most hedge funds restrict their sales to accredited investors in compliance with the safe
harbor requirements of Rule 506 of Regulation D. See 15 U.S.C. § 77d and § 77e; 17 C.F.R.
§ 230.506 (2007). Such investors must meet certain wealth and income thresholds. In
addition, hedge funds typically limit the number of investors to fewer than 500, so as not to
fall within the purview of Section 12(g) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, which
requires the registration of any class of equity securities (other than exempted securities)
held of record by 500 or more persons. 15 U.S.C. § 78l(g).
46
The registration and regulatory requirements applicable to Commodity Pool Operators
and Commodity Trading Advisors are subject to various exceptions and exemptions
contained in CFTC regulations. See, e.g., 17 C.F.R. Secs. 4.5 (exclusion from definition of
CPO for pools subject to other types of regulation such as supervision as an insured
depository institution, registration under the Investment Company Act of 1940, or state
regulation as an insurance company), 4.7 (exemptions from disclosure requirements for
CPOs and CTAs offering or selling interests to qualified eligible persons or directing or
guiding their accounts), 4.12(b) (disclosure exemption for CPOs operating pools offered
and sold pursuant to the 1933 Securities Act or an exemption from the Act), 4.13
(exemption from CPO registration), 4.14 (exemption from CTA registration).
47

69 Fed. Reg. 72054 (Dec. 10, 2004).

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

District of Columbia overturned SEC’s amended rule, concluding that the
rule was arbitrary because it departed, without reasonable justification,
from SEC’s long-standing interpretation of the term “client” in the private
adviser exemption as referring to the hedge fund itself, and not to the
individual investors in the fund.48 However, according to SEC, most hedge
fund advisers that previously registered have chosen to retain their
registered status as of April 2007.
Although many hedge fund advisers are now subject to some SEC
oversight, some financial regulators and market participants remain
concerned that hedge funds’ activities can create systemic risk by
threatening the soundness of other regulated entities and asset markets.
Hedge funds have important connections to the financial markets,
including significant business relationships with the largest regulated
commercial banks and broker-dealers. They act as trading counterparties
with many of these institutions and constitute in many markets a
significant portion of trading activity, from stocks to distressed debt and
credit derivatives.49
The far-reaching consequences of potential hedge fund failures first
became apparent in 1998. The hedge fund Long Term Capital Management
(LTCM) experienced large losses related to the considerable positions—
estimated to be as large as $100 billion—it had taken in various sovereign
debt and other markets, and regulators coordinated with market
participants to prevent a disorderly collapse that could have led to
financial problems among LTCM’s lenders and counterparties and
potentially to the rest of the financial system.50 No taxpayer funds were

48

See Goldstein v. Securities and Exchange Commission, 451 F.3d 873 (D.C. Cir. 2006). In
Goldstein, the petitioner challenged an SEC regulation under the Investment Adviser’s Act
that defined “client” to include hedge fund investors and, therefore, prevented hedge fund
advisers from qualifying for an exemption from registration for investment advisers with
fewer than 15 clients. See Goldstein, 451 F.3d at 874-76. The Court of Appeals vacated the
SEC’s regulation. While hedge fund advisers may be exempt from registration, the antifraud provisions of the Advisers Act apply to all investment advisers, whether or not they
are required to register under the Advisers Act. See Goldstein, 451 F.3d at 876. In August
2007, SEC adopted a final rule under the Investment Advisers Act (rule 206(4)–8 which
prohibits advisers from (1) making false or misleading statements to investors or
prospective investors in hedge funds and other pooled investment vehicles they advise, or
(2) otherwise defrauding these investors. 72 Fed. Reg. 44756 (Aug. 9, 2007)).
49

A counterparty is the opposite party in a bilateral agreement, contract, or transaction.

50

GAO, Long-Term Capital Management: Regulators Need to Focus Greater Attention on
Systemic Risk, GAO/GGD-00-3 (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 29, 1999).

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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

used as part of this effort; instead, the various large financial institutions
with large exposures to this hedge fund agreed to provide additional
funding of $3.6 billion until the fund could be dissolved in an orderly way.
Since LTCM, other hedge funds have experienced near collapses or
failures, including two funds owned by Bear Stearns, but these events have
not had as significant impact on the broader financial markets as LTCM.
Also, since LTCM’s near collapse, investors, creditors, and counterparties
have increased their efforts to impose market discipline on hedge funds.
According to regulators and market participants, creditors and
counterparties have been conducting more extensive due diligence and
monitoring risk exposures to their hedge fund clients. In addition, hedge
fund advisers have improved disclosure and become more transparent
about their operations, including their risk-management practices.
However, we reported in 2008 that some regulators continue to be
concerned that the counterparty credit risk created when regulated
financial institutions transact with hedge funds can be a primary channel
for potentially creating systemic risk.51

Credit Rating Agency Activities
Also Illustrate the Failure of the
Regulatory System to Address
Risks Posed by Less-Regulated
Entities

Similar to hedge funds, credit rating agencies have come to play a critical
role in financial markets, but until recently they received little regulatory
oversight. While not acting as direct participants in financial markets,
credit ratings are widely used by investors for distinguishing the
creditworthiness of bonds and other securities. Additionally, credit ratings
are used in local, federal, and international laws and regulations as a
benchmark for permissible investments by banks, pension funds, and
other institutional investors. Leading up to the recent crisis, some
investors had come to rely heavily on ratings in lieu of conducting
independent assessments on the quality of assets. This overreliance on
credit ratings of subprime mortgage-backed securities and other
structured credit products contributed to the recent turmoil in financial
markets. As these securities started to incur losses, it became clear that
their ratings did not adequately reflect the risk that these products
ultimately posed. According to the trade publication Inside B&C Lending,
the three major credit rating agencies have each downgraded more than
half of the subprime mortgage-backed securities they originally rated
between 2005 and 2007.

51

See GAO-08-200. Counterparty credit risk is the risk that a loss will be incurred if a
counterparty to a transaction does not fulfill its financial obligations in a timely manner.

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However, despite the critical nature of these rating agencies in our
financial system, the existing regulatory system failed to adequately
foresee and manage their role in recent events. Until recently, credit rating
agencies received little direct oversight and thus faced no explicit
requirements to provide information to investors about how to understand
and appropriately use ratings, or to provide data on the accuracy of their
ratings over time that would allow investors to assess their quality. In
addition, concerns have been raised over whether the way in which credit
rating agencies are compensated by the issuers of the securities that they
rate affects the quality of the ratings awarded. In a July 2008 report, SEC
noted multiple weaknesses in the management of these conflicts of
interest, including instances where analysts expressed concerns over fees
and other business interests when issuing ratings and reviewing ratings
criteria.52 However, until 2006, no legislation had established statutory
regulatory authority or disclosure requirements over credit rating
agencies.53 Then, to improve the quality of ratings in response to events
such as the failures of Enron and Worldcom—which highlighted the
limitations of credit ratings in identifying companies’ financial strength—
Congress passed the Credit Rating Agency Reform Act of 2006, which
established limited SEC oversight, requiring their registration and certain
recordkeeping and reporting requirements.54

52

SEC, Summary Report of Issues Identified in the Commission Staff’s Examinations of
Select Credit Rating Agencies (Washington, D.C., July 8, 2008).
53
Previously, SEC regulations referred to credit ratings by “nationally recognized statistical
rating organizations,” or NRSROs, but this designation was not established or defined in
statute. SEC staff identified credit rating agencies as NRSROs through a no-action letter
process in which they determine whether a rating agency had achieved broad market
acceptance for its ratings.
54

Credit Rating Agency Reform Act of 2006, Pub. L. No. 109-291 (Sept. 29, 2006). Under the
act, a credit rating agency seeking to be treated as an NRSRO must apply for, and be
granted, registration with SEC, make public in its application certain information to help
persons assess its credibility, and implement procedures to manage the handling of
material nonpublic information and conflicts of interest. In addition, the act provides the
SEC with rulemaking authority to prescribe: the form of the application (including
requiring the furnishing of additional information); the records an NRSRO must make and
retain; the financial reports an NRSRO must furnish to SEC on a periodic basis; the specific
procedures an NRSRO must implement to manage the handling of material nonpublic
information; the conflicts of interest an NRSRO must manage or avoid altogether; and the
practices that an NRSRO must not engage in if SEC determines they are unfair, coercive, or
abusive. The act expressly prohibits SEC from regulating the rating agencies’
methodologies or the substance of their ratings. Pub. L. No. 109-291 § 4(a). SEC adopted
rules implementing the act in June 2007. 72 Fed. Reg. 33564 (June 18, 2007).

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Since the financial crisis began, regulators have taken steps to address the
important role of rating agencies in the financial system. In December
2008, in response to the subprime mortgage crisis and resulting credit
market strains, SEC adopted final rule amendments and proposed new
rule amendments that would impose additional requirements on nationally
recognized statistical rating organizations in order to address concerns
raised about the policies and procedures for, transparency of, and
potential conflicts of interest relating to ratings. Determining the most
appropriate government role in overseeing credit rating activities is
difficult. For example, SEC has expressed concerns that too much
government intervention—such as regulatory requirements of credit
ratings for certain investments or examining the underlying methodology
of ratings—would unintentionally provide an unofficial “seal of approval”
on the ratings and therefore be counterproductive to reducing
overreliance on ratings. Whatever the solution, it is clear that the current
regulatory system did not properly recognize and address the risks
associated with the important role these entities played.

Regulatory System Failed to
Identify Risks Associated with
Special-Purpose Entities

The use by financial institutions of special-purpose entities provides
another example of how less-regulated aspects of financial markets came
to play increasingly important roles in recent years, creating challenges for
regulators in overseeing risks at their regulated institutions. Many financial
institutions created and transferred assets to these entities as part of
securitizations for mortgages or to hold other assets and produce fee
income for the institution that created it—known as the sponsor. For
example, after new capital requirements were adopted in the late 1980s,
some large banks began creating these entities to hold assets for which
they would have been required to hold more capital against if the assets
were held within their institutions. As a result, these entities are also
known as off-balance sheet entities because they generally are structured
in such a way that their assets and liabilities are not required to be
consolidated and reported as part of the overall balance sheet of the
sponsoring financial institution that created them. The amount of assets
accumulated in these entities resulted in them becoming significant
market participants in the last few years. For example, one large
commercial bank reported that its off-balance sheet entities totaled more
than $1 trillion in assets at the end of 2007.
Some of these off-balance sheet entities were structured in a way that left
them vulnerable to market disruptions. For example, some financial
institutions created entities known as asset-backed commercial paper
conduits that would purchase various assets, including mortgage-related
securities, financial institution debt, and receivables from industrial
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Credit Ratings and the Financial Crisis
Traditionally, products receiving the highest
credit ratings, such as AAA, were a small set
of corporate and sovereign bonds that were
deemed to be the safest and most stable debt
investments. However, credit rating agencies
assigned similarly high credit ratings to many
of the newer mortgage-related products even
though these products did not have the same
characteristics as previously highly rated
securities. As a result of these ratings,
institutions were able to successfully market
many of these products, including to other
financial firms and institutional investors in the
United States and around the world. Ratings
were seen to provide a common measure of
credit risk across all debt products, allowing
structured credit products that lacked an
active secondary market to be valued against
similarly rated products with available prices.
Starting in mid-2007, increasing defaults on
residential mortgages, particularly those for
subprime borrowers, led to a widespread,
rapid, and severe series of downgrades by
rating agencies on subprime-related
structured credit products. These downgrades
undermined confidence in the quality of
ratings on these and related products. Along
with increasing defaults, the uncertainty over
credit ratings led to a sharp repricing of
assets across the financial system and
contributed to large writedowns in the market
value of assets by banks and other financial
institutions. This contributed to the unwillingness of many market participants to transact
with each other due to concerns over the
actual value of assets and the financial
condition of other financial institutions.

businesses. To obtain the funds to purchase these assets, these specialpurpose vehicles often borrowed using shorter-term instruments, such as
commercial paper and medium-term notes. The difference between the
interest paid to the commercial paper or note holders and the income
earned on the entity’s assets produced fee and other income for the
sponsoring institution. However, these structures carried the risk that the
entity would find it difficult or costly to renew its debt financing under
less-favorable market conditions.
Although structured as off-balance sheet entities, when the turmoil in the
markets began in 2007, many financial institutions that had created these
entities had to take back the loans and securities in certain types of these
off-balance sheet entities. (See fig. 5.)

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Figure 5: Example of an Off-Balance Sheet Entity

Before financial turmoil

After financial turmoil

Bank
Sheet
Bank Balance
balance sheet

Bank Balance Sheet
Bank

• Assets A

• Assets A

• Assets B

1 Bank arranged for assets to

be held in a Special Purpose
Entity (SPE).

• Assets B

Assets B

In doing so, the assets were
no longer reflected on the
bank’s balance sheet and the
bank could hold less capital.

Special
Purpose Entity
(SPE)

Assets B

2 The SPE issued

debt to investors.

3 The assumption that the assets

posed no harm to the bank and did
not need to be reflected on the
bank’s balance sheet proved untrue.

Some banks had entered emergency
financing commitments that were
instituted when the financial turmoil
began, forcing them to fund the SPE
and reflect its assets back on the bank
balance sheet.
In other cases, sponsors of different
SPEs financed them directly to protect
their reputations with clients.

Investors
Source: GAO.

In general, banks stepped in to finance the assets held by these entities
when they were unable to refinance their expiring debt due to market
concerns over the quality of the assets. In some cases, off-balance sheet
entities relied on emergency financing commitments that many sponsoring
banks had extended to these entities. In other cases, financial institutions
supported troubled off-balance sheet entities to protect their reputations
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GAO-09-216 Financial Regulation

with clients even when no explicit requirement to do so existed. This, in
turn, contributed to the reluctance of banks to lend as they had to fund
additional troubled assets on their balance sheets. Thus, although the use
of these entities seemingly had removed the risk of these assets from these
institutions, their inability to obtain financing resulted in the ownership,
risks, and losses of these entities’ assets coming back into many of the
sponsoring financial institutions.
According to a 2008 IMF study, financial institutions’ use of off-balance
sheet entities made it difficult for regulators, as well as investors, to fully
understand the associated risks of such activities. In response to these
developments, regulators and others have begun to reassess the
appropriateness of the regulatory and accounting treatment for these
entities. In January 2008, SEC asked the Financial Accounting Standards
Board (FASB), which establishes U.S. financial accounting and reporting
standards, to consider further improvements to the accounting and
disclosure for off-balance sheet transactions involving securitization.
FASB and the International Accounting Standards Board both have
initiated projects to improve the criteria for determining when financial
assets and related liabilities that institutions transfer to special-purpose
entities should be included on the institutions’ own balance sheets—
known as consolidation—and to enhance related disclosures. As part of
this effort, FASB issued proposed standards that would eliminate a widely
used accounting exception for off-balance sheet entities, introduce a new
accounting model for determining whether special-purpose entities should
be consolidated that is less reliant on mathematical calculations and more
closely aligned with international standards, and require additional
disclosures about institutions’ involvement with certain special-purpose
entities. On December 18, 2008, the International Accounting Standards
Board also issued a proposed standard on consolidation of specialpurpose entities and related risk disclosures. In addition, in April 2008, the
Basel Committee on Banking Supervision announced new measures to
capture off-balance sheet exposures more effectively.
Nevertheless, this serves as another example of the failure of the existing
regulatory system to recognize the problems with less-regulated entities
and take steps to address them before they escalate. Existing accounting
and disclosure standards had not required banks to extensively disclose
their holdings in off-balance sheet entities and allowed for very low capital
requirements. As a March 2008 study by the President’s Working Group on
Financial Markets noted, before the recent market turmoil, supervisory
authorities did not insist on appropriate disclosures of firms’ potential
exposure to off-balance sheet entities.
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New and Complex
Financial Products and
Services Also Revealed
Limitations in the
Regulatory Structure

Another development that has revealed limitations in the current
regulatory structure has been the proliferation of more complex financial
products. Although posing challenges, these new products also have
provided certain benefits to financial markets and consumers. For
example, the creation of securitized products such as mortgage-backed
securities increased the liquidity of credit markets by providing additional
funds to lenders and a wider range of investment returns to investors with
excess funds. Other useful product innovations included OTC derivatives,
such as currency options, which provide a purchaser the right to buy a
specified quantity of a currency at some future date, and interest rate
swaps, which allow one party to exchange a stream of fixed interest rate
payments for a stream of variable interest rate payments. These products
help market participants hedge their risks or stabilize their cash flows.
Alternative mortgage products, such as interest-only loans, originally were
used by a limited subset of the population, mainly wealthy borrowers, to
obtain more convenient financing for home purchases. Despite these
advantages, the complexity and expanded use of new products has made it
difficult for the current regulatory system to oversee risk management at
institutions and adequately protect individual consumers and investors.

New Complex Securitized
Products Have Created
Difficulties for Institutions and
Regulators in Valuing and
Assessing Their Risks

Collateralized debt obligations (CDO) are one of the new products that
proliferated and created challenges for financial institutions and
regulators. In a basic CDO, a group of loans or debt securities are pooled
and securities are then issued in different tranches that vary in risk and
return depending on how the underlying cash flows produced by the
pooled assets are allocated. If some of the underlying assets defaulted, the
more junior tranches—and thus riskier ones—would absorb these losses
first before the more senior, less-risky tranches. Purchasers of these CDO
securities included insurance companies, mutual funds, commercial and
investment banks, and pension funds. Many CDOs in recent years largely
consisted of mortgage-backed securities, including subprime mortgagebacked securities.
Although CDOs have existed since the 1980s, recent changes in the
underlying asset mix of these products led to increased risk that was
poorly understood by the financial institutions involved in these
investments. CDOs had consisted of simple securities like corporate bonds
or loans, but more recently have included subprime mortgage-backed
securities, and in some cases even lower-rated classes of other equally
complex CDOs. Some of these CDOs included investments in 100 or more

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asset-backed securities, each of which had its own large pool of loans and
specific payment structures.55 A large share of the total value of the
securities issued were rated AA or AAA—designating them as very safe
investments and unlikely to default—by the credit rating agencies. In part
because of their seemingly high returns in light of their rated risk, demand
for these new CDOs grew rapidly and on a large scale. Between 2004 and
2007, nearly all adjustable-rate subprime mortgages were packaged into
mortgage-backed securities, a large portion of which were structured into
CDOs.
As housing prices in the United States softened in the last 2 years, default
and foreclosure rates on the mortgages underlying many CDOs rose and
the credit rating agencies downgraded many CDO ratings, causing
investors to become unwilling to purchase these products in the same
quantities or at the prices previously paid. Many financial institutions,
including large commercial and investment banks, struggled to realize the
size of their exposure to subprime credit risk. Many of these institutions
appeared to have underestimated the amount of risk and potential losses
that they could face from creating and investing in these products.
Reductions in the value of subprime-backed CDOs have contributed to
reported losses by financial institutions totaling more than $750 billion
globally, as of September 2008, according to the International Monetary
Fund, which estimates that total losses on global holdings of U.S. loans
and securities could reach $1.4 trillion.
Several factors could explain why institutions—and regulators—did not
effectively monitor and limit the risk that CDOs represented. Products like
CDOs have risk characteristics that differ from traditional investments.
First, the variation and complexity of the CDO structures and the
underlying assets they contain often make estimating potential losses and
determining accurate values for these products more difficult than for
traditional securities. Second, although aggregating multiple assets into
these structures can diversify and thus reduce the overall risk of the
securities issued from them, their exposure to the overall housing market
downturn made investors reluctant to purchase even the safest tranches,
which produced large valuation losses for the holders of even the highest-

55

CDO cash flows also can be affected by other contract terms, such as detailed provisions
that divert payments from the junior classes to the more senior classes when certain
conditions are met, such as if the portfolio value or interest proceeds fall below a certain
level.

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rated CDO securities.56 Finally, Federal Reserve staff noted that an
additional reason these securities performed worse than expected was
that rating agencies and investors did not believe that housing prices could
have fallen as significantly as they have.
The lack of historical performance data for these new instruments also
presented challenges in estimating the potential value of these securities.
For example, the Senior Supervisors Group—a body comprising senior
financial supervisors from France, Germany, Switzerland, the United
Kingdom, and the United States—reported that some financial institutions
substituted price and other data associated with traditional corporate debt
in their loss estimation models for similarly rated CDO debt, which did not
have sufficient historical data.57 As a report by a group of senior
representatives of financial regulators and institutions has noted, the
absence of historical information on the performance of CDOs created
uncertainty around the standard risk-management tools used by financial
institutions.58 Further, structured products such as CDOs may lack an
active and liquid market, as in the recent period of market stress, forcing
participants to look for other sources of valuation information when
market prices are not readily available. For instance, market participants
often turned to internal models and other methods to value these
products, which raised concerns about the consistency and accuracy of
the resulting valuation information.

Growth in OTC Derivatives
Markets, Which Feature
Complex Products That Are
Not Regulated, Raised
Regulator Concerns about
Systemic Risk and Weak
Market Infrastructure

The rapid growth in OTC derivatives—or derivatives contracts that are
traded outside of regulated exchanges—is another example of how the
emergence of large markets for increasingly complex products has
challenged our financial regulatory system. OTC derivatives, which began
trading in the 1980s, have developed into markets with an estimated
notional value—which is the amount underlying a financial derivatives
contract—of about $596 trillion, as of December 2007, according to the

56

For more information, see The Joint Forum, Bank for International Settlements, Credit
Risk Transfer: Developments from 2005 to 2007 (Basel, Switzerland, April 2008).
57

See the Senior Supervisors Group, Observations on Risk Management Practices during
the Recent Market Turbulence (New York, Mar. 6, 2008).
58

See the Financial Stability Forum, Report of the Financial Stability Forum on
Enhancing Market and Institutional Resilience (Basel, Switzerland, Apr. 7, 2008). The
Financial Stability Forum promotes international financial stability through information
exchange and international cooperation in financial supervision and surveillance. It is
composed of senior representatives of national financial authorities and various
international financial organizations and the European Central Bank.

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Bank for International Settlements.59 OTC derivatives transactions are
generally not subject to regulation by SEC, CFTC, or any other U.S.
financial regulator and in particular are not subject to similar disclosure
and other requirements that are in place for most securities and exchangetraded futures products. Institutions that conduct derivatives transactions
may be subject to oversight of their lines of business by their regulators.
For example, commercial banks that deal in OTC derivatives are subject to
full examinations by their respective regulators. On the other hand,
investment banks generally conducted their OTC derivatives activities in
affiliates or subsidiaries that traditionally—since most OTC derivatives are
not securities—were not subject to direct oversight by SEC, although SEC
did review how the largest investment banks that were subject to its CSE
program were managing the risk of such activities.
Although OTC derivatives and their markets are not directly regulated, the
risk exposures that these products created among regulated financial
institutions can be sometimes large enough to raise systemic risk concerns
among regulators. For example, Bear Stearns, the investment bank that
experienced financial difficulties as the result of its mortgage-backed
securities activities, was also one of the largest OTC derivatives dealers.
According to regulators, one of the primary reasons the Federal Reserve,
which otherwise had no regulatory authority over this securities firm,
facilitated the sale of Bear Stearns rather than let it go bankrupt was to
avoid a potentially large systemic problem because of the firm’s large OTC
derivatives obligations. More than a decade ago, we reported that the large
financial interconnections between derivatives dealers posed risk to the
financial system and recommended that Congress and financial regulators
take action to ensure that the largest firms participating in the OTC
derivatives markets be subject to similar regulatory oversight and
requirements.60

59
The notional amount is the amount upon which payments between parties to certain
types of derivatives contracts are based. When this amount is not exchanged, it is not a
measure of the amount at risk in a transaction. According to the Bank for International
Settlements, the amount at risk, as measured by the gross market value of OTC derivatives
outstanding, was $15 trillion, as of December 2007, or about 2 percent of the
notional/contract amount. (The gross market value is the cost that would be incurred if the
outstanding contracts were replaced at prevailing market prices.)
60

GAO, Financial Derivatives: Actions Needed to Protect the Financial System,
GAO/GGD-94-133 (Washington, D.C.: May 18, 1994).

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The market for one type of OTC derivative—credit default swaps—had
grown so large that regulators became concerned about its potential to
create systemic risks to regulated financial institutions. Credit default
swaps are contracts that act as a type of insurance, or a way to hedge
risks, against default or another type of credit event associated with a
security such as a corporate bond. One party in the contract—the seller of
protection—agrees, in return for a periodic fee, to compensate the other
party—the protection buyer—if the bond or other underlying entity
defaults or another specified credit event occurs. In recent years, the size
of the market for credit default swaps (in terms of the notional amount of
outstanding contracts) has increased almost tenfold from just over $6
trillion in 2004 to almost $58 trillion at the end of 2007, according to the
Bank for International Settlements.
As this market has grown, regulators increasingly have become concerned
about the adequacy of the infrastructure in place for clearing and settling
these contracts, especially the ability to quickly resolve contracts in the
event of a large market participant failure. For example, in September
2008, concerns over the effects that a potential bankruptcy of AIG—which
was a large seller of credit default swaps—would have on this firm’s swap
counterparties contributed to a decision by the Federal Reserve to lend
the firm up to $85 billion.61 The Federal Reserve expressed concern at the
time that a disorderly failure of AIG could add to already significant levels
of financial market fragility and lead to substantially higher borrowing
costs, reduced household wealth, and materially weaker economic
performance. As with other OTC derivatives, credit default swaps are not
regulated as products, but many of the large U.S. and internationally
regulated financial institutions act as dealers. Despite the credit default
market’s rapid growth, as recently as 2005 the processing of transactions
was still paper-based and decentralized. Regulators have put forth efforts
over the years to strengthen clearing and settlement mechanisms. For
example, in September 2005, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York began
working with dealers and market participants to strengthen arrangements
for clearing and settling these swap transactions. Regulators began
focusing on reducing a large backlog of unconfirmed trades, which can
inhibit market participants’ ability to manage their risks if errors are not
found quickly or if uncertainty exists about how other institutions would

61
Subsequently, the Federal Reserve agreed to loan AIG up to an additional $38 billion. In
November 2008, the Federal Reserve and U.S. Treasury restructured these lending
arrangements with a new financial support package totaling over $150 billion.

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be affected by the failure of a firm with which they hold credit default
swap contracts. Regulators continue to monitor dealers’ progress on these
efforts to reduce operational risk arising from these products, and recently
have begun holding discussions with the largest credit derivatives dealers
and other entities, including certain exchanges, regarding the need to
establish a centralized clearing facility, which could reduce the risk of any
one dealer’s failure to the overall system. In November 2008, the
President’s Working Group on Financial Markets announced policy
objectives to guide efforts to address challenges associated with OTC
derivatives, including recommendations to enhance the market
infrastructure for credit default swaps. However, as of December 2008, no
such entity had begun operations.

New Complex Products Have
Also Created Challenges for
Regulators in Ensuring
Adequate Investor and
Consumer Protection

The regulations requiring that investors receive adequate information
about the risks of financial assets being marketed to them are also being
challenged by the development of some of these new and complex
products. For some of the new products that have been created, market
participants sometimes had difficulty obtaining clear and accurate
information on the value of these assets, their risks, and other key
information. In some cases, investors did not perform needed due
diligence to fully understand the risks associated with their investment. In
other cases, investors have claimed they were misled by broker-dealers
about the advantages and disadvantages of products. For example,
investors for municipal governments in Australia have accused Lehman
Brothers of misleading them regarding the risks of CDOs. As another
example, the treasurer of Orange County who oversaw investments
leading to the county’s 1994 bankruptcy claimed to have relied on the
advice of a large securities firm for his decision to pursue leveraged
investments in complex structured products. Finally, a number of financial
institutions—including Bank of America, Wachovia, Merrill Lynch, and
UBS—have recently settled SEC allegations that these institutions misled
investors in selling auction-rate securities, which are bonds for which the
interest rates are regularly reset through auctions. In one case, Bank of
America, in October 2008, reached a settlement in principle in response to
SEC charges that it made misrepresentations to thousands of businesses,
charities, and institutional investors when it told them that the products
were safe and highly liquid cash and money market alternative
investments.
Similarly, the introduction and expansion of increasingly complicated
retail products to new and broader consumer populations has also raised
challenges for regulators in ensuring that consumers are adequately
protected. Consumers face growing difficulty in understanding the relative
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advantages and disadvantages of products such as mortgages and credit
cards with new and increasingly complicated features, in part because of
limitations on the part of regulatory agencies to improve consumer
disclosures and financial literacy. For example, in the last few years many
borrowers likely did not understand the risks associated with taking out
their loans, especially in the event that housing prices would not continue
to increase at the rate at which they had been in recent years. In particular,
a significant majority of subprime borrowers from 2003 to 2006 took out
adjustable-rate mortgages whose interest rates were fixed for the first 2 or
3 years but then adjusted to often much higher interest rates and
correspondingly higher mortgage payments. In addition, many borrowers
took out loans with interest-only features that resulted in significant
increases in mortgage payments later in the loan. The combination of
reduced underwriting standards and a slowdown in house price
appreciation led many borrowers to default on their mortgages.
Alternative mortgage products such as interest-only or payment option
loans, which allow borrowers to defer repayment of principal and possibly
part of the interest for the first few years of the loan, grew in popularity
and expanded greatly in recent years. From 2003 through 2005,
originations of these types of mortgage products grew threefold, from less
than 10 percent of residential mortgage originations to about 30 percent.
For many years, lenders had primarily marketed these products to wealthy
and financially sophisticated borrowers as financial management tools.
However, lenders increasingly marketed alternative mortgage products as
affordability products that enabled a wider spectrum of borrowers to
purchase homes they might not have been able to afford using a
conventional fixed-rate mortgage. Lenders also increased the variety of
such products offered after interest rates rose and adjustable rate
mortgages became less attractive to borrowers.
In past work, we found that most of the disclosures for alternative
mortgage products that we reviewed did not always fully or effectively
explain the risks associated with these products and lacked information
on some important loan features.62 Some evidence suggests more generally
that existing mortgage disclosures were inadequate, a problem that is
likely to grow with the increased complexity of products. A 2007 Federal
Trade Commission report found that both prime and subprime borrowers

62

See GAO-06-1021.

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failed to understand key loan terms when viewing current disclosures.63 In
addition, some market observers have been critical of regulators’ oversight
of these products and whether products with such complex features were
appropriate for some of the borrowers to which they were marketed. For
example, some were critical of the Federal Reserve for not acting more
quickly to use its authority under the 1994 Home Ownership and Equity
Protection Act to prohibit unfair or deceptive acts or practices in the
mortgage market. Although the Federal Reserve took steps in 2001 to ban
some practices, such as engaging in a pattern or practice of refinancing
certain high-cost loans when it is not in the borrower’s interest, it did not
act again until 2008, when it banned additional products and practices,
such as certain loans with limited documentation. In a 2007 testimony, a
Federal Reserve official noted that writing such rules is difficult,
particularly since determinations of unfairness or deception depend
heavily on the facts of an individual case.64
Efforts by regulators to respond to the increased risks associated with
new mortgage products also have sometimes been slowed in part because
of the need for five federal regulators to coordinate their response. In late
2005, regulators began crafting regulatory guidance to strengthen lending
practices and improve disclosures for loans that start with relatively low
payments but leave borrowers vulnerable to much higher ones later. The
regulators completed their first set of such standards in September 2006,
with respect to the disclosure of risks associated with nontraditional
mortgage products, and a second set, applicable to subprime mortgage
loans, in June 2007.65 Some industry observers and consumer advocacy
groups have criticized the length of time it took for regulators to issue
these changes, noting that the second set of guidance was released well
after many subprime lenders had already gone out of business.

63

Federal Trade Commission, Improving Consumer Mortgage Disclosures: An Empirical
Assessment of Current and Prototype Disclosure Forms: A Bureau of Economics Staff
Report. (Washington D.C.: June 2007).
64

House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services, Subcommittee on Financial
th
nd
Institutions and Consumer Credit, Subprime Mortgages, 110 Cong. 2 sess., Mar. 27, 2007
(testimony of Sandra F. Braunstein, Director, Division of Consumer and Community
Affairs, Federal Reserve).
65
71 Fed. Reg. 58609 (Oct. 4, 2006) “Interagency Guidance on Nontraditional Mortgage
Product Risks”; 72 Fed. Reg. 37569 (Jul. 10, 2007) “Statement on Subprime Mortgage
Lending”.

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As variations in the types of credit card products and terms have
proliferated, consumers also have faced difficulty understanding the rates
and terms of their credit card accounts. Credit card rate and fee
disclosures have not always been effective at clearly conveying associated
charges and fees, creating challenges to informed financial decision
making. Although credit card issuers are required to provide cardholders
with information aimed at facilitating informed use of credit, these
disclosures have serious weaknesses that likely reduce consumers’ ability
to understand the costs of using credit cards. Because the pricing of credit
cards is not generally subject to federal regulation, these disclosures are
the primary federal consumer protection mechanism against inaccurate
and unfair credit card practices. However, we reported in 2006 that the
disclosures in materials provided by four of the largest credit card issuers
were too complicated for many consumers to understand. Following our
report, Federal Reserve staff began using consumer testing to involve
them to a greater extent in the preparation of potentially new and revised
disclosures, and in May 2007, issued proposed changes to credit card
disclosure requirements. Nonetheless, the Federal Reserve recognizes the
challenge of presenting the information that consumers may need to
understand the costs of their cards in a clear way, given the increasingly
complicated terms of credit card products.66 In December 2008, the
Federal Reserve, OTS, and NCUA finalized rules to ban various unfair
credit card practices, such as allocating payments in a way that unfairly
maximizes interest charges.
The expansion of new and more complex products also raises challenges
for regulators in addressing financial literacy. We have also noted in past
work that even a relatively clear and transparent system of disclosures
may be of limited use to borrowers who lack sophistication about financial
matters.67 In response to increasing evidence that many Americans are
lacking in financial literacy, the federal government has taken steps to
expand financial education efforts. However, attempts by the Financial
Literacy and Education Commission to coordinate federal financial
literacy efforts have sometimes proven difficult due, in part, to the need to
reach consensus among its 20 participating federal agencies, which have
different missions and perspectives. Moreover, the commission’s staff and

66

See GAO, Credit Cards: Increased Complexity in Rates and Fees Heightens Need for
More Effective Disclosures to Consumers, GAO-06-929 (Washington, D.C.: Sept. 12, 2006).

67

See GAO-04-280.

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funding resources are relatively small, and it has no legal authority to
require agencies to redirect their resources or take other actions.68

Increased Complexity and
Other Factors Have Challenged
Accounting Standard Setters
and Regulators

As new and increasingly complex financial products have become more
common, FASB and SEC have also faced challenges in trying to ensure
that accounting and financial reporting requirements appropriately meet
the needs of investors and other financial market participants.69 The
development and widespread use of increasingly complex financial
products has heightened the importance of having effective accounting
and financial reporting requirements that provide interested parties with
information that can help them identify and assess risk. As the pace of
financial innovation increased in the last 30 years, accounting and
financial reporting requirements have also had to keep pace, with 72
percent of the current 163 standards having been issued since 1980—some
of which were revisions and amendments to recently established
standards, which evidences the challenge of establishing accounting and
financial reporting requirements that respond to needs created by financial
innovation.
As a result of the growth in complex financial instruments and a desire to
improve the usefulness of financial information about them, U.S. standard
setters and regulators currently are dealing with accounting and auditing
challenges associated with recently developed standards related to valuing
financial instruments and special-purpose entities. Over the last year,
owners and issuers of financial instruments have expressed concerns
about implementing the new fair value accounting standard, which
requires that financial assets and liabilities be recorded at fair or market
value. SEC and FASB have recently issued clarifications of measuring fair
value when there is not an active market for the financial instrument.70 In
addition, market participants raised concerns about the availability of

68

See GAO, Financial Literacy and Education Commission: Further Progress Needed to
Ensure an Effective National Strategy, GAO-07-100 (Washington, D.C.: Dec. 4, 2006).

69
FASB issues generally accepted accounting principles for financial statements prepared
by nongovernmental entities in the United States. SEC issues financial reporting and
disclosure requirements for U.S. publicly traded companies and recognizes the standards
issued by FASB as “generally accepted” within the United States. SEC oversees FASB’s
standard-setting activities.
70

FASB Staff Position No. FAS 157-3, Determining the Fair Value of a Financial Asset
When the Market for That Asset Is Not Active (Oct. 10, 2008); and SEC Press Release No.
2008-234, SEC Office of the Chief Accountant and FASB Staff Clarifications on Fair
Value Accounting (Sept. 30, 2008).

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useful accounting and financial reporting information to assess the risks
posed by special-purpose entities. Under current accounting rules,
publicly traded companies that create qualifying special-purpose entities
are allowed to move qualifying assets and liabilities associated with
certain complex financial instruments off the issuing company’s balance
sheets, which results in virtually no accounting and financial reporting
information being available about the entities’ activities. Due to the
accounting and financial reporting treatment for these special-purpose
entities, as the subprime crisis worsened, banks initially refused to
negotiate loans with homeowners because banks were concerned that the
accounting and financial reporting requirements would have the banks put
the assets and liabilities back onto their balance sheets. In response to
questions regarding modification of loans in special-purpose entities, the
SEC’s Chief Accountant issued a letter that concluded his office would not
object to loans being modified pursuant to specific screening criteria. In
response to these concerns, FASB expedited its standards-setting process
in order to reduce the amount of time before the issuance of a new
accounting standard that would effectively eliminate qualified specialpurpose entities.71
Standard setters and regulators also face new challenges in dealing with
global convergence of accounting and auditing standards. The rapid
integration of the world’s capital markets has made establishing a single
set of effective accounting and financial reporting standards increasingly
relevant. FASB and SEC have acknowledged the need to address the
convergence of U.S. and international accounting standards, and SEC has
proposed having U.S. public companies use International Financial
Reporting Standards by 2014. As the globalization of accounting standards
moves forward, U.S. standard setters and regulators need to anticipate and
manage the challenges posed by their development and implementation,
such as how to apply certain standards in unique legal and regulatory
environment frameworks in the United States as well as in certain unique
industry niches. Ensuring that auditing standards applicable to U.S. public
companies continue to provide the financial markets with the important

71

On September 15, 2008, FASB issued an exposure draft, Disclosures about Transfers of
Financial Assets and Interests in Variable Interest Entities, for a 30-day comment period
that closed on October 15, 2008. On December 11, 2008, FASB issued FASB Staff Position
(FSP) FAS 140-4 and FIN 46(R)-8, Disclosures by Public Entities (Enterprises) about
Transfers of Financial Assets and Interests in Variable Interest Entities. This document
requires additional disclosures about transfers of financial assets and variable interests in
qualifying special purpose entities. It also requires public enterprises to provide additional
disclosures about their involvement with variable interest entities.

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and independent assurances associated with existing U.S. auditing
standards will also prove challenging to the Public Company Accounting
Oversight Board.

Globalization Will Further
Challenge the Existing U.S.
Regulatory System

Just as global accounting and auditing standards are converging, financial
markets around the world are becoming increasingly interlinked and
global in nature, requiring U.S. regulators to work with each other and
other countries to effectively adapt. To effectively oversee large financial
services firms that have operations in many countries, regulators from
various countries must coordinate regulation and supervision of financial
services across national borders and must communicate regularly.
Although financial regulators have effectively coordinated in a number of
ways to accommodate some changes, the current fragmented regulatory
structure has complicated some of these efforts.
For example, the current U.S. regulatory system complicates the ability of
financial regulators to convey a single U.S. position in international
discussions, such as those related to the Basel Accords process for
developing international capital standards. Each federal regulator involved
in these efforts oversees a different set of institutions and represents an
important regulatory perspective, which has made reaching consensus on
some issues more difficult than others. Although U.S. regulators generally
agree on the broad underlying principles at the core of Basel II, including
increased risk sensitivity of capital requirements and capital neutrality, in
a 2004 report we noted that although regulators communicated and
coordinated, they sometimes had difficulty agreeing on certain aspects of
the process.72 As we reported, in November 2003, members of the House
Financial Services Committee warned in a letter to the bank regulatory
agencies that the discord surrounding Basel II had weakened the
negotiating position of the United States and resulted in an agreement that
was less than favorable to U.S. financial institutions.73 International
officials have also indicated that the lack of a single point of contact on,
for example, insurance issues has complicated regulatory decision
making. However, regulatory officials told us that the final outcome of the
Basel II negotiations was better than it would have been with a single U.S.
representative because of the agencies’ varying perspectives and
expertise. In particular, one regulator noted that, in light of the magnitude

72

GAO-05-61.

73

Letter from Representative Michael Oxley et al. to Chairman Alan Greenspan et al.,
Nov. 3, 2003.

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of recent losses at banks and the failure of banks and rating agencies to
predict such losses, the additional safeguards built into how U.S.
regulators adopted Basel II are an example of how more than one
regulatory perspective can improve policymaking.

A Framework for
Crafting and
Assessing Alternatives
for Reforming the U.S.
Financial Regulatory
System

The U.S. regulatory system is a fragmented and complex system of federal
and state regulators—put into place over the past 150 years—that has not
kept pace with the major developments that have occurred in financial
markets and products in recent decades. In 2008, the United States finds
itself in the midst of one of the worst financial crises ever, with instability
threatening global financial markets and the broader economy. While
much of the attention of policymakers understandably has been focused
on taking short-term steps to address the immediate nature of the crisis,
attention has also turned to the need to consider significant reforms to the
financial regulatory system to keep pace with existing and anticipated
challenges in financial regulation.
While the current U.S. system has many features that could be preserved,
the significant limitations of the system, if not addressed, will likely fail to
prevent future crises that could be as harmful as or worse than those that
have occurred in the past. Making changes that better position regulators
to oversee firms and products that pose risks to the financial system and
consumers and to adapt to new products and participants as these arise
would seem essential to ensuring that our financial services sector
continues to serve our nation’s needs as effectively as possible.
We have conducted extensive work in recent decades reviewing the
impacts of market developments and overseeing the effectiveness of
financial regulators’ activities. In particular, we have helped Congress
address financial crises dating back to the savings and loan and LTCM
crises, and more recently over the past few years have issued several
reports citing the need to modernize the U.S. financial regulatory
structure. In this report, consistent with our past work, we are not
proposing the form and structure of what a new financial regulatory
system should look like. Instead, we are providing a framework, consisting
of the following nine elements, that Congress and others can use to
evaluate or craft proposals for financial regulatory reform. By applying the
elements of this framework to proposals, the relative strengths and
weaknesses of each one should be better revealed. Similarly, the
framework we present could be used to craft a proposal or to identify
aspects to be added to existing proposals to make them more effective and
appropriate for addressing the limitations of the current system. The nine
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elements could be addressed in a variety of ways, but each is critically
important in establishing the most effective and efficient financial
regulatory system possible.
1. Clearly defined regulatory goals. A regulatory system should
have goals that are clearly articulated and relevant, so that
regulators can effectively conduct activities to implement their
missions.
A critical first step to modernizing the regulatory system and enhancing its
ability to meet the challenges of a dynamic financial services industry is to
clearly define regulatory goals and objectives. In the background of this
report, we identify four broad goals of financial regulation that regulators
have generally sought to achieve. These include ensuring adequate
consumer protections, ensuring the integrity and fairness of markets,
monitoring the safety and soundness of institutions, and acting to ensure
the stability of the overall financial system. However, these goals are not
always explicitly set in the federal statutes and regulations that govern
these regulators. Having specific goals clearly articulated in legislation
could serve to better focus regulators on achieving their missions with
greater certainty and purpose, and provide continuity over time.
Given some of the key changes in financial markets discussed earlier in
this report—particularly the increased interconnectedness of institutions,
the increased complexity of products, and the increasingly global nature of
financial markets—Congress should consider the benefits that may result
from re-examining the goals of financial regulation and making explicit a
set of comprehensive and cohesive goals that reflect today’s environment.
For example, it may be beneficial to have a clearer focus on ensuring that
products are not sold with unsuitable, unfair, deceptive, or abusive
features; that systemic risks and the stability of the overall financial
system are specifically addressed; or that U.S. firms are competitive in a
global environment. This may be especially important given the history of
financial regulation and the ad hoc approach through which the existing
goals have been established, as discussed earlier.
We found varying views about the goals of regulation and how they should
be prioritized. For example, representatives of some regulatory agencies
and industry groups emphasized the importance of creating a competitive
financial system, whereas members of one consumer advocacy group
noted that reforms should focus on improving regulatory effectiveness
rather than addressing concerns about market competitiveness. In

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addition, as the Federal Reserve notes, financial regulatory goals often will
prove interdependent and at other times may conflict.
Revisiting the goals of financial regulation would also help ensure that all
involved entities—legislators, regulators, institutions, and consumers—are
able to work jointly to meet the intended goals of financial regulation.
Such goals and objectives could help establish agency priorities and define
responsibility and accountability for identifying risks, including those that
cross markets and industries. Policymakers should also carefully define
jurisdictional lines and weigh the advantages and disadvantages of having
overlapping authorities. While ensuring that the primary goals of financial
regulation—including system soundness, market integrity, and consumer
protection—are better articulated for regulators, policymakers will also
have to ensure that regulation is balanced with other national goals,
including facilitating capital raising, innovation, and other benefits that
foster long-term growth, stability, and welfare of the United States.
Once these goals are agreed upon, policymakers will need to determine
the extent to which goals need to be clarified and specified through rules
and requirements, or whether to avoid such specificity and provide
regulators with greater flexibility in interpreting such goals. Some reform
proposals suggest “principles-based regulation” in which regulators apply
broad-based regulatory principles on a case-by-case basis. Such an
approach offers the potential advantage of allowing regulators to better
adapt to changing market developments. Proponents also note that such
an approach would prevent institutions in a more rules-based system from
complying with the exact letter of the law while still engaging in unsound
or otherwise undesirable financial activities. However, such an approach
has potential limitations. Opponents note that regulators may face
challenges to implement such a subjective set of principles. A lack of clear
rules about activities could lead to litigation if financial institutions and
consumers alike disagree with how regulators interpreted goals.
Opponents of principles-based regulation note that industry participants
who support such an approach have also in many cases advocated for
bright-line standards and increased clarity in regulation, which may be
counter to a principles-based system. The most effective approach may
involve both a set of broad underlying principles and some clear technical
rules prohibiting specific activities that have been identified as
problematic.

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Key issues to be addressed:
•

Clarify and update the goals of financial regulation and provide
sufficient information on how potentially conflicting goals might be
prioritized.

•

Determine the appropriate balance of broad principles and specific
rules that will result in the most effective and flexible
implementation of regulatory goals.

2. Appropriately comprehensive. A regulatory system should
ensure that financial institutions and activities are regulated in a
way that ensures regulatory goals are fully met. As such, activities
that pose risks to consumer protection, financial stability, or other
goals should be comprehensively regulated, while recognizing that
not all activities will require the same level of regulation.
A financial regulatory system should effectively meet the goals of financial
regulation, as articulated as part of this process, in a way that is
appropriately comprehensive. In doing so, policymakers may want to
consider how to ensure that both the breadth and depth of regulation are
appropriate and adequate. That is, policymakers and regulators should
consider how to make determinations about which activities and products,
both new and existing, require some aspect of regulatory involvement to
meet regulatory goals, and then make determinations about how extensive
such regulation should be. As we have noted, gaps in the current level of
federal oversight of mortgage lenders, credit rating agencies, and certain
complex financial products such as CDOs and credit default swaps likely
have contributed to the current crisis. Congress and regulators may also
want to revisit the extent of regulation for entities such as banks that have
traditionally fallen within full federal oversight but for which existing
regulatory efforts, such as oversight related to risk management and
lending standards, have been proven in some cases inadequate by recent
events. However, overly restrictive regulation can stifle the financial
sectors’ ability to innovate and stimulate capital formation and economic
growth. Regulators have struggled to balance these competing objectives,
and the current crisis appears to reveal that the proper balance was not in
place in the regulatory system to date.

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Key issues to be addressed:
•

Identify risk-based criteria, such as a product’s or institution’s
potential to harm consumers or create systemic problems, for
determining the appropriate level of oversight for financial
activities and institutions.

•

Identify ways that regulation can provide protection but avoid
hampering innovation, capital formation, and economic growth.

3. Systemwide focus. A regulatory system should include a
mechanism for identifying, monitoring, and managing risks to the
financial system regardless of the source of the risk or the
institutions in which it is created.
A regulatory system should focus on risks to the financial system, not just
institutions. As noted earlier, with multiple regulators primarily
responsible for individual institutions or markets, none of the financial
regulators is tasked with assessing the risks posed across the entire
financial system by a few institutions or by the collective activities of the
industry. As we noted earlier in the report, the collective activities of a
number of entities—including mortgage brokers, real estate professionals,
lenders, borrowers, securities underwriters, investors, rating agencies and
others—likely all contributed to the recent market crisis, but no one
regulator had the necessary scope of oversight to identify the risks to the
broader financial system. Similarly, once firms began to fail and the full
extent of the financial crisis began to become clear, no formal mechanism
existed to monitor market trends and potentially stop or help mitigate the
fallout from these events.
Having a single entity responsible for assessing threats to the overall
financial system could prevent some of the crises that we have seen in the
past. For example, in its Blueprint for a Modernized Financial
Regulatory Structure, Treasury proposed expanding the responsibilities of
the Federal Reserve to create a “market stability regulator” that would
have broad authority to gather and disclose appropriate information,
collaborate with other regulators on rulemaking, and take corrective
action as necessary in the interest of overall financial market stability.
Such a regulator could assess the systemic risks that arise at financial
institutions, within specific financial sectors, across the nation, and
globally. However, policymakers should consider that a potential
disadvantage of providing the agency with such broad responsibility for
overseeing nonbank entities could be that it may imply an official

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government support or endorsement, such as a government guarantee, of
such activities, and thus encourage greater risk taking by these financial
institutions and investors.
Regardless of whether a new regulator is created, all regulators under a
new system should consider how their activities could better identify and
address systemic risks posed by their institutions. As the Federal Reserve
Chairman has noted, regulation and supervision of financial institutions is
a critical tool for limiting systemic risk. This will require broadening the
focus from individual safety and soundness of institutions to a systemwide
oversight approach that includes potential systemic risks and weaknesses.
A systemwide focus should also increase attention on how the incentives
and constraints created by regulations affects risk taking throughout the
business cycle, and what actions regulators can take to anticipate and
mitigate such risks. However, as the Federal Reserve Chairman has noted,
the more comprehensive the approach, the more technically demanding
and costly it would be for regulators and affected institutions.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Identify approaches to broaden the focus of individual regulators
or establish new regulatory mechanisms for identifying and acting
on systemic risks.

•

Determine what additional authorities a regulator or regulators
should have to monitor and act to reduce systemic risks.

4. Flexible and adaptable. A regulatory system should be
adaptable and forward-looking such that regulators can readily
adapt to market innovations and changes and include a mechanism
for evaluating potential new risks to the system.
A regulatory system should be designed such that regulators can readily
adapt to market innovations and changes and include a formal mechanism
for evaluating the full potential range of risks of new products and
services to the system, market participants, and customers. An effective
system could include a mechanism for monitoring market developments—
such as broad market changes that introduce systemic risk, or new
products and services that may pose more confined risks to particular
market segments—to determine the degree, if any, to which regulatory
intervention might be required. The rise of a very large market for credit
derivatives, while providing benefits to users, also created exposures that

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warranted actions by regulators to rescue large individual participants in
this market. While efforts are under way to create risk-reducing clearing
mechanisms for this market, a more adaptable and responsive regulatory
system might have recognized this need earlier and addressed it sooner.
Some industry representatives have suggested that principles-based
regulation, as discussed above, would provide such a mechanism.
Designing a system to be flexible and proactive also involves determining
whether Congress, regulators, or both should make such determinations,
and how such an approach should be clarified in laws or regulations.
Important questions also exist about the extent to which financial
regulators should actively monitor and, where necessary, approve new
financial products and services as they are developed to ensure the least
harm from inappropriate products. Some individuals commenting on this
framework, including industry representatives, noted that limiting
government intervention in new financial activities until it has become
clear that a particular activity or market poses a significant risk and
therefore warrants intervention may be more appropriate. As with other
key policy questions, this may be answered with a combination of both
approaches, recognizing that a product approval approach may be
appropriate for some innovations with greater potential risk, while other
activities may warrant a more reactive approach.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Determine how to effectively monitor market developments to
identify potential risks; the degree, if any, to which regulatory
intervention might be required; and who should hold such a
responsibility.

•

Consider how to strike the right balance between overseeing new
products as they come onto the market to take action as needed to
protect consumers and investors, without unnecessarily hindering
innovation.

5. Efficient and effective. A regulatory system should provide
efficient oversight of financial services by eliminating overlapping
federal regulatory missions, where appropriate, and minimizing
regulatory burden while effectively achieving the goals of
regulation.
A regulatory system should provide for the efficient and effective oversight
of financial services. Accomplishing this in a regulatory system involves
many considerations. First, an efficient regulatory system is designed to
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accomplish its regulatory goals using the least amount of public resources.
In this sense, policymakers must consider the number, organization, and
responsibilities of each agency, and eliminate undesirable overlap in
agency activities and responsibilities. Determining what is undesirable
overlap is a difficult decision in itself. Under the current U.S. system,
financial institutions often have several options for how to operate their
business and who will be their regulator. For example, a new or existing
depository institution can choose among several charter options. Having
multiple regulators performing similar functions does allow for these
agencies to potentially develop alternative or innovative approaches to
regulation separately, with the approach working best becoming known
over time. Such proven approaches can then be adopted by the other
agencies. On the other hand, this could lead to regulatory arbitrage, in
which institutions take advantage of variations in how agencies implement
regulatory responsibilities in order to be subject to less scrutiny. Both
situations have occurred under our current structure.
With that said, recent events clearly have shown that the fragmented U.S.
regulatory structure contributed to failures by the existing regulators to
adequately protect consumers and ensure financial stability. As we noted
earlier, efforts by regulators to respond to the increased risks associated
with new mortgage products were sometimes slowed in part because of
the need for five federal regulators to coordinate their response. The
Chairman of the Federal Reserve has similarly noted that the different
regulatory and supervisory regimes for lending institutions and mortgage
brokers made monitoring such institutions difficult for both regulators and
investors. Similarly, we noted earlier in the report that the current
fragmented U.S. regulatory structure has complicated some efforts to
coordinate internationally with other regulators.
One first step to addressing such problems is to seriously consider the
need to consolidate depository institution oversight among fewer
agencies. Since 1996, we have been recommending that the number of
federal agencies with primary responsibilities for bank oversight be
reduced. Such a move would result in a system that was more efficient and
improve consistency in regulation, another important characteristic of an
effective regulatory system. In addition, Congress could consider the
advantages and disadvantages of providing a federal charter option for
insurance and creating a federal insurance regulatory entity. We have not
studied the issue of an optional federal charter for insurers, but have
through the years noted difficulties with efforts to harmonize insurance
regulation across states through the NAIC-based structure. The
establishment of a federal insurance charter and regulator could help
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alleviate some of these challenges, but such an approach could also have
unintended consequences for state regulatory bodies and for insurance
firms as well.
Also, given the challenges associated with increasingly complex
investment and retail products as discussed earlier, policymakers will
need to consider how best to align agency responsibilities to better ensure
that consumers and investors are provided with clear, concise, and
effective disclosures for all products.
Organizing agencies around regulatory goals as opposed to the existing
sector-based regulation may be one way to improve the effectiveness of
the system, especially given some of the market developments discussed
earlier. Whatever the approach, policymakers should seek to minimize
conflict in regulatory goals across regulators, or provide for efficient
mechanisms to coordinate in cases where goals inevitably overlap. For
example, in some cases, the safety and soundness of an individual
institution may have implications for systemic risk, or addressing an unfair
or deceptive act or practice at a financial institution may have implications
on the institution’s safety and soundness by increasing reputational risk. If
a regulatory system assigns these goals to different regulators, it will be
important to establish mechanisms for them to coordinate.
Proposals to consolidate regulatory agencies for the purpose of promoting
efficiency should also take into account any potential trade-offs related to
effectiveness. For example, to the extent that policymakers see value in
the ability of financial institutions to choose their regulator, consolidating
certain agencies may reduce such benefits. Similarly, some individuals
have commented that the current system of multiple regulators has led to
the development of expertise among agency staff in particular areas of
financial market activities that might be threatened if the system were to
be consolidated. Finally, policymakers may want to ensure that any
transition from the current financial system to a new structure should
minimize as best as possible any disruption to the operation of financial
markets or risks to the government, especially given the current
challenges faced in today’s markets and broader economy.
A financial system should also be efficient by minimizing the burden on
regulated entities to the extent possible while still achieving regulatory
goals. Under our current system, many financial institutions, and
especially large institutions that offer services that cross sectors, are
subject to supervision by multiple regulators. While steps toward
consolidated supervision and designating primary supervisors have helped
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alleviate some of the burden, industry representatives note that many
institutions face significant costs as a result of the existing financial
regulatory system that could be lessened. Such costs, imposed in an effort
to meet certain regulatory goals such as safety and soundness and
consumer protection, can run counter to other goals of a financial system
by stifling innovation and competitiveness. In addressing this concern, it is
also important to consider the potential benefits that might result in some
cases from having multiple regulators overseeing an institution. For
example, representatives of state banking and other institution regulators,
and consumer advocacy organizations, note that concurrent jurisdiction—
between two federal regulators or a federal and state regulator—can
provide needed checks and balances against individual financial regulators
who have not always reacted appropriately and in a timely way to address
problems at institutions. They also note that states may move more quickly
and more flexibly to respond to activities causing harm to consumers.
Some types of concurrent jurisdiction, such as enforcement authority, may
be less burdensome to institutions than others, such as ongoing
supervision and examination.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Consider the appropriate role of the states in a financial regulatory
system and how federal and state roles can be better harmonized.

•

Determine and evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of
having multiple regulators, including nongovernmental entities
such as SROs, share responsibilities for regulatory oversight.

•

Identify ways that the U.S. regulatory system can be made more
efficient, either through consolidating agencies with similar roles
or through minimizing unnecessary regulatory burden.

•

Consider carefully how any changes to the financial regulatory
system may negatively impact financial market operations and the
broader economy, and take steps to minimize such consequences.

6. Consistent consumer and investor protection. A regulatory
system should include consumer and investor protection as part of
the regulatory mission to ensure that market participants receive
consistent, useful information, as well as legal protections for
similar financial products and services, including disclosures, sales
practice standards, and suitability requirements.
A regulatory system should be designed to provide high-quality, effective,
and consistent protection for consumers and investors in similar
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situations. In doing so, it is important to recognize important distinctions
between retail consumers and more sophisticated consumers such as
institutional investors, where appropriate considering the context of the
situation. Different disclosures and regulatory protections may be
necessary for these different groups. Consumer protection should be
viewed from the perspective of the consumer rather than through the
various and sometimes divergent perspectives of the multitude of federal
regulators that currently have responsibilities in this area.
As discussed earlier, many consumers that received loans in the last few
years did not understand the risks associated with taking out their loans,
especially in the event that housing prices would not continue to increase
at the rate they had in recent years. In addition, increasing evidence exists
that many Americans are lacking in financial literacy, and the expansion of
new and more complex products will continue to create challenges in this
area. Furthermore, as noted above, regulators with existing authority to
better protect consumers did not always exercise that authority
effectively. In considering a new regulatory system, policymakers should
consider the significant lapses in our regulatory system’s focus on
consumer protection and ensure that such a focus is prioritized in any
reform efforts. For example, policymakers should identify ways to
improve upon the existing, largely fragmented, system of regulators that
must coordinate to act in these areas. As noted above, this should include
serious consideration of whether to consolidate regulatory responsibilities
to streamline and improve the effectiveness of consumer protection
efforts. Another way that some market observers have argued that
consumer protections could be enhanced and harmonized across products
is to extend suitability requirements—which require securities brokers
making recommendations to customers to have reasonable grounds for
believing that the recommendation is suitable for the customer—to
mortgage and other products. Additional consideration could also be
given to determining whether certain products are simply too complex to
be well understood and make judgments about limiting or curtailing their
use.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Consider how prominent the regulatory goal of consumer
protection should be in the U.S. financial regulatory system.

•

Determine what amount, if any, of consolidation of responsibility
may be necessary to enhance and harmonize consumer

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protections, including suitability requirements and disclosures
across the financial services industry.
•

Consider what distinctions are necessary between retail and
wholesale products, and how such distinctions should affect how
products are regulated.

•

Identify opportunities to protect and empower consumers through
improving their financial literacy.

7. Regulators provided with independence, prominence, authority,
and accountability. A regulatory system should ensure that
regulators have independence from inappropriate influence; have
sufficient resources, clout, and authority to carry out and enforce
statutory missions; and are clearly accountable for meeting
regulatory goals.
A regulatory system should ensure that any entity responsible for financial
regulation is independent from inappropriate influence; has adequate
prominence, authority, and resources to carry out and enforce its statutory
mission; and is clearly accountable for meeting regulatory goals. With
respect to independence, policymakers may want to consider advantages
and disadvantages of different approaches to funding agencies, especially
to the extent that agencies might face difficulty remaining independent if
they are funded by the institutions they regulate. Under the current
structure, for example, the Federal Reserve primarily is funded by income
earned from U.S. government securities that it has acquired through open
market operations and does not assess charges to the institutions it
oversees. In contrast, OCC and OTS are funded primarily by assessments
on the firms they supervise. Decision makers should consider whether
some of these various funding mechanisms are more likely to ensure that a
regulator will take action against its regulated institutions without regard
to the potential impact on its own funding.
With respect to prominence, each regulator must receive appropriate
attention and support from top government officials. Inadequate
prominence in government may make it difficult for a regulator to raise
safety and soundness or other concerns to Congress and the
administration in a timely manner. Mere knowledge of a deteriorating
situation would be insufficient if a regulator were unable to persuade
Congress and the administration to take timely corrective action. This
problem would be exacerbated if a regulated institution had more political
clout and prominence than its regulator because the institution could
potentially block action from being taken.

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In considering authority, agencies must have the necessary enforcement and
other tools to effectively implement their missions to achieve regulatory
goals. For example, as noted earlier, in a 2007 report we expressed concerns
over the appropriateness of having OTS oversee diverse global financial firms
given the size of the agency relative to the institutions for which it was
responsible.74 It is important for a regulatory system to ensure that agencies
are provided with adequate resources and expertise to conduct their work
effectively. A regulatory system should also include adequate checks and
balances to ensure the appropriate use of agency authorities. With respect to
accountability, policymakers may also want to consider different governance
structures at agencies—the current system includes a combination of agency
heads and independent boards or commissions—and how to ensure that
agencies are recognized for successes and held accountable for failures to act
in accordance with regulatory goals.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Determine how to structure and fund agencies to ensure each has
adequate independence, prominence, tools, authority and
accountability.

•

Consider how to provide an appropriate level of authority to an
agency while ensuring that it appropriately implements its mission
without abusing its authority.

•

Ensure that the regulatory system includes effective mechanisms
for holding regulators accountable.

8. Consistent financial oversight. A regulatory system should
ensure that similar institutions, products, risks, and services are
subject to consistent regulation, oversight, and transparency,
which should help minimize negative competitive outcomes while
harmonizing oversight, both within the United States and
internationally.
A regulatory system should ensure that similar institutions, products, and
services posing similar risks are subject to consistent regulation, oversight,
and transparency. Identifying which institutions and which of their products
and services pose similar risks is not easy and involves a number of important
considerations. Two institutions that look very similar may in fact pose very

74

GAO-07-154.

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different risks to the financial system, and therefore may call for significantly
different regulatory treatment. However, activities that are done by different
types of financial institutions that pose similar risks to their institutions or the
financial system should be regulated similarly to prevent competitive
disadvantages between institutions.
Streamlining the regulation of similar products across sectors could also
help prepare the United States for challenges that may result from
increased globalization and potential harmonization in regulatory
standards. Such efforts are under way in other jurisdictions. For example,
at a November 2008 summit in the United States, the Group of 20 countries
pledged to strengthen their regulatory regimes and ensure that all financial
markets, products, and participants are consistently regulated or subject
to oversight, as appropriate to their circumstances. Similarly, a working
group in the European Union is slated by the spring of 2009 to propose
ways to strengthen European supervisory arrangements, including
addressing how their supervisors should cooperate with other major
jurisdictions to help safeguard financial stability globally. Promoting
consistency in regulation of similar products should be done in a way that
does not sacrifice the quality of regulatory oversight.
As we noted in a 2004 report, different regulatory treatment of bank and
financial holding companies, consolidated supervised entities, and other
holding companies may not provide a basis for consistent oversight of their
consolidated risk management strategies, guarantee competitive neutrality, or
contribute to better oversight of systemic risk. Recent events further
underscore the limitations brought about when there is a lack of consistency
in oversight of large financial institutions. As such, Congress and regulators
will need to seriously consider how best to consolidate responsibilities for
oversight of large financial conglomerates as part of any reform effort.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Identify institutions and products and services that pose similar
risks.

•

Determine the level of consolidation necessary to streamline
financial regulation activities across the financial services industry.

•

Consider the extent to which activities need to be coordinated
internationally.

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9. Minimal taxpayer exposure. A regulatory system should have
adequate safeguards that allow financial institution failures to
occur while limiting taxpayers’ exposure to financial risk.
A regulatory system should have adequate safeguards that allow financial
institution failures to occur while limiting taxpayers’ exposure to financial
risk. Policymakers should consider identifying the best safeguards and
assignment of responsibilities for responding to situations where
taxpayers face significant exposures, and should consider providing clear
guidelines when regulatory intervention is appropriate. While an ideal
system would allow firms to fail without negatively affecting other firms—
and therefore avoid any moral hazard that may result—policymakers and
regulators must consider the realities of today’s financial system. In some
cases, the immediate use of public funds to prevent the failure of a
critically important financial institution may be a worthwhile use of such
funds if it ultimately serves to prevent a systemic crisis that would result
in much greater use of public funds in the long run. However, an effective
regulatory system that incorporates the characteristics noted above,
especially by ensuring a systemwide focus, should be better equipped to
identify and mitigate problems before it become necessary to make
decisions about whether to let a financial institution fail.
An effective financial regulatory system should also strive to minimize
systemic risks resulting from interrelationships between firms and
limitations in market infrastructures that prevent the orderly unwinding of
firms that fail. Another important consideration in minimizing taxpayer
exposure is to ensure that financial institutions provided with a
government guarantee that could result in taxpayer exposure are also
subject to an appropriate level of regulatory oversight to fulfill the
responsibilities discussed above.
Key issues to be addressed:
•

Identify safeguards that are most appropriate to prevent systemic
crises while minimizing moral hazard.

•

Consider how a financial system can most effectively minimize
taxpayer exposure to losses related to financial instability.

Finally, although significant changes may be required to modernize the
U.S. financial regulatory system, policymakers should consider carefully
how best to implement the changes in such a way that the transition to a
new structure does not hamper the functioning of the financial markets,

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individual financial institutions’ ability to conduct their activities, and
consumers’ ability to access needed services. For example, if the changes
require regulators or institutions to make systems changes, file
registrations, or other activities that could require extensive time to
complete, the changes could be implemented in phases with specific target
dates around which the affected entities could formulate plans.
In addition, our past work has identified certain critical factors that should
be addressed to ensure that any large-scale transitions among government
agencies are implemented successfully.75 Although all of these factors are
likely important for a successful transformation for the financial
regulatory system, Congress and existing agencies should pay particular
attention to ensuring there are effective communication strategies so that
all affected parties, including investors and consumers, clearly understand
any changes being implemented. In addition, attention should be paid to
developing a sound human capital strategy to ensure that any new or
consolidated agencies are able to retain and attract additional quality staff
during the transition period. Finally, policymakers should consider how
best to retain and utilize the existing skills and knowledge base within
agencies subject to changes as part of a transition.

Comments from
Agencies and Other
Organizations, and
Our Evaluation

We provided the opportunity to review and comment on a draft of this
report to representatives of 29 agencies and other organizations, including
federal and state financial regulatory agencies, consumer advocacy
groups, and financial service industry trade associations. A complete list of
organizations that reviewed the draft is included in appendix II. All
reviewers provided valuable input that was used in finalizing this report.
In general, reviewers commented that the report represented a high-quality
and thorough review of issues related to regulatory reform. We made
changes throughout the report to increase its precision and clarity and to
provide additional detail. For example, the Federal Reserve provided
comments indicating that our report should emphasize that the traditional
goals of regulation that we described in the background section are
incomplete unless their ultimate purpose is considered, which is to
promote the long-term growth, stability, and welfare of the United States.
As a result, we expanded the discussion of our framework element
concerning the need to have clearly defined regulatory goals to emphasize

75

See GAO, Homeland Security: Critical Design and Implementation Issues,
GAO-02-957T. (Washington, D.C.: July 17, 2002).

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that policymakers will need to ensure that such regulation is balanced
with other national goals, including facilitating capital raising and
fostering innovation.
In addition, we received formal written responses from the American
Bankers Association, the American Council of Life Insurers, the
Conference of State Bank Supervisors, Consumers Union, the Credit
Union National Association, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation,
the Mortgage Bankers Association, and the National Association of
Federal Credit Unions, and a joint letter from the Center for Responsible
Lending, the National Consumer Law Center, and U.S. PIRG; all formal
written responses are included as appendixes to this report.
Among the letters we received, various commenters raised additional
issues regarding consumer protection and risky products. For example, in
a joint letter, the Center for Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG noted that the best way to avoid systemic
risk is to address problems that exist at the level of individual consumer
transactions, before they pose a threat to the system as a whole. They also
noted that although most of the subprime lending was done by nonbank
lenders, overly aggressive practices for other loan types and among other
lenders also contributed to the current crisis. In addition, they noted that
to effectively protect consumers, the regulatory system must prohibit
unsustainable lending and that disclosures and financial literacy are not
enough. The letter from FDIC agreed that effective reform of the U.S.
financial regulatory system would help avoid a recurrence of the economic
and financial problems we are now experiencing. It also noted that
irresponsible lending practices were not consistent with sound banking
practices. FDIC’s letter also notes that the regulatory structure collectively
permitted excessive levels of leverage in the nonbank financial system and
that statutory mandates that address consumer protection and aggressive
lending practices and leverage among firms would be equally important
for improving regulation as would changing regulatory structure. In a
letter from Consumers Union, that group urged that consumer protection
be given equal priority as safety and soundness and that regulators act
more promptly to address emerging risks rather than waiting until a
problem has become national in scope. The letter indicates that
Consumers Union supports an independent federal consumer protection
agency for financial services and the ability of states to also develop and
enforce consumer protections. We made changes in response to many of
these comments. For example, we enhanced our discussion of
weaknesses in regulators’ efforts to oversee the sale of mortgage products
that posed risks to consumers and the stability of the financial system, and
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we made changes to the framework to emphasize the importance of
consumer protection.
Several of the letters addressed issues regarding potential consolidation of
regulatory agencies and the role of federal and state regulation. The letter
from the American Bankers Association said that the current system of
bank regulation and oversight has many advantages and that any reform
efforts should build on those advantages. The letter also noted that there
are benefits to having multiple federal regulators, as well as a dual banking
system. The letter from the Conference of State Bank Supervisors agreed
with our report that the U.S. regulatory system is complex and clearly has
gaps, but cautioned that consolidating regulation and making decisions
that could indirectly result in greater industry consolidation could
exacerbate problems. The letter also indicates concern that our report
does not fully acknowledge the importance of creating an environment
that promotes a diverse industry to serve the nation’s diverse communities
and prevents concentration of economic power in a handful of institutions.
Our report does discuss the benefits of state regulation of financial
institutions, but we did not address the various types of state institutions
because we focused mainly on the federal role over our markets. In the
past, our work has acknowledged the dual banking system has benefits
and that concentration in markets can have disadvantages. The
Conference of State Bank Supervisors letter also notes that state efforts to
respond to consumer abuses were stymied by federal pre-emption and that
a regulatory structure should preserve checks and balances, avoid
concentrations of power, and be more locally responsive. In response to
this letter, we also added information about the enactment of the Secure
and Fair Enforcement for Mortgage Licensing Act, as part of the Housing
and Economic Recovery Act, which requires enhanced licensing and
registration of mortgage brokers.
The letter from the National Association of Federal Credit Unions urged
that an independent regulator for credit unions be retained because of the
distinctive characteristics of federal credit unions. A letter from the Credit
Union National Association also strongly opposes combining the credit
union regulator or its insurance function with another agency. The letter
from the Mortgage Bankers Association urges that a federal standard for
mortgage lending be developed to provide greater uniformity than the
currently diffuse set of state laws. They also supported consideration of
federal regulation of independent mortgage bankers and mortgage brokers
as a way of improving uniformity and effectiveness of the regulation of
these entities. A letter from the American Council of Life Insurers noted
that the lack of a federal insurance regulatory office provides for uneven
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consumer protections and policy availability nationwide and hampers the
country’s ability to negotiate internationally on insurance industry issues,
and urged that we include a discussion of the need to consider a greater
federal role in the regulation of insurance. As a result, in the section where
we discuss the need for efficient and effective regulation we noted that
harmonizing insurance regulation across states has been difficult, and that
Congress could consider the advantages and disadvantages of providing a
federal charter option for insurance and creating a federal insurance
regulatory entity.

We are sending copies of this report to interested congressional
committees and members. In addition, we are sending copies to the
federal financial regulatory agencies and associations representing state
financial regulators, financial industry participants, and consumers, as
well as to the President and Vice President, the President-Elect and Vice
President-Elect, and other interested parties. The report also is available at
no charge on GAO’s Web site at http://www.gao.gov.
If you or your staffs have any questions about this report, please contact
Orice M. Williams at (202) 512-8678 or williamso@gao.gov, or Richard J.
Hillman at (202) 512-8678 or hillmanr@gao.gov. Contact points for our
Offices of Congressional Relations and Public Affairs may be found on the
last page of this report. GAO staff who made major contributions to this
report are listed in appendix XII.

Gene L. Dodaro
Acting Comptroller General of the United States

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List of Congressional Addressees
The Honorable Christopher J. Dodd
Chairman
The Honorable Richard C. Shelby
Ranking Member
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
United States Senate
The Honorable Joseph I. Lieberman
Chairman
The Honorable Susan M. Collins
Ranking Member
Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
United States Senate
The Honorable Barney Frank
Chairman
The Honorable Spencer Bachus
Ranking Member
Committee on Financial Services
House of Representatives
The Honorable Edolphus Towns
Chairman
The Honorable Darrell E. Issa
Ranking Member
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
House of Representatives
The Honorable Richard J. Durbin
The Honorable Tim Johnson
The Honorable Jack Reed
United States Senate
The Honorable Judy Biggert
The Honorable Paul E. Kanjorski
The Honorable Carolyn B. Maloney
The Honorable José E. Serrano
House of Representatives

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Appendix I: Scope and Methodology

Appendix I: Scope and Methodology

Our report objectives were to (1) describe the origins of the current
financial regulatory system, (2) describe various market developments and
changes that have raised challenges for the current system, and (3) present
an evaluation framework that can be used by Congress and others to craft
or evaluate potential regulatory reform efforts going forward.
To address all of these objectives, we synthesized existing GAO work on
challenges to the U.S. financial regulatory structure and on criteria for
developing and strengthening effective regulatory structures. These
reports are referenced in footnotes in this report and noted in the Related
GAO Products appendix. In particular, we relied extensively on our recent
body of work examining the financial regulatory structure, culminating in
reports issued in 2004 and 2007.1 We also reviewed existing studies,
government documents, and other research for illustrations of how
current and past financial market events have revealed limitations in our
existing regulatory system and suggestions for regulatory reform.
In addition, to gather input on challenges with the existing system and
important considerations in evaluating reforms, we interviewed several
key individuals with broad and substantial knowledge about the U.S.
financial regulatory system—including a former Chairman of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System (Federal Reserve), a former
high-level executive at a major investment bank that had also served in
various regulatory agencies, and an international financial organization
official that also served in various regulatory agencies. We selected these
individuals from a group of notable officials, academics, legal scholars,
and others we identified as part of this and other GAO work, including a
2007 expert panel on financial regulatory structure. We selected
individuals to interview in an effort to gather government, industry, and
academic perspectives, including on international issues. In some cases,
due largely to the market turmoil at the time of our study, we were unable
to or chose not to reach out to certain individuals, but took steps to ensure
that we selected other individuals that would meet our criteria.
To develop the evaluation framework, we also convened a series of three
forums in which we gathered comments on a preliminary draft of our
framework from a wide range of representatives of federal and state

1

GAO, Financial Regulation: Industry Changes Prompt Need to Reconsider U.S.
Regulatory Structure, GAO-05-61 (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 6, 2004); and Financial
Regulation: Industry Trends Continue to Challenge the Federal Regulatory Structure,
GAO-08-32 (Washington, D.C.: Oct. 12, 2007).

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Appendix I: Scope and Methodology

financial regulatory agencies, financial industry associations and
institutions, and consumer advocacy organizations. In particular, at a
forum held on August 19, 2008, we gathered comments from
representatives of financial industry associations and institutions,
including the American Bankers Association, the American Council of Life
Insurers, The Clearing House, Columbia Bank, the Independent
Community Bankers of America, The Financial Services Roundtable,
Fulton Financial Corporation, the Futures Industry Association, the
Managed Funds Association, the Mortgage Bankers Association, the
National Association of Federal Credit Unions, the Securities Industry and
Financial Markets Association, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. We
worked closely with representatives at the American Bankers
Association—which hosted the forum at its Washington, D.C.,
headquarters—to identify a comprehensive and representative group of
industry associations and institutions.
At a forum held on August 27, 2008, we gathered comments from
representatives of consumer advocacy organizations, including the Center
for Responsible Lending, the Consumer Federation of America, the
Consumers Union, the National Consumer Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG.
We invited a comprehensive list of consumer advocacy organization
representatives—compiled based on extensive dealings with these groups
from current and past work—to participate in this forum and hosted it at
GAO headquarters in Washington, D.C.
At a forum held on August 28, 2008, we gathered comments from
representatives of federal and state banking, securities, futures, insurance
and housing regulatory oversight agencies, including the Commodity
Futures Trading Commission, the Conference of State Bank Supervisors,
the Department of the Treasury, the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation, the Federal Housing Finance Agency, the Federal Reserve,
the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, the National Association of
Insurance Commissioners, the National Credit Union Administration, the
North American Securities Administrators Administration, the Office of
the Comptroller of the Currency, the Office of Thrift Supervision, the
Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, and the Securities and
Exchange Commission. We worked closely with officials at the Federal
Reserve—which hosted the forum at its Washington, D.C., headquarters—
to identify a comprehensive and representative group of federal and state
financial regulatory agencies.
We conducted this work from April 2008 to December 2008 in accordance
with generally accepted government auditing standards. Those standards
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Appendix I: Scope and Methodology

require that we plan and perform the audit to obtain sufficient, appropriate
evidence to provide a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions
based on our audit objectives. We believe that the evidence obtained
provides a reasonable basis for our findings and conclusions based on our
audit objectives.

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Appendix II: Agencies and Other
Organizations That Reviewed the Draft
Report

Appendix II: Agencies and Other
Organizations That Reviewed the Draft
Report
American Bankers Association
American Council of Life Insurers
Center for Responsible Lending
Commodity Futures Trading Commission
Conference of State Bank Supervisors
Consumer Federation of America
Consumers Union
Credit Union National Association
Department of the Treasury
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
Federal Housing Finance Agency
Federal Reserve
Financial Industry Regulatory Authority
Financial Services Roundtable
Futures Industry Association
Independent Community Bankers of America
International Swaps and Derivates Association
Mortgage Bankers Association
National Association of Federal Credit Unions
National Association of Insurance Commissioners
National Consumer Law Center
National Credit Union Administration
National Futures Association
Office of the Comptroller of the Currency
Office of Thrift Supervision
Public Company Accounting Oversight Board
Securities and Exchange Commission
Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association
U.S. PIRG

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Appendix III: Comments from the American
Bankers Association

Appendix III: Comments from the American
Bankers Association

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Appendix III: Comments from the American
Bankers Association

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Appendix III: Comments from the American
Bankers Association

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Appendix III: Comments from the American
Bankers Association

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Appendix IV: Comments from the American
Council of Life Insurers

Appendix IV: Comments from the American
Council of Life Insurers

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Appendix IV: Comments from the American
Council of Life Insurers

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Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

December 17, 2008
Orice M. Williams
Director
Financial Markets and Community Investment
U.S. Government Accountability Office
441 G Street, NW
Washington, DC 20548

Dear Ms. Williams:
Thank you for the opportunity to submit a second written comment in response to the
GAO’s upcoming report on the financial regulatory framework of the United States.
The Conference of State Bank Supervisors (CSBS) recognizes the current regulatory
structure at both the state and federal level is sometimes complex for the industry,
regulators, consumers, and policymakers to navigate. As financial institutions and service
providers increase in size, complexity, and operations, our regulatory system must reflect
this evolution. The current economic stresses have also shown that our financial
regulatory system must better address the interconnected risks of the capital markets and
our banking system.
CSBS is committed to working with the GAO, our federal counterparts, Congress, industry
associations, and consumer advocates to further the development of a fair and efficient
regulatory system that provides sufficient consumer protection and serves the interests of
financial institutions and financial service providers, while ultimately strengthening the
U.S. economy as a whole.
We believe that changes are needed in both regulation and the way our regulatory structure
functions to better respond to consumer needs and address systemic risks and market
integrity. We are very concerned, however, that federal policy that addresses nationwide
and global regulatory business models continues to threaten—or perhaps eliminate—the
greatest strengths of our system. Specifically, we see policies that promote the needs of
the very largest financial institutions at the expense of consumers, important federal checks
and balances and diversity of banking and other financial institutions that are critical to our
state economies.
The current financial regulatory structure allows for a diverse universe of financial
institutions of varying sizes. While the financial industry continues to consolidate at a
rapid pace, there are still well over 8,000 financial institutions operating within the United
CONFERENCE OF STATE BANK SUPERVISORS
1155 Connecticut Ave., NW, 5th Floor • Washington DC 20036-4306 • (202) 296-2840 • Fax: (202) 296-1928

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States, some of which are as small as $1 million in assets. Obviously, our nation’s largest
money center banks play a critical role in the economy. However, even the smallest bank
in the country is absolutely critical to the economic health of the community in which it
operates.
The complexity of the system is presented as a major source of the current financial crisis.
While there are clearly gaps in our regulatory system and the system is undeniably
complex, CSBS has observed that the greater failing of the system has been one of
insufficient political and regulatory will, primarily at the federal level. We believe that
decisions to consolidate regulation do not fix, but rather exacerbate this problem.
Moreover, CSBS is deeply concerned that the GAO study does not fully appreciate the
importance of creating an environment that promotes a diverse industry which serves our
nation’s diverse communities and avoids a concentration of economic and political power
in a handful of institutions.
Specifically, we are offering the following comments to the elements of a successful
supervisory framework.
Clearly Defined Regulatory Goals
Generally, we agree with the GAO’s goals of a regulatory system that ensures adequate
consumer protections, ensures the integrity and fairness of markets, monitors the safety
and soundness of institutions, and acts to ensure the stability of the overall financial
system. We disagree, however, with the GAO’s claim that the safety and soundness goal
is necessarily in direct conflict with the goal of consumer protection. It has been the
experience of state regulators that the very opposite can be true. Indeed, consumer
protection should be recognized as integral to safety and soundness of financial institutions
and service providers. The health of a financial institution ultimately is connected to the
health of its customers. However, we have observed that federal regulators, without the
checks and balances of more locally responsive state regulators or state law enforcement
do not always give fair weight to consumer issues or have the perspective to understand
consumer issues. We consider this a significant weakness of the current system. Federal
preemption of state law and state law enforcement by the Office of the Comptroller of the
Currency and the Office of Thrift Supervision has resulted in less responsive consumer
protections and institutions that are much less responsive to needs of consumers in our
states.
Appropriately Comprehensive
CSBS disagrees that federal regulators were unable to identify the risks to the financial
system because they did not have the necessary scope of oversight. As previously noted,
we believe it was a failure of regulatory will and a philosophy of self-regulating markets
that allowed for risks to develop. CSBS strongly believes a “comprehensive” system of
regulation should not be construed as a consolidated regime under one single regulator.
Instead, “comprehensive” should describe a regulatory system that is able to adequately
supervise a broad, diverse, and dynamic financial industry. We believe that the checks and
balances of the dual system of federal and state supervision are more likely to result in

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Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

comprehensive and meaningful coverage of the industry. From a safety and soundness
perspective and from a consumer protection standpoint, the public is better served by a
coordinated regulatory network that benefits from both the federal and state perspectives.
We believe the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) could be much
better utilized to accomplish this approach.
Systemwide Focus
The GAO report states “a regulatory system should include a mechanism for identifying,
monitoring, and managing risks to the financial system regardless of the source of the risk
or the institutions in which it was created.” CSBS agrees with this assessment. Our
current crisis has shown us that our regulatory structure was incapable of effectively
managing and regulating the nation’s largest institutions. CSBS believes the solution,
however, is not to expand the federal government bureaucracy by creating a new super
regulator. Instead, we should enhance coordination and cooperation among the federal
government and the states. We believe regulators must pool resources and expertise to
better manage systemic risk. The FFIEC provides a vehicle for working towards this goal
of seamless federal and state cooperative supervision.
In addition, CSBS provides significant coordination among the states as well as with
federal regulators. This coordinating role reached new levels when Congress adopted the
Riegle-Neil Act to allow for interstate banking and branching. The states, through CSBS,
quickly followed suit by developing the Nationwide Cooperative Agreement and the StateFederal Supervisory Agreement for the supervision of multi-state banks. Most recently,
the states launched the Nationwide Mortgage Licensing System (NMLS) and a nationwide
protocol for mortgage supervision. Further, the NMLS is the foundation for the recently
enacted Secure and Fair Enforcement for Mortgage Licensing Act of 2008, or the S.A.F.E.
Act. The S.A.F.E. Act establishes minimum mortgage licensing standards and a
coordinated network of state and federal mortgage supervision.
Flexible and Adaptable
CSBS agrees that a regulatory system should be adaptable and forward-looking so that
regulators can readily adapt to market innovations and chances to include a mechanism for
evaluating potential new risks to the system. In fact, this is one of the greatest strengths of
the state system. The traditional dynamic of the dual-banking system of regulation has
been that the states experiment with new products, services, and practices that, upon
successful implementation, Congress later enacts on a nationwide basis. In addition, state
bank examiners are often the first to identify and address economic problems. Often, states
are the first responders to almost any problem in the financial system. The states can—and
do—respond to these problems much more quickly than the federal government as
evidenced by escalating state responses to the excesses and abuses of mortgage lending
over the past decade. Unfortunately, the federal response was to thwart rather than
encourage these policy responses.

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Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

Efficient and Effective
In the report, GAO asserts that a system should provide for efficient and effective
oversight by eliminating overlapping federal regulatory missions and minimizing
regulatory burden. CSBS believes efficiency must not be achieved at the cost of protecting
consumers, providing for a competitive industry that serves all communities or maintaining
the safety and soundness of financial institutions. We recognize that our regulatory
structure is complex and may not be as efficient as some in the industry would prefer.
There is undoubtedly a need for improved coordination and cooperation among functional
regulators. However, this efficiency must not be met through the haphazard consolidation
or destruction of supervisory agencies and authorities. CSBS strongly believes that it is
more important to preserve a regulatory framework with checks and balances among and
between regulators. This overlap does not need to be a negative characteristic of our
system. Instead, it has most often offered additional protection for our consumers and
institutions. We believe that the weakening of these overlays in recent years weakened our
system and contributed to the current crisis.
In addition, we should consider how “efficient” is defined. Efficient does not inherently
mean effective. Our ideal regulatory structure should balance what is efficient for large
and small institutions as well as what is efficient for consumers and our economy. While a
centralized and consolidated regulatory system may look efficient on paper or benefit our
largest institutions, the outcomes may be inflexible and be geared solely at the largest
banks at the expense of the small community institutions, the consumer or our diverse
economy.
Consistent Consumer and Investor Protection
The states have long been regarded as leaders in the consumer protection arena. This is an
area where the model of states acting as laboratories of innovation is clearly working.
State authorities often discover troubling practices, trends, or warning signs before the
federal agencies can identify these emerging concerns. State authorities and legislature
then are able to respond quickly to protect consumers. Ultimately, Congress and federal
regulators can then rely on state experience to develop uniform and nationwide standards
or best practices. Ultimately, we believe the federal government is simply not able to
respond quickly enough to emerging threats and consumer protection issues. State
authorities have also been frustrated by federal preemption of state consumer protection
laws. If Congress were to act to repeal or more clearly limit these preemptions, states
would be able to more effectively and consistently enforce consumer protection laws.
CSBS also agrees that there were significant loopholes and unequal regulation and
examination of the mortgage industry. In fact, the states led the way to address these
regulatory gaps. However, in describing where subprime lending occurred, we believe the
report should acknowledge the fact that subprime lending took place in nearly equal parts
between nonbank lenders and institutions subject to federal bank regulation. Federal
regulation of operating subsidiaries has been inconsistent at best and nonexistent at worst.
As acknowledged in the report, affiliate regulation for consumer compliance simply did

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Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

not exist at the federal level until a recent pilot project led by the Federal Reserve was
initiated.
The report also fails to acknowledge the very significant reforms of mortgage regulation
adopted by Congress under the S.A.F.E. Act or the major efforts the states have engaged in
to regulate the nonbank mortgage lenders and originators.
Regulators Provided with Independence, Prominence, Authority, and Accountability
The dual-banking system helps preserve both regulator independence and accountability.
The state system of chartering, with an independent primary federal regulator probably
serves as the best model for this goal.
Consistent Financial Oversight
Consistency in regulation is important, but our financial system must also be flexible
enough to allow our diverse institutions all to flourish. The diversity of our nation’s
banking system has created the most dynamic and powerful economy in the world,
regardless of the current problems we are experiencing. The strength at the core of our
banking system is that it is comprised of thousands of financial intuitions of vastly
different sizes. Even as our largest banks are struggling to survive, the vast majority of
community banks remains strong and continues to provide financial services to their local
citizens. It is vital that a one-size-fits-all regulatory system does not adversely affect the
industry by putting smaller banks at a competitive disadvantage with larger, more complex
institutions.
It is our belief that the report should acknowledge the role of federal preemption of state
consumer protections and the lack of responsiveness of federal law and regulation to
mortgage lending and consumer protection issues. For example, the states began
responding in 1999 to circumventions of HOEPA and consumer abuses related to subprime
lending. Nine years later and two years into a nationwide subprime crisis and Congress
has not yet been able to adopt a predatory lending law. We believe that some industry
advocates have pushed for preemption to prevent the states from being able to develop
legislative and regulatory models for consumer protection and because they have been
successful in thwarting legislation and significant regulation at the federal level.
Minimal Taxpayer Exposure
CSBS strongly agrees that a regulatory system should have adequate safeguards that allow
financial institution failures to occur while limiting taxpayers’ exposure to financial risk.
Part of this process must be to prevent institutions from becoming “too big to fail,” “too
systemic to fail,” or simply too big to regulate. Specifically, the federal government must
have regulatory tools in place to manage the orderly failure of the largest institutions rather
than continuing to prop up failed systemic institutions.
CSBS Principles of Regulatory Reform
While numerous proposals will be advanced to overhaul the financial regulatory system,
CSBS believes the structure of the regulatory system should:

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Appendix V: Comments from the Conference
of State Bank Supervisors

1. Usher in a new era of cooperative federalism, recognizing the rights of states to
protect consumers and reaffirming the state role in chartering and supervising
financial institutions.
2. Foster supervision that is tailored to the size, scope, and complexity of the
institution and the risk they pose to the financial system.
3. Assure the promulgation and enforcement of consumer protection standards that
are applicable to both state and nationally chartered financial institutions and are
enforceable by locally-responsive state officials against all such institutions.
4. Encourage a diverse universe of financial institutions as a method of reducing risk
to the system, encouraging competition, furthering innovation, insuring access to
financial markets, and promoting efficient allocation of credit.
5. Support community and regional banks, which provide relationship lending and
fuel local economic development.
6. Require financial institutions that are recipients of governmental protection or pose
systemic risk to be subject to safety and soundness and consumer protection
oversight.
The states, through CSBS and the State Liaison Committee’s involvement on the FFIEC,
will be part of any solution to regulatory restructuring or our current economic condition.
We want to ensure consumers are protected, and preserve the viability of both the federal
and state charter to ensure the success of our dual-banking system and our economy as a
whole.
CSBS believes there is significant work to be done on this issue, and we commend the
GAO for undertaking this report.
Best regards,

John W. Ryan
Executive Vice President

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Appendix VI: Comments from Consumers
Union

Appendix VI: Comments from Consumers
Union

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Appendix VI: Comments from Consumers
Union

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Appendix VII: Comments from the Credit
Union National Association

Appendix VII: Comments from the Credit
Union National Association

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Appendix VII: Comments from the Credit
Union National Association

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Appendix VIII: Comments from the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation

Appendix VIII: Comments from the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation

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Appendix VIII: Comments from the Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation

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Appendix IX: Comments from the Mortgage
Bankers Association

Appendix IX: Comments from the Mortgage
Bankers Association


December 18, 2008
Ms. Orice M. Williams
Director, Financial Markets and Community Investment
U.S. Government Accountability Office
441 G Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20548
Dear Ms. Williams:
The Mortgage Bankers Association greatly appreciates the opportunity to comment on the
forthcoming report of the United States Government Accountability Office entitled "Financial
Regulation: A Framework for Crafting and Assessing Proposals to Modernize the Outdated U.S.
Regulatory System." MBA strongly supports the improvement of the regulatory requirements
and the regulatory structure for mortgage lending and commends GAO’s efforts in this vital
area.
MBA’s main comments are that the report should recognize that: (1) responsibility for the
current financial crisis is diffuse; (2) solutions recommended for the lending sphere should
include consideration of a uniform mortgage lending standard that is preemptive of state lending
standards; and (3) federal regulation of at least independent mortgage bankers deserves
discussion.
In MBA’s view, the factors contributing to the current crisis are manifold. They include, but are
not limited to, traditional factors such as unemployment and family difficulties, high real estate
prices and overbuilding, extraordinary appetites for returns, lowering of lending standards to
satisfy investor and borrower needs, the growth of unregulated and lightly regulated entities
and, to some degree, borrower misjudgment and even fraud.
In MBA’s view no single actor or actors can fairly be assigned sole or even predominant blame
for where we are today. On the other hand, MBA strongly believes that all of these factors
contributing to the crisis deserve review as we fashion regulatory solutions. Specifically,
respecting mortgage lending, MBA believes that the crisis presents an unparalleled opportunity
to reevaluate the current regulatory requirements and structure for mortgage lending to protect
the nation going forward.
MBA has long supported establishment of a uniform national mortgage lending standard that
establishes strong federal protections, preempts the web of state laws and updates and
expands federal requirements. Currently, lending is governed, and consumers are protected by,
a patchwork of more than 30 different state laws which are piled on top of federal requirements.
Some state laws are overly intrusive and some are weak. The federal requirements in some
cases are duplicative and in some areas are out-of-date. In some states, there are no lending
laws and borrowers have little protection beyond federal requirements.

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Appendix IX: Comments from the Mortgage
Bankers Association

December 18, 2008
GAO Comment Letter
Page 2

MBA believes legislators should look at the most effective state and federal approaches and
work with stakeholders to fashion a new uniform standard which is appropriately up-to-date,
robust, applies to every lender, and protects every borrower. It should be enacted by the
Congress and preempt state laws. A uniform standard would help restore investor confidence
and be the most effective and least costly means of protecting consumers against lending
abuses nationwide. Having one standard would avoid undue compliance costs, facilitate
competition and ultimately decrease consumer costs.
MBA recognizes that one of the key objections to a preemptive national standard is that it would
not be flexible and adaptable and preclude state responses to future abuse. MBA believes this
problem is surmountable and could be resolved by injecting dynamism into the law. One
approach would be to supplement the law as needed going forward with new prohibitions and
requirements formulated by federal and state officials in consultation.
Currently, some mortgage lenders are regulated as federal depository institutions, some as
state depositories and some as state-regulated non-depositories. MBA believes that along with
establishment of a uniform standard, a new federal regulator for independent mortgage bankers
and mortgage brokers should be considered and MBA is interested in exploring that possibility.
A new regulator should have sufficient authorities to assure prudent operations to address
financing needs of consumers. If such an approach is adopted, states also could maintain a
partnership with the federal regulator in examination, enforcement and licensing. MBA believes
the combined efforts of state and federal officials in regulatory reviews and enforcement under a
uniform standard would greatly increase regulatory effectiveness and focus.
Notably, any new regulatory scheme should address the differing regulatory concerns presented
by mortgage bankers and by mortgage brokers, considering their differing functions and the
differing policy concerns which the respective industries present. MBA has written extensively
on this subject and commends to GAO’s attention the attached report entitled Mortgage
Bankers and Mortgage Brokers: Distinct Businesses Warranting Distinct Regulation (2008).
Again, MBA strongly believes today’s financial difficulties present an unparalleled opportunity to
establish better regulation in the years to come. Today’s financial crisis reminds us daily that
financial markets are national and international in scope. As the crisis worsened, the world
looked to national and international governments for solutions. MBA believes it would be
unwise not to use this moment to establish a national standard and cease dispersing regulatory
responsibility, to help prevent crises ahead.
Thank you again for the opportunity to comment.

Sincerely,

John A. Courson
Chief Operating Officer
Mortgage Bankers Association

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Appendix X: Comments from the National
Association of Federal Credit Unions

Appendix X: Comments from the National
Association of Federal Credit Unions

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Appendix X: Comments from the National
Association of Federal Credit Unions

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Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

December 16, 2008
VIA EMAIL AND U.S. MAIL
Ms. Orice M. Williams (williamso@gao.gov)
Director, Financial Markets and Community Investment
U.S. Government Accountability Office
441 G Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20548
with copies via email to:
Mr. Cody Goebel, Assistant Director (goebelc@gao.gov)
Mr. Randall Fasnacht (fasnachtr@gao.gov)
Re: Comments on Draft Report, GAO-09-216
Dear Ms. Williams:
We appreciate the opportunity to review the draft report at your offices on December 4,
and to offer comments. These are offered jointly by CRL, the National Consumer Law
Center and USPIRG.
The report is a thoughtful and thorough review of the structural issues regarding
regulatory reform. We especially appreciate that your report notes the problem of charter
competition and the distorting impact of the funding structure for the banking regulators.
We would like to preface our comments by stating the obvious – that this review does not
occur in a vacuum, but rather in the context of a major crisis which exposed fundamental
weaknesses on many fronts. The structural problems in the federal regulator system are
but one. Some of these comments derive not from the specific content of the report, but
the messages conveyed by some of the references to other aspects of the crisis, such as
the nature of the market and consumer behavior. Another especially important comment
derives as much from what is left unsaid. Perhaps it seems as though it should go without
saying, but given much of the debate that this crisis has engendered, we fear that without
at least an acknowledgement of what is not addressed by your report, necessary
reminders of other integral parts of regulatory reform may be lost.
While the structure of regulation can create its own problems, such as the potential for
charter competition and regulatory capture that you note, regulators also need tools (in
the form of laws to enforce, or directives to promulgate rules in furtherance of such
laws), adequate resources and, above all, the will to regulate. No amount of structural
reform will succeed if regulators have no charge to fulfill in their job, nor the will to do
so. We have had three decades of a deregulatory agenda, and without a change in that
overarching view, structural changes will be insufficient. We recognize that the
prevailing philosophy of regulation was not the focus of this report. However, we believe
that any discussion of regulatory structural reform must be accompanied by an explicit
caveat that it addresses only one aspect of the overall regulatory issues that contributed to
1

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Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

this crisis, and that changing the structure, alone, will be insufficient if these other
necessary conditions for effective oversight are not reformed, as well.
Beyond that overarching context for regulatory reform, we offer the following comments.
1. The best way to avoid systemic risk is to address problems that exist at the level
of individual consumer transactions, before they pose a threat to the system as a
whole.
The report appropriately addresses the need to effectively monitor and regulate problems
that threaten the financial system as a whole. However, the most effective way to address
systemic risk is to identify market failures that threaten abuse of individual consumers,
and to address these failures before they threaten the system as a whole. The crisis today
would not have reached its current state had problems been addressed and prevented
before they evolved into the foreclosure epidemic now underway.
The report correctly notes that most subprime lending was done by nonbank lenders who
were not subject to oversight by the federal banking agencies.1 However, the market
failures that contributed to the current crisis are not limited to the subprime market. The
failure of the Alt-A market, including poorly underwritten non-traditional loans, are also
significant contributors, as is becoming increasingly apparent. The failures of IndyMac
and Washington Mutual, among others, are largely the function of overly aggressive
lending of risky products that were unsuitable for far too many borrowers, and these did
occur under the watch of the federal banking agencies. Though the federal banking
agencies issued some guidelines for nontraditional lending, it was too little and too late.
Further, to judge from the performance of the late vintages of these loans, even then, they
were insufficiently enforced.
But in any case, neither bank nor nonbank lenders were subject to adequate consumer
protection laws. Both banks and non-bank lenders pressed legislators and regulators not
to enact such protections. Furthermore, banks subject to federal regulation also
contributed to the problem by being part of the secondary market’s demand for the risky
products that permeated the subprime and Alt-A markets.2 The report should make clear
that to adequately protect consumers, and avoid systemic risk in the future, whatever
regulatory structure emerges will need to be more robust and effective in protecting
consumers than the current system has been to date.

1
Further, the threat of federal preemption and its absence of suitable consumer protection gave the nonbank
lenders the argument that they just wanted a “level playing field,” –on a field largely without rules. To that
extent, the regulatory structure played into the separate thread of whether there were adequate tools for
regulators. The preemption agenda was part of the momentum to the lowest common denominator for the
substance of regulation.
2

Recent studies have found that the securitization process in fact contributed to the aggressive lending and
poor underwriting. See, e.g. Benjamin J. Keys, Tanmoy Mikherjee, Amit Seru, Vikrant Vig, Securitization
and Screening: Evidence From Subprime Mortgage Backed Securities, pp. 26-27 (January 2008), available
at http://www2.law.columbia.edu/contracteconomics/conferences/laweconomics S08/Vig%20paper.pdf

2

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Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

2. To effectively protect consumers the regulatory system must prohibit
unsustainable lending; disclosures and “financial literacy” are not enough.
The fundamental problem at the heart of today’s crisis is that loan originators pushed
borrowers into loan products that were inherently risky and unsustainable by design, and
they did so notwithstanding the availability of the more suitable and affordable loans for
which they qualified.3 The most common product in the subprime market in recent years
was not merely an adjustable rate mortgage, but rather an adjustable rate mortgage with
built-in payment shock that lenders anticipated most borrowers could not afford, but that
they could avoid only by refinancing before the payment shock took effect, typically
paying typically 3% to 4% of the loan balance as a “prepayment penalty” in order to
refinance.
According to a Wall Street Journal study, 55% of the borrowers who received such loans
in 2005, and 60% of those who received them in 2006, had credit scores high enough to
have qualified for lower cost prime loans.4 And even those borrowers who did not
qualify for prime could have had 30-year fixed rate loans for approximately 65 basis
points above the introductory rate on the loans they received.5 The report suggests
incorrectly (pp. 43-44) that subprime loans “help[] borrowers afford houses” they could
not otherwise afford, when in fact, most subprime loans refinanced existing loans, rather
than purchased new homes.6 But in either case, had borrowers been offered the more
suitable loans for which many qualified, many more borrowers could have sustained
homeownership.7
The experience with the recent vintages of Alt-A loans are similarly instructive. Chris
Ferrell, an economics editor with the NPR program Marketplace referred to the Payment
Option ARM product (many of which are Alt-A) as “the most complicated mortgage
product ever marketed to consumers.” The greater the complexity, the less suitable that
disclosure is as a “market perfecting” tool. Further, the huge jump in payment option
ARMS, (from $145 billion to $255 billion from 2004-2007), was primarily possible only
by the increasingly poor underwriting. Countrywide, one of the major issuers of these

3

For more detail on causes of the crisis, see Testimony of Eric Stein, Center for Responsible Lending,
Before the U.S. Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs (October 16, 2008),
http://banking.senate.gov/public/_files/RevisedSenateTestimony101608HearingSteinFinalFinal.pdf.

4
Rick Brooks and Ruth Simon, Subprime Debacle Traps Even Very Credit-Worthy As Housing Boomed,
Industry Pushed Loans To a Broader Market, Wall Street Journal at A1 (Dec. 3, 2007).
5

Letter from Coalition for Fair & Affordable Lending to Ben S. Bernanke, Sheila C. Bair, John C. Dugan,
John M. Reich, JoAnn Johnson, and Neil Milner (Jan. 25, 2007) at 3.
See, e.g. Subprime Lending: A Net Drain on Homeownership, CRL Issue Paper, No. 14 (March 27,
2007).

6

7 See, e.g. Lei Ding, Roberto G. Quercia, Wei Li, and Janneke Ratcliffe, Risky Borrowers or Risky
Mortgages: Disaggregating Effects Using Propensity Score Models, Center for Community Capital, Univ.
of North Carolina & Center for Responsible Lending (Working Paper, Sept. 13, 2008).

3

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Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

loans (that issued them under both its national bank and federal thrift charters, as well as
some of its non-depository entities) admitted that an estimated 80% of its recent
POARMs would not meet the late 2006 federal guidelines.8
The Federal Reserve has noted that, given the misaligned incentives of originators and
the complexity of products and loan features, even with increased information or
knowledge, borrowers could not have defended against poorly underwritten, risky
products and deceptive practices. The main problem with these loans was not the
inadequacy of the disclosures or the financial literacy of the borrowers. Rather, the
fundamental problem was that – as the federal banking regulators belatedly recognized
with respect to non-traditional loans in late 2006 and subprime lending in 2007 -- lenders
should not have made loans that they knew borrowers would be unable to sustain without
refinancing.
3. To effectively protect consumers, the regulatory system must monitor and
address market incentives that encourage loan originators to push risky or
unsuitable loan products.
The report correctly notes that market incentives encouraged loan originators to extend
excessive credit (p. 22). It should also note that these same incentives encouraged them
to push riskier productions and features than the borrowers qualified for.9 The report
should note the need for regulatory oversight of market failures that reward market
participants for irresponsible behavior.

We understand that philosophies of consumer protection and the adequacy of consumer
protection laws is not your intended focus. However, there were occasional statements in
the report which, intended or not, seemed to convey a message that improved disclosure
or literacy would be adequate. Yet more people – including some of the regulators
themselves – are recognizing that in an era of highly complex products and unseen
perverse incentives, disclosure is an insufficient tool, and literacy is an elusive goal.
We would be happy to provide further information.

Countrywide, 3Q 07 Earnings Supplemental Presentation (October 26, 2007). To again emphasize that
the federal banking regulators contributed to the problem, some $161 billion of those payment option
ARMs were issued when Countrywide was under the OCC’s watch.

8

9
After filing for bankruptcy, the CEO of one mortgage lender explained it this way to the New York
Times, “The market is paying me to do a no-income-verification loan more than it is paying me to do the
full documentation loans,” he said. “What would you do?” Vikas Bajaj and Christine Haughney, Tremors
at the Door: More People with Weak Credit Are Defaulting on Mortgages, New York Times (January 26,
2007).

4

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Appendix XI: Comments from the Center for
Responsible Lending, the National Consumer
Law Center, and the U.S. PIRG

Sincerely,
Center for Responsible Lending
National Consumer Law Center
US PIRG

Contacts:
Ellen Harnick
Center for Responsible Lending
Ellen.Harnick@ResponsibleLending.org
919-313-8553

Kathleen Keest
Center For Responsible Lending
Kathleen.Keest@ResponsibleLending.org
919-313-8548

5

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Appendix XII: GAO Contacts and Staff
Acknowledgments

Appendix XII: GAO Contacts and Staff
Acknowledgments
GAO Contacts

Orice M. Williams, (202) 512-8678 or williamso@gao.gov, or
Richard J. Hillman, (202) 512-8678 or hillmanr@gao.gov.

Staff
Acknowledgments

In addition to the contacts named above, Cody Goebel (Assistant
Director), Kevin Averyt, Nancy Barry, Rudy Chatlos, Randy Fasnacht,
Jeanette Franzel, Thomas McCool, Jim McDermott, Kim McGatlin, Thomas
Melito, Marc Molino, Susan Offutt, Scott Purdy, John Reilly, Barbara
Roesmann, Paul Thompson, Winnie Tsen, Jim Vitarello, and Steve Westley
made key contributions to this report.

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Related GAO Products

Related GAO Products

Troubled Asset Relief Program: Additional Actions Needed to Better
Ensure Integrity, Accountability, and Transparency. GAO-09-161.
Washington, D.C.: December 2, 2008.
Hedge Funds: Regulators and Market Participants Are Taking Steps to
Strengthen Market Discipline, but Continued Attention Is Needed.
GAO-08-200. Washington, D.C.: January 24, 2008.
Information on Recent Default and Foreclosure Trends for Home
Mortgages and Associated Economic and Market Developments.
GAO-08-78R. Washington, D.C.: October 16, 2007.
Financial Regulation: Industry Trends Continue to Challenge the
Federal Regulatory Structure. GAO-08-32. Washington, D.C.: October 12,
2007.
Financial Market Regulation: Agencies Engaged in Consolidated
Supervision Can Strengthen Performance Measurement and
Collaboration. GAO-07-154. Washington, D.C.: March 15, 2007.
Alternative Mortgage Products: Impact on Defaults Remains Unclear,
but Disclosure of Risks to Borrowers Could Be Improved. GAO-06-1021.
Washington, D.C.: September 19, 2006.
Credit Cards: Increased Complexity in Rates and Fees Heightens Need
for More Effective Disclosures to Consumers. GAO-06-929. Washington,
D.C.: September 12, 2006.
Financial Regulation: Industry Changes Prompt Need to Reconsider U.S.
Regulatory Structure. GAO-05-61. Washington, D.C.: October 6, 2004.
Consumer Protection: Federal and State Agencies Face Challenges in
Combating Predatory Lending. GAO-04-280. Washington, D.C.: January 30,
2004.
Long-Term Capital Management: Regulators Need to Focus Greater
Attention on Systemic Risk. GAO/GGD-00-3. Washington, D.C.: October 29,
1999.
Financial Derivatives: Actions Needed to Protect the Financial System.
GAO/GGD-94-133. Washington, D.C.: May 18, 1994.

(250401)

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