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U . S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
JAMES J. DAVIS, Secretary

BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS
ETHELBERT STEWART, Commissioner

BULLETIN OF THE UNITED STATES \
BUREAU OF LAB O R S T A T IS T IC S /
M I S C E L L A N E O U S

......... {No.

340

S E R I E S

CHINESE MIGRATIONS, WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO LABOR CONDITIONS

By TA CHEN, A . M .
Sometime F ellow o f C olum bia University

JULY, 1923

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1923

A D D IT IO N A L COPIES
OF THIS PUBLICATION M A Y BE PROCURED FROM
THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS
G O VERNM ENT PRINTING OFFICE
W A SH IN G TO N , D . C .
AT

35 CENTS P E R C O PY
P U R CH ASE R AGR EES NOT TO RESELL OR DISTRIBUTE THIS
COPY FOR PROFIT.— PUB. R E S. 5 7, APPROVED M A Y 11, 1922

CONTENTS.

Page.
I ntroduction.....................................................................................................................
1-3
Chapter I.—A survey of Chinese migrations.............................................................. 4-21
History and scope of Chinese emigration..........................................................
4, 5
Causes of emigration................................................................................................ 5-12
Methods of emigration............................................................................................. 12-16
The junk............................................................................................................ 12,13
Emigration brokers and emigration companies.......................................... 13-15
Contract labor under Government supervision.......................................... 15,16
Some legal aspects of Chinese emigration and labor........................................ 16-21
Popular views on emigration......................................................................... 16,17
Emigration relations between Great Britain and France and China. . . 17-20
Emigration relations between United States and China.......................... 20, 21
Emigration relations between the Netherlands and China......................
21
Chapter II.—Home environment of the Chinese emigrants................................... 22-36
Physiographic conditions....................................................................................... 22-26
Kwangtung........................................................... *........................................... 22, 23
Area and population................................................................................
22
Topography.....................
22, 23
Soil, climate, and products....................................................................
23
Fukien.......................... .................................................................................... 23,24
Area and population................................................................................
23
Topography............................................................................................... 23, 24
Soil, climate, and products....................................................................
24
Shantung........... '............................................................................................... 24, 25
Area and population................................................................................
24
Topography............................................................................................... 24, 25
Soil, climate, and products....................................................................
25
Chihli................................................................................................................. 25,26
Area and population................................................................................
25
Topography............................................................................................... 25, 26
Soil, climate, and products....................................................................
26
Ethnographic conditions: Traits and customs................................................... 26-31
Kwangtung........................................................................................................ 27, 28
Fukien............................................................................................................... 28, 29
Shantung........................................................................................................... 29, 30
Chihli................
30,31
Industrial conditions: Craft guilds...................................................................... 31-34
Organization......................................................................................................
32
Membership......................................................................................................... 32,33
Authority...........................................................................................................
33
Income and expenditure................................................................................ 33, 34
Craft guild at work...........................................................................................
34
Physiographic, ethnographic, and industrial conditions in other districts.. 35, 36
Ningpo...............................................................................................................
35
Wenchow...........................................................................................................
36
Chapter I II.—Chinese in Formosa (Taiwan)............................................................ 37-50
Introduction and summary..........................................
37
Early intercourse between China and Formosa................................................. 37, 38
Migration from Chia-ying....................................................................................... 38, 39
Causes of emigration................................................................................................ 39, 40
The Hutch occupation............................................................................................ 40,41
Exploits of Koxinga................................................................................................
41
Koxinga’s successors............................................................................................... 41,42
China’s restrictions on emigration........................................................................
42
Character of the emigrant population................................................................. 42,43
Early settlements.....................................................................................................43,44

CONTENTS.

Chapter I I I .—Chinese in Formosa—Concluded.
Page.
Tke junk trade..........................................................................................................
45
CfeaafeBe in industry and agriculture.................................................................... 45-50
Camphor industry............................................................................................ 46-48
Tea industry...................................................................................................... 48,49
Rice culture...................................................................................................... 49, 50
Coal mining.......................................................................................................
50
Chapter IV .— Chinese in the Dutch East Indies...................................................... 51-78
Introduction and summary.................................................................................... 51,52
Jkya............................................................................................................................ 52-63
Early intercourse between Java and China................................................
52
Yuan conquest of Java....................................................................................
53
Cheng H o’s voyages to the “ Western Ocean ” ........................................... 53, 54
Dutch-Chinese friction in Java...................................................................... 54, 55
Economic activities of the pioneer Chinese............. .................................. 55, 56
Early development of industry by the Chinese......................................... 56, 57
Government of the Chinese............................................................................
57
Restrictions upon the Chinese....................................................................... 57, 58
The Chinese population..................................................................................
58
Occupations of the Chinese............................................................................ 58-60
Monopolies................................................................................................. 59, 60
Commerce...................................................................................................
60
Economic condition of the Chines^............................................................. 60, 61
Social condition of the Chinese..................................................................... 61, 62
Miscegenation....................................................................................................
62
Chinese organizations..................................................................................... 62, 63
Banka......................................................................................................
63-68
Tin mining........................................................................................................ 64-68
Recruitment of labor............................................................................... 64, 65
Conditions of employment...................................................................... 65-67
. Piecework system.....................................................................................
67
Education...................................................................................................
67
Hospital accommodation.........................................................................67, 68
Pepper industry...............................................................................................
68
Conditions of employment......................................................................
68
B illiton...................................................................................................................... 68-73
Distribution of Chinese...................................................................................
69
Tin mining........................................................................................................ 69-72
Conditions of employment......................................................................
70
Control of labor at a mining compound................................................
70
Administration of a mining compound................................................
71
Kinds of work performed by Chinese miners.................. .................. 71, 72
72
Chinese-owned tin mines.................................................... ‘ .................
Chinese in other trades and professions....................................................... 72, 73
Borneo........................................................................................................................ 73-78
Early intercourse between China and Borneo............................................ 73, 74
Borneo’s envoys to China............................................................................... 74,75
Chinese rule in Borneo....................................................................................75,76
Chinese and early European settlers............................................................ 76,77
Chinese-Bornean fusion...................................................................................
77
Present Chinese influence...............................................................................
77
Chinese trade.....................................................................................................77, 78
Economic life of the Chinese.........................................................................
78
Chapter V.— Chinese in British Malakka................................................................... 79-96
Introduction and summary..........................#.........................................................
79
Early intercourse between China and British Malakka...................................... 79-81
Chinese population since the British occupation................................................. 81-83
Character of the Chinese population.......................................................................83-86
Babor conditions.......................................................................................................86, 87
Protectorate of the Chinese.................................................................................... 88,89
Chinese industry and agriculture............................................................................ 89-96
Tin mining........................................................................................................... 89-92
Pineapple canning............................................................................................
92
Fishing............................................................................................................... 92,93
Cultivation of rubber....................................................................................... 93-795
Other plantation work..................................................................................... 95, 96
Social conditions.......................................................................................................
96

CONTENTS.

y
*Pag«.

Chapter V I.—Chinese in the Philippines............................................................... 9T-I10
97'
Introduction and summary...............................................................................
Early intercourse between China and the Philippine Islands....................
97-99
99
Chinese description of Manila...........................................................................
Early Chinese settlements..................................................................................
99
Spanish-Chinese friction..................................................................................... 99-102
The massacre of 1603................................................................................... 100,101
The massacre of 1639................................................................................... M l, 102
A third massacre..................................................................... : ...................
102
Restrictions upon the Chinese.......................................................................... 102,103
Exclusion of the Chinese.................................................................................... 103,104
Economic activities of the pioneer Chinese.................................................... 104,105
Chinese in industry............................................................................................... 105,106
Chinese in commerce and trade........................................................................ 106,107
The ‘ ‘ Bookkeeping law ” ................................................................................... !$ 7 ,108
Chinese mestizos.................................................................................................. 108-110
Chapter V II.—Chinese in Hawaii.............................................................................. 111-127
Introduction and summary..............................................................................
Il l
Early intercourse between China and Hawaii............................................... H I, 112
The “ assisted” immigration.............................................................................. 112,113
Contract labor system......................................................................................... 113,114
Restrictions upon Chinese immigration.......................................................... 115-118
The Chinese question after the American annexation..................................118-121
Agitation for importing Chinese labor in 1921........................................ 119-121
Chinese in industry and agriculture................................................................ 122-124
Sugar industry..............................................................................................
122
Rice culture..................................................................................................
123
Pineapple growing and canning............■................................................... 123,124
Farming.........................................................................................................
124
Other industries...........................................................................................
124
Chinese population in Hawaii...........................................................................
125
Racial amalgamation........................................................................................... 125-127
Chapter V III.— Chinese in the Transvaal, South Africa..................................... 123-141
Introduction and summary................................................................................
123
Conditions leading to importation of Chinese labor...................................... 128-130
Recruitment of labor.......................................................................................... 13#, 131
Conditions of employment................................................................................. 131-135
Lodging, food, and medical care............................................................... 133,134
Wages, and remittances to China.............................................................. 134,135
Crimes, offenses, and desertions........................................................................ 135-137
General social conditions.................................................................................... 137,138
Opposition to Chinese labor..................... ........................................................ 138,139
Problems of labor administration..................................................................... 139,140
Socio-economic effects of the experiment....................................................... 140,141
Chapter IX .— Chinese in France.............................................................................. 142-158
Introduction and summary................................................................................
142
Labor recruitment............................................................................................... 142,143
Distribution of Chinese labor corps in France............................................... 148-146
Organization of Chinese labor companies........................................................ 146,147
Work done by Chinese........................................................................................ 147,148
Wages and condition of employment............................................................... 148,149
Under the French........................................................................................ 148,149
Under the British.........................................................................................
149
Strikes and industrial disturbances.................................................................. 150,151
Compensation for accidents............................................................................... 151,15S
Industrial and social organizations................................................................... 152,153
Welfare work among Chinese laborers in France........................................... 1*53,154
Savings...................................................................................................................
154
French-Chinese marriages..................................................................................
154
Problems of labor control................................................................................... 155,156
The repatriation................................................................................................... 156,157
Condition of returned laborers in China.......................................................... 157,158
Chapter X .— Conclusions and suggestions.............................................................. U§0-164
Conclusions relating to foreign governments.................................................. 159,169
Conclusions relating to the Chinese emigrants...............................................
160
Conclusions relating to China............................................................................ 100, M l
Suggestions relating to China's policies on emigration and population... 161-164

CONTENTS.

Appendix to Chapter I—
page,
A. Convention to regulate the engagement of Chinese emigrants by
British and French subjects, March 5, 1866......................................... 165-167
B. Convention between his Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the
Emperor of China, May 13, 1904............................................................ 168-171
C. Treaty between the United States and China, concerning immigra
tion, November 17, 1880.......................................................................... 171,172
D. Emigration treaty between the United States of America and China,
March 17, 1894............................................................................................ 172,173
E. An act to prohibit the ‘ ‘ coolie trade” by American citizens in
American vessels, 1862................................................................ ............. 173,174
F. Labor emigration law of China (promulgated April 21, 1918)............... 174,175
G. Labor recruiting agency regulations (promulgated April 21, 1918)___175-177
H. Principal contents of agreement on employment of Chinese laborers,
1918............................................................................................................... 177-179
Appendix to Chapter V—
A. General form of contract (Perak)................................................................
180
B. Sinkheh contract for tin miners (Perak)...................................................
181
C. Shap-Tsau-Yat Shap-Tsan-Yi contract.......................................... ........... 181,182
D. Agreement of Straits Sugar Co. with contractor....................................... 182,183
Appendix to Chapter V I—
A. Law relating to return of Chinese to the Philippines.............................
184
B. Chinese exclusion act....................................................................................
184
C. Chinese restriction act................................................................................... 184-186
D. Data re bookkeeping law (Act No. 2972 of Philippine Legislature).. 186-191
Appendix to Chapter V II—
A. Laws and regulations restricting Chinese immigration to the Hawaiian
Islands.......................................................................................................... 192,193
B. Peonage statute of the United States.........................................................
193
C. Laws and acts affecting Chinese immigration in Hawaii....................... 194,195
D. Contract of sugar-cane workers.................................................................... 195-197
Appendix to Chapter V III—
A . Regulations regarding employment of Chinese laborers in the Transvaal. 198-203
B. Form No. 1— Contract of service................................................................ 203-206
Appendix to Chapter I X —
A. Hui Min contract for common laborer....................................................... 207-210
B. Summary of British contract.......................................................................
210
C. Regulations of Chinese Laborers’ Society in France.............................. 210, 211
211
D. Resolution of the Y . M. C. A. Versailles conference, April, 1919........
E. Regulations on the employment of returned laborers............................
211
Selected bibliography—
Chapter 1............................................................................................................... 212-214
Chapter I I ............................................................................................................. 215, 216
Chapter I I I ............................................................................................................ 217-219
Chapter I V ............................................................................................................ 220-222
Chapter V .............................................................................................................. 223-225
Chapter V I ............................................................................................................ 226,227
Chapter V I I ........................................................................................................... 228,229
Chapter V I I I ......................................................................................................... 230,231
Chapter I X ............................................................................................................
232
List of reference books published in Chinese....................................................... 233-237

BULLETIN OF THE

U. S. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS.
NO. 340

W ASHINGTON

JULY, 1923

CHINESE MIGRATIONS, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LABOR
CONDITIONS.
INTRODUCTION,

The purpose of this study is twofold. (1) Since the Chinese are
now residing in a number of countries, the following questions are
of interest: Wliy and how have they gone there ? What is the degree
of their economic prosperity and social adaptation in their new
environments ? In what ways and to what extent have they benefited
themselves, their fatherland and their adopted countries ? An
attempt is here made to answer these queries, at least in part.
(2)
China is undergoing a stupendous social and political change
which has brought to the fore, in greater and greater degree, the
opulation problem. A high birth rate has been accompanied by a
igh death rate and infant mortality. Unsatisfactory socio-economic
conditions have c*
"
I misery.
country.
In great numbers
In this sense the outflow of the emigrants has arisen from the
pressure of the home population. Wherever they have gone, clashes
with other racial groups have been frequent. Inasmuch as the
pressure of population is not likely to diminish in the immediate
future, further conflicts are distinctly possible. The amelioration
of the social and economic conditions in China are therefore desirable
in order to insure social progress and promote international good will.
With these views in mind, inquiry has been made into the condi
tion of the Chinese in important countries with reference to certain
specific problems. A few countries have been chosen on the follow
ing more or less arbitrary grounds. First, the countries must lie
within the Eastern Hemisphere as far as the mid-Pacific. Secondly,
the maximum number of the Chinese in each country must at some
time have reached 50,000 or more. This does not mean, however,
that all the countries within the specified region to which 50,000 or
more Chinese have gone have been included. The method has been
to select certain ones which are fairly representative of a regional
. group and of a particular period of migration. Thus, in Sumatra
the number of Chinese is reported to be over 50,000, but since their
government, chief occupations and social activities are quite similar
to those in Singapore and Penang, and their immigration methods
and labor contracts like those in force in Banka and Billiton, no
, separate account of the Chinese in Sumatra is here given.

CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

Other countries lie within the specified area, but difficulties in the
gathering of data and insufficient and conflicting material make
their inclusion in this volume impracticable. Such countries include
Korea, Japan, Siam, French Indo-China, and some British terri
tories in Australasia and Oceania. These countries, together with
the Americas and other regions to which a considerable number of
Chinese have gone, may be treated in subsequent studies.
The scope of this volume therefore narrows down to an account
of the Chinese in Formosa, Dutch East Indies, British Malakka, the
Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, the Transvaal, and France (dur
ing the World War).
With respect to time, this study undertakes to outline the important
overseas migrations of the Chinese of which important records are
now available. These migrations seem to have begun in the seventh
century, been reinforced in the fifteenth century, and continued
with increasing importance during and since the nineteenth century.
An endeavor has been made to bring the account up to the present
time, and, as far as possible, special emphasis has been laid on the
modern period. Although overland migrations in and near China
had occurred before the first overseas migration herein treated, no
attention has been given them here, for the effort has been to ascer
tain the causes and consequences of the contacts between China and
other nations brought about by the Chinese emigrants beyond the
seas.
The main inquiries of this study resolve themselves into three
major divisions: Historic, social, and economic. The historic phase
includes important conflicts, and the political and civil relations
between China and the particular country to which the emigrants
have gone. In tracing these events, the plan has been to terminate
the account with the last significant clash whereby the Chinese either
ained or lost socio-economic importance in their adopted country,
n Java, for example, the failure of the Chinese revolt of 1740 led
to the Dutch ascendancy in commerce and politics. Likewise,
historic events in Formosa have been outlined up to the time of
Koxinga’s conquest of the island, and in the Philippines up to the
third massacre of the Chinese by Spaniards.
Under the economic phase have been included the main occupa
tions of the Chinese, and their activities in industry, commerce, and
agriculture, in order to ascertain their economic importance in a
given country. Owing to insufficient data, the accounts of the
modifications of the Chinese guilds to suit the local needs and of
labor organizations are deficient in part.
The discussion of the social conditions of the overseas Chinese
includes population, education, government, social organizations,
racial discriminations, customs and manners, and interracial marriage
and fusion. An attempt is here made to show their assimilability,
solidarity, the changes in their mode of living, and social/
3ms of various kinds. The chief inadequacies lie in the in-;
sufficient data on education and social organization, and the paucity,
of statistical material on racial amalgamation.
The findings of this investigation, based on a synthetic assemblage
of facts, are summarized in the concluding chapter. The principal
significant points disclosed are that by and large the Chinese emi
grants have been forced out of China by the population pressure;

INTRODUCTION.

that under favorable social conditions they have been successful in
business and trades; that by their aid in capital and labor they have
initiated and developed important industries to augment the wealth
of their adopted countries; that they have been handicapped by social
and legal discriminations; that they have been loyal to their mother
country; that there has been evidence to show the eugenic benefits of
miscegenation between the Chinese and other nationals; that by fre
quent contact with other nations the Chinese abroad have compli
cated the international relations; and that owing to their idiosyncracies and persistent indulgence in certain vices they have created
vexed problems of administration for foreign governments under
whose jurisdiction they live.
The main sources of material of this study are the available official
documents of the Chinese and other Governments. Authentic sec
ondary sources, such as books, magazines, and articles, have also been
used. A limited amount of material has been gathered from corre
spondence with cultural and commercial organizations and also with
individuals in the several countries under survey. Great care has
been exercised in the selection of sources.
The important treaties, conventions, laws, contracts, and other
documentary data on Chinese emigration and labor not fully covered
in each chapter are given in appendixes to the chapters. Also, for
each chapter a selected bibliography is given.

Chapter I.— A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS.
HISTORY AND SCOPE OF CHINESE EMIGRATION.

The important overseas migrations of the Chinese as sketched in
this study may be roughly grouped into three periods— those of the
seventh, fifteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The movements of
emigration are indicated in the accompanying map (Fig. 1). The
first migration began during the seventh century, when Chinese
colonists settled in the Pheng-hu Archipelago (Pescadores Islands)
(35)1 and Formosa (Taiwan). Most of the emigrants went from the
seaboard cities of Foochow (27), Chuanchow (28), Amoy (29),
Ningpo (21), Swatow (36), Canton (39), and Hainan (46). Port
Litsitah, on the southwestern point of the Pecheurs Islands in tKe
west of the Pescadores, was a prosperous commercial center of the
pioneer Chinese settlers. Tachi, a neighboring town, was another
favorite resort of the junk tradesmen. Makung, the capital of the
Archipelago, became the insular metropolis of Chinese culture.
Soon the tide of an eastward movement set in. The Hakkas began
to trade with the inhabitants of Takow, Tayouan, Kiirun (32),
and Tansui (31), and laid the foundations of Chinese settlements in
Formosa. As time went on, the Chinese in these places, with the
cooperation of their friends at home, commenced to have trade
relations with the neighboring countries. Three main trade routes
were opened: One leading to British Malakka, one to the Dutch East
Indies, and one to the Philippines. These routes paved the way for
the second great migration of China.
Beginning with the fifteenth century, when the imperial eunuch,
Cheng Ho, returned from his trips to the “ western ocean,” a great
rush for Eldorado started on the coast of Fukien and Kwangtung.
Miraculous tales were told of the “ strange” countries the royal envoy
had visited. Much exaggerated and distorted, these fabulous stories
were vividly retold in popular ballads and folk songs. In novels
such as the See Yang Chi (a tale of the western ocean), oy a Buddhist
disciple, tales of the Yuan expedition to Java in 1293 and Cheng
H o’s visits in the fifteenth century, were woven together incorrectly
but entertainingly. During this period the junk trade was most
flourishing. The power of the Ming emperors was extended to the
neighboring nations, and Chinese nationals went out in large num
bers to southern Asia and the sea countries for trade. The coloniza
tion of the Malay Archipelago, Java, Sumatra, Borneo, the Sulu
Archipelago, and the Philippines, which began in a small way after
the seventh century, was much stimulated. Short accounts of the
Dutch East Indies, British Malakka, and the Philippine Islands are
here included to illustrate the migration of this period.
About 1860, the third overseas migration was started with the
legalization of the coolie trade. Spain, Portugal, Holland, Great
Britain, and other European powers were bent on developing their
colonies and possessions commercially and industrially. They *4

1 Figures in parenthesis, following geographic names, correspond to the key numbers on the map.
4

GHJNESE MIGRATIONS
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(Face page 4.)

CAUSES OF EMIGRATION,

looked to China as an inexhaustible source of manual labor. Here
tofore, most of the Chinese emigrants had gone to various countries
independently and of their own free will. From this time onward, a
new type of emigrants appeared. Frequently, these emigrants went
out under either treaty provisions or labor contract. Their stay in
foreign lands was usually for a limited period and their socio-econo
mic status was minutely defined. Three examples are here given:
The Chinese in Hawaii,3in the Transvaal, and in France during the
World War.
CAUSES OF EMIGRATION.

The significant causes of these migrations are varied and intricate.
What follows here is merely an outline. As regards special induce
ments which have attracted the Chinese emigrants to different
countries, mention is made in the chapters which follow.
1Driving forces.— (a) The pressure of population weighs heavily on
the side of emigration. Although reliable statistical data on China’s
opulation are lacking, it seems reasonably clear that the population
as been outstripping the food supply and forcing a vast number of
people out of the country. The official estimates of Chinese popula
tion between 1749 and 1920 can be considered only rough indications
of the actual conditions during these years. In fact, the data now
available warrant nothing more than a statement of the obvious
limitations of these figures and the making of very general observa
tions based upon them. The figures referred to are given in Table 1.

T able 1 . —E S T IM A T E D P O P U L A T IO N O F C H IN A , 1749 TO 1920.
[Data for 1749 to 1780 are taken from China (b y imperial edict), Ta Tsing H ui Tien (Constitution of the
Tsing Dynasty). Those for 1812 are quoted b y Zarkharov in Numerical Relations of Population of
China during 4,000 Years of its Historical Existence, and originally from the same Chinese document.
The figures for 1842, 1882, and 1885, supplied b y the Chinese Ministry of Revenue, are quoted by W . W .
Rockhill in “ Inquiry into the population of C hina/’ The figures for 1910 are taken from the official esti
mate of the Mingchengpu (Ministry of the Interior) and those for 1920 from the estimate of the Chinese
Post Office; they also appear in the China Yearbook for 1921-22. The figures are here given in thou
sands.]

Province.

1749

1760

1780

1812

1842

A nhw ei.....................
Chekiang..................
Chihli........................
Fukien......................
H onan......................
Hunan......................
H upeh......................
Kansu.......................
Kiangsi.....................
Kiangsu &................
Kwangsi...................
Kwangtung.............
Kweichow................
Shansi.......................
Shantung..................
Shensi.......................
Y u nnan....................
Shengking c ...........
Kirin c...................
Heilungkiang c........

21,568
11,877
13,933
7,620
12,818
8,672
7,527
5,580
8,428
20,972
3,688
6,461
3,075
9,509
24,012
6,734
1,946
407

22,848
15,612
16,132
8,065
16,399
8,845
8,138
7,471
11,609
23,284
3,973
6,819
3,411
10,240
25,293
7,297
2,089
675

28,456
21,035
22,263
12,399
20,553
15,676
17,155
15,159
18,512
30,361
6,034
15,635
5, 111
13,037
22,013
8,259
3,294
797
142

31,165
26,257
27,991
14,779
23,037
18,653
27,370
15,355
23,047
37,844
7,314
19,174
5,288
14,004
28,959
10,207
5,561

36,597 a20,597
30,438
11,589
36,880 017,937
25,800
25,000
29,070
22,116
20,049
21,003
28,585
33,365
19.513 o 5,411
26.514
24,534
39,647
20,905
8,121 a 5,151
21,153
29,706
5,679
7,669
12,211
17,057
29,530
36,248
10,310 o 8,432
5,824 o 11,722

275,891

339,045

Total d............ 174,857

198,210

390,767

1882

313,596

1885

1910

1920

a 20,597
11,684
<*17,937
23,503
22,117
21,005
33,600
o5,411
24,541
21,260
o 5 ,151
29,740
7,669
10,791
36,546
3,277
all,722

17,300
17,000
32,571
13,100
25.600
23.600
24,900
5,000
14,500
17,300
6,500
27,700
11,300
10,000
29,600
8,800
8,500

19,833
22,043
34,187
13,158
30,832
28,443
27,167
5,928
24,467
33,786
12,258
37,168
11,216
11,081
30,803
9,466
9,839

306,551

)
^ 14,917
*
308,188

13,702
375,377

« Figures are for 1879.
&Up to 1780, data are for Kiangnan.
c Now known as Manchuria, but data for 1749 to 1885 are incomplete.
d Not including the Province of Szechwan.5
*
5A considerable number of the Chinese who went to Hawaii about 1860 were plantation laborers under
contract. Thus, respecting both the time of migration and the character of the early population, the
Chinese in the Hawaiian Islands should be classed under the modern period.

A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

The general apparent decrease of population from 1842 to 1882,
shown m Table 1, may be partially due to the tremendous loss of
human lives from wars ana famines, some of which are shown in
Table 2. It is equally possible that the figures themselves are at
fault. Since 1885, however, the population is believed to have
increased, as there have been fewer wars and famines than in former
years. No adequate cause can be assigned for the apparent large
decrease of population in Kiangsi during the period 1885 to 1910, nor
for the apparent phenomenal increase in Kiangsu in 1910 to 1920.3
T able 2.—W A R S , FAM IN ES, A N D E STIM A TE D LOSS OF P O P U L A T IO N .
[Quoted In Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 47, p.318, “ Inquiry into the population of China,”
b y W . W . Rockhill. Most of the figures are taken from other authorities, but the basis of these estimates
is not stated therein.]

Year.

Calamity.

1846........................... Famine.................................
1849........................... ....... d o ....................................
1854 to 1864............. T ’ai-p’ing rebellion............
1861 to 1878.............. Mohammedan rebellion. . .
1877-78...................... Famine.................................

Estimated
loss of
population.
225,000
13,750,000
20,000,000
1,000,000
9,500,000

Irrespective of the accuracy of the figures in Table 1, it is prob
able that the population has been and is too great for the arable land of
the country, because, as shown in Table 3, 49,359,589 farmers are
enumerated as cultivators of 1,617,318,458 mow (about 269,553,076
acres) of land. This is an average of about 5.5 acres per farm.
Even if the average size of the farm be increased by the inclusion
of the uncultivated areas tabulated in Table 4, it will nevertheless
be almost impossible for the farmer to produce enough food to sup
port and educate his children properly, for if one can trust the
Mingchengpu (Ministry of the Interior) estimate of 1910, the average
size of the family in China proper is 5.5, and in Manchuria, 8.3; and
the farmers constitute about 75 per cent of the nation’s population.8
8 In fact, the estimates for Szechwan for these years are so confusing that it was thought best to exclude
them altogether. See Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 47, p. 321, “ Inquiry into the popula
tion of China,” b y W . W . Rockhill; and China Yearbook for 1921-22, p . 3, footnote.

T able

3.—NUMBER OF FARMERS, AND AREA OF LAND UNDER CULTIVATION IN THE VARIOUS PROVINCES AND DISTRICTS OF CHINA, 19X7.
[Source: China: Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. Sixth annual report. Peking, 1920. 1 mow= one-sixth acre.)
Area of farms under cultivation.

Number of farmers.
Province or
district.
Tenants.

Part
owners.

Total.
Wet land.

M ows.

A nhw ei....................
Chekiang..................
Chihli........................
Chingshao................
Fengtien...................
Fukien......................
Heilungkiang..........
H onan......................
H unan......................
H upeh......................
Jehol..........................
K ansu......................
Kiangsi....................
Kiangsu.................... |
K irin ........ ............... 1
Kw angsi..................
Kwangtung.............
K w eichow ...............
Shantung.................
Shansi......................
Shensi......................
Sinkiang..................
Sueiyuan.................. !
Szechwan................. !
Tsahar......................
Yunnan.................... i

1,314,311
1,073,387
2,890,897
.307,874
686,281
553,807
180,689
3,453,552
287,553
1,561,127
416,962
556,780
1,714,401
2,234,278
251,676
C1)

1,316,500
0)
3,819,135
1,078,697
771,247
343,998
35,332
c1)
83,099
(U

983,888
1,158,783
523,003
135,348
501,731
554,941
82,098
1,596,937
1,006,453
1,339,307
95,135
151,554
1,241,202
1,541,211
165,079
0)
1,463,865
0)
717,632
238,696
304,975
62,606
14,884
<l)
18,822
C1)

547,815
1,023,045
552,861
154,545
498,634
512,604
61,368
1,079,926
143,791
770,337
103,340
156,803
1,109,244
1,096,495
122,143
C1)

1,144,842
G)

917,963
212,151
258,954
45,134
14,371
C1 )

13,490

C1 )

Total.............. |s 24,931,583 2 13,888,150 2 10,539,856

Total.

B y lessees.8

B y owners.
Owners.

2,846,014
3,255,215
3,966,761
587,767
1,686,646
1,621,352
324,155
6,130,415
1,437,797
3,670,771
615,437
865,137
4,064,847
4,871,984
538,898
2,273,896
3,926,207
190,653
5,454,730
1,529,544
1,335,176
451,738
64,587
6,099,594
115,411
1,300,252

8,353,858
7,906,565
2,966,162
48,076
84,759
7,010,396
3
17,152,755
4,676,234
66,580,225
203,400
5,288,509
9,725,143
11,205,639
10,098
0)
5,602,707
C1 )

547,213
2,843,842
1,322,576
395,270
967,532
0)
246,481
0

Dry land.

M ows.

14,596,405
4,398,803
57,402,290
8,886,418
24,655,038
5,051,166
23,293,027
242,715,715
935,241
17,909,573
10,808,988
12,213,186
8,023,754
32,220,268
28,393,588
C1 )

4,112,599
(U
93,764,051
34,598,210
19,390,319
8,337,601
2,238,852
(l)

7,734,814
(l)

W et land.

M ows.

6,896,268
9,107,700
1,091,226
23,347
67,265
5,864,425
9,176,859
10,911,230
51,320,521
96,657
2,250,764
9,301,422
10,446,127
32,118
C1 )

7,914,334
0)
303,060
1,135,508
662,053
100,796
741,520
C1)
369,093
C1)

D ry land.

M ows.

9,166,405
5,629,945
15,620,010
7,847,131
19,260,268
4,529,693
12,080,430
78,867,865
2,182,251
18,224,001
5,099,632
7,219,705
8,793,692
16,130,600
54,730,663

W et land.

C1 )

5,275,983
0)
48,009,436
11,243,341
10,158,777
1,882,375
1,091,563
C1 )

3,407,070
C1 )

C1 )

13,517,041
C1 )

850,273
3,979,350
1,984,629
496,066
1,709,052
C1 )

615,574
C1)

M ows.

23,762,810
10,028,748
73,022,300
16,733, 549
43,915,306
9,580, 859
35,373,457
321,583,580
3,117,492
36,133,574
15,908,620
19,432,891
16,817,446
48,350,868
83,124,251
C1 )

9,388,582
( x)

141,773,487
45,841,551
29,549,096
10,219,976
3,330,415
C1)

11,141,884
C1)

M ows.

2,414,605
5,916,595
4,946,560
2,294,556
1,126,845
1,857,751
1,791,554
51,311,398
3,319,150
6,379,940
686,645
416,406
4,536,899
7,093,197
2,819,301
t1)
3,096,277
C1)

4,473,827
959,536
1,193,987
1,068,823
168,982
0)
17,653
0)

Total area.

M ows.

41,427,541
32,959,608
82,026,248
19,099,528
45,194,175
24,313,431
37,165,014
399,224,592
22,024,106
160,414,260
16,895,322
27,388,570
40,380,910
77,095,831
85,985,768
82,474,693
26,001,900
1,471,038
147,097,587
50,780,437
32,727,712
11,804,866
5,208,449
124,884,906
11,775,111
11,496,856

59,223,984 2 153,137,443 2 661,679,906 2 127,812,293 2 346,450,836 2 280,949,736 2 1,008,130,742 2 107,910,487 1,617,318,458

1 Not reported separately.
* Not including information for four Provinces not separately reported.
8The land owned by part owners constitutes a relatively small proportion. This class is here grouped with the lessees.

M ows.

15,250,126
17,014,265
4,057,388
71,423
152,024
12,874,821
3
26,329,614
15,587,464
117,900,746
300,057
7,539,273
19,026,565
21,651,766
42,216

Dry land.

Gardens
and fruit
orchards

Q
{>
d
GQ
13
&
0
S
^
H
g
9
O
#
>
d
o
£

A SURVEY OP CHINESE MIGRATIONS,

4 .—UNCULTIVATED LAND IN CHINA, BY PROVINCES AND DISTRICTS, 1917.
|Source: China. Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. Sixth annual report. Peking, 1920. Government
land includes unclaimed lands, lands originally belonging to the State, and waste lands; public land
includes undeveloped properties of public institutions. 1 mow equals one-sixth acre.]
T able

Province or district.
A nhw ei.........
Chekiang.......
Chihli.............
Chingshao___
Fengtien........
Fukien...........
Heilungkiang,
H onan...........
H un an...........
H upeh...........
Jehol...............
Kansu............
Kiangsi..........
Kiangsu........
K irin..............
Kw angtung..
K w an gsi1___
Kweichow *..
Shansi............
Shantung___
Shensi............
Sinkiang.......
Susiyuan.......
Szechwana. . .
Tashar...........
Yunnan 4___

Total

Area of land (in mows).
Government.
1,503,617
287,737
3,938,905
342,559
1,672,486
130,262
83,678,329
228,456
55,716
22,578
485,015
12,696,734
41,931
897,688
26,993,115
2,810,357
4,092,503
4,488
632,586
2,027,119
361,354
7,484,196
464,531
425,309
1,921,179
182,124
153,380,874

Public.

Private.

Total.

286,778
149,047
2,269,777
5,400
97,703
513,247
5,802,960
102,193
84,569
51,880
81,397
11,862
134,557
12,307,298
556,931

2,687,936
1,311,009
621,460
301,494
14,420,405
41,372
645,028,441
4,009,479
2,430,781
3,928,297
857,117
2,054,248
2,654,730
1,299,346
64,738,006
534,675
10,166,810
27,268
3,878,882
70,459
1,244,802
168,591
37,963
21,459,975
914,137
2,338,049
787,225,732

4,478,331
1,747,793
6,830,142
649,453
16,190,594
684,881
734,509,730
4,340,128
2,486,497
4,035,444
1,394,012
14,832,379
2,708,523
2,331,591
104,038,419
3,901,963
14,259,313
31,756
4,528,148
2,259,166
1,619,626
7,659,934
502,494
21,885,284
2,854,651
2,520,173
963,280,425

(»)

16,680
161,588
13,470
7,147
19,335

* 22,673,819

i Data for 1916.
* Date for 1915.
* Not reported.
4 Data for 1914.
* Not including 1 Province, character of ownership not reported.
(6) In addition to the general conditions as above outlined, it
appears desirable to survey briefly the situation in the four Provinces
from which most of the emigrants included in this study were drawn.
Between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the out
flow of emigrants from the Provinces was continuous and active,
the operation of the positive checks to population, such as droughts
and famines, were frequent. The extent of these checks may be
indicated by a few examples of drought and famine in the four
Provinces as shown in Table 5.

CAUSES OF EMIGRATION.

5 .—-DROU GHTS AND FAMINES IN CHIHLI, SHANTUNG, FUKIEN, AND
KWANGTUNG.
>: China (by imperial edict). T’u Shu Tsi Cheng (Encyclopedia), section on various manifestations,
book 91, chapter on droughts, and books 110, 111, chapter on plenty and dearth.]
DROUGHTS.
and dis
Year. Province
trict affected.
1369
1375
1393
1440
1472
1484
1487
1503
1510
1541
1628
1369
1483
1484
1485
1492
1504
1516
1523
1528
1538
1560
1573
1615
1640
1369
1387
1451
1468
1476
1486

Remarks.

Chihli.
General...................
Peking....................
__ do......................
Shunteh, Chenting.
Peking.................... Government granaries
opened for relief.
Sufferers migrated
southward.
....d o .....................
Peking, Tientsin...
Plague of locusts also.
0
Government treas
ury sent relief fund.
Paoting................... Severe.
Shantung.
General...................
Kuan....................... Famine; cannibalism.
General................... Government granaries
opened for relief.
Sing......................... Cannibalism.
Tung-chang............ Severe famine.
Wuting................... Want of rain from first
to ninth moon.
Tehping.................. Want of rain in seventh
moon.
Severe.
0
Do.
0
Every sufferer given 3
General...................
tow2 of rice by Gov
ernment.
Severe; emigration of
0
sufferers.
Severe.
0
Severe; cannibalism.
00
Cannibalism; robbery
and thefts frequent.
Fukien.
General...................
....d o .....................
do..................
__ do......................
___do......................
In spring, summer, and
0
autumn; no harvest;
great emigration.

1 District not reported.

and dis
Year. Province
trict affected.

1501
1513
1526
1536
1537
1538

Fukien—Concld.
0
(i)
0
0
00

1544
1545
1566

8
0

1487

1568
1578
1579
1586
1587
1588
1589
1590
1591
1606
1613
1614
1615
1369
1470
1498
1502
1536
1543
1560
1596

Houkian,0 Huian...
0
0‘
0
Hinghwa................
0
0
Hinghwa................

Remarks.
N o wheat crop in spring,
no rice crop in au
tumn.
No rice crop.
Severe.
Famine.
Every sufferer given 3
tow2 of rice by Gov
ernment.
Severe; starvation.
Do.
In autumn and winter;
late crops of rice all
failed.
Severe.
Do.
Do.
Severe; no rice crop.
Do.
Severe.
Do.
No rain from first to
eighth moon.
Severe.
Ten per cent of land
tax exempted.
Severe.
Do.
Do.

0
Loguan...................
0
Kwangtung.
General...................
ICwangchow...........
Hingning................
0 Shao- Severe.
ICwangchow.
. king, Nanksiung,
Shaochow.
Hingning................ No rain from eighth
moon in 1543 to fifth
moon in 1544.
General...................
Luichow................. Severe.

8 About 3.5 pecks.

10
T abls

A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS,

5.—DROUGHTS AND FAMINES IN CHIHLI, SHANTUNG, FUKIEN, AND
K W A N G T U N G —Concluded.

FAMINES.
Year.

Province and dis
trict affected.

Remarks.

Year.

Chihli.
1416

1465
1472
1484
1500
1511
1513
1526
1553
1640
1641

Board of Records sent
583,080 piculs (38,872
tons) of rice.

Laichow..................

1415
1425
1452
1468
1470
1473

0)
Several districts... Government relief.
Tsinan, Tehping...
Tsim oh....................
Four districts......... Severe.
Viceroy of Honan was
0)
ordered to emigrate
sufferers there; no
land tax.
P ingtoo................... Cannibalism.
Severe.
C1)
Severe; The Yellow
Tsinan.......... .
R iver changes course.
Changyih................ Severe.
P ingtoo...................
Do.
Do.
0)
Do.
0)
0)
Three districts....... Flood.
Severe frost; flood.
(l )
Earthquake.
h
0)
Tsingchow.............. Cannibalism.
Chengwu................. Eating bark of tree;
cannibalism.
Fukien.

1508
1524
1528
1561
1562
1569
1579
1584
1600
1615
1641

1416
1469

0)
Three districts.......

Remarks.

Fukien— C oncld.

Peking..................... T otal sufferers numbered 999,380 (including Honan and Shantuhg). Government
gave 1,779,009 piculs
(118,600 tons) of rice.
Peking and vicinity.
Shunteh.................. Severe.
Southern C h ih li.. .
Y unping................. Flood and famine.
Peking..................... Severe.
Y unping.................
«
Paoting................... Cannibalism.
Do.
Peking^...................
Pestilence;
cannibal
0)
ism .
Shantung.

1412

1481
1487
1492

Province and dis
trict affected.

R ich men’ s grain ele
vators robbed.

1476
1499
1531
1536
1537
1542
1544
1556
1558
1575
1576
1594
1596
1606
1608
1616
1628
1635

N a n p in g , Shunchang, Sha.
........d o ......................
Three districts.......
0)
(')
Changluh................
Hengchow, Anluh.
0)
0)

Petitioned to Emperor
for relief.
Do.
Robbery.
Pestilence.

Severe; food brought
from Lioa (now Man
churia).
Severe.
(l)
Do.
0)
Hsinglung............... Sufferers robbed city
for three days.
Severe.
0)
10 per cent of land tax
0)
exempted.
Severe.
C1)
Do.
h
C1)
Do.
0)
Kwangtung.

1390
1430
1435
1443
1458
1468
1486
1492
1499
1519
1528
1535

1572
1586
1590
1596
1617
1626

Tehching................. Severe; magistrate or
dered rich to loan
m oney to sufferers.
Nanhai....................
Chungchow.............
Kwangchow...........
Lienchow...............
C)
Shunteh.................. Severe.
Nanhai.................... Sea walls broken; suf
fe re rs n u m b e r e d
more than 10,000.
Nahai, P anyu........ Severe.
Singhui....................
Haifung.................. Starvation.
Four districts......... Flood; severest in 100
years; no land tax:
Government grana
ries opened for relief.
Kwangchow. ..
<l)
Tungkuan...............
Severe.
0)
L u ich ow .................
Do.
(l)

1 District not reported.

The data given in Table 5 may be summarized as follows: In
Chihli there were 11 droughts in 259 years, or one in every 23.5
years; in Shantung there were 14 in 271 years, or one in every 19.4
years; in Fukien there were 29 in 246 years, or one in every 8.5 years;
and in Kwantung there were 8 in 227 years, or one in every 28.4
years.
As to famines, in Chihli there were 11 in 225 years, or one in every
20.5 years; in Shantung there were 21 in 229 years, or one in every
10.9 years; in Fukien there were 20 in 219 years, or one in every 11
years; and in Kwangtung there were 18 in 236 years, or one in every
13.1 years.

CAUSES OF EMIGRATION.

It was natural, therefore, that the young and adventurous people
in these Provinces should leave their poverty-stricken homes to seek
better opportunities in countries beyond the seas.
Environmental forces.—All of the four Provinces have easy access
to the sea and have excellent seaports, as Tientsin and Chinwangtao
in Chihli; Chefoo, Tsingtau, and Weihaiwei in Shantung; Amoy and
Foochow in Fukien; and Swatow, Canton, Hainan, and Hongkong in
Kwangtung. Therefore geographical conditions are conducive to
emigration. People living near these ports naturally have better
opportunities of going abroad than their compatriots in the interior.
Psychic forces.—As will be shown in Chapter II, these emigrants
have generally been energetic men, with a romantic craving for adven
ture. Robust and healthy, the “ raw material” of the farms and
fishing boats welcome change of habitation, so that they may see
new things and live new lives. Vitality and perseverance push
them on.
In addition, their business acumen, coupled with grit and gump
tion, contributes to make their wanderings successful. The heritage
of Chinese society, so far as they are able to appreciate, evaluate, and
assimilate it, has made them helpful members in new communities
as tradesmen and in other positions.
Then, too, it should not be overlooked that the Chinese as colo
nizers are unusually successful in acclimatization. They generally
thrive in tropical as well as temperate climes.
Controlling forces.— Besides the biological and social traits of the
Chinese, whicn are here called psychic forces, and the environmental
influences which induce them to emigrate, the attractions which con
trol the direction taken by the movement of emigration should be
considered. The most obvious of these is the question of wages.
The Chinese abroad invariably receive higher wages than their breth
ren in the same occupations at home, although the fact should be
borne in mind that the Chinese at home have a comparatively lower
cost of living and are able to get along with lower wages. Adequate
statistical data for earlier periods are lacking, but information for
comparatively recent times is shown in Table 6. Since the curren
cies of the various countries fluctuate in exchange value, no attempt
is here made to convert them into a unified system of currency of
any one country.
41986°—23----2

A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS,
T able 6 .—W A G E S OF CH IN ESE L A B O R E R S A T HOM E A N D A B R O A D .

IData for China are from China, Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, sixth annual report, Peking,
1920; for Dutch East Indies, from ChiDa, Emigration Bureau, Report on Conditions of Chinese Laborers
in Banka, 1920, and on Conditions of cninese Laborers in Billiton, 1919; for France, from China, Em i
gration Bureau, Conditions of Chinese Laborers in France, Report No. 2, pp.' 18,19; for Hawaiian Islands,
from Labor conditions in Hawaii, S. Doc. No. 432, 64th Cong.. 1st sess.; for Philippine Islands, from
Boletin Trimestral de la Oficina del Trabajo, Manila, 1919; for tne Straits Settlements, from Blue Book
for Straits Settlements, 1919; for Transvaal, from Transvaal, Lieutenant Governor's Office, Handbook
of Ordinances Connected w ith the Importation of Foreign Labor into the Transvaal, pp. 53 54. Data
are for the following years: China, 1917; Dutch East Indies and France, 1918-19; Hawaiian Islands, 1915;
Philippine Islands and Straits Settlements, 1918; Transvaal, 1904 to 1909.]

Daily wage (in
currency of
country named).

Locality and occupation.

China.
Rice millers:
Chihli—
Koupeh................
Paoting................
Taming................
Fukien—
Amoy...................
Chienan................
Minhai..................
Tingchang...........
Kwangtung—
Ch'ung yai...........
Lingnai................
Tsaoshun.............
Shantung—
Kiaotung.............
Tsinan..................
Tsining................
Tungling..............
Dutch East Indies.
Tin miners, contract:
Banka—
First 180 days___
Second 180 days..
3 years..................
5 years..................
BillitonFirst year.............
Following years..

$0.10-$0.50
.20- .24
.10- .40
.35- .45
.25- .40
.30- .40
.24- .36
.29- .41
.25- .45
.26- .50
.07- .12
.16- .30
.20- .30
.14- .20
Florins.

0.24
.36
.41
.46
.25
17.50
39.00
121.00

|
\
l

1 Per month.
* And an allowance of $10 per month.
* A nd an allowance of $15 per month.

Locality and occupation.

Daily wage (in
currency of
country named).

France.
Francs.
Coolies .*.........................................
*1.00
Undergangers................................
*1.25
Gangers..........................................
*1.50
English-speaking foremen...........
* 2.00
Hawaiian Islands.
Cane cutters..................................
$1.17
Contract cultivators.....................
1.22
Field hands...................................
.78
Oilers................................; ............
L02
Philippine Islands.
Common laborers:
Pesos.
Bulacan..................................
0.55-0.65
Cavite......................................
.80-1.20
Iloilo........................................
.50- .70
Mindoro..................................
.80
Sulu.........................................
.75-1.00
Straits Settlements.
Agricultural laborers:
Dindings................................. 5 $144.00-S160.00
Malakka..................................
.70- 1.50
Penang....................................
«.90- 1.00
Singapore................................
•2.40- 3.60
Transvaal.
s. d.
Gold miners...................................
1 6
4 A nd an allowance of $20 per m onth.
* Per year, with food.
•W ith food.

METHODS OF EMIGRATION.
THE JUNK.4

The earliest known means of ocean tranportation by which the
Chinese were taken to various countries were the junks. As early
as the thirteenth century, junks were built for defense against the
raids of pirates along the seacoast. When ocean trade was gradually
developed, the junks were adapted to more specific uses and were
differentiated into fruit junks, rice junks, tea junks, fishing junks,
and passenger junks. Small junks were engaged in river or coast
trade, while larger ones were built for commerce overseas. Although
4 The “ ju n k ” (meaning, in the Cantonese dialect, a large vessel) was used in the early days for the over
seas trade. The same vessel was called b y the Portuguese “ soma,” and b y the Indian Islanders “ wangkang.” Many junks for the Malay Archipelago were built b y the Chinese in Bankok. See John Crawford:
History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. I l l, pp. 173-180.
Regarding the origin of the junks, Chinese authorities are not explicit. It is claimed b y some that the
first junks were built in 139 B . C. See Western Origins of the Chinese Civilization from 2300 B. C. to 200
A . D., b y Albert Terrien de Lacouperie, London, 1894, and Ships as Evidence of the Migrations of Early
Culture, b y G. Elliot Smith, Manchester University Press, 1917.

METHODS OF EMIGRATION.

passenger junks took most of the emigrants to various countries,
other ocean-going junks occasionally carried passengers as well as
cargo.
Before the invention of steamers ocean-going junks carried on
considerable commerce between China and the neighboring countries.
Not infrequently wealthy proprietors owned one hundred or more
junks. To-day most of these vessels are used for coastwise com
merce in the Eastern and Yellow Seas, and also in the Formosan
Channel. Formosa has four large junk companies, and Chinese
merchants in the Province of Fukien have 10.
The junk is usually 5 to 9 chang (about 75 to 106 feet) long, and
1£ to 3 chang (aboutl7 to 35 feet) wide, with a depth of from one-half to
1 chang (about 6 to 12 feet) below the water line; the displacement
varies from 350 to 750 tons. The boat is usually painted mack.
When a junk enters a port it pays a tax, the rate increasing with
its tonnage; one having a length of 40 feet and a width of 20 feet has
to pay a tax of about $100 (Chinese currency).
EMIGRATION BROKERS AND EMIGRATION COMPANIES.

As the number of Chinese going abroad increased year by year,
the junk tradesmen found it difficult to accommodate them, and
emigration companies soon came into existence. They have brokers
or agents stationed in important cities, who undertake to recruit
emigrants, to provide food, lodging, and steamship accommodation
for them, and to send them to their destination.
When labor is needed in a certain foreign country, it has been
customary for that country to send a labor contractor, representing
the Government or an important firm, to sign a contract with the
Chinese broker, specifying the number of persons needed, conditions
of employment, and the length of the term of service. The broker
then advertises the labor terms at the various emigrant commu
te terms are then brought to the
examination. In some cases
this examination is given after the emigrant arrives in the employing
country. In the latter case the broker assumes the task of repatri
ating those who are rejected for physical infirmities or other defects.
For the services rendered between the recruiting and the signing of
the contract by the employer and the emigrant, the broker is paid a
certain commission at varying rates.
At the port of embarkation, such as Amoy and Hongkong (41), emi
grant hotels are provided. At Amoy, the hotels fall naturally into
two groups, according to the class of emigrants taken, the Manila (67)
group and the Singapore (52) group. The Manila hotels cater to mi
grants to and from Manila and other cities in the Philippines. The
Singapore hotels are patronized by those who come from and go to
British colonies, Dutch East Indies and other islands in the Indian
Ocean, and also Oceania.
The hotel charges 20 cents per day per person for lodging. It
serves no food, and many of the lodgers cook their food themselves.

A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

Emigrants returning from the Philippines usually get better rooms
at about 30 cents a day per person, exclusive of meals. The Chinese
customs service charges $1 per trunk when an emigrant brings one
to the port of entry.
Banks at Amoy loan money to the brokers at rates varying from
4 to 5 per cent per month. If the credit of the broker is good he can
get it at about 3 per cent per month. At the second month the
interest is reduced to 2 per cent, and during the subsequent months
further reductions are made. The broker then loans the money
to emigrants at rates from 10 per cent to 30 per cent higher than
he pays the bank.
Not infrequently the broker takes a group of 10 or 20 men to the
Philippines under his personal direction at an expense of about $80
(Chinese currency) per man.
The broker at the port of embarkation cooperates with emigration
companies in other cities to facilitate emigration. At Fooching,
Fukien Province, an emigration company has recently contracted
to carry farmers to Singapore under the following terms: (1) The
company is to pay the traveling expenses of the emigrants; (2) at
the time of recruiting each emigrant is to be entitled to a sum of
$10; (3) after reaching his destination, each emigrant is t o receive
an annual amount of $10; (4) when an emigrant has cultivated the
land allotted in Singapore for a certain designated number of years,
one-half of the value of the land is to go to him.
At the Minching district in Fukien, another contract was recently
signed between an emigration company and the Government of
Sumatra for farm laborers under these terms: (1) The company
is to advance traveling and other necessary expenses to the emi
grant; (2) these sums are to be deducted from his wages after he
has arrived at his destination and a sufficient time has elapsed so
that he is able to pay; (3) the land allotted to the emigrant for cultiva
tion is to belong to him; (4) 20 per cent of the value of this land is to
be given to the emigration company as a commission.
Emigrants who go to foreign countries without the assistance of
emigration companies secure necessary help from their relatives
and friends abroad. Tradition, attractions of climate, relationship,
and kinship between new emigrants and those who are already in
foreign countries have influenced the selection of certain places for
colonization. For example, people of Kwangtung have a strong
tendency to go to the Malay Archipelago, Dutch East Indies, and
countries of the American Continent, because at these places emirants from that Province predominate. Likewise, the Fukienese
ave colonized Formosa, the Philippine Islands, the Sulu Archipelago,
and Borneo. The Chinese laborers in the Transvaal have been
recruited mainly from Shantung, Chihli, and Manchuria, and those
in France during the Great War, from Shantung, Chihli, and a rela
tively small number from Manchuria. The emigrants sailing from
the port of Amoy in recent years are shown in Table 7:

METHODS OF EMtGRATIOJf.
* A B tE
[Source: China.

Year.

1886.......................
1888.......................
1890.......................
1892.......................
1894......................
1896......................

7.—CHINESE EMIGRANTS SAILING FROM AMOY, 1886 TO 1917.
Inspectorate general of customs. Annual reports, statistical series.
years are not available.]

T o For
To
mosa,
To
Singa Manila, Hong
pore,
etc.
kong,
etc.
etc.

Total.

42,845
48,369
42,723
46,641
53,649
61,475

65,292
73,663
70,697
69,478
85,907
70,896

8,365
13,269
11,559
9,702
7,633
4,461

14,082
12,025
16,415
13,135
24,625
4,960

Year.

1900.......................
1902.......................
1908.......................
1912.......................
1915.......................
1917.......................

Data for certain

T o For
To
To
mosa,
Singa Manila, Hong
Total.
pore,
kong,
etc.
etc.
etc.
80,313
78,232
46,937
91,807
29,465
48,139

10,044
7,431
5,184
5,720
7,272
4,042

15,059
16,853
27,122
28,481
30,170
25,600

105,416
102,516
79,243
126,008
66,907
77,781

The total number of Chinese emigrants resident abroad in 1922 has
been estimated to be 8,179,582, distributed geographically as follows:5
Anam .......................... ................
197, 300
35, 000
Australia..................... ................
20,000
Brazil..........................................
134, 600
Burma..........................................
12,000
Canada........................ ................
90, 000
Cuba............................ ................
East Indies................. ............... 1,023,500
1, 760
Europe........................ ................
Formosa...................... ............... 2,258,650
23,507
Hawaii......................... , ..............
314, 390
Hongkong................... ................
17,700
Japan........................... ...............

Java............................................. 1, 825, 700
Korea..........................................
11,300
M acao..........................................
74, 560
M exico.........................................
3,000
Peru.............................................
45,000
55, 212
Philippines................................
Siam............................................. 1,500,000
37,000
Siberia........................................
Straits Settlements....................
432,764
South A frica..............................
5,000
Continental United States.......
61, 639

Certain communities send their sons and daughters to foreign
countries in much larger numbers than do other localities. In
Fukien, for instance, it is said that every year the majority of the
able-bodied men in the Yungching district emigrate to seek better
opportunities overseas. In recent years, the district of Fooching
has sent out about 20,000 people, or about one thirty-third of its
total population. The district of Changluh has sent out 10,000, or
one-thirtieth of its total population. Those living in mountain
districts do not as a rule emigrate so readily as those who live near
the trading ports on the seacoast.
CONTRACT LABOR UNDER GOVERNMENT SUPERVISION.

A third method of emigration, which is here illustrated in the
chapters on the Chinese in the Transvaal and in France, is that of
contract labor under a certain degree of government supervision.
In these cases contracts are signed between representatives of the
contracting Governments, which specify the period of engagement
of laborers as well as the terms of employment. During the first
stages of recruiting, the services of the emigrant broker are relied
upon to a certain extent, particularly in making known the terms
of con ta ct to emigrant communities as well as in bringing the
emigrants to the recruiting agencies at the port of embarkation.
^ Data are from China Yearbook for 1921-22, p . 91. But the Chinese estimate is discarded wherever census
figures are available, such as Hawaii, the Philippines, Straits Settlements, and Continental United States.
Although the Chinese estimate is inaccurate in some places, it is the only source showing a large number
of countries where the Chinese population is considerable.

A SURVEY OR CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

From that point, the recruiting machinery and the control of the
labor during the period of employment is that of the employing
country; a certain degree of supervision during that period and the
dispersion of the returning emigrants fall upon the Chinese
Government.
SOME LEGAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE EMIGRATION AND LABOR.

In the periods when the emigration companies were most active
and when the contract labor system was most efficient, as during
the European War, a large number of treaties, conventions, and
laws have been formulated which have defined the status and re
stricted the activities of the Chinese emigrants in foreign countries.
Some of the salient points of these should be mentioned here. Be
fore doing so, however, it may be well to indicate the folk
psychology of the Chinese people, which unconsciously reflects itself
in popular sentiment and exerts its influence on the formation of
early emigration laws.
POPULAR VIEWS ON EMIGRATION.

A great majority of the Chinese people are engaged in agriculture
and their love of the soil is proverbial. They are generally satisfied
to stay at home, and, except for urgent needs, do not love travel.
The population is manifestly immobile. Rarely have there been
interprovincial migrations of magnitude and importance. The
Emperor Yuan-ti voiced the feeling of the people precisely when he
said: “ It is instinctive for our subjects to be content with the soil
and be cautious of migrations.” 6 Likewise, Laotse, a contempo
rary of Confucius, remarked: “ The good people are those who live
in countries so near to each other that they can hear each other's
cock crow and dog bark, yet they never have had intercourse with
each other during their lifetime.” 7
The Chinese are bound to the home by a strong family tie which
creates an intimate relationship among the members. There is a
multitude of duties which tradition decrees that members of the
family should perform, and any evasion of these provokes disap
proval and adverse comment from neighbors, friends, and rela
tives. For the dead members, too, ceremonies and other religious
rituals in conformity with ancestor worship are periodically observed.
These constitute another source of hindrance to members leaving
the home.
A common view of the inconvenience and discomfort of leaving one's
home is expressed in these words: “ To be away 1 li [about 0.4 mile]
from the home is not so good as home.” In time, this tradition
becomes embodied in the laws of the land, and State ways and folk
ways both discredit emigration. In 1712, during the reign of Yungching, when considerable numbers of Chinese were residing abroad,
an edict was issued which prohibited them from returning home, and
inflicted a death sentence for those who violated this law. Two
points may be advanced for the explanation of this edict: In the
first place since the mass of people did not like to emigrate, those
« China. Bureau of the National History. The Han Records, B ook I X , p. 7a.
7 Quoted in the International Developm ent of China by Sun Yat Sen. New York, 1922, p. 21S.

SOME LEGAL ASPECTS OP CHINESE EMIGRATION.

who had sailed beyond the seas were presumably the socially
undesirable, such as Koxinga’s followers, exiles of wars, and crim
inals who were banished from the country. In the second place,
China’s traditional policy of the closed door has led her to shut
out all strangers, of whom she has been very suspicious. Because
some Chinese had been abroad for a long time, the State entertained
a fear that they might, upon their return nome, act as spies for foreign
countries.
Not on ly did the Government punish the returning emigrants,
but the emigrants themselves were afraid to return to their fatherland:
We are afraid of the so-called inspection of mandarins, the oppression of their sub
officials, and the ill-treatment of our own clansmen and neighbors. At our return to
China, we would be falsely accused as robbers and pirates, as spies of the barbarians
(foreigners), as purchasers and abductors of slaves. Many who have savings of long
years would be robbed, others would have their homes tom down and would be pro
hibited from building new ones; still others would be compelled to be responsible
for forged documents of debts and liabilities. Alone and helpless, we are considered
strangers by our relations. Upon whom shall we rely for help in a country where
we are surrounded on all sides b y thieves?8
EMIGRATION RELATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE AND
CHINA.

Of late years the gradual diffusion of eastern and western cultures
has forced China to abandon her time-honored policy of isolation.
Diplomatic and commercial intercourse between China and the West
has, in a large measure, changed China’s stand on the question of
emigration. European nations planning the industrial exploitation
of their colonies and dependencies have turned to China for manual
labor. By treaties and covenants they have induced and persuaded
(or coerced) China to yield to their demands.
In 1859, the coolie trade was first legalized by Peh-kwei, governor
of Kwangtung, who had consented to let British and French authori
ties recruit Chinese laborers from the Province under indenture.
During the following year the legality of this traffic was rendered
national by Article V of the convention of that year, which provides—
As soon as the ratification of the treaty of 1858 shall have been exchanged, His
Majesty the Emperor of China will, by decree, command the high authorities of every
Province to proclaim throughout their jurisdictions, that Chinese, choosing to take
service in the British colonies or other parts beyond the sea, are at perfect liberty to
enter engagements with British subjects for that purpose, and to ship themselves and
their families on board any British vessel at any of the open ports of China. Also
that the high authorities aforesaid, shall, in concert with Her Britannic Majesty's
representatives in China, frame such regulations for the protection of Chinese emigrants
as above, as the circumstances of different open ports demand.9

Six years later, the convention to regulate the engagement of
Chinese emigrants by British and French subjects was signed in
Peking (on March 5, 1866) by France, Great Britain, and China.
This convention contains the rudiments of later treaties or contracts
of emigrant labor specifying (1) the place of destination and the
length of employment, (2) a iree passage for the emigrant and family
(if any) to and from the port of embarkation, (3) working hours per

*Translated from H. Gottwaldt: Die Uberseeische Auswanderung der Chinesen und ihre Einwirkung
auf die gelbe und weisse Basse, Bremen, 1903, p. 7.
9 China. Inspectorate General of Customs. Treaties between China and foreign States. Shanghai,
1917, Vol. I, p. 432.

A SURVEY OE CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

day and working-days in the year, (4) wages, food, lodging, and
medical attendance, and (5) monthly remittance to the family at the
desire of the emigrant.
By the declarations appended to this convention, China has
reiterated her old position on the question of emigration in language
more explicit than her former edicts:
First, the Chinese Government throws no obstacle in the way of free emigration,
that is to say, to the departure of Chinese subjects embarking of their own free will
and at their own expense for foreign countries; but that all attempts to bring Chinese
under an engagement to emigrate otherwise than as the present regulations provide,
are formally forbidden, and will be prosecuted with the extreme rigor of the law.
Secondly, a law of the Empire punishes b y death those who by fraud or b y force may
kidnap Chinese subjects for the purpose of sending them abroad against their will.
Thirdly, whereas the operations of the emigration agents, with a view to supply
coolie labor abroad, are authorized at all the open ports when conducted in conformity
with these regulations, and under the joint supervision of the consuls and the Chinese
authorities, it follows that where this joint supervision can not be exercised such
operations are formally forbidden.101

France and Great Britain refused to ratify this convention as it
permitted Chinese emigration only under Government supervision
and imposed the death penalty for unauthorized and illegal emigra
tion. The development of the colonies of these countries made
necessary a large supply of Chinese labor, and private recruiting
agencies were doing a considerable portion of this work. Quite a
number of these companies would have been liable to punishment
under this law. Towards the end of 1867, the French and British
Governments drafted 23 articles of “ Pro jet de Reglement Inter
national d’Emigration” and presented them to Peking as a substitute
for the convention. Owing to several features objectionable to
China, this document was buried in the Government archives of the
Chinese capital. Meanwhile, the convention of March 1, 1866, was
proclaimed by the Chinese Government as the law of the land
regarding emigration.
Up to this time, China persisted in punishing those emigrants who
planned to return home. However, Chinese statesmen soon saw the
folly of this policy and urged the nullification of the old emigration
laws. His Excellency, Hsueh Fu-Ching, minister to England,
memorialized the throne in these words:
To drive fish into others’ nets, or birds into others’ snares (says Mencius), is not
clever policy, but it is what we have been doing for England, Holland, and other
countries. These get Chinese labor and great towns spring into being on desert islands.
Foreign countries thus make us into instruments for their aggrandizement. We, the
while, drive away Chinese skill and the profits of it into their arms.11

Diplomatic representatives of Great Britain, France, Italy, and
Belgium, in Peking, jointly petitioned the Chinese Emperor for the
annulment of the edict of 1712 “ to end all suspicion and misunder
standing among the several nations.” This was granted by an
edict of September 13, 1893, whereby Chinese emigrants in foreign
countries were permitted to return home at will. This marked
a great step toward liberalizing emigration policies of China.
Shortly, the Governor of Fukien, memorialized the throne for the
establishment of a chamber of commerce to look after the welfare
10 A ppendix to Chapter I, A, pp. 165 to 167.
11 Chu Shiu-p’un: Tung Hua Luh (Supplement for the Reign of Kuang Hsu), Shanghai, 1909, vol. 35,
book 114, pp. 13a-14b; and Shun Pao, Shanghai, N ov. 14,1893 (published in Chinese). See also The China
Review, V ol. X X I , pp . 138-141, “ Chinese emigrants abroad,” b y Sieh [Hsueh] Fu-Ching.

SOME LEGAL ASPECTS GE CHINESE EMIGRATION.

of returning emigrants, which was granted by an imperial edict of
May 24, 1899.12
Henceforth, the Government of China took a more sympathetic
interest in her subjects overseas and ordered high authorities to
grant them protection wherever possible. An edict of October 12,
1899, reads:
Since the opening of the treaty ports many of our subjects have been drawn into
foreign countries to engage in trade. In the foreign land, they retain, however, with
unshakable loyalty, their memory of the fatherland. They can not treasure their
native country too highly and this is most commendable. In a former message we
requested the governors of the Provinces to take all returning emigrants under their
special protection so that they might enjoy in peace in their homes the money earned
in the foreign countries. In our anxiety for the welfare of our subjects, and especially
those sojourning in foreign countries, we, herewith, command our ambassadors and
consuls as far as in their power, to extend help and protection to the Chinese in their
districts.13

In 1904, when labor was urgently needed in the development of the
Witwatersrand gold mines in the Transvaal, the Transvaal Govern
ment succeeded in persuading the British Government to sign a con
vention with China “ respecting the employment of Chinese labor
in British colonies and protectorates,” which purported to be detailed
regulations in pursuance of Article V of the convention of 1860 above
referred to. Besides definite stipulations of conditions of work,
inc uding wages, food, lodging, and medical care, the term of engagemelnt and a free passage to and from the port of embarkation, the
convention contained several special features. Article VI provided
that “ for the better protection of the emigrant, and of any other
Chinese subject that may happen to reside in the colony or protector
ate in which the emigration is to take place, it shall be competent
to the Emperor of China to appoint a consul or a vice consul to
watch over the interests and well-being, and such consul or vice
consul shall have all the rights and privileges accorded to the consuls
of other nations.” However, the Chinese officials to whom, in
pursuance of the agreement, were intrusted the duties of “ watching
the interests and well-being” of their fellow countrymen in the
Transvaal fell far short of executing their duties efficiently. This is
shown elsewhere in this study. Articles II, III, and VIII of the con
vention provided, for joint supervision of recruiting Chinese labor
by British diplomatic and consular authorities and the Chinese
inspector and his representatives.14 This was clearly a step away
from private recruiting toward Government supervision of emigration
questions between Great Britain and China.
The World War brought the British and French Governments face
to face with a great shortage of labor in these countries and com
pelled them to recruit laborers in China. As a result of deliberations
and conferences between the French and British diplomatic repre
sentatives in Peking and the Chinese Government, a set of new
regulations was promulgated by the Chinese Emigration Bureau,
upon which terms of employment of Chinese laborers by the French
and British Governments were based. As these regulations were
drawn before China entered the war on the side of the Allies, it was
12 For important regulations of the Chamber of Commerce, see H. Gottwaldt: Die Uberseeische A uswanderung der Chinesen und ihre Einwirkung auf die gelbe und weisse Basse, Bremen, 1903, pp. 9-12.
13 Payne, E. George: An Experiment in Alien Labor. Chicago, 1912, p. 5, footnote 2.
14 See Appendix to Chapter I, B, pp. 168 to 171.

A SURVEY OF CHINESE MIGRATIONS.

stipulated that no Chinese laborer so recruited was to be engaged in
“ military operations of any sort.” After August 14, 1917, when
China declared war upon Germany, no insistence upon the strict
observance of this condition appeared necessary, and both the
French and British armies employed Chinese workers in the danger
zone as well as in other kinds of work in connection with the war.
Several features of the laws of the Chinese Emigration Bureau
deserve consideration: (1) Hereafter, emigrant laborers shall be
limited to (a) those selected and sent abroad by the Government;
(b) those directly recruited by agencies; and (c) those recruited by
contractors. Foreign Governments which establish agencies in
China to recruit laborers must obtain licenses from the Chinese
Emigration Bureau and must, under a heavy penalty, conform to
the labor recruiting agency regulations promulgated by the bureau.15
(2) Recruiting by contractors is conditional upon securing permits
from the emigration bureau and upon securing its approval of the
essential parts of labor contracts that the contractors may secure
for the emigrants from their employers.16 (3) With special reference
to the Chinese laborers in France the bureau has promulgated a law,
entitled, “ Principal Contents of the Agreement on the Employment
of Chinese Laborers,” with many clauses embodied in the Hui Min
contract and the British contract under whose terms the Chinese
laborers worked.17
These laws clearly show the attitude of the Chinese Government
on the question of emigrant labor. On the one hand, it seeks to
regulate and prohibit emigration under private companies, for a
number of them have up to the present ruthlessly exploited Chinese
emigrants. On the other hand, the Government of China is more
and more inclined to supervise and administer matters concerning
emigration. The experiment in Chinese labor in France during the
European War, which was to a large extent under Government
supervision, has in a large measure justified this attitude.
EMIGRATION RELATIONS BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND CHINA.

The first legal document relating to the American-Chinese emigra
tion situation seems to have dated back to 1862, when an act was
passed by the American Congress to prohibit ther “ coolie trade by
American citizens in American vessels.” Although it prohibited
American ships from shipping or transporting Chinese from China
to any other country, it did not prevent “ voluntary emigrants”
from boarding American vessels, providing they secured permits or
certificates from the United States consulate at the port (or ports)
whence such vessels departed.18
The treaty of 1880, signed between the United States and China to
regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese laborers to, and
their residence in, the United States was followed, in 1894, by a
convention which absolutely prohibited the coming of Chinese labor
ers to the United States, except under special conditions mentioned
in that convention.19 The recent legal status of Chinese immigration
15 See Appendix
16 See Appendix
17 See A ppendix
18 See A ppendix
18 See A p p e n d s

to Chapter I., F, pp. 174 and 175.
to Chapter I, F, especially article 6.
to Chapter I, H, pp. 177 to 179, and A ppendix to Chapter I X , A , pp. 207 to 210.
to Chapter I, E , pp. 171 and 174.
to Chapter I, C and I), pp. 171 to 173.

SOME LEGAL, ASPECTS OF CHINESE EMIGRATION.

in American dependencies as treated in this monograph is defined
by the Chinese exclusion act and allied legislation. A good illustra
tion which brings out this phase of the subject is the Hawaiian
sugar planters, attempt to import Chinese labor into the Territory
in 1921.20
EMIGRATION RELATIONS BETWEEN THE NETHERLANDS AND CHINA.

There seems to have been no special treaty or convention between
the Netherlands and China treating of Chinese emigrants in the
Dutch colonies and possessions. Private emigration companies have
been the chief agencies upon which Chinese emigrants have relied
for information and assistance. Their friends and relatives who are
familiar with socio-economic conditions in the Dutch colonies con
tribute a certain amount of information, by way of correspondence
and other means of communication, regarding opportunities and
attractions in those colonies.
Most of the contracts signed between Dutch employers and Chinese
emigrants now residing in the Dutch East Indies have been drawn
up by emigration companies and have not the sanction of the Chinese
Government. The emigration situation there is in certain respects
more unsatisfactory than in British possessions or in American de
pendencies.

See Chapter VII, pp. 119 to 121, and Appendix to Chapter VII, A and C, pp. 192 and 194.

Chapter II.— HOME ENVIRONMENT OF THE CHINESE
EMIGRANTS.

The scope and history of Chinese migrations having been outlined
with special reference to causes, methods, and legal limitations,
attention is now directed to the home environment of the emigrants,
especially those of the Provinces of Kwangtung, Fukien, Shantung,
and Chihli. A short account of the topography, products, customs,
and industrial conditions will serve as a useful background for the
measurement of the adaptation of the emigrants and their assimila
tion in foreign lands. Effort is made to emphasize recent conditions.
In certain portions of Chapters I and II data are introduced to
answer two questions: First, what geographical influences in these
regions have induced the Chinese to emigrate ? Second, what man
ner of men are these emigrants ?
PHYSIOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS.
KWANGTUNG.

AREA AND POPULATION.
Kwangtung has an area of 100,000 square miles and a population
of 37,167,701 people or 372 persons per square mile. In other words,
the Province has a territory a little larger than that of Wyoming and
supports about 138 times as many inhabitants. It is bounded on
the east by the South China Sea, on the south by the Gulf of Tonkin
and the South China Sea, on the west by Kwangsi and Tonkin, and
on the north by Hunan, Kiangsi, and Fukien.

TOPOGRAPHY.
The Province may conveniently be subdivided into three sections:
(1) The lower part of the basin of the Si River covers an area of
about 200 miles from west to east, and 150 miles from north to south.
This territory is washed by the Si River and the Pe River. The
upper course of the Si River is obstructed by the Chungking-Ichang
gorges and makes a very rapid descent from the Yunnan-Kweichow
plateau. Consequently, floods are common in this district, in spite
of numerous dikes along the river banks.
At the Boca Tigris in Samshui, the Pe River joins the Si River.
Below this junction lies Hongkong, one of the world’s finest harbors.
Fairly large steamers can ply up to Shao-chow and shallow draft
vessels can navigate up to the Kiangsi-Hunan borders.
(2) The coast plain which lies east of the Tung River is about 100
miles square and contains cities like Swatow and Whampoa (40),
which are important for commerce and emigration. There are no
high mountains in this region. The whole area is easily accessible
to steamships and other means of transportation.
(3) The coast area south of the Si River, including the island of
Hainan, comprises about 10,000 square miles. From this region
22

PHYSIOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS— F U K IE N ,

many emigrants have gone to the Malay Archipelago and the East
Indies. The plain has a network of small rivers and no large
mountains.
Aside from the Si River described above, the Tung River, which
connects the Boca Tigris with a canal, is also of commercial impor
tance. It rises in Kiangsi and makes several bends westward until
it reaches Hwei-chow. Then it flows through a small delta into
the large delta of the Si River. With its several tributaries it forms
an excellent network of navigable streams.
The Han River, though not important from the standpoint of
navigation, possesses a good harbor, Swatow, which is about 5 miles
from the sea.
SOIL, CLIMATE, AND PRODUCTS.

Most of the soil of the Province is fertile and produces three crops
annually. The climate is very changeable, being affected by the
dry northeast wind and the moisture-laden southwest wind. From
October to April the former prevails, and in the neighborhood of
Canton the temperature seldom falls below 32° F., but the high
ridges in the Province are occasionally covered with snow.
The leading agricultural products are silk, tobacco, rice, vegetables,
fruit, tea, sugar, groundnuts, hemp, indigo, cassia, camphor, and
sesamum. The chief minerals of the Province are coal, iron,
antimony, zinc, graphite, quicksilver, silver, gold, tin, lead, and
copper.
Recently in Tsing Yun and Szewui on the Pe River bamboo
plantations have been developed, the bamboo being raised for
export to Hongkong and the Straits Settlements. At Kongmoon
mulberry cultivation is greatly increasing. Usually there are two
yields a year, in June and October, which are sold to caterpillar
raisers. About one-fifth of the fields formerly devoted to rice
culture have been converted into orchards or palm-leaf plantations.
FUKIEN.
AREA AND POPULATION.

Fukien has an area of 46,332 square miles and a population of
13,157,791 people, averaging 284 persons per square mile. In
other words, within an area no greater than that of the State of
Mississippi live seven times as many inhabitants. The Province
is bounded on the northeast by the watershed summit of the Min
basin, on the southeast by a much indented seacoast, on the south
west by Kwangtung Province, and on the northwest by the Tayuling
Ranges, which lie between it and Kiangsi Province.
TOPOGRAPHY.

The Tayuling Ranges run in the general direction of southwest
to northeast and make the whole Province mountainous. Many
ridges are 3,000 feet high and several peaks along the northern
boundary are as high as 9,000 feet. Indeed, the Province is so
rocky that almost every important river bears the name “ ch’ee,”
which means a “ mountain stream.” The surface rises generally
from east to west; thus Yen-ping (26), about 90 miles west of Foo
chow, is from 400 to 600 feet higher than Foochow.

HOM E ENVIRONM ENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

The Min, the principal river, has a length of about 350 miles. Its
main tributaries— the Chien ch’ee, Shaowu ch’ee, and Ninghua
ch’ee— unite at the city of Yen-ping, about 100 miles from the sea.
Near Yen-ping shoals, rocks, and rapids render the river dangerous
for navigation. Large junks make voyages from Shuikow down the
river. Fair-sized steamers can ply freely between the bay and
Pagoda Anchorage, 9 miles below Foochow and 35 miles from the
mouth of the river.
The tide off the coast of Fukien is considerable, because the tidal
wave is divided by the island of Formosa and runs into the channel
from both the southwest and the northeast.
Other rivers in the Province are relatively unimportant. On the
Chang River is situated the city of Amoy, a center of commerce and
emigration.
SOIL» CLIMATE) AMD PRODUCTS.

The eastern part of the Province is semitropical, the temperature
rarely falling below the freezing point in winter. In the western
part the climate is more temperate and is occasionally severe in
winter.
The leading agricultural products are camphor, black and green
tea, tobacco, sugar, oranges, wheat, and ginger, and the principal
mineral products are coal, iron, galena, zinc, kaolin, gold, copper,
and lead.
. Owing to the mountainous nature of the country, rice growing has
never been a prosperous industry and the inhabitants rely upon
imports, chiefly from Formosa, for their daily needs. The tea trade,
for which the city of Foochow was once noted, has declined ever
since English traders encouraged the cultivation of tea in Ceylon,
and thus displaced the market for Foochow tea. The tea trade
investigation bureau at Fu An has been active in reviving this trade.
Logging and lumbering is the principal industry in the interior parts
of the Province. Chiefly through the efforts of local agricultural
societies, the growing of American cotton has lately been introduced
here with considerable success.
SHANTUNG.
AREA AND POPULATION.

Within an area of 55,980 square miles, Shantung supports a popu
lation of 30,803,245, or 550 persons per square mile. Althougn not
quite so large as Illinois, the Province contains about six times as
many inhabitants.
It is bounded on the east by the Yellow Sea, on the south by
Honan, Kiangsu, and the Yellow Sea, on the west by Chihli and
Honan, and on the north by the Strait of Chihli, the Gulf of Chihli,
and the Province of Chihli.
TOPOGRAPHY.

The ranges of Taishan, a sacred mountain of China, run generally
from west to east, the Shantung promontory being particularly
mountainous. This rocky region is the highlands of the Province
and is triangular in shape, 120 miles broad at the base and 300 miles
on the sides.

PHYSIOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS— C H I H U .

In addition, there is a great plain, ipegular in shape, about 100
miles long and over 50 miles wide, which is washed by the Hwang
River. This forms the commercial and industrial center of the
Province. Among the important towns are Tsi-nan (17), Wuting,
Tungtsing, Yen-chow (18), and Tsao-chow.
The Hwang River is navigable only a few miles from the Yellow
Sea, and, owing to its frequent change of outlets and course, it has
caused immeasurable distress and suffering; hence it is popularly
known as “ .The Sorrow of China.”
The Grand Canal runs north and south in the Province and affords
a great avenue of water communication, being an indispensable
commercial route connecting Hangchow in the south with Peking in
the north.
SOIL, CLIMATE, AND PRODUCTS.

The soil in the western part of the Province is principally alluvium
combined with loess and is very fertile. The soil in the central part
is mostly composed of gneiss mixed with limestone and clay. Gneiss
mingled with granite, sandstone, and limestone is also found in the
eastern part.
The northern coast receives the northwest monsoon and the
southern coast the southeast monsoon. There is an abundant
snowfall and during the month of July much fog on the coast. The
rainfall at Chefoo (12) is about 24 inches and at Tsingtau (16) about
16 inches.
The agricultural products of the Province are cotton, cereals, silk,
hemp, tobacco, groundnuts, and fruit. The chief minerals are coal,
iron, gold, gypsum, galena, lead, and marble.
In the western part of the Province cereals grow in abundance.
In the northern part the cotton industry is growing rapidly. The
Shantung cabbage is as famous as the Pongee silk and both are
important articles of export. Cultivation of fruit, including apples,
pears, and grapes of foreign origin, is extensively carried on in the
neighborhood of Chefoo. As a measure of afforestation the sea pine
is grown in large numbers on the sandy wastes of the eastern coast of
the Province,
CHIHLI.
AREA AND POPULATION.

Chihli has an area of 115,000 square miles and a population of
34,186,711, or 294 persons to the square mile. In other words, in a
territory a little smaller than the State of New Mexico, there are
about 90 times as many inhabitants.
The Province is bounded on the east by Manchuria and the Gulf
of Chihli, on the south by Honan and Shantung, on the west by
Shansi, and on the north by Mongolia.
TOPOGRAPHY.

The Yin-shan Mountains traverse the whole Province and give
rise to several rivers of importance. At its source, the Pei runs
parallel to the Great Wall and enters the plains to the north of
Peking. It is navigable when it reaches Tungchow. Flowing
southeastward, it reaches the city of Tientsin and serves as a great
commercial gateway. It finally empties into the Gulf of Chihli.

HOM E ENVIRONM ENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

The Lwan River comes from Dolonnor and traverses from north
west to southeast the whole mountainous region of northeastern
Chihli. It passes to the south of Jehol and flows into the Gulf of
Chihli at a point a few miles from Yungping (7).
The San Kang Ho, the third river of commercial importance,
affords the principal water route to Kalgan and Suanhua, two cities
on the main road to Mongolia.
The Tse Ho, separated from the San Kang Ho by the Siao Wu Tai
Ranges, is famous for its city Pao-ting (8), a rival of Tientsin (5) in
trade and industry.
The Hu To Ho passes through Chenting (10) and Hu Lu, which
are entrepots for the Shansi trade. Shunteh, another trading
center, is on a tributary.
Taming is the most important commercial center situated on the
Wei-ho, which flows from the boundaries of Honan.
The Grand Canal is joined by the Hu To Ho and the Wei-ho, and
passes through the city of Tientsin, the principal commercial center
of the Province. Its northern terminus is Peking.
From the above-mentioned river system, two well-marked areas
may be described: Area 1 is a triangle of about 250 miles from west
to east and about 250 miles from north to south. It consists chiefly
of the basin of the Lwan River. This area has little commercial
activity. The important towns are Jehol, Yungping, and Shanhaikwan (6).
Area 2 is a somewhat irregular triangle, about 350 miles by 150
miles, drained by the Pei River at Tientsin. It is surrounded on the
north and west by ranges of comparatively low mountains. There
are large coal deposits, principally at Kai-pmg and Tang shan.

SOIL, CLIMATE, AND PRODUCTS.
The climate is intensely dry and cold in winter and uncomfortably
hot in summer. Dust storms in winter make the weather unpleasant
as well as unhealthful. Rainfall in this Province is often insufficient
in summer. The plains are mostly alluvium.
The important agricultural products are kaoliang, millet, wheat,
maize, beans, groundnuts, cotton, hemp, fruit, and vegetables. The
minerals found in this Province include coal, kaolin, sandstone, and
gold.
This Province has the best modem agricultural experiment stations
and nurseries in China. Since 1904, the year of introduction of scien
tific farming, the general bureau of agriculture and the agricultural
and forestry schools, have been very active in improving farming
conditions in the Province.
ETHNOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS: TRAITS AND CUSTOMS.1

In describing the home environment of the Chinese emigrants, it
appears desirable to ascertain their temperament, traits, traditions,
aspirations, and occupational inclinations so as to show the degree
of adaptation after settlement in new countries. Those who follow
the old trades or professions in which they have shown proficiency

1 For more extended accounts see Descriptive Sociology, by E. T. C. Werner, No. IX—Section on Chi
nese habits and customs, pp. 178-189; and Folk-lore Chinois moderae, by L. Wieger.

ETHNOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS— KW ANG TU NG .

in their home towns are usually successful abroad. Most of the
emigrants show a strong tendency to adhere to their home customs
and beliefs.
KWANGTUNG.

The following selections show the prevailing traits of emigrants
from each locality; these selections are translated and condensed
from the Chinese text, Kwangtung T ’ung Chih (General Gazetteer of
Kwangtung), giving in each case the number of the volume, book
(chuan), and page, and the original work from which the selection
is taken. Thus, the selection under the topic “ General,” is from the
Kwangtung T'ung Chih, volume 37, book 92, p. 4a, and appeared
originally in the Huang Chih.
General.—From the period of Chien An during the Han Dynasty to that of Yung
Chia of the Tsin Dynasty, people from central China went beyond the Ling [the
Tayuling Ranges] and their descendants have since made their permanent homes
there. Therefore, their customs are similar to those of the Chinese in the interior.
(37 : 92 : 4a. The Huang Chih.)
Chaochow (37).— On the plain, farms and gardens are about evenly divided. People
work the year around. When they do not till the soil, they work in the gardens.
Near the sea, fishing and the salt industry flourish. Coppersmiths and bronzesmiths
sell their products to other parts of the country. Women devote their time to sewing.
(37 :9 3 :8 . Gazetteer of Chao-Young.)
Ch’ungchow.—The place is foggy and damp. The people are fond of the bow and
arrow. The women do not like to raise silkworms or pick mulberry leaves. They
weave chipeh [cotton] and wear embroidered clothes. They raise three crops during
the year. The people cling to ancient customs. The district produces curious
products. (37 :9 3 :23b. Ta Tsing Yih T’ung Chih.)
H uiehow .—The people of Lungchuan weave clothes out of bamboo. The women
go to the market and the men stay at homo. (37 :9 3 : la. Tai Ping Huan Yu Chih.)
The people of Hopien are cultivators. Of late, some have become interested in
higher education. Even inhabitants of the outlying districts are literate. Quite
a number of people have emigrated abroad to be traders. (37:93 : 4a. Gazetteer of
Ho-ping.)
Kao-chow (44).—About 19 per cent of the people are engaged in the pawnshop
business. Emigrants from Fukien, even though they have been very poor, usually
become rich. (37 :9 3 :11a. Notes on Geography.)
The customs are similar to those of Shaoching. Food and shelter are simple. In the
north, the Yao make their homes and they speak the Cantonese dialect. The Tungkias, who live in the northwest of this district, have a different culture from the
pure Chinese. (37 :9 3 :15b. The Huang Chih.)
Kwangckoiv,— Nan Hai is a metropolis of Kwangtung. Ocean-going junks bring
home foreign goods in exchange for pearls and rhinoceros horns. The people worship
Buddha. (37 :92 : 15b. Chao Son-an’s Essays.)
The country of Kwangtung is surrounded with water and many people make their
living on boats. Middle-aged women sell fish or row boats for a livelihood. (37 :9 2 :19b.
The Yueh-tung Diary.)
Shunteh district is near the sea. The farms are wide and fertile. Fishing and rice
culture are more prosperous here than in other districts. Scholars study literature
and archeology. Many of them have become eminent. The rich people in the vil
lages have magnificent homes. (37 :92 :22. The Chin Chih.)
Lienchow.— -As the soil is not fertile and there are no farms, most of the inhabit
ants search for pearls, which they market on appointed days. Young and mature
people of the Lis and the Dai-hu wrap up their food in lotus leaves (water lilies) in
order to go to the market. There is little medicine for the sick. Four kinds of
people live in the district: (1) The Hakkas live in the city and are acquainted with
the Chinese language. They are mostly merchants. (2) The Tung-jen, or eastern
men, are farmers. They live in villages and speak the Fukien dialect. (3) The Lis
are mostly cultivators and live in the outlying districts. They do not know the
Chinese language. (4) The Dai-hu are boatmen and speak the Chinese dialect.
Many of them are fishermen and pearl hunters. They are simple and thrifty and
do not indulge in litigation. (37 :9 3 :17b, 18a. Ta Tsing Yih T’ong Chih.)

41986°— 23------3 .

HOM E ENVIRONM ENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS,

L ootin g.—Tunan district has been recently incorporated. The inhabitants live
together with the Yao, many of whom are now naturalized. On the plain, people
live in groups of three or five families and make their living by farming or cutting
timber. The men till the soil and the women spin. Some are fishermen. The
people are generally industrious and frugal. (37:93:27a. Gazetteer of Looting.)
Luichow (45).—The inhabitants have adopted the customs of the Lis. Among
their dialects are the common dialect, the Hakka dialect, and the dialect of the Lis.
The people are honest and studiously inclined. (37:93:20a. Ta Tsing Y ih T ’ong
Chih.)
Shaoching.—The territory is quite isolated. The inhabitants are easily excitable
and have little self-control. (37:93 : 10b. Works of Pao Hsiao-suh.)
Shao-chow.—The inhabitants of Yachang are stubborn and straightforward. The
population density is low and the farms are large. Farmers and foresters live com
fortably on their earnings. In sickness they take medicine and do not believe in
witchcraft. (3 7 :9 2 :26b. Gazetteer of Luh-chang.)

FUKIEN.

The selections below are translated from the Fukien T'ung Chih
(General Gazetteer of Fukien) and in each case the number of the
volume, book, and page, and the original work in which the passage
appears are given.
Chang-chow (30).—Among the districts of the Min, Chang-chow has produced many
men of stubborn and courageous character. Outwardly they seem to be unruly, but
in fact, they are afraid of the law. Wealthy people usually go beyond the seas.
Refined scholars strive to render immortal service to their fellow men. (38 : 56 : 21b,
22a. The Min Records.)
The people love litigation and have the bad habit of persuading others to indulge
in it. Some are quarrelsome. On small provocation they gather friends and relatives
to engage in feuds. (38 :56 :22b. Gazetteer of Chang-chow (Chia Ching ed.).)
Haiten has many junks. Some people borrow money and go beyond the seas.
Sometimes these people bring up children of poor families, or even abandoned children
in order to let them trade with barbarians overseas. (38 :56 : 25a. The Min Records.)
Chuanchow .—Chuanchow of the Seven Min is noted for its homogeneous people
and infrequent litigation. It is easily administered and governed. (38 :56 : la. Essay
on Abolition of Litigation by Wong Shih-pun.)
Chuanchow faces the sea and is bordered by mountains. It produces lychees and
lungngan [fruits]. Near the sea, fish, shrimps, and clams are more abundant than
vegetables and rice. Those living on islands are very skillful fishermen; those near
the mountains cultivate mountain terraces to raise sugar cane. The high population
density in this narrow strip of territory makes it necessary to import rice to meet the
demands of the local population. Skilled workers imitate the styles of northern
embroideries, and of rugs made by western barbarians. Women wear sandals' and
work side by side with men. (38 :56 :2b, 3a. The Min Records.)
Chiennien.— Chiennien has many mountains but little arable land. The mountain
streams have rapid currents. Its inhabitants are high-tempered, but love righteous
ness; they have a fighting spirit and regard life lightly. The city people are extrava
gant and frivolous m character. The village and farm dwellers are industrious and
content with their occupations. (39 :57 : 10a. Gazetteer of Chiennien.)
Foochow .—The soil of Fukien is not suited to mulberry cultivation or the silkworm
industry. Its textile industry is not prosperous either. Most of the people engage
in agriculture.
The arable lands in this Province are cultivated, even the mountain terraces.
Salt merchants are usually wealthy. Some traders go beyond the seas, others mi
grate to other Provinces. (38 :55:6a. Gazetteer of Foochow.)
The country is covered with ranges of mountains. There is only one crop during
the year. The people are simple, thrifty, and industrious. Some like litigation;
they are easily excitable, and are therefore not easily governed [by the authorities].
(38 :55 : 10a. Gazetteer of Foochow, speaking of Kootien district.)
Changlu’s soil is infertile and its population density is high. The men either
become diligent students or industrious cultivators. The women devote their time
to spinning. The inhabitants living near the sea are fishermen and those near the
mountains become mechanics or merchants. (38 :55 : 8a. General Gazetteer of the
Eight Min.)
F uning (25).—The people are honest and straightforward and respect old men.
The rich do not encroach upon the poor and the poor are contented. The inhabitants

ETHNOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS— SHANTUNG,

dislike to be sedan-chair bearers or servants. The scholars strive to be of service to
their community. The villagers plant mulberry trees and hemp and the moun
taineers till the mountain terraces. The people who live near the sea become
fishermen and salt producers. Those who become officials often resign their positions
because their love for straightforwardness brings them disadvantages in political
circles. (3 9 :5 8 :3b, 4a. Gazetteer of Fu An district, old edition.)
H inghwa.—Within this narrow territory beautiful mountains and rivers abound.
Many of the inhabitants regard their occupations lightly. Bright young men study
classics or go abroad to achieve fame. The people are generally thrifty; even aristo
cratic famines prefer to wear linen and other inexpensive clothes rather than indulge
in extravagance. (38 : 55 : 31a. The Min Ta Chin.)
The mountains are steep and river currents rapid. The proximity of the hums
gives cause to litigation among landlords. The lack of communication in the moun
tains makes the people unsociable. Their traditions have taught them to neglect
medical treatment in case of sickness and to believe in ghosts and deities. (3 8 :5 5 :33b.
The Hsieh Yu Tu Chin.)
Shao-wu.—Traditionally speaking, the men are responsible for affairs outside of the
household and are therefore busy; the women for affairs inside the household and are
relatively more at leisure. The women take care of the kitchen and do not work in
the fields with the men. Wives spin and weave their husbands’ clothes. (3 9 :5 7 :18b,
19a. Gazetteer of Shaowu, Chien Lung edition.)
Form osa.— Few inhabitants of Taiwan [Formosa] are native bom. Many have
emigrated there from Fukien, Chekiang, Kwangtung, and Kwangsi. They are
extensively engaged in ocean trade. Industrial prosperity has resulted in a high
degree of extravagance. Even servants and apprentices go beyond their proper
limits. Gambling is prevalent there. When they lose money they first make loans
at pawnshops, then they commit theft. Unlawful organizations are sometimes
formed under the leadership of forceful persons who persuade young people of mean
character to join. This gives rise to recent social unrest there. (39 :5 8 :12b, 13a.
Record of Tribes.)
Ting-chow .—The scholars devote their time to the study of literature; the farmers
are content with their cultivation, and there are few merchants. The wealthy own
rice fields, the poor work on mountain terraces. Servants and maids have regular
occupations. There are no female merchants in the city, no beggars in the alleys.
Few men and women are unmarried. The people do not indulge either in extrava
gance or in litigation. (39 :57 : 26a. The Min Records.)
Y en -pin g.—Yen-ping has high mountains and swift rivers. Its people are cou
rageous, quick-witted, and straightforward. Few leave home to be merchants.
Many are thrifty and have savings. The scholars study poetry and music and strive
to become righteous. (3 9 :5 7 : la . The Min Ta Chih.)
Y ungt’sun.— The soil is infertile. Lands near the mountains are irrigated by
water from springs. At the first sign of drought the fields become dry; these are
traditionally called Tseng farms. Hemp is cut four times a year. The women are
industrious weavers and sell their own products. In marriage ceremonies, people
do not consider wealth. In funeral ceremonies, no extravagance is noted. The
ancient “ hat ceremony” for boys is discarded. The “ comb ceremony” for girls is
still observed in some places. Girls cherish chastity and modesty. Even girls of
poor families do not marry twice.2 However, the drowning of girl babies is bad
custom.3 (3 9 :5 8 :25b. Gazetteer of Ta Tien.)

SHANTUNG.

The selections below are translated from the Shantung T ’ung Chih
(General Gazetteer of Shantung), and in each case the volume,*

*In China divorces and second marriages are rare.
*Infanticide (or female infanticide) is practiced in China to a very limited degree. The common ex
planation given by western writers is the economic necessity of limiting the family on the part of the poor
Chinese, while not entirely without value, this explanation appears inadequate.
In a large measure infanticide in China is intertwined with illegitimacy and baby-killing is prompted by
the desire to dispose of the illegitimate child. According to Chinese ethics, the bastard has no social standM&ed^ Mrth ^ eitlier secretly Pufc 1111:0 m orphanage or, if in the hands of cruel, unwedded parents, is
In a small number of infanticide cases severe economic pressure is undoubtedly the motivating factor.
But this point should not be stressed too much. Insight into the folk psychology of the Chinese reveals
that the average Chinese is greatly influenced by the moral obligation of raising a family to perpetuate
the family line and that the economic consideration rarely enters his mind. The economic necessity
theory of western scholars, then, is perhaps an “automorphic interpretation” (to use a phrase of Herbert
Spencer) which describes inaccurately this social phenomenon of the Chinese people.

HOM E ENVIRONM ENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

book, and page, and the original work in which the passage appears
are given.
Tenchow (11).— Tenlai and Kaomi are near the sea. The people are mixed with
immigrants. They like litigation. (23 : 23 : 11a. Annals of the Sung.)
The country of Tsi is near the sea. Fishing and the salt industry provide the main
occupation there.
Tsao-chow.—The young people practice archery and are courageous and brave.
(23 : 2 3 :19a. Gazetteer of Ho-chih.)
Tsinan .— The common people cultivate mulberry trees or till lands. Generally
the people are thrifty and content to stay in their home communities. There are
few merchants. Girls are taught to raise silkworms and also to weave. The marriage
ceremonies vary with the economic status of the contracting parties. There is much
display of luxury in funeral processions. (2 3 :2 3 : 2a. Gazetteer of Chow-ping.)
Tung-chang.— The farmers and scholars are both thrifty. The people shun extrava
gance. (23 : 23 : 9a. Gazetteer of Hsia-tsin.)
Yeechow.— The inhabitants are simple and good natured. Few have become
scholars or officials. The place has good pastures. Bugs and silk are manufactured.
(23 : 2 3 :16b. Gazetteer of Fee.)
Tsin-chow.— Lingtse is rich and its inhabitants love music. Most of the people
are industrious cultivators of the soil. (23:23 : 10b. Gazetteer of Lingtse.)

CHIHLI.

The selections below are translated from the Chee Fu T ’ung Chih
(General Gazetteer of the Metropolis), and in each case the volume,
book, and page, and the original work in which the passage appears
are given.
Chenting .—The territory is wide and favorably situated. The products are rich.
Those who study literature are cultured, those who study military tactics are war
like. (6 3 :7 1 : 6b. Gazetteer of Chenting.)
Many scholars are content to be poor ana they both study and till the soil. Very
seldom do they violate the laws. (6 3 :7 1 : 6b. Gazetteer of Tsin-ying.)
The people are simple, not ostentatious; frugal, not extravagant; and are content
to stay at home. They do not indulge in far-distant travels. (6 3:71 : 7a. Collection
of Essays.)
H ochien.— The scholars are usually poor and teach school in order to make a living,
but they are content to stay at home. Although the place is near Peking, the people
do not travel much. (6 3 :7 1 : 5b. Gazetteer of Shien.)
The scholars treasure the classics but they are not Taoists or Buddhists. (6 3 :7 1 : 6a.
Gazetteer of Yen-san.)
K w ang-ping.— The climate is severely cold. Frost and snowfall early in autumn.
Lately more schools have been established and culture is developing. (63 :7 1 :8 b .
Gazetteer of the Peh-luh, old edition.)
Shuntien ( including P ekin g) (4).— In ancient times Yen and Chao produced men
of magnanimity, courage, and broadmindedness. (63 :7 1 : 2a. Han Chang-lee’ works.)
The inhabitants of Nienho are simple, honest, and not avaricious. The relations
between father and son, between brother and brother, or between teacher and friend
are all in accordance with our ethical teachings. When the people decide upon an
occupation, they never waver again; obstacles and hardships do not discourage them.
(63:71:4a. Gazetteer of Nien-ho.)
Ting-chow .— In the agricultural districts the women take dinners to the men on
farms. Sometimes they work in wet fields to help with the tilling. At night they
braid straw ropes. When they are at home they attend to the kitchen. Not infre
quently, young women and old sit beside oil lamps to spin late into the night.
(6 3 :7 1 :10b. Gazetteer of Ting-chow.)
Carpenters and plumbers originally came from Shansi, hatters from Kiangsi, other
mechanics from other Provinces. (63:71:16a. Gazetteer of See-nien.)
T ien tsin .—Tientsin is in the lower part of the region of the nine rivers. It has not
much arable land. It is a center of trade by land and water. People who love ex
travagance often go there. (6 3 :7 3 :18a. Gazetteer of Tientsin.)
Tsun-hoa.—Almost all the inhabitants have occupations, such as potters, miners,
tilemakers, carpenters, and servants. Everybody is making an independent living,
so the district has no vagrancy. The people are not extravagant. (6 3:71 :16 . Gazet
teer of Tsunlina.)

CRAFT GUILDS,

Y u n g-ping .—The inhabitants have a high regard for education. The villages have
an abundant supply of tutors, so that even the children of poor families can go to them.
In some cases young students change their profession to business after they have de
voted 10 years to the study of literature. (6 3 :7 1 :4 . Gazetteer of Chang-li.)
Singan is situated on the An River, whose source is in a mountain in the borders of
Yen. The people are generous, eccentric, and courageous. Though lacking re
finement, they are honest. (6 3 :7 1 :5 . Gazetteer of Singan.)

INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS: CRAFT GUILDS.4

Chinese emigrants, in the several countries treated in this study,
have industrial and labor organizations which are, in many cases,
based upon the principles of craft guilds and are adapted to their
local industrial needs. These include the “ gremios” in the Philip
pines; certain types of the “ hoey ” in British Malakka, a few branches
of the “ kongsi” in the Dutch East Indies, and some Chinese labor
organizations in Hawaii, in the Transvaal, and in France during the
World War.5 To avoid duplicate accounts the craft guilds are sum
marily described here.®
The organization and functions of the craft guilds in the four
Provinces under discussion are fairly uniform as to main principles
and somewhat varied as to details.® In the past, these guilds wielded
tremendous influence on Chinese industries. In 1883, a dispute about
tea export at Hankow (Hupeh) became acute. The foreign traders
accused the Chinese merchants of showing false samples. The Chinese
made the countercharge that false weights had been used. Where
upon the foreigners decided to stop buying, and the Chinese accepted
the challenge by stopping sales. The tea market in London rose
steadily, but no tea could be bought in Hankow, and no coolie would
work for the foreign concerns. A strike had been declared by the
uild, which both the merchants and the coolies obeyed most strictly.
onsequently the foreign traders lost an enormous amount of money
in the export trade.
Though undergoing material changes, the guild of to-day is no
less powerful. The salt merchants of the Yangtze Valley, including
the Provinces of Anhwei, Kiangsi, Hupeh, and Hunan, were in the
past required to deposit money with the Bureau of Salt Producing and
Transporting Merchants. Instead of immediately paying the money
to the producers, the bureau usually retained it indefinitely and de
posited it in banks of questionable financial soundness to draw
interest, thus causing great inconvenience both to the merchants and

<The Chinese guild organization may be differentiated into the craft guild (Kung Sou), the district guild
(Huei Kaun), and the Hong merchant ( Coo Hong).
Neighborkness is the basis of the district guild, which varies in size according as it is composed of persons
who come from the same district, from the same prefecture, or from the same Province. These persons
establish a guild at their new place of residence, with the primary object of promoting trade to and
from the home locality. The members are of various occupations ana social classes, from ranking officials
and millionaire merchants down to the coolies. Regarding control of trade and labor, the guild functions
in a general way like the craft guild, minor differences not being here specified.
The most striking example of the Hong merchant is the “ Thirteen Firms” of Canton, which was in
active operation between 1754 and 1842. During this period international trade was confined to Canton for
the foreign merchants. The incoming traders had to deal exclusively with the “ Thirteen Firms” of Can
ton. who virtually monopolized the trade and labor market. The system benefited both the foreign and
native merchants. To-day, its counterpart is found in the Great Guild of NewChwang, in the Province of
Shengking, which, by its organization of the entire body of influential merchants, is in monopolistic control
of trade ana labor, in the community. See Royal Asiatic Society Jouraal (North China Branch) .new series
vol. 21, pp. 133-192, “ Chinese guilds or chambers of commerce and trade-unions,” by D. J. MacGowan;
China Review, vol. 12, pp. 5-9, “Chinese guilds and their rules”; “ Guilds of China,” by H. B. Morse;
“ China in Law and Commerce,” by T. R. Jemigan, ch. 9. For the latest account of guilds in Chihli, see
“ Peking: A Social Survey,” by Sidney D. Gamble, ch. 8 on commercial life, and Appendix VI.
* See The Philippine Islands, by Blair and Robertson, vol. XLIV, p. 273; Vol. LI, p. 231; Vol. XLVHI,
pp. 295,322: Vol. L, pp. 103,104,260; Het Kongsiwezen van Borneo, by J. J. M. de Groot; Bibliotheca Sinica,
by Henri Cordier; vol. IV, pp. 2693-2706: and Appendix to Chapter IX, C, pp. 210 and 211.
• This account was originally published in the Monthly Labor Review* August, 1921, pp. 26-30.

HOM E ENVIRONM ENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

producers. After repeated protests, the bureau was abolished and
a new one established in its place. On hearing of a proposed revival
of the old bureau in August, 1920, the guild of the salt merchants
immediately threatened a strike, which, had it not been prevented,
would have cut off the salt supply of the whole Yangtze Valley for
some time.7
ORGANIZATION.

The craft guild varies with various trades and different cities.
For brevity’s sake, the Tea Guild of Hangchow (20) (Chekiang Prov
ince) is here taken as a type. The manager is elected annually.
With him are also elected 12 committeemen, all of whom serve with
out pay. Each of the committeemen takes charge of the guild for
one month, thus keeping the chairmanship in rotation. The execu
tive secretary is the only paid officer in the organization. Finding
that the rotation system, though basically democratic, has worked
to increase irresponsibility and division of powers, the tendency to
day is toward the concentration of executive control in a committee
of three, to be responsible for the work of the guild the year round.
In some guilds the number of salaried officers is also increased.
Any firm wishing to join the guild must pay an initiation fee of a
certain sum, that of the Hangchow Tea Guild being $300. The mem
ber firm is then required to obey the regulations of the guild, some of
which follow: (1) That no member firm is allowed to accept from or
give to customers any rate other than the guild rate; (2) that no
member firm is allowed, through underhand dealings, to cause loss
to a fellow member firm; and (3) that no member firm is allowed to
antedate or postdate drafts. For any violation of these important
rules, the firm is fined. In the case of defamatory acts of a more
serious nature, a general meeting of all the guild members is called,
and the guilty firm is, by vote, expelled from the organization.
MEMBERSHIP.

The firm is a corporate member of the guild. For ordinary guild
meetings, each firm sends its representatives. The firm is composed
of masters, journeymen, and apprentices. The masters and journey
men are members of the guild, whose vote is required in such important
matters as a common boycott. Though early initiation is possible,
the apprentice becomes a member only after he has served his term
of apprenticeship. The young craftsman is then a journeyman, and
in that capacity he stays for two or three years. Professional
courtesy and loyalty to his master impel him to serve first his master
at regular pay before offering his services to others.
The masters and journeymen usually work in perfect harmony.
Should there be friction, the journeymen hold meetings at a Chinese
tea house and then make representations to the masters. As they
are very helpful in the trade, their complaints receive careful con
sideration and are usually settled to their satisfaction.
More by custom than by guild laws, girls have been prohibited from
learning a trade. In the bankers’ guild of Wuhu, this limitation is
explicitly stipulated in the regulations. The only place where the
girls are preferred is the needlemakers’ guild. This is apparently

T North China Herald, Shanghai, Aug. 14,1920.

CRAFT GUILDS.

due to women’s aptitude for needle-eye drilling, an art requiring much
precision and patience. To-day, however, girls have more trade
opportunities, as shown by the fact that the 56,000 woman employees
practically monopolize the work of the silk-reeling industry in
Shanghai (19).
AUTHORITY.

The craft guild is the unifying and controlling agency of a particular
trade. Its word is law. It standardizes weights and measures.
Keeping close watch of market changes, it issues a rate, usually daily,
which must be accepted by all the members and the buying public.
Rate-fixing power is given to the guild primarily to eliminate cut
throat competition by the members. When the guild system works
normally, underbidding and underselling are not common, unless
done in an underhand way. Small merchants are not put out of
business by unfair competition on the part of the more influential
ones in the trade. The industry is thus stabilized. Disputes arising
between members are usually first referred to the guild for settlement,
when the manager and the committee sit as judges, with two or three
experts as advisers. In the early days, the failure to appeal to the
guild first might result in the revocation of judicial protection to the
member: “ It is agreed that members having disputes about money
matters and other important matters shall submit their case to
arbitration at.a guild meeting, where every effort will be made to
arrive at a satisfactory settlement of the dispute. If it is impossible
to arrive at an understanding, appeal may be made to the civil
authorities, but if the complainant resorts to the court in the first
instance without referring to the guild, he shall be publicly repri
manded, and in any future case he may bring to the guild he will
not be entitled to redress.” 8 To-day no such rigidity exists. The
contestants are given the option of choosing between the court and
the guild for the first appeal for settlement of any dispute. This
change has come about mainly through the extension of governmental
functions. In the past the Government of China seemed to assume
the laissez-faire attitude toward commerce and industry. After
paying the taxes, the merchants were left entirely free. For the
>rotection of its members’ interests the guild undertook to formulate
aws to regulate trade. In time, custom and tradition grew, and the
craftsmen voluntarily submitted themselves to the jurisdiction of the
guild. Of late, the State has promulgated trade acts and mining
laws, and has employed experts to adjudicate industrial suits. Now
adays, the court as well as the guild may be appealed to as the
tribunal of the first instance. But, owing to the craftsman’s inability
to pay the lawyer’s fees and his aversion to legal technicalities, the
guild is often preferred.

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

The income of the craft guild comes from five main sources:
(1) The initiation fee paid by the member firm at the time of joining
the guild, as shown in the case of the Hangchow Tea Guild.
(2) Donations by wealthy members. Twenty-five per cent of the
reserve fund of $850,000 is from private endowments. (3) Fines#1

1 Royal Asiatic Society Journal (North China Branch), new series, vol. 21, p. 141.

HOME ENVIRONMENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

The bankers* guild of Wuhu requires each member firm to deposit
100 taels as a guaranty fund against fines for violations of the guild
rules by that firm. (4) The commission fee paid by firms from sales.
The timber guild of Ningpo assesses its members according to the
amount of their sales, averaging one-tenth of 1 per cent on the turn
over. (5) Fees from masters and journeymen. The Han Yang
Guild at Ichang requires workmen, such as tailors’ or carpenters’
hands, to pay 30 cash (about 13 cents gold) per month; their masters,
if keeping no account books, are also assessed at the rate the guild
sees fit; and clerks pay 2 per cent per annum on their incomes.9
Broadly stated, the income from the first three sources is for the
permanent maintenance of the guild and the income from the last
two is for its current expenses. Important items of guild expenditure
are financial aid to sick members, to those who are temporarily un
employed, and to the families of the poorer members; the holding of
religious or social festivals several times a year; and the payment of
the Government tax.
CRAFT GUILD AT WORK.

As above stated, the most important activities of the craft guild
are threefold, relating td (1) the trade in general, (2) the member
firms, and (3) the masters, journeymen, and apprentices. To illus
trate its workings, the bristle guild of Shanghai is selected as example.
The bristle export of China for the year 1917 amounted to 64,181
piculs (8,557,447 pounds) and 6,171,638 Haikwan taels.101 One of
its largest member firms employs a manager, who receives a monthly
salary of $100 (Chinese currency); an assistant manager, who receives
half that much; a chief foreman, who receives $30; and a number of
foremen, who receive $20 each. The workers are paid by piecework,
and are on a contract basis; the wages average about 35 to 50 cents
(Chinese) for a 12-hour day.
The organization of this guild is one of the most up to date, and its
regulations, of which the following are the main provisions, are
typical: 11
Both long and short bristle, if prepared by the ordinary method, shall be sold at
the guild rate and no other. Bristles specially prepared or imported from other cities
shall be sold at special rates to be fixed by the guild committee and the agent of the
firm.
No member firm is allowed to accept from or give to customers any rate other than
the guild rate.
Every master must, before commencing his work, purchase a certificate from the
guild for $5. Masters from other cities, if in financial difficulties, may work for a
month before purchasing the certificate.
Each master is allowed to take not more than one apprentice at any one time.12
After the completion of apprenticeship, the apprentice must work for the master as
journeyman for at least two years before he himself takes in any apprentice.
The master shall be paid once in every 10 days.^ Fifteen cents are taken from
every dollar to defray the current expenses of the guild.
There shall be a uniform system of weight, and that of the guild shall be adopted.
Drinking and gambling are prohibited.
All disputes arising between workers and employers shall be submitted to the guild
for settlement. There shall be no strike pending a settlement.

• China. Inspectorate General of Customs. Decennial Reports, first series, p. 158.
10China Yearbook, 1919-20, p. 177. A Haikwan tael is equivalent to 83 cents at par.
11 Translated from the guild's “ Revised Regulations,” 1920.
12 Some guilds are more lenient. Thus, in the Blacksmiths' Guild of Wuchang, each master is allowed to
take three apprentices at a time.

CONDITIONS IN OTHER DISTRICTS.

PHYSIOGRAPHIC, ETHNOGRAPHIC, AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS IN
OTHER DISTRICTS.

In addition to the account of the Chinese emigrants from the four
Provinces already shown, those from two prefectures, Ningpo and
Wenchow, of Chekiang Province should be briefly described. People
of these regions have frequented the seacoast of Kiangsu, Chekiang,
Fukien, Kwangtung, and Formosa. In connection with our inquiry,
their activities in fishing, junk building, and guild organization are of
special interest.
NINGPO.

The city of Ningpo is about 120 miles southeast of Hangchow, the
capital of Chekiang Province. Facing the Hangchow Bay in the east,
Ningpo is situated on the Yung River. The present population is
estimated to be about 455,000.
Tinhai Island, in Hangchow Bay, is under the jurisdiction of Ningpo.
Tinhai and the neighboring islands, the Chusan Archipelago (22),
were once favorite hiding places of tfie pirates. Under the House of
Ming, the inhabitants of the islands were encouraged to move inland
so as to make room for the garrisons protecting the coast. Since
the establishment of the Tsing dynasty m 1644, the island has been
well settled, as the place offers excellent fishing facilities and oppor
tunities for trade with other seaports on the coast.15
Between 1522 and 1542 the Portuguese, extending their trade
activities in Formosa, came to trade in Ningpo. Soon the antiforeign propaganda in the city was under way, and the Portuguese
were driven out. By the Treaty of Nankiang in 1842, Ningpo was
opened to international trade.
Agriculture is the chief occupation of the inhabitants, who raise
rice, tea, and beans. Cotton cultivation has become an important
industry of late years. The manufacture of straw hats has been for
many decades a monopoly of the Ningponese, so far as the industry in
southeastern China is concerned. The hats are mostly exported to
Paris and Brest. Many of the city’s inhabitants are expert fisher
men, and the cuttlefish industry has always been in their control.
Being near the sea, they are born sailors and to this day, most sailors
on the coastwise steamers are either Ningponese or Cantonese. Me
chanics of this city build the junks for coastwise trade, Formosan
trade, and also the overseas trade to the Malay Archipelago and other
ports in the Indian Ocean. The Ningponese are noted for their
cooperative spirit, particularly among their own group, and the
well-organized fishmongers’ guilds are among the strongest in the
country.
About the habits and customs of the people, the Gazetteer of
Ningpo (vol. 2, book 6, p. 4a) says:
Tsenhai [a district of Ningpo] is near the sea and its soil is salty. Cultivation and
irrigation ail depend on neighboring districts. Tillers of the soil toil the year round
but have little savings in the granary. Those near the sea go out fishing and endure
the storms. They also can get only enough to live on. The people are cheerful and
industrious and shun extravagance.

» Chekiang, Tinhai Chih (Gazetteer of Tinhai), Vol. X, book 28, section on Great Events.

HOME ENVIRONMENT OF CHINESE EMIGRANTS.

WENCHOW.

The prefecture of Wenchow (23) lies 130 miles southwest of Ningpo
and about 160 miles northeast of Foochow. It has a population of
about 150,000 and is situated on the right bank of the Ngeu River,
a few miles from the sea.
Like Ningpo, Wenchow was often visited by the pirates. Since the
beginning of the fifteenth century, its junk trade with Formosa has
been prosperous. Tea, paper, and pottery are local products for
export. In recent j^ears, the exportation of soapstone ornaments
has been rapidly increasing in volume. By the treaty of Chefoo in
1877 the city was opened to international trade. The inhabitants are
gregarious and like group activities. Their guilds are usually well
organized.
Regarding local customs, the Gazetteer of Yukuan (24) (vol. 3,
book 4, pp. lb-2a) says:
Yukuan [unde* the jurisdiction of Wenchow] is an island. The inhabitants are
engaged in forestry, fishing, and salt manufacturing. Those living in villages raise
rice as the principal crop, while those in the mountainous regions grow potatoes,
wheat, barley, beans, and yams. It does not produce mulberry trees, but has plenty
of hemp and cotton. Women take to spinning and weaving; they are industrious
in spite of intense cold or disagreeably hot weather.

Chapter III.—CHINESE IN FORMOSA (TAIWAN).1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY,

This chapter gives the only instance of Chinese migration of the
seventh century included in the present study. In it principal em
phasis is placed upon historic relations, movements of emigration,
and recent economic activities of the Chinese in Formosa.
The Formosan-Chinese history is outlined up to Koxinga’s con
quest, and no attempt is made to give details of later events. This
rocedure was adopted for two reasons: (1) Koxinga laid the founation for the supremacy of the Chinese in the island by driving out
the Dutch; (2) for the period since Koxinga’s time, adequate his
torical material in English is accessible.
An endeavor is also made in this chapter to indicate the economic
influence of the Formosan Chinese. Several basic industries in the
island have been developed, and even to-day, under Japanese political
control,Nare largely managed by them.2
Regarding the movements oi emigration, reliable statistical data,
particularly relating to the earlier periods, are lacking. In Chinese
sources, only occasionally is an attempt made to estimate the number
of emigrants who have gone to Formosa from time to time.
The paucity of data on social conditions of the Formosan Chinese
has made it impossible adequately to describe their life. Customs
of the old Chinese are casually recorded in the Tai Wan Fu Chih
(Gazetteer of Taiwan Prefecture) and Gih Tai Pih Kao Luh (A
necessary guide to governing Taiwan), but no credible account
showing their present-day customs has come to notice.
As Formosa is near the coast of Fukien, Chinese emigrants went
there as early as the seventh century. Then a period of inactivity
followed in which no great movements of migration have been noted.
Around the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries when the Dutch
and Portuguese began to trade with the Far East and when the Ming
dynasty was in full power, the number of Chinese colonists in the
island steadily increased. These colonists gradually developed im
portant industries and laid the foundation of the political and social
institutions of the country. Even to-day, though the island is under
the political control of the Japanese Empire, the Formosan Chinese
are maintaining and extending their influence in economic and social
life there.

EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND FORMOSA.

The first indication of Chinese knowledge of the existence of
Formosa was given by the historian of the Sui dynasty. He reported
that in 605 a smoky haze had been seen, in fine weather, and that*

i The report of the United States Geographic Board gives "Taiwan” as the correct form, but since “ For
mosa” is the more familiar name it has been used here.
* Additional data may be secured by consulting the publications of the Japanese Bureau of Productive
Industries, some of which are listed in the bibliography for this chapter.

CHINESE IN FORMOSA

(T A IW A N ).

two years later an exploring party reached the island (which he
called Liu Chiu),3 captured one of the natives, and returned home.
About 611 an armed expedition was despatched. Upon the refusal
of the natives to pay tribute to the Chinese emperor, the soldiers
attacked the natives, burned their capital town, and captured
thousands of men and women as well as much valuable booty.4
Describing Formosa and its vicinity in more explicit terms, the
Sung Annals report thus:
As the island lies north of the Pescadores, it is sometimes called Pe-chiang (North
Harbor), and also the “ Land of Eastern Savages.” It is not very far from Changchow and is a country full of high mountains and dangerous marshes. It is not
governed by one ruler but is inhabited by 15 tribes, the largest consisting of 1,000
men and the smallest of 500 or 600. The people pay no taxes nor do they do any
public labor. Those who have the largest number of children are considered the
strongest and are obeyed by the others. Though they live on an island, they are
afraid of the sea and are not skillful in managing boats. They have no intercourse
with neighboring countries.

After the time of the Sui dynasty, trade relations between Fukien
and Formosa gradually developed. Ocean-going junks occasionally
brought merchandise from Chuanchow and Foochow to Makung in
the Pescadores and Anping in Formosa. Largely depending upon
the monsoon (or “ trade wind” ) they made their voyages at more
or less regular intervals. Fishermen from the seaboard cities in
cluding Hsin-hua and Amoy also frequented the Formosan Channel.
Many of them settled in the Pescadores and Formosa. This is the
first instance of Chinese migration that is recorded.
M IGRATION FRO M CHIA-YING.

Beginning with the eighth century, another migration of magni
tude was started from Chia-ying (38), in Kwangtung, which took
two main directions: namely, westward to Kwangsi and eastward to
Fukien. From the latter, a considerable number found their way
into southwestern Formosa. Some time after the migration com
menced, Huang Tsiao 56 approached Chia-ying with the intention
of raiding it, and its inhabitants fled for their lives. The following
legend is told as an incident of the raid:
An elderly woman who was just leaving the village, carried a
little child in her arms and an older one at her back. She chanced
to meet Huang Tsiao on a hillside, without, however, recognizing
him. “ Wherefore are you in this haste/’ demanded the rebel.
“ Ah, sire/’ replied the peasant with a bow, “ I am escaping the
pillagings of the terrible Huang Tsiao.” “ But why do you carry
two children?” continued Huang. “ At my back is a cousin of my
3 The W en Hsien T'ung K ’ ao states that Liu Chiu is east of Chuanchow and has an island called “ Pong110” (The Pescadores) whose smoke can be seen on the Fukien coast on clear days. Besides Pongho is
Pi-sia-ye. This is noted also in tw o other trustworthy Chinese sources: Tai H ai Shih T ;sa Luh (Report
of the Taiwan Commission), b y Huang Soo-ching, V ol. I, B ook I, p . la; and the Gih Tai Pih K ao Luh (A
necessary guide to governing Taiwan), by Ting Yoh-Chien, V ol. I, Book I, p p . 80, 81.
< China, Bureau of the National History. The Sui Annals, book 81, p p. 10-13; Ethnographie,
D ’Hervey de St.-Denys, V ol. I, p p . 422-424; T'oung Pao, V ol. V I, p;p. 165-215, “ Probl&mes g£ographiques: Les peuples strangers chez les historiens chinois, X I X , Lieou-Kieou-K ouo,”
Sehlegel.;
Japanese Rule in Formosa, b y Yosaburo Takekoshi, p . 45.
6 A ccording to China, Bureau of the National History, The T'ang Annals, Huang Tsiao began his revolt
in the year 880 and pillaged and plundered the territory which is now the Provinces of Houan, Hupeh,
A nhwei, Chekiang, Kiangsi, Fukien and Kwangtung. The Emperor H si fled from the capital of Chang-an
to Szechwan and Huang Tsiao proclaimed himself the emperor of T si. After being defeated
Lee
he com m itted suicide. His revolt lasted 10 years, namely, from 880 to 890.

by G.
by

K-yung,

CAUSES OE EMIGRATION.

husband whom I must carry under all circumstances; and in my
arms is my own flesh and blood whom I may abandon if compelled
to.” Touched by compassion, the rebel exclaimed: “ Hasten home
and hang a bean pot at your door. I, Huang Tsiao, shall spare you.”
This extraordinary news was soon spread by word of mouth until
it was known by every one who still remained in the community.
A bean pot was then hung at each door, and the whole village escaped
plunder. Meantime, people in neighboring towns flocked there for
refuge, and when the rebellion was suppressed, Chia-ying’s popula
tion was about three times what it was before the rebellion. This
overpopulation was a further incentive to migration.6
CAUSES OP EMIGRATION.

The movement of emigration was given additional impetus during
the Ming period after the return of the eunuch Cheng Ho from his
voyages to the “ Western Ocean” (1405-1430). His tales of fabulous
wealth in the foreign countries which he had visited and the encour
agements which the flourishing empire gave to seafaring merchants
were great incentives to the young and adventurous.
As described in Chapter II, Fukien is a mountainous Province
whose scanty production of rice and other food articles is not suffi
cient to feed its local population. Consequently the inhabitants of
the coast villages were under a strong economic pressure to emigrate.
Another cause of emigration lay in the fact that the boatmen (or the
Dai-hu, as they are popularly known in China), a class which fur
nished some of the emigrants, are a distinct class, living independ
ently and quite isolated from other members of the same community.
They live on boats all the year round, the majority having no perma
nent dwellings on land, and until nearly the middle of the eighteenth
century they were regarded as a degraded class. Many of them,
however, were excellent fishermen, and frequently sailed in junks
between Formosa and the Fukien coast. To this day, in the Fisher
Island in the Pheng-hu Archipelago are found folk ways and folk
lore glorifying the adventures of these pioneer settlers. Also, it
should not be overlooked that the occasional wars and famines in
Fukien and Kwangtung were no small factors in forcing the inhab
itants to seek new homes abroad.
Continual harassment of these coast Provinces by Japanese pirates
was a potent influence for the emigration of the natives. Even
before Cheng H o’s voyages, Japanese pirates7 from Kiushiu and
neighboring Provinces began to invade the coast of Shantung,
Chekiang, and Fukien. Gradually, also, Chinese pirates began to
work with Japanese sea rovers.
Occasional visits to the Formosan coast by these Japanese pirates
gradually opened trade routes between Japan and Formosa, and
for this reason the shoguns semiofficially condoned their unlawful
activities. Thus, in 1592, Japanese merchants in Kyoto, Nagasaki,
and Mikuni were able to secure government license to open trading
posts in Formosa.•

• Kwangtung. Chia Ying Chih (Gazetteer of Chia-ying). Vol. Ill, Book XIV, pp. 17,18.
» See Bibliotheca Sinica, by Henri Cordier, Paris, 1904-1908, Vol. I ll, pp. 1900-1902.

CHINESE IN FORMOSA (T A IW A N )

Meantime, authorities of the Chinese maritime Provinces were
frequently annoyed by Chinese and Japanese pirates in the neigh
borhood of Formosa. Says a contemporary Chinese historian:
Toward the end of [the reign of] Chia-tsing (1522-1566) the Japanese pirates attacked
Fukien, but being defeated by the Chinese general, Tsi Chee-kuan, they fled to this
island [meaning Formosa], pillaged Kelung [Kiimn] and grievously wasted the coun
try. Thither Ling Tao-chien followed them. Fearing, however, that they might
induce all his men to join them or else the Chinese army would pursue him, he sailed
straight across to Borneo [Poli], and having overcome all his obstacles, built the port
of Tao-Kien [now Anping (34)]. At first the Chinese lived on the coast, but being
attacked by the Japanese pirates, they gradually found their way into the mountains.
About the end of [the reign of] Wan-h (1573-1619) the red-haired savages [the Dutch]
came in boats and began ploughing and sowing, and built a city which was Taiwan.8
THE DUTCH OCCUPATION.

During tbe fifteenth century about 25,000 Chinese settled in and
around Anping and were engaged in agriculture and industry. Fish
ermen visited the southwestern shore of the island and had temporary
homes in the coast villages. Japanese and Chinese pirates occa
sionally attacked the trade junks and caused loss to the merchants
and farmers. These were pioneer days in Formosa. Yet, an inter
national struggle for the possession of the island was approaching.
From this time onward the Formosan situation was complicated by
the activities of European nations which finally led to the Dutcn
occupation of the island. In 1511 King Emanuel of Portugal sent
Ambassador Andrade to China to ask for trading privileges and in
1557 Macao (43) was granted as a trading station. Sailing eastward
from this little peninsula, the Portuguese frequently anchored at For
mosa, the “ beautiful island.” In 1571 Spain conquered Manila and
24 years later Holland, through the efforts of her envov Cornelius
Houtman, succeeded in surveying Java. The Netherlands East
India Co., which was organized, planned to expand its trade by
ousting the Portuguese from Formosa. A battle was fought be
tween the Dutch and the Portuguese in 1622, resulting in the
retreat of the former to the Pescadores. There they fortified them
selves and, following the example of Portugal at Macao, asked of
China a trade mart in Fukien. As the Pescadores were nearer to
the coast of Fukien, China requested The Netherlands to abandon
them and gave her in return freedom of trade in Formosa. About
1624 the Dutch occupied Anping, and erected Port Zeelandia. A
little later the Dutch laid out Fort Provintia at the old site of
Tainan (33), which was known to the Chinese as Taiwan, the name
given later to the entire island. In building this city the Dutch used
red bricks from Batavia, thus giving rise to the Chinese name
“ Red-Inlaid City” (Chih K ’an).
So fortified, the Dutch began to encroach upon the liberties of some
25,000 Chinese emigrants whose forefathers had settled there centuries
before, and to levy duties on such things as sugar and rice, which were
chiefly raised by the Chinese.
The Dutch gave China no help in suppressing the pirates. In 1635
a high Chinese official memoralized the Emperor on “ The Pacification
of the Seas.” In this memorial he pointedly remarked that— •

• China. Bureau of the National History. The Ming Annals, vol. XXXVIII, book 323, pp. 12,13.
quoted in Japanese Rule in Formosa, by Yosaburo Takekoshi, London, 1907, pp. 50-51.

k o x i n g a ’s

successors.

Taiwan is the base of all pirates. The Dutch have built fortifications and have
trade with vicious people there. If we stop all the sea trade the Dutch can make no
profits and must leave. In such event, they might resort to force, and, if so, Chinese
troops should wait for the best opportunity to attack them. The Dutch would then
be forced to abandon Taiwan and all piracy on these waters might thus be cleared.
EXPLOITS OF KOXINGA.9

At this time the Ming dynasty was declining and the Chinese coast
fell into the hands of Cheng Ch’in-kung (Koxinga), a pirate patriot,
who checked the invading Manchus.
Koxinga’s father, Tse-lung, was a tailor of Chuanchow, who,
because of his defeat of the pirate Liu Hiang-lao in 1639, was pro
moted to a high rank by the court of Ming. In 1644, Brigadier Gen
eral Ching Hung-tah proclaimed himself Emperor of Fukien and
made Tse-lung a prince, and Ch’in-kung, his son, a marquis. When
Tse-lung was executed in Nanking, Ch’m-kung (Koxinga) succeeded
him in control of the coast of Fukien and Formosa. Using the Kulan
Islands off Fukien as the base for food supplies, Koxinga made raids
upon the coast villages of the Province. Ho Bien, who was known
to the Dutch as Pinqua, had been with the Japanese pirates, but was
dismissed by them because of crimes he had committed. He was
now in the employ of the Dutch in Formosa as a treasurer and was
heavily in debt. In order to meet his own debts, as well as for the
political and commercial advantages to Koxinga, he persuaded K ox
inga to invade Taiwan.
With about 25,00010 men, in 400 junks, Koxinga attacked Fort
Provintia, which was surrendered May 4, 1661. Castle Zeelandia
fell soon after. A treaty of peace was signed by Koxinga and the
Dutch on February 1, 1662, by which the fort was evacuated by the
Dutch.
KOXINGA’S SUCCESSORS.

Koxinga’s advisor, Chen Yung-hua, then persuaded him to promul
gate just laws, open lands for cultivation, appoint civil officers, make
adequate military preparations, establish schools, and treat emigrants
of the old Ming dynasty with magnanimity. He founded the pre
fecture of Chen Tien on the site of the old Tayouan, and also put two
districts under its jurisdiction: Tien Shun and Wan Nien.
When Yin, his son, came to succeed him from Amoy, the Manchus
persuaded him to submit himself to the Emperor, but his conditions
of surrender were refused, and frequent fighting ensued. In 1680
these terms were agreed to by the reigning Manchu Emperor: “ If you
consider your control of Taiwan as Chee Tse’s of Korea and Hsu
Shih’s of Japan, the Emperor has no objection. If you are willing to
pay us tribute, it is admirable; but if not, you still have freedom.
What is deep in our hearts is, after all, the happiness of our subjects
over whom we are entrusted to rule.” Yin said that he would
subject himself to the Manchu rule if he could get the port of Hai Tun
in Fukien as a trade mart for his subjects. This the Manchus objected
9 Cheng Ch’in-kung is known b y various names to different peoples. T o the Dutch., he is known as
Koxinga or Koshinga, to the Spaniards and Portuguese as Kue Sing, to the Japanese as Furumatsu, and
to the Formosans as Teh Kok-seng. His conquest and rule as here given are condensed from Gih Tai Pih
Kao Luh (a necessary guide to governing Taiwan), b y Ting Yoh-Chien, V ol. I, p p . 80-102; from China,
Bureau of the National History, The Ming Annals; and from Chinese and Dutch contempoiaries.
i« This number is probably exaggerated, as is pointed out by a Dutch contemporary. See Formosa
under the Dutch, b y W . Campbell, London, 1903, p . 421,

CHINESE IN FORMOSA (T A IW A N )

to, as they were just prohibiting foreign trade and feared that Hai
Tun might become another refuge for pirates. In 1682, K-shan,
Koxinga’s second son, was conquered. The Cheng family had ruled
Taiwan for three generations, totaling 38 years.
After the surrender of K-shan, Formosa was made a part of China,
and was included in the jurisdiction of the Province of Fukien. From
1886 to 1894, however, Formosa was separated from the Province
and ruled by a governor who was appointed by the Emperor. At the
conclusion of the Chino-Japanese war, the island was ceded to Japan
under the terms of the Shimonoseki treaty, April 18, 1895.
CHINA’S RESTRICTIONS ON EMIGRATION.

Up to 1760 emigrants’ sweethearts, wives, and relatives who had
been left behind in their own villages were allowed to join them in
Taiwan. But when the coast was made dangerous by the frequent
raids of the pirates, the Chinese Government prohibited further emi
gration of emigrants’ relatives. In that year Wu Shih-kung, viceroy
of Fukien, memorialized the throne in these |rords •11
Taiwan’s one t ’ing [county] and four districts have been included in our Empire
for over one hundred years. Most of its inhabitants are from coast regions of Fukien
who come there in spring and return home in autumn. Late decrees closing the
coast navigation have made it impossible for many emigrants to return home. The
viceroy of Kwangtung has recently suggested that your majesty issue passports to allow
the Formosan Chinese who have wives and children in their old homes in Fukien
and Kwangtung to take them to Taiwan and order the local authorities in Taiwan
to issue a population register. Most emigrants had their relatives sent to Taiwan in
that way, and since the fifth year of Chien Lung (1740), no more passports were issued.
Since then, those who wanted to visit their relatives or parents in Taiwan have gone
there without passports. Occasionally, fraudulent emigrant agents rob these people
of their money and cast them on uninhabited islands to die. In the 17th year of
Chien Lang (1752) the Taiwan Hsien Chih [Gazetteer of the Taiwan District] states
that several thousands of poor people from China proper have come to Taiwan as
emigrants. Their relatives at home who rely upon them for support, are anxious to
visit them in this island. Some of them pretend to be seamen and take small boats
at night to be transferred to large junks for Taiwan. But when they are discovered
by officials, they are punished and sent back. Emigrant agents have sometimes
put them in damp places in junks, given them no ventilation and, for fear of their
being detected, prohibited them from coming up to the deck for air. When typhoons
raged, many of them drowned. Arriving at the port of destination, the emigrant
agent, fearful of being discovered in unlawful emigration, might sometimes dispose
of his passengers by drowning them. From December of the twenty-third year of
Chien Lung to April of the following year (1758-1759) 25 cases of illegal emigration
were reported. These involved 990 persons, of whom 34 were drowned, and the-rest
were ordered by officials to return to their original homes. Therefore, in m y humble
opinion, with the exception of those who have no occupations and have no relatives
in Taiwan who should not be permitted to go to the island, others who have relatives
in Taiwan should be allowed to join their people there. I wish to make a further
condition, however, that these emigrants be required to register with proper officials
at the port of destination, giving the name, age, and occupation, and that a copy be
sent back to their original homes for reference.
CHARACTER OF THE EMIGRANT POPULATION.

The above historical sketch brings out two main facts: Koxinga
laid the foundation for Chinese settlers, who later developed the
natural resources of the island, as elsewhere described; and
many of his soldiers who were discharged from the army made

n Ch’in Chuan Gih Shih: Huang Tsing Tsur Yih (Memorials of the Tsing Dynasty), Vol. 28, book 51,
pp. 23-30.

EARLY SETTLEMENTS.

homes in Formosa. According to whether they came from Kwangtung or Fukien, they were known as Hakkas or Hoklos. This group
ing, though having an older origin, was more marked after Koxinga’s
time. Numerically the Hoklos predominated, for in 1661 Koxinga
recruited about 30,000 soldiers and marines from the coast villages
in Fukien, and three years later his son again recruited between
6,000 and 7,000 from southern Fukien. A great majority of these
were unmarried and afterwards settled in Formosa. During the
Ming dynasty they increased to about 40,000. To-day they number
not less than 2,500,000 in all parts of Formosa. They are docile,
law abiding, and good agriculturists. Many basic industries of the
island, such as camphor, tea, and rice, were established by them.
They adhere to many of their old customs without noticeable change
or modification, and their conservatism is well known.
The Hakkas originally came from Chia-ying, particularly during
Huang Tsiao's rebellion. They are hardy, industrious, frugal, ener
getic, warlike, and unruly. The fertile hillsides are mostly cultivated
by Hakka farmers. In the fields the women work side by side with
the men. At present the total number of Hakkas in Formosa is
about 500,000.
EARLY SETTLEMENTS.

After leaving Amoy, trade junks often anchored at Kingmen Island
and in time a colony was built up there. This served as an outport
for all emigrants. During Wan Lee's time (1573-1619), about 10,000
Chinese lived on Fisher Island in the Pheng-hu Archipelago, doing
considerable business there.
Within the last two or three years, the Chinese (i. e., some in Japan and some in
China b y correspondence) had commenced a trade with certain islands called by them
Tacca Snaga and named in our sea cards Islas Formosa; the port frequented was called
Las Islas Piscadores, about 30 leagues from the mainland of China: Only two ships
could enter it, and none but the Cliinese are admitted to trade.12

Sailing eastward to the Formosan coast, Chinese junks found a
favorable harbor at Low-r-men canal, which is a few miles north of
Anping where the Dutch built Tayouan at the beginning of the
seventeenth century. At Tayouan the Chinese began to settle in
large numbers, founding a community known to the Dutch as the
Quartier. About 15,000 of them were farmers and gardeners growing
rice and sugar cane in such quantities that up to 1661 they supplied
the entire island, and had a surplus which was exported to trading,
ports on the Indian Ocean. The high profits on rice and sugar in
duced the Dutch to impose export duties on these commodities which
worked hardship on the Chinese immigrants.
As time went on, Chinese colonizers moved southward and founded
the city of Tainan, in southern Formosa. Emigrants from Amoy
preferred to make their homes here, chiefly because of its salubrious
climate. Starting with only thirteen families, the Chinese population
grew to be 35,000 in Liu Ming-chuan's administration. After 1860,
its trade was important enough for the Chinese Government to main
tain a customs service there.

uE ast India Co., English. Records—China, Vol. X , p. 25, 1618. Quoted in Formosa under the
Patch, by W. Campbell, p. 498.
43886*— 28------ ft

CHINESE IN FORMOSA (T A IW A N )

Many Hakkas moved northward to the neighborhood of Kiirun, whose
harbor is a bay of 22 miles wide into which the northeast monsoon
rolls a heavy sea. In the middle of the bay is Kiirun Island where
most of the pioneer Chinese lived. From there they went to various
laces to peddle among the head-hunters and other’savages. Tansui
arbor was a favorite anchorage for the junks of the early days. Its
main town, called Minka, is to this day the principal commercial
center. By the Anglo-0hinese* treaty of 1860, Tansui and Kiirun
were opened to International trade, and at Tansui, a customs house
was established by the Chinese Government. It, together with one
at Takow, was abolished in 1895 when Formosa was ceded to Japan.
The movements of passengers (mainly Hakkas and Hoklos) to and
from Takow and Tansui, two seaports of Formosa, during the period
1872 to 1895 are shown below:

PASSENGERS TO AND FROM TANSUI AND TAKOW, 1872 TO 1895.
[Source: China. Inspectorate General of Customs. Annual Returns of Trade. These figures show the
passengers carried cn steamships only and do not include those on trade junks. It is estimated that
about 30 per cent of the latter class should be added to the above given figures. The column headed
“ From” denotes emigrants from these ports to other places in ornear Formosa.]
T able 8 .—

Year.
1872.........................
1873.........................
1874.........................
1875.........................
1876.........................
1877.........................
1878.........................
1879.........................
1880.........................
1881.........................
1882.........................
1883.........................

Tansui.1

Takow.1

To.

From. To. From.

587
605
961
922
1,805
3,075
2,204
4,904
6,367
7,738
9,262

384 823 488 1881
434 553
688 1885.
803 376
234 1886.
696 150
60 1887.
1,190 502
140 1888.
3,520 514
210 1889.
2,189 620
246 1890.
1,655 2,054 1,546 1891
3,444 460
56 1892
6,329 536
934 1893
2,877 1,045
852 1894
9,005 401
785 1895

Tansui.1

Takow.1

To. From.

4,723
5,235
8,144
8,120
5,459
6,369
8,276
22,305
12,063
21,571
27,760
11,367

5,727 453
466
6,519
12,602 523 1,168
10,389 818
502
11,443 602
599
9,560 535
545
10,938 391
394
11,593
8,378 296
480
18,541 601
502
14,197 517
516
8,232 3,531
471

1 Since 1895 both Tansui and Tainan have been under Japanese jurisdiction.
The early Chinese settlers not only carried on domestic trade in
Formosa, but were in a measure engaged in foreign commerce between
Formosa and European nations. In 1670 the English East India Co.
sent a letter from Bantam to Equon, king of Tywan, asking for per
mission to trade. It read in part as follows:
We shall requeste the said Sir Wm. Thompson’s leave to solicite your Majesty that
wee may have a residence in your Countiy; and because wee would have your Majesty
know that wee are Englishmen and a distinct Nation from Hollanders—some people
of which Nation about ten years ago were driven out of your Land by his Majesty your
Renowned Father—we have sent on this Shipp, Captain Sooke with eight other China
men who have for a long time traded and been acquainted with us and our Nation.13

The contract made b y the British with the king of Tywan on Sep
tember 1670, for the establishment of a factory, provided that the
British should be allowed to choose their own interpreters, that no
soldiers should be quartered upon them, that they should be “ free to
walk without Chinamen along77 with them, and that in case of the
death of their men, Chinese might be taken on in their places.14*V
.

18 East India Co., English. Records—China, Vol. X , p. 146. Quoted in Formosa under the Dutch, by
W. Campbell, p. 501.
u East India Co., English. Records—China, Vol. I, p. 80. Quoted in Formosa under the Dutch, by
V . Campbell, p . 501.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE*

THE JUNK TRADE.

Toward the end of the eighteenth century coastwise trade carried
on by junks was frequently interfered with by pirates. In 1760, Lee
Shih-yun, commissioner of Chekiang, in a memorial to the Emperor
urged the inspection of seafaring junks at the port of embarkation.15
Recently, ocean-going and coastwise trade junks have been in frequent association
with pirates. In some cases, junks have unlawfully cut fishermen’s nets in order to
steal fish from them. In other cases, junks openly practised robbery on the high seas.
Not infrequently, vicious people in coast villages disguise themselves as seamen, and
apply for a junk license in order to steal timber in distant mountains or to be engaged
in ocean trade under a false pretense. They roam about the coast of Chekiang, Fukien,
and Kwangtung. I think it advisable to require every junk owner to state definitely
and explicitly his occupation, at the time of applying for a junk license, so that when a
junk arrives at a port, the proper official can inspect his cargo and detect irregularities.

In the same year, Wu Shih-kung, viceroy of Fukien, made an ex
tensive trip through Changchow and Chuanchow, and after careful
consideration of the matter with his staff, he made four recommenda
tions to the throne regarding the junk trade: (1) That when applying
for a fishing license at the office of the magistrate, each junk owner
be required to furnish a list of his crew, giving each one’s name, age,
and birthplace, and that a copy of this list be sent to the Sea Defense
Commissioners for identification purposes. (2) That the junk owner
be held responsible for any failure of his junk to return to the port of
embarkation at a designated time. (3) That, on arriving at a port,
a junk’s cargo be inspected by a duly authorized official. (4) That
fishermen’s junks (and trade junks as well) be required to write or
print, in big characters, on the sails and masts the name of the owner
and the registration number of the junk, specifying the district, pre
fecture, and Province of the office of registration.
Between the years 1882 and 1891 the junk trade was resuming its
commercial importance. At Tansui, for example, about 400 sea
going junks entered the harbor of Hobei every year, one-fourth of
them having a tonnage of 3,000 to 5,000 piculs (or 200-300 tons) and
the remainder a tonnage of 1,000-2,000 piculs. At Kiirun about
300 junks arrived every year. The junk trade of all ports in northern
Formosa was about equal to that of foreign steamers to Tansui for
the year 1891.
Junks coming to the Formosan ports brought such things as bricks,
china and earthenware, joss paper, joss sticks, planks, poles, soft'
wood, pigs, vermicelli, alum, tobacco, umbrellas, raw cotton, cotton
cloth, nankeen, and a few foreign piece goods. The return cargo
included coal, hemp, beans, camphor wood, groundnut cake, indigo,
and sugar.
At Takow for the period 1882-1891 about 185 junks entered each
year. These junks imported goods to the value of $720,000 a year
and exported goods to the value of $1,000,000 per year. The export
of rice was almost monopolized by them.16
CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

Of a total population of 3,669,687 persons in Formosa to-day, about
3,000,000 are Chinese or persons of Chinese descent. Prior to the
Japanese conquest the island was under the Chinese rule, as above*
16 Ch’in Chuan Gih Shih: Huang Tsing Tsur Y ih (Memorials of the Tsing D ynasty), vol. 28, book 51,
pp. 31-33.
** China. Inspectorate General of Customs. Decennial reports, 1st series, p. 456 et seq., p. 487 et seq.

CHINESE IN FORMOSA (T A IW A N ).

shown, and its political and social institutions were dominantly
Chinese. During their long stay there, the Chinese have developed
the commerce, trade, and industries of the country, the relatively
more important of which are sketched below. These industries are
still mainly carried on by the Chinese.17
CAMPHOR INDUSTRY.

During Kangshi’s period (1662-1722) camphor was exported to
China chiefly for medicinal use. European merchants in Formosa
occasionally shipped it to their home countries. In Emperor Yung
Tsen’s time (1723-1735) camphor trees were felled for use in ship
building, and much camphor wood was used in military work. The
camphor industry, already on an extensive scale, was directed by
the ta otai18 of Taiwan. A license was required of those who owned
iron implements for manufacturing camphor, or for transporting it,
or for its use in military mechanics. Being a Government monopoly,
the manufacture of camphor by private inaividuals or companies was
Camphor forests extended as far south as Hengchun,
Erohibited.
ut the northern forests, especially those under the jurisdiction of
Tansui Ting, yielded greater products. In the north as well as in
the south a Government license was required even in purchasing
camphor for military use.
Aside from Portugal, which had a trade mart in Macao in southern
China, European nations such as England, Holland, Spain, and France
enjoyed no such privileges. But in some of their colonial possessions,
including the East Indies and Manila, there was already an increasing
demand for camphor.

Between 1821 and 1850 (the period of Tao Kuang’s reign) the use
of camphor for military purposes greatly increased. Factories and
shops manufacturing mintary supplies were established at Minka,
and these took charge of all matters concerning the camphor industry.
The military supply stations not only purchased the manufactured
camphor but also began to erect camphor stoves and stills in the
mountains.
The export of camphor was also increasing in volume. Chinese
colonizers in their search for camphor pushed the aborigines further
into the mountains. Merchants flocked to the camphor trade to
enrich themselves, and private manufacture became prevalent.
European traders were also intensely anxious to have a share in the
trade. Yao Yin, a Chinese scholar and high official, said: “ In 1841
[21st year of Tao Kuang’s reign], when English vessels visited Kiirun,
ignoble Chinese merchants of Taiwan secretly traded with them in
camphor and opium.” The Minka station then purchased all the
camphor in the district north of Chang-hua, including such towns as
Miaoli, Hsinchu, Dakukan, Tansui, and Kiirun.
When Hobei and Kiirun were opened to international trade, in

1862 and 1863, respectively, the export of camphor was suddenly
doubled, principally because of the demand of European nations.
The Minka military supply station was reorganized into the Minka
camphor station, and branches were established at Hsinchu, Taichia,

lf*Tbe
See publications
of the Japanese
Bureau
giveninThe
bibliography
for thiseftwoor
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official in charge
<rf the dvfl
and of Productive
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of a “ circuit”
ckcaft npnekti
moee territorial departnwnts.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

and Houlung. Contractors bought camphor at these places and
were responsible to the taotai for all their business dealings.
Around 1865 camphor formed an important item of export and
private manufacturing was still prohibited. European traders
disliked the attitude of the Chinese Government. When China
signed a treaty with England in 1860 permitting British subjects to
travel and trade freely in certain Chinese territory, the British
ambassador in Peking protested against the camphor monopoly in
Formosa as interfering with freedom of trade by British subjects.
Soon afterwards the Chinese issued transit passes to British mer
chants allowing them to go to mountains to buy camphor directly
from the producers, but requiring them to pay likin.19
Around 1875 (at the beginning of the reign of Kuan Hsu) private
companies were allowed to manufacture camphor and in 1879 regu
lations were drawn up and promulgated. From that time on Gov
ernment camphor stations outgrew their usefulness and influence.
As this system fell into disuse, the guards were discharged, leaving the
camphor workers exposed to constant interference and even murder
by tne Sekhoan savages. In 1885 Liu Ming-chuan again inaugurated
defensive measures on the border lines of camphor forests.
In 1887 the camphor industry was placed under the jurisdiction
of the Colonization and Pacification Bureau, with one main office at
Changhua and another at Dakukan. The Changhua office, with its
branches at Polisui and Cholan, was to take charge of the camphor
trade in mid-Formosa. The Dakukan office, with its branches at
Nanchuang, Sankuoyung, and Shanchee, was to take charge of the
camphor trade in Taipen or north Formosa. There were two more
main offices: One at Ilan for the trade in northeastern Formosa and
one at Hengchun for the trade in south Formosa. The monopoly
was thus restored. At each main office camphor could be bought
at the rate of $8 per 100 catties.20
In 1870 British traders secretly bought 50,000 catties20 of
camphor; when this was discovered by Chinese officials, the whole
amount was confiscated. In 1890 they again bought privately
70,000 catties, which was also confiscated. The British lodged
protests on the basis of the Anglo-Chinese treaty of 1878. Alter
prolonged discussions between the two nations, the Board of House
holds (Hupo), acting upon the advice of the Chinese Emperor,
abolished tne Government monopoly ot camphor.
Between 1891 and 1895 the camphor trade was open to all enter
prisers, the Bureau of Camphor and Sulphur being given oversight
of the industry in all Formosa. This bureau was placed in the charge
of the Pochenshih of Formosa. The former main offices at Dakukan
and Changhua, with their branches, were retained.
Again, with the abolition of the monopoly went the abandonment
of the guard system. Camphor stoves and stills were destroyed and
camphor workers mercilessly murdered by savages. Camphor enter
prisers then demanded the restoration of the guardsmen, at their
expense.
Since the Japanese occupation of Formosa, camphor has again been
made a Government monopoly. The chief center of the camphor
forests lies within an area o f 1,500 square miles in the district of Ilan.*

19A provincial tax levied at inland stations on imports or articles in transit.
* Catty=lJ pounds.

CHINESE IN FORMOSA

(T A IW A N ).

The fighting with the head-hunters is still going on and the guard
line is much reinforced to-day.
Frequently a camphor tree attains a girth of from 25 to 30 feet; a
tree of this size, if felled, is worth about $5,000. Camphor is mainly
used for the manufacture of celluloid and smokeless powder and for
medicinal purposes. In its solid form camphor is also used as a
refining and liquefying agent, particularly in lacquer ware. The
camphor oil is burned in lamps. About 10,000 camphor trees are now
felled yearly.21
TEA INDUSTRY.

Oolong tea was introduced by Chinese emigrants from Anchee,
Chuanchow, in Koxinga’s time. The first tea plants were grown in
the neighborhood of Sen K ’ang and P ’ing Ling in northern Taiwan.
Usually, when a hillside was cleared, a crop of sweet potatoes was
raised. In the following year tea shrubs were planted. As the soil
was generally fertile no fertilizer was required. Tea plants were set
out in rows 2 to 3 feet apart, with a like distance between each two
lants. In two or three years the shrubs attained their maximum
eight of from 2 to 3 feet and the time for picking arrived. According
to the time the picking was done, whether in April, July, September,
or November, the tea was called the “ spring tea,” “ summer tea,”
“ autumn tea,” or “ winter tea.” The picking, as in China, was
done almost exclusively by women and girls, who performed the task
with fastidious care and skill. The picked leaves were then put in
a bamboo basket and carried to the grower’s home where they were
spread out in the open air for a short while for treatment.
The old-fashioned tea-manufacturing machine, the “ ch’a-nung,”
or tea preparer, as it is called, as used in the North Hill near Tansui,
may be briefly described. On the threshing floor is placed a long
cylindrical drum about 8 feet long and from 2 to 2\ feet in diameter.
This drum is six-sided, the sides being made of brown, coarse cloth
stretched on a wooden frame. An axle runs through the cylinder and
rests on two wooden supports, one at each end. Between each suport and the end of the cylinder are four treadles fixed in the axle.
nside the cylinder are six bamboos fixed at equal intervals into the
ends of the cylinder midway between the axle, to which they run paral
lel, and the periphery of the cylinder. After the necessary exposure on
the threshing floor the green tea leaves are placed in a heap at the bot
tom of the cylinder. The operator works the treadles with his feet,
causing the cylinder to revolve rapidly and the leaves to be dashed
against the bamboos. This is a softening process, after which the
leaves are removed and put into iron firing pans. Were the soften
ing process omitted, the leaves, being thick and brittle, would split
up and that semblance to the whole leaf which is so much desired
would be lost.
Some of the leaf which is brought to Twatulia, the tea market of
the island, is ready for packing and shipment, but most of it is
brought in after the first firing, and is finished— that is to say, again
fired in bamboo baskets— in Twatulia itself, where foreigners and
Chinese alike possess firing rooms. On entering such a room one

» The Formosan Agricultural Review, Memorial Number, March, 1915 (published in Japanese), p. 230
et seq., “ Camphor industry," b y S. Nakai, technical expert of the Governor of Taiwan. Also see China,
Inspectorate General of Customs, Decennial reports, 1st series, p. 440 et seq., p . 467 et seq., p. 495 et seq.

CHINESE

in d u s t r y

and

a g r ic u l t u r e .

sees rows of circular holes 2 feet in diameter, 2 feet deep, and a foot
apart, faced with brick raised about 18 inches above the brick floor.
These are the firing places in which the charcoal, brought to a red
heat outside, is placed. Before the firing begins it is essential that
all the combustible matter in the charcoal be consumed, and that
no smoke remain. The live charcoal in the holes is therefore broken
up with long iron instruments until it is uniformly red and smokeless.
A layer of the ashes of paddy (rice) husks is then spread over the
charcoal to temper the great heat which it emits and the fires are
ready to receive the tea. The firing basket is shaped like a dicebox
with the bottom knocked out. It is woven of split bamboo, is about
3 feet high and a little over 2 feet in diameter, and narrows from
both ends toward the center. Into one end a movable sieve, which
fits the center, is pushed, and the other end is placed over the firing
hole. The leaves are poured in at the top and the firing begins, the
firers constantly making the round of the baskets and shaking up
the contents, so as to insure uniformity in firing. When the firing
is completed the tea is spread in flat bamboo baskets, and all pieces
of twigs and leafstalks are removed by hand. This part of the work
is performed by women and girls. The tea is again poured into the
firing baskets and, after being dried until every particle of moisture
has evaporated, it is removed and packed, hot, in lead-lined boxes,
for export.22
Pouchong tea, which is really scented Oolong tea, was introduced
into Taiwan by Mr. Wong Yichin, of Anchee, Chunchow, and the
first Pouchong tea-manufacturing plants were built by two famous
tea houses of Tung An, Chunchow, named Yuen Lung and Wu
Fuh-law. Pouchong tea is exported to China almost exclusively,
especially to Fukien, Kwangtung, and Kiangsu. In manufacturing
Pouchong tea the process is the same as for Oolong but, in addition,
a second one, chiefly for flavoring, must be gone through.
To-day famous tea plantations include those of Tokanpo, H aiso-'
anpo, Chotenpo, Paichipo, Bunzanpo, which are situated on the upper
course of the Tansui River in the valleys of Toakoham, Kiirun, and
Shintiam. The size of tea plantations varies from 100 square yards
to 120 square miles. The crop averages about 1,000 pounds of
green leaves per acre.
RICE CULTURE.

The island of Formosa was known to the Chinese as the “ granary
of China.” Chinese farmers on the island exported rice in large
uantities to Fukien to feed its population, as the mountainous
rovince has never produced enough rice to meet the daily needs of
its inhabitants. After Chu Yi-kuei’s revolt (in 1721), however, the
Governor of Formosa was compelled to prohibit the exportation of
rice in order to prevent rice merchants from forming a conspiracy
with pirates as well as to prevent speculation. But “ this order
was in disregard of vital needs of Changchow and Chuanchow which
have been relying upon Formosan rice as their staple food” emphat
ically declared Kao Ch’ee-ehoo, Viceroy of Fukien, in his memorial
to the throne in 1726.23

22 Great Britain, Consulate, Tansui, Formosa. Report on the Island of Formosa with special reference
to its resources and trade, b y Alex. Hosie, p. 20 et seq. (Cd. 7104).
23 Ch’in Chuan Gih Shih: Huang Tsing Tsur Y ih (Memorials of the Tsing Dynasty), Vol. X I I I ,
book 27, pp. la-2a.

CHINESE IN FORMOSA (T A IW A N ).

Since Fukien’s comparatively sparse population does not need much rice and
since one year’s good crop in Taiwan can feed its population for four or five years,
it is good to bom Fukien and Taiwan to resume the export trade of rice. If so,
Changchow and Chuanchow do not need to purchase rice from Foochow and Foochow
will not further suffer from a shortage of nee.

Ever since the Chinese settled in northern Formosa, the arable
land has been chiefly devoted to rice cultivation. When the tea
trade was booming, especially around 1870, the constant influx of
tea growers, packers, and coolies materially increased the rice
consuming population in the island. In the period between 1882
and 1891 the port of Tansui recorded a continuous importation of
rice, as the following figures will show:

Piculs..
1882 ................................................... 66,028
1883...................................................
198
1886
......................................... 1,525
1887 ................................................... 67,731

Piculs..
1888 .....................................................
1889
...........................................
1890 .....................................................
1891
...........................................

46,164
16,371
45,988
44,662

However the years up to 1872 were years of export, the quantity
shipped in foreign vessels being 83,317 piculs (11,108,933 pounds)
in 1870, 77,918 piculs (10,389,067 pounds) in 1871, and 23,926 piculs
(3,190,133 pounds) in 1872. The period from 1873 to 1881 was a
stationary one. During the Franco-Chinese war, the port of Tansui
was blockaded by the French (October, 1884, to April, 1885) and the
city was cut short of its food supplies, but before and after the
blockade it was amply supplied with rice by junks. After this time
the export of rice from tins city steadily mcreased.
COAL MINING.

As early as the seventeenth century, Chinese emigrants in north
ern Formosa were employing primitive methods to quarry the
outcrop of coal in the mines around Tansui. In Koxinga’s time,
coal was known as the “ black fire-nourishing rocks.” The industry
developed after a fashion, and in 1875 further prospects of develop
ment induced the Viceroy of Fukien to send David Tyzack, a mining
engineer of considerable experience, to study the coal-producing
districts in northern Formosa, especially in Kiirun, Banca, and
Tokaham, with a view to introducing modem methods of mining
there.
In 1876, the first modern shaft was introduced into Formosa
through the encouragement of the Chinese governor of the island.
The Kiirun Government Colliery was for many years the model
mine for all Taiwan. Since the Japanese occupation, the industry
has been developing at a rapid rate.

« Picul=133i pound*

Chapter IV.— CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.

To describe the Chinese emigrants who have left China since
about the fifteenth century, three chapters are here given showing
the Chinese in the Dutch East Indies, in British Malakka, and in
the Philippines.
The present chapter is divided into four sections: Java, Banka,
Billiton, and Borneo. No account is given of the Chinese in Sumatra,
for reasons already stated in the introduction.
Through the courtesy of the Javan Volksraad, a document giving
a brief summary of the present economic status of the Chinese in
Java has been submitted to the writer especially for this study.
The publications of the Chinese Emigration Bureau, Peking, have
furnished information on the present condition of the Chinese in
Banka and Billiton. A first translation of some of their reports is
here rendered and incorporated. It is to be regretted, however,
that no adequate account can be given regarding the social life of
the Chinese m Java, or mortality statistics of the Chinese in Banka
and Billiton.
The early relations between China and these regions, especially
before their contact with western nations, have been recorded in
the dynastic histories of China. During the Ming period the Chinese
were active in colonizing the Nanyang (southern ocean) Archipelago.
But conflicts between the Chinese and Europeans were numerous.
The Dutch-Chinese struggle for commercial supremacy in Java
virtually terminated in 1740 when the Dutch suppressed a Chinese
rebellion and finally surpassed the Chinese in the trades. With
reference to Banka and Billiton, few historic incidents are of interest,
and the account here given relates to Chinese settlers of recent date
only. The Bornean-Chinese relations are reviewed in order to
show the maritime influence of China in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.
During the fifteenth century, when the Chinese in Formosa and
the neighboring regions migrated southward to the Indian Ocean,
a considerable number of them settled in the Dutch East Indies, and
became fairly prosperous from their trade with the natives. When
the Dutch arrived m the islands, a series of clashes with the Chinese
ensued, resulting in the political collapse of the latter. However,
the Chinese have since maintained and strengthened their power
and influence in labor, commerce, and industry. To-day, they are
playing an important part in the economic life of the Dutch colonies.
From an economic standpoint, the Chinese populations in Java,
Banka, and Billiton present striking differences. In Java, traders,
professional men, ana business men predominate, only a very small
number being unskilled laborers. In Banka and Billiton an over
whelming majority are tin miners under contract. The Chinese in
Dutch and British Borneo are also largely engaged in trades and
professions.

CHINESE Iff THE DUTCH EAST IffDlES.

Of late, the Chinese have been more and more assimilating the
European civilization, particularly along educational and social
lines. The gradual increase in mixed marriages has tended to
remove the clannish spirit and group solidarity of the Chinese. The
long contact with the West has aroused their interest both in educat
ing their children and imparting modern knowledge to their com
patriots at home.
JAVA.
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN JAVA AND CHINA.

During the reign of An Tee of the later Han dynasty, Buddhism in
China was rapidly deteriorating in principle and in practice. Fa Hien,
a devout Buddhist priest, made a pilgrimage to India in the year 400
in search of original writings of the “ Great Enlightened One” in order
to revitalize the religion in China. He remained in India for four
years, then took passage on a merchant vessel from Ceylon to Java,
and thence back to China in the year 414, staying in Java for five
months, namely, from December, 413, to May, 414.1
On this voyage, Fa Hien does not seem to have met any Chinese in
Java, as nowhere in his “ Account of Buddhist Countries” does he
make any mention of it. Besides, after being away from China for
over 10 years, he was moved to tears by seeing a Chinese fan at a
Buddhist temple in Java, remarking that “ he had only his own
shadow to look at.” The place of his landing in Java is not certain,
but was most likely in Mendang, or the present district of Rembang,
where the first Hindu settlement was established and where HinduJavanese trade first began.
During the T ’ang dynasty1
2 (618-906) more specific information
regarding Java was given. Thus in book 222, Part II, of the T ’ang
Annals, the following passage occurs:
Kaling 3 is also called Djava, which is situated in the southern ocean, at the east of
Sumatra and at the west of Bali. Toward the south it has the sea, and toward the
north lies Camboja. The people make fortifications of wood and even the largest
houses are covered with palm leaves. They have couches of ivory and mats of the
outer skin of bamboo. The land produces tortoise shells, gold and silver, rhinoceros
horns, and ivory. The country is very rich. There is a cavern from which salt water
bubbles up spontaneously. The inhabitants make wine of the hanging flowers of the
cocoa palm, and when they drink it they quickly become intoxicated. They have
letters and are acquainted with astronomy. In eating they do not use chop sticks or
spoons.

In 992, though Java was engaged in continuous internecine warfare
with San Bo Tsai (eastern coast of Sumatra), she did not neglect her
tribute to China. Her envoy landed on Ting-hai, an island on the
coast of the Providence of Chekiang. Members of the Javanese party
were dressed like men from Persia and were received by the Emperor
with unusual courtesy.4
1 Fa H ien’s Fo Kuo Chi (Account of Buddhist Countries) was first translated into French b y Abel R6musat under the title “ Fa-hian: VoyageurChinois Foekoue-ki ou Relation des Royaumes Bouddhiques”
and was afterwards translated into English by the R ev. S. Beal, under the title of “ Travels of Fah-Hian
and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India (400 A . D . and 518 A . I).), translated from the
Chinese.”
2 In China, Bureau of the National History, Annals of the Southern Liang Dynasty (502-556), book 54,
the country Lang Ga Sueh, now identified with Java, was described.
3 The Hindu settlers in Java gave the name of Kling or Kalinga to the part of India from which they had
com e. Accordingly they called themselves men of K lin g. Because the Chinese knew Java largely through
their contact with the Hindus in the settlement, they also called Java “ K aling.”
4Earlier envoys from Java were sent during the years 627-649, 674, 766-779, 827-839, and 860-873.

JAVA.

YUAN CONQUEST OF JAVA.

During the reign of Kublai Khan (the Tartar monarch), the ruler of
Tumapel5 ruthlessly tattooed the face of a Celestial envoy, and in
1292 a Chinese expeditionary force was sent to Java under the com
mand of Shih Pin, Ike Mese, and Kao Shen. With about 20,000
soldiers from Fukien, Kiangsi, and Hukuang (now Hunan and Hupeh)
with provisions for a year and with 40,000 bars of silver, they assem
bled at Chuanchow, in the twelfth month of 1292, for the expedition.
As a parting command, the Emperor solemnly declared:
When you arrive at Java, you must clearly proclaim to the army and the people of
the country that the Imperial Government formerly had intercourse with Java through
envoys from both sides and has had harmonious relations with it, but that they [the
Javanese] have lately cut the face of the Imperial envoy, Meng Ch’i, and that you
have come to punish them for that.

In the first month of 1293, the troops reached the island of Kolan
(Billiton), and in another month, they arrived at Java. The body of
the army followed to Karimon (Carimon Java) and from there to a
place called Tubingtsuh (Tuban) where all the leaders in the Chinese
army met and decided to send half of the army ashore and leave the
other half in the ships to proceed along the Pa Tsih River or the Kali
Mas. Java (Tumapel) was then carrying on a feud with a neighbor
ing country, Kalang, in the course of which the prince of Kalang,
Hadji Katang, had killed Hadji Katanakala, king of Java (Tumapel),
to punish whom the Chinese troops had been sent. The son-in-law
of Hadji Katanakala, Tuhan Pidjaya, had attacked Hadji Katang,
but unsuccessfully. He had therefore retired to Modjopait, and
when he heard that Shih Pih had arrived with his army, he sent envoys
with necessary information about the topography, configuration, and
resources of Kalang, offering his submission and asking for help.
Shih Pih then advanced his forces, attacked the army of Kalang and
routed it completely at the mouth of the Pa Tsih.6
Pushing forward to Daha, the capital of Hadji Katang, the Chinese
scored another victory and the king was taken prisoner. Tuhan
Pidjaya now begged leave of the Chinese commanders to return to
his city to gather gifts in order to show his gratitude for the services
rendered by the Chinese soldiers. On the way home, he slew the
Chinese escorts and once more revolted. Not wishing to renew
hostilities, the Chinese took all the important prisoners and wealth in
Daha and sailed for Chuanchow. To commemorate this treacherous
victory over the Chinese, the Javanese raised a stone which, accord
ing to Donald Maclaine Campbell, a resident of Java for 23 years,
is still in existence.7
CHENG HO’S VOYAGES TO THE “ WESTERN OCEAN.”

During the heyday of the Ming dynasty, namely the beginning of
. the fifteenth century, the Emperor Yung Loh determined to extend
his sway to the countries south and southwest of China. In 1403 he*•
* Situated in the district of Surabaya (63) and probably corresponds to the ancient capital Jang’gala.
Though Tumapel is only a part of eastern Java, to the Chinese in those days the term was used to mean
the whole island, the reason being that the Chinese had trade relations mostly with the people of Tumapel.
• China, Bureau of the National History, The Yuan Annuals (1280-1367), book 210. Also see book 162
for an account by Shih Pih, book 162 by Kao Shen, book 131 by Ike Mese. The English translations here
used follow m ainly Groeneveldt's Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, compiled from Chinese
sources.
T Campbell, Donald Maclaine: Java: Past and Present, London, 1915, Vol. I, p. 62, note. The Tartar
expedition to Java, according to John Crawfurd, F. R . S., happened in 1324 of Javanese time. For details
see History of the Indian Archipelago, V ol. I l l , pp. 165-172.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

sent the eunuchs Hou Hien to Tibet, Ma Ping to Java, Li Hing to
Siam, and Ying Ch/ing to Bengal. Two years later, the famous
eunuch Cheng Ho was sent as a royal envoy to the “ western ocean”
under the pretext of finding Chien Wen, Yung Loh’s nephew, from
whom the ambitious monarch had usurped the throne. Chien Wen
had disappeared from Nanking, then the nation’s capital, in the year
1402, and was rumored to have gone to countries beyond the sea.8
Assisted by eunuch Wang Ching-hung, Cheng Ho managed to capture
27,800 soldiers, a large quantity of gold and silks, and 62 ships, each
440 feet long and 180 feet broad. On their voyage they started from
Liu Kia Chiang, now called Liu ho, a few miles north of Woosung on
the northwestern side of Shanghai. Even to this day, the name of
“ San Pao” or “ Wang San Pao,” as Cheng Ho was nicknamed, is
revered by the Chinese in Cochin China, in the East Indies and in the
Philippine Islands. His adventures have been glorified in folklore,
legends, and popular ballads, and temples have been dedicated to
him.
Between 1405 and 1430 Cheng Ho made seven voyages, on three
of which he made prisoner foreign chiefs. The influential eunuch
served three Emperors and in his voyages he visited more than 30
countries.9 Most of them sent envoys to China more or less regularly
and the Emperor reciprocated their courtesies with royal gifts.
DUTCH-CHINESE FRICTION IN JAVA.

When the Dutch first arrived in Java in 1595,10 they employed
Chinese as their political as well as their commercial agents to deal
with the natives. For decades the Chinese formed the connecting
link between the Dutch Colonial Government and the Javanese.
In time the Dutch grew in importance, and clashes with the Chinese
frequently occurred.
Early m the sixteenth century Batavia (60) became the leading
trading center in the Indian Ocean for European commerce.
Wealth and luxury pervaded all social life' in the Javan capital.
The extravagance of the Dutch officialdom slowly developed into
intolerable arrogance. The native slaves, relying upon the in
fluence of their masters, mistreated and oppressed the peaceful and
prosperous Chinese merchants. Flogging and murder plots were
common complaints by Chinese against native slaves and Dutch
officials.
« Huang Sung-tseng: See Y an g Tsao K ung Tien Luh (The Tributary Nations of the W est); also see
the Ming Annals in V ol. I X of Bee Hsia Chea Tsung Shuh, Hangchow, 1904.
» Champa, Java, Cambodia, K iu Kang (Palembang), Siam, Calicut, Malakka. Bronei, Sumatra, A ru,
Cochin, Great Coilan, Little Coilan, Soli, and Western Soli, Cail, Appopatan, Comain, Ceylon, Lam bri,
Pahang, Kalantan, Hormus, Pila, the Maidive Islands, Sula (Sunda?) Magadoxo, Malinlasah, Dsaffar,
Saliwani, Jubo (Dsheba), Bengal, Arabia, and Litai, Nakur. These geographical names as used b y the
Chinese geographers were identified b y George Phillips in Justus Doolittle’s vocabulary and H andbook of
the Chinese Language, Foochow, 1872, V ol. II, p . 555 et seq.; E.Brettschneider, Knowledge Possessed b y
Ancient Chinese of the Arabs ana Arabian Colonies, London, 1871; Marco. Polo’ s travels.
io D . M. Campbell credits Marco Polo w ith being the first European visitor to Java. In
his Java: Past and Present, V ol. I, p. 145, the following note occurs: “ W hen Marco P olo tells us of Java
that there were eight kingdoms w ith as m any kings, that its people are idolaters and the country contains
abundance of riches, spices, lignum, aloes, sapparan wood, ana various kinds of drugs, w e know he is relat
ing true facts which have been given to him b yh is Chinese friends, who no doubt traveled in the same junk
with him from China.” (Marco P olo sailed for Sumatra in 1292 and remained therefrom September to April.)
Because of the authenticated historical events from Chinese sources as above sketched it w ould seem
clear that the Chinese had intercourse w ith Java long before the Europeans. John Crawfurdis perhaps
inaccurate when he says: “ W hen Marco Polo told the Chinese court of the facility of navigating the
Indian seas, from his own experience, it was received as news. It is highly improbable, therefore,
that the voyage could have been familiar to the Chinese; on this occasion it looks as if it had been un
dertaken for the first time, and only on the prospect of having the Europeans as pilots.” (H istory of
the Indian Archipelago, Edinburgh, 1820, V ol. I l l , p . 159.)

JAVA*

In 1740 a great uprising of the Chinese against the Dutch Govern
ment occurred at Jacatra and in central Java simultaneously.
This was precipitated by the action of the Dutch Government in
arresting some 200 Chinese, putting them on a ship ostensibly for
deportation, and then throwing them overboard at sea. Different
versions are given for this action on the part of the Dutch. Accord
ing to one account it was taken as the result of a meeting held by
the Chinese to devise measures of protection against what had
grown to be an intolerable state of oppression. According to another
account the Chinese were so treated because they had pillaged the
villages in revenge for judgments obtained against them b y the
natives for dishonest business dealings.
The revolt at Jacatra was promptly put down; that in central
Java, however, continued for some time before the Chinese were
finally conquered. In 1742 a general amnesty was proclaimed.
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF THE PIONEER CHINESE.

While Cheng Ho himself laid special emphasis on the political sig
nificance of his expeditions, his associates carefully recorded the eco
nomic conditions in the countries visited. One of these, Ma Huan,
a Mohammedan priest well versed in the Arabic language, wrote in
the Ying Yai Sheng Lan, which was published in 1416:
Chinese copper coins of different dynasties are current here. Tuban is the native
name of a place with somewhat more than 1,000 families, all under one chief; among
these there are many Chinese from Canton and Changchow who have settled here.
Fowls, goats, fish, and vegetables are very cheap here.

Up to the fifteenth century, the Chinese traders who frequented
the shores of eastern Java had established three ports: Tuban on the
northern coast, Tse Ts’un (the Chinese name for Grisseh or Gerik
in Sukitan, a dependency of Java), and Surabaya. The first city
mentioned was found to be unsuitable for the Chinese because of too
many robbers. Tse Ts’un was soon abandoned because of its inac
cessibility. Surabaya was a prosperous trading center up to the rise
of Yortan (Bangil) as its commercial rival. In time the seat of
commerce was shifted to Hakang (The Lower Port). Says the Tung
See Yang Kao (book 3, published in 1618):
Our ships arrive at Hakang before the merchants of other countries and then the
goods are sold for silver or lead money; when afterwards the goods from other countries
arrive these are bought with the money received before. This is because the Chinese
ships go there at different times of the year, and so have to wait for the merchants of
the other countries.

Describing Hakang, Ma Huan says:
Originally this place was a barren seashore, but Chinese who came to this country
established themselves there; at the present day the rich people are Cantonese; there
are about 1,000 families and the natives come in large numbers from all places to
trade with the Chinese. All kinds of golden articles, precious stones, and foreign
goods are sold here in large quantities and the people are rich.
In this country there are three kinds of people: First, the Mohammedans, who
have come from the west and have established themselves here; their dress and food
are clean and proper. Secondly, the Chinese, all from Canton, Chang chow, and
Ch’uan Chow who have left their homes and settled here; what they eat and use is
also very fine and many of them have adopted the Mohammedan religion and observe
its precepts. The third kind are the natives, who are very ugly and uncouth; they go
about with uncombed heads and naked feet and believe devoutly in devils, theirs
being one of the countries called devil countries in Buddhist books. The food of
these people is very dirty and bad, for instance, snakes, ants, and all other kinds of

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

insects and worms, which are kept a moment before the fire and then eaten; they have
the dogs in their houses, eat and sleep together with them, without any feeling of
disgust.

During the seventeenth century, Bantam was a very important
trading port in western Java, and eight or nine Chinese junks arrived
yearly. At Yortan (Bangil) and Grisseh also, the Chinese were the
mainstay of the trade. The shipping of goods and unloading of car
goes were entirely in their hands, and the trade with the neighboring
islands was more or less monopolized by them. “ There was not a
single industry in which they were not the prime movers. The arti
sans for building houses or ships were Chinese; when contracts were
required for the delivery of sugar, rice, or pepper they were Chinese,
and what the Dutch owe to this race in Java is incalculable.” 11
EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF INDUSTRY BY THE CHINESE.'

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Chinese took an active
part in the sugar trade of the island. In those days the sugar was
made not only from cane but also was extracted from various species
of palms as well. The annual consumption of sugar in Jacatra was
from 4,000 to 5,000 piculs (533,333 to 666,667 pounds). In 1602, the
Chinese had several sugar mills and areca factories at Jacatra. Be
ginning with 1619, the Dutch East India Co. undertook to manufac
ture sugar, leasing lands to Dutch and Chinese settlers to plant sugar
cane and requiring them to deliver sugar to the Government for a
fixed price.
About 1830 the “ culture system” was introduced. Under this
system forced labor was a dominating feature. In late years, the
sytem has undergone changes. Generally, grants of land were
made by the Government to individuals who in return were required
to sell to the Government at a fixed price a certain amount of the
coffee or sugar produced each year. Since 1871, public sentiment
in Holland being against this system, it has been gradually disap
pearing and to-day forced labor of all kinds has almost entirely
ceased in Java. Some coffee is still raised on State plantations,
but the sugar industry is carried on entirely by private enterprise.
Since the early days of Chinese settlement in Java, the Chinese
have worked the gold mines in western Borneo, using primitive
methods of washing out the gold from the sand. In 1848 they ex
tracted 1,348,810 florins ($542,222, par) worth of gold, as reported by
the official Dutch statistics. Meantime, the Chinese took out 60,280
florins ($24,233, par) worth from the eastern districts. Between the
years 1875 and 1880, the official figures were never less than £100,000
($486,650 par) a year.*12
In 1667 the first shipment of tea (5,198 pounds) was exported by
the Dutch East India Co. from Java to Holland, on the order of a
Chinese merchant in Jacatra, who had imported it from China. In
1691 tea growing in Java began under the direction of one Dr. Valentyn, a Dutch historian of considerable note. The experiment was
unsuccessful. In 1819 Diard, a French botanist, ordered seeds from
China to plant tea shrubs again; but since most of the imported seeds
were spoiled, he too met with failure. Thirteen years later an agent
of the Dutch East India Co. arrived from Canton bringing with him
u Campbell, Donald Maclaine: Java: Past and Present.
w Idem ., Vol. H , pp. 890, 891.

London, 1915, Vol. I, p. 140.

JAVA.

an experienced Chinese tea planter, four tea preparers, and seven work
men. They were the successful pioneer tea growers of Java. In
1841 a wealthy Chinese named A. Hoei, started to plant tea at Bagelen. In later years the industry was generally carried on in the
island. To-day the Dutch Government and European and Chinese
merchants all have large interests in the trade.
GOVERNMENT OF THE CHINESE.

During its pioneer days the Dutch East India Co. had not only
commercial but also political functions in the colonies. The gov
ernment of the natives was largely left in the hands of their own chiefs.
The foreign Orientals ( Vreemde Oosterlingen) , including Chinese,
Arabs, Bengalese, and Kingalese were required by law “ to live as
much as possible in the quarters assigned to each nationality/9
This was partly to safeguard the monopolies of the company and
partly to protect the natives from being exploited by the economi
cally superior foreigners.
With the introduction of the “ quarter system,” the extent of gov
ernment of the Chinese by their own leaders increased. According
to their numerical and commercial importance in a particular city,
they might be headed by a “ Major China,” “ Captain China,” or
“ Lieutenant China,” who was appointed by the Dutch Government,
received no regular pay, but was considered as an honorary official
of the Government. His duties were to look after the policing, clean
liness, and lighting of the Chinese quarter, to detect criminals, and to
see that they were punished.13 Generally the head Chinese official
received about 8 per cent of the personal taxes which he collected from
his people. This sum included the compensation for his own services
and any subordinates, including marshals (wachtmeester) , whom he
might employ. Later the head official was often chosen from the
lessees of the monopolies, who were influential business men and who
frequently promoted their commercial interests and also received
lucrative emoluments.
The Chinese population has gradually outgrown the “ quarter sys
tem.” Also, the abolition of the leases and passports and the spirit of
modern times have made the maintenance of the Chinese corps of hon
orary officeholders an unnecessary incumbrance to the Government.
During the last few years the tendency has been for the Chinese to
be governed by the State with auxiliary officials appointed from among
the Chinese, the Chinese having also their own elected local governing
bodies. What applies to the administrative branch applies with
equal force to the legislative. The practice of governing Europeans
and natives by different sets of laws is rapidly disappearing, and a
unified system of legislation for the Chinese also is being enacted.
The many problems involved in the government of the native popu
lation, however, has made the enactment of these laws a slow
process.
RESTRICTIONS UPON THE CHINESE.

Like the other “ foreign orientals,” the Chinese were subject to cer
tain restrictions on their commercial and civil liberties. Although
“ U . S. Bureau of Insular Affairs. Certain Economic Questions in the English and Dutch Colonies, b y
J. W Jenks, Washington, 1092, p . $7.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

the present tendency of the Dutch Government is to remove these re
strictions as fast as possible, certain ones still remain. For instance,
the travel privileges of the Chinese are limited. Before leaving a
town the Chinese must apply to the resident office for a pass for his
intended trip. While traveling, if he wants to stop over at a certain
>lace for a period of more than 24 hours, he must snow the pass to the
ocal authorities in order to be granted the privilege of stopping over
there. On reaching his destination, he must again show the pass at
the local office.

{

THE CHINESE POPULATION.14

The Chinese in Java and other parts of the Dutch East Indies have
emigrated mainly from Kwangtung and Fukien; In the order of their
importance in economic life they may be grouped, according to the
communities from which they came, as follows: (a) Chang-chow,
Chuanchow, and the hinterland of Amoy; (6) Chia-ying, and the
May district in Kwangtung; (c) from the hinterland of Swatow;
(<d) Canton, especially Hsin Ning and Hsin Hui; (e) Foochow
and Hsing Hua; and ( / ) Hainan. In addition a small number of
Chinese have come from Hunan, Shanghai, and Shantung.
The number of Chinese in the principal towns in Java since 1900 is
given in the following table:
T able

9.—CHINESE POPULATION IN JAVA, 1900 TO 1920.1
1900

Towns.

1905

1910

1915

1920

Total Chi Total Chi Total' Chi Total Chi Total
Chi popu
popu nese. popu nese.2 popu nese. 2 popu
nese. lation.
nese. lation.
lation.
lation.
lation.

■ RfVndnng__________.....
’R&t.avia__________ .... 26,433 115,567 26,817 115,887 28,150 138,551 28,150
Jokjokarta........................
Samarang____ . . . . . . . __ 11,870 84,266 12,372 89,286 13,636 96,600 13,636
S^rfihaya______ ______ 12,133 142,980 13,035 146,944 14,843 150,198 14,843
Surakarta__________....
6,532

138,551
96,660
150,198
118,378

6,951
30,557
4,926
20,066
24,984
7,500

58,649
234,697
97,058
106,852
160,801
137,882

i The Statesman’s Yearbook, 1901,1907,1911,1916,1921.
* Includes a small proportion of Arabs and other Orientals.
OCCUPATIONS OP THE CHINESE.

Most of the Chinese in Java are engaged in industry, the profes
sions, or mercantile pursuits, very lew being unskilled laborers.
This leads Professor Day to say that “ They [the Chinese] live by
their brains, not by their hands.” 15 Their occupations are varied
and numerous, including those of bankers, blacksmiths, carpenters,
carriage builders, coopers, furniture makers, house painters, import
ers and exporters, insurance men, itinerant peddlers, lessees of
monopolies, money lenders, photographers, pork butchers, rice mill
ers, snippers, shoemakers, sugar boilers, tailors, tinworkers, and
tobacco, rubber, coffee, and cinchona planters.

u Unless otherwise noted the data for the remainder of this section are translated and extracted from a
memorandum from the Volksraad of Java, transmitted through the courtesy of the Netherlands Legation,
Washington, D. C., to the writer, June 5. 1922.
i» Day, Clive: The Dutch in Java. New York, 1904, p. 361.

JAVA.

MONOPOLIES.
Until very recently the Dutch'Government leased certain monopo
lies to the Chinese in Java. In each case the highest bidder was
awarded the lease for a term of years in return for which he paid
an annual rent to the Government. The monopolies held by the
Chinese included those on pawnbroking, gambling, and slaughtering,
and on the sale of opium, liquor, and salt, and several other small
monopolies.
(a)
The opium lease, which has for the most part been abolished
since 1898, has been supplanted by a Government j*6gie which is
anted to the highest bidder in return for a payment of rent. The
ise, formerly held, was a monopoly of the sale oi opium in a specified
area and for a specified period. In some cases the term of the lease
covered five years and gave the holder the right to protect himself
against smuggling and illicit trade by employing a sort of private
opium police. By exercising this right he was able to control certain
classes of the population. Sometimes the prospective bidders for
the lease formed a trust with a view to forcing down the price of
the lease. As a countermeasure the Government threatened to dis
continue the lease until the trust was broken up or a satisfactory bid
was made for the lease. In many instances a combine became the
lessee. Generally the lessee was also the importer of opium, as
opium has never been grown in the Dutch East Indies. Before the
abolition of the opium lease, the Chinese had accumulated millions
of dollars from that source.
(b)
The pawnbroker’s lease was abolished for Java and Madura in
1903 and supplanted by a State monopoly of the pawnbroker’s serv
ice (Pandhmsdienst) .
In various districts outside of Java pawnbroking is still leased out.
The lessee is given a monopoly to loan money up to the amount of
100 florins ($40.20, par) on pledged chattels at a rate of interest pre
scribed in the lease. However, the loaning of amounts in excess of
100 florins is everywhere an unlimited privilege both in districts where
there is a Government monopoly, or Pandhuisdienst, and in districts
where pawnbroking is leased out.
In localities where neither the one nor the other form of pawn
broking exists the operation of a pawnbroker’s or loan bank’s business
is conditional upon obtaining a license.
(c)
The lease of the gambling privilege has now been abolished
throughout the entire colony and has been supplanted by a system
according to which on special occasions the chiefs of the provincial
administrations may grant licenses for the operation of gambling
games during a specified number of days or hours. Under the former
regime Chinese lessees made millions through the lease of gambling
privileges.
Pure-blooded natives were not admitted to the gaming tables of the
former lessees nor are they now being admitted to games operated
by holders of licenses.
(d)
The holder of a so-called slaughtering lease undertook to collect
taxes on slaughtering for the Government. This often involved
enormous sums. In the whole of Java and a large part of the other
possessions, these taxes are now being collected by tne authorities.

41986°— 23----- 6

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

(e)
The lease of the manufacture of domestic, and of the sale of im
ported, alcoholic beverages, formerly of great importance, is now
supplanted by an excise on liquors distilled within the islands and a
special import tariff on imported liquors. The lease system is now
in force in only a few unimportant localities.
(/) The salt lease is now everywhere replaced by the State salt
monopoly or regie. The former “ territorial contracts” with salt
lessees involved millions of dollars and were held exclusively by the
Chinese.16

COMMERCE.

The Chinese in Javan commerce are engaged as wholesalers, retail
ers, and also as middlemen and money lenders. Commenting on
their influence, D. M. Campbell says:
Almost all the inland commerce beyond what is carried on through the medium of
the pasar or market is under the control of the Chinese, who, possessing considerable
capital, and frequently speculating on a very extensive scale, engross the greater part
of the wholesale trade, buy up the principal articles of export for the native grower,
upon whose crop has been given a voorschot (a Dutch word meaning ‘ ‘before account’ ’ ),
or advance, convey them to the maritime capitals, and in return supply the interior
with all the necessaries required, and with the principal articles imported by the
European firms for native consumption, such as silk and cotton goods, and all the cheap
ware of Birmingham and Manchester. The European firms give large and long credits
to the Chinese merchants on their purchases of goods for the local markets, and, except
in the minority of cases, these credits have never been abused, and are always faith
fully returned.17

Another writer characterizes the commercial activities of the
Chinese as “ the linchpin of all great public and private enterprises.”
To the native the Chinese merchant is the necessary intermediary.
“ One finds him everywhere; one needs him everywhere; one must
therefore accept him, while limiting as far as possible the bad effects
of his rdle.” 18
ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE CHINESE.

In many cases the fortunes accumulated by the Chinese either in
commerce or through various leases have been invested in land under
a certain system of ownership called “ particuliere landerijen.”
Some of the lands so owned are cultivated by the owners. In other
cases the land has been cleared and is worked by the native popula
tion which can not be dispossessed. In the latter case the owner is
simply a landlord with the right to levy certain taxes on the native
holders.19 The rights of the landlord so acquired were alienable and
have in practice often been sold, mortgaged, etc.20
In the last 10 years a start has been made to bring these “ particu
liere landerijen” back into the public domain, as mis form of land
ownership hardly conforms to the spirit of the present time.
The Chinese frequently invest in houses and building lots in cities as
well as agricultural undertakings such as sugar factories. It is*2
5
w Formerly a number of other leases were granted to the Chinese for the collection of public revenues, such
as the tax on pepper in Riouw, the tithing tax on certain forest products in some outlying districts, a number
of ferry and sluice rights, and a tax on certain theatrical performances. A t present, there is still a lease on
the m onopoly of collecting edible birds’ nests, which are found in certain parts of Java, Madura, and Borneo,
if Campbell, Donald Maclaine: Java: Past and Present. London, 1915, Vol. II, p. 1095.
i» Cabaton, A .: Java, Sumatra, and other islands of the Dutch East Indies. London, 1911, p. 161.
m For the protection of the liberty and rights of the natives, see the Governor General’ s ordinance of Dec.
25, 1838, ana that of Apr. 9,1894.
*> See “ Alienation and leasing of land” in U. S. Bureau of Insular Affairs, Certain Economic Questions in
the English and Dutch colonies, Washington, 1902, pp. 61,62.

JAVA.

estimated 21 that the Chinese in Java have invested about £16,000,000
($77,864,000, par) in real estate, and those residing in Batavia own
about three-quarters of the buildings and residences in the city. This
represents their total accumulations since the pioneer days of their
colonization in Java.
As to the savings of the Chinese, no data are now available. The
permanent residents —i. e., those who have resided in Java for a genera
tion and have therefore lost all personal conta-ct with China—invest
their savings in the country. An intermediary group of residents—
i. e., those who were born in China but have permanently settled in
the Dutch East Indies— send their savings regularly to their relatives
in China. A third group includes those who come to Java with the
sole aim of earning some money and then returning to China. To this
last class belong manual workers, skilled and unskilled, and also the
irofessional money lenders who are mainly from Fu Ching, Hsing
lua, and Foochow.
As the Chinese do not make use of the postal money orders, it is
difficult to ascertain the amount of remittances to China. Large
amounts are sent in bank drafts. People of small means intrust their
savings to the so-called Shiu Ke, who make it their business to travel
to and fro between Java and China and maintain relations with
Chinese villages on the one hand and Chinese emigrants abroad on the
other.

SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE CHINESE.

The majority of the Chinese people in Java are Dutch subjects, as
the law of February 10, 1910, provides that “ all persons born in the
Dutch East Indies of parents settled there are Dutch subjects.”
The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies have been clannish, living
much to themselves. Formerly the racial line was sharply drawn,
but recently a tendency toward toleration and cooperation is manifest.
In previous years their cultural level was very low, which was un
doubtedly due to their coming from the poorest and almost entirely
illiterate element of the Chinese, population. Until recently, even
after they have grown rich in Java, they have failed to give their chil
dren adequate social and cultural advantages. The reform movement
in China, which was ushered in with the advent of the twentieth cen
tury, has had an important influence over the Chinese in Java. They
have founded special lower schools in Batavia and numerous other
localities. The teaching system used in these schools corresponds in
the main to that in use in China. There has always been a shortage
of qualified teachers and it is due to this defect that a great number of
schools use as the language of instruction, Mandarin Chinese, with
which few of the pupils are familiar. Indeed, it seems that a great
number of the children speak the Malay language at home and when
ever they speak Chinese it is almost always the southern dialect and
rarely northern Chinese.
Beginning in 1908 the Dutch Government established DutchChinese schools with Dutch as the language of instruction and with a
curriculum similar to that in Dutch schools. The number of these
schools is steadily growing. There is great demand for such schools
on the part of the Chinese.22 Above the Dutch-Chinese schools are8
1
81 Campbell, Donald Maclaine: Java: Past and Present. London, 1915, Vol. II, pp. 141,1101.
n In 1921, according to the Statesman’s Yearbook, 1922, p. 1139, there were in Java 34 Dutch-Chinese
schools with 210 teachers and 7,975 pupils.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

the M. U. L. O. schools, the various intermediate schools, the inter
mediate technical schools, the higher technical schools in the Dutch
East Indies, and the universities in the Netherlands. A special semi
nary, accessible to Indo-Chinese young people, helps to train teachers
for the Dutch-Chinese schools; its teaching staff now consists of men
and women from the Netherlands.
MISCEGENATION.

The Chinese in the Dutch East Indies have shown a strong tendency
to interbreed with native stocks through marriages with native
women. This is due to the fact that in former times there was no
immigration of Chinese women and even since the improvement of
steamship communication female immigration is only sporadic.23
Chinese young men or girls very rarely marry native whites.
Through the gradual infusion of native blood into the Chinese
group a characteristic type of Indo-Chinese has been produced,
popularly known as the Peranakans. Since this type has existed
for generations its members may be counted among the native
population. Most of their Chinese ancestors were from Fukien and
they themselves have predominantly Chinese characteristics.
However, the Peranakans invariably speak the language of their
mothers—the Malay, the Javanese, or the Sundanese dialects. In
them are shown the vitality of the Chinese race, social and economic
superiority over the native population, and a pronounced tendency
toward the patriarchal family.
Owing to economic differences between families which have been
in Java for generations and the newcomers, as well as to the former’s
lack of familiarity with the Chinese language, there is a rather
marked cleavage between the Peranakans and the full-blooded
Chinese, which has given rise to other differences. The Peranakans
consider themselves socially above the so-called Singkeh, who come
directly from a lower social environment and have not yet gone
through the process of assimilation in the Dutch East Indies. On
their part the Singkeh consider the Peranakans inferior because of
their mixed blood and their total loss of knowledge of the Chinese
language. However, the Peranakans have for many years taken
a keen interest in the development of their adopted country.
In Tangerang and in Krawang (near Batavia) and in Bantam near the limits of
Batavia there are villages, the population of which, although of Chinese origin, has
through conversion to Islam been entirely assimilated with the native stock. Some
of these Chinese are good agriculturists. In the western part of Borneo there are
also Chinese who went there during the gold-digging period; many of these have
become agriculturists, although not owning any land. They have not assimilated
with the native stock.24

Members of the Chinese group mingle very seldom with European
or Indo-European society, except in a few cases of marriage between
Chinese and the last-named group.
CHINESE ORGANIZATIONS.

Chinese societies are important from a social and political point
of view. In the Dutch East Indies there are to be found: (a) The*
m Among the Hakkas rich men still return to China with their sons so that the latter may marry Chinese
girls and bring them to Java.
* Cabaton, A.: Java, Sumatra, and other islands of the Dutch East Indies. London, 1911, p. 16$,

BANKA.

Chinese chambers of commerce; (&) the special lower schools; (c)
the reading clubs, which are also political in character; (d) the
Hua ChiaoJLien Ho Hui, a pan-Chinese organization on a radical
nationalistic basis; (e) the territorial corporations of “ guild halls” ;
(/) the local burial societies; (g) the trade associations of workmen
and commercial employees, etc.; (A) religious organizations, temple
societies, etc., partly of a public and partly of a tribal character;
and (i) a large variety of social organizations which have the object
of promoting charity, arts, sport, sociability, etc.
BANKA.25

The island of Banka is off the east coast of Sumatra, from which
it is separated by Banka Strait, which is about 9 miles wide at its
narrowest point. On the east, the broader, island-studded Gaspar
Strait separates Banka from Billiton. Banka is 138 miles in length;
its extreme breadth is 62 miles, and its area, including a few
adjacent small islands, 4,460 square miles.
The population of Banka, according to an official Dutch estimate
made at the end of 1917, numbers 154,178, of whom about 70,000
are Chinese, 600 are Dutch civilians, 400 are in the Dutch garrison
which is officered by the Dutch and manned by the Malays, and the
remainder of the population is Malayan.
Since the Dutch occupation the economic development of the
island has been chiefly through the tin mines which are a Govern
ment monopoly. The Chinese in the island have played a predomi
nant r61e in developing this industry. According to a Dutch estimate
22,365 Chinese are now engaged in the 120 principal tin mines
around Muntok, Djeboes, Belinjoe, Soengailiat, Merawang, Pangkalpinang, Soengaiselan, Koba, and Toboali.26
There are about 7,000 Chinese engaged in growing pepper; these
are distributed among the following cities: 1,500 at Merawang,
1,350 at B&linjoe, 1,000 at Soengailiat, 1,000 at Pangkalpinang,
and there are several growers at each of the following places: Muntok,
Djeboes, Toboali, and Koba. The pepper gardens vary in size from
1.000 to 30,000 plants. Each plant yields about 1.80 florins (72
cents, par) worth of pepper per year. Each worker cultivates about
1.000 plants.
Chinese fishermen inhabit such large fishing centers as those near
Koba, the southeastern coast of Banka, and the coast of the island
of Lepar. The retail trade of the island is almost entirely in the
hands of the Chinese, and their activities along other lines are equally
important in the economic life of Banka. In 1920, when the island
was faced with a great shortage of rice, Chinese merchants contri
buted $150,000 Mexican ($81,060, par) in order that rice might be
imported from Java and a famine averted.
But by" far the largest number of Chinese in Banka are engaged as
contract laborers in tin mining, and a considerable number of these
have accumulated wealth. Unlike most of their compatriots in
Java the Chinese in the island are manual rather than brain workers.
as China. Emigration Bureau. Report on Conditions of Chinese Laborers in Banka, May, 1920.
« From 1890-91 to 1911-12 the annual production of tin in Banka increased from 6,508 tons to 15,218
tons. (Fawns, Sydney: Tin Deposits of the W orld. London, 1916, p . 262.) No later figures are available.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

The number of male Chinese laborers in the principal cities of
Banka, engaged as tin miners and in peddling and other forms of
labor, and the number of women and children are shown in the
following table:
T able 1 0 .—CHIN ESE L A B O R E R S A N D W O M E N A N D C H IL D R E N IN T H E P R IN C IP A L
CITIE S OF B A N K A IN 1920.1

Tin
miners.

City.

Other
laborers
and
peddlers.

W omen
and
children.

Total.

BSlinjoe.....................................................................................
Dj Shoes.....................................................................................
K o b a .........................................................................................
Merawang.............................. .................................................
M untok.....................................................................................
Pangkalpinang........................................................................
Soengailiat................................................................................
............................................................................
Soengaiselan
T oboali.....................................................................................

3,980
1,494
1,960
1,429
1,604
3,908
4,750
1,307
1,870

3,090
3,229
2,077
2,540
1,523
3,671
3,319
1,003
1,913

4,896
3,235
2,358
2,954
1,630
5,585
7,642
1,516
2,199

11,966
7,958
6,395
6,923
4,757
13,164
15,711
3,826
5,982

Total...............................................................................

22,302

22,365

32,015

76,682

i China. Emigration Bureau.

Report on Conditions of Chinese Laborers in Banka, May, 1920, pp. 4,5.

TIN MINING.

RECRUITMENT OF LABOR.
The usual practice in the recruitment of labor is as follows: The
Dutch labor contractor representing one or more mine owners goes
to Hongkong, where the labor is recruited by Chinese brokers or
headmen (Jceh tou). These headmen distribute copies of the contract
and also explain verbally the terms of employment to prospective
emigrants in near-by villages. For each laborer who is willing to
accept the terms the Dutch labor contractor pays the headman 35
florins ($14.07, par). The recruit himself is paid $7 (Hongkong
currency, $3.75 par, United States money), of which $4 is given
him at the hotel in Hongkong and the remaining $3 when he is aboard
a steamer bound for Banka. The recruit’s expenses from his home
to Hongkong, including board and lodging, are all paid by the labor
contractor. Immediately after arriving at Banka the recruit is
examined by a physician of the Central Dutch Mining Co. If physi
cally fit, the laborer is given a sum of from $80 to $180 Mexican ($43
to $97, par, United States money) to cover his traveling expenses
to the place of employment. Those who fail to pass the medical
examination are sent back to China at the expense of the labor
contractor, but not infrequently he offers these men to pepper
growers at lower rates of pay.
This recruiting, carried on without Government supervision or
proper administration by Chinese and Dutch authorities, has given
rise to abuses and corruption. On August 21, 1919, a special com
missioner of the Chinese Emigration Bureau found at mining district
No. 14, near Belinjoe, a number of cases where the emigrants did
not go there of their own volition but were fraudulently induced to
go and were sold as slaves. Slave emigration was for a time so
common that on October 1, 1918, the Dutch Government proclaimed
that u according to article 116 of the constitution, slave trade is
prohibited. Regardless of age and sex, a slave who is imported to
the colony of Banka may recover freedom by directly appealing to
the Government.”

BANKA.

Though flogging is prohibited by the Dutch laws, corporal punish
ment by headmen and supervisors in mining camps is said to be a
common practice. On August 6, 1919, a special commissioner of
the Chinese Emigration Bureau discovered a miner at Pangkalpinang, who was about 20 years of age and had been there for about
three months. The wounds on his back indicated that he had often
been whipped. On August 9, 1919, the entire number of Chinese
workers at Muntok petitioned Peking saying that one of their workers
had been flogged to death. In support of their accusation of flogging
and ill-treatment the petitioners cited 6 cases in June, 1913, where
the victims were shot to death, 3 cases in October, 1916, where the
victims were flogged to death, and 500 cases since 1913 where the
laborers had failed to receive free passage to return to China and
were unlawfully detained on the island. At mining district No. 19,
at BSlinjoe, the head laborer's report for 1918 enumerated 22 cases
of workmen who had been shackled. It is said to be common
knowledge that a philanthropic Chinese photographer at Pangkal>inang sends medicine every month to neighboring mining camps
or the benefit of those injured b}^ flogging.
Article 13 of the contract signed by Chinese laborers with the
Dutch companies provides that if the authentic address of the
laborer's nearest relative is given, compensation for accidental
death of the laborer will be remitted to his relative.
Respectable persons who were fraudulently induced to emigrate
to the Dutch colonies but who discovered the fraud after reaching
their destinations have often been so ashamed that they did not
want their friends and relatives in China to know their whereabouts
and preferred to be considered lost or dead.

}

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.
The labor contract usually runs for 360 days; at the request of the
employer and with the consent of the employee, it may be extended
to three or five years, with a due increase in daily wages. The laborer
is given a free passage to his place of employment and also free
passage home at the expiration of the contract. If he is taken ill
during the term of the contract and is advised by a physician to
return home, he is also entitled to a free passage with board on the
voyage home.
In the case of laborers the scale of wages varies with the kind of
work and with the duration of employment, as shown in the statement
below:
Laborers:
Florins.1
First 180 days...................................................................................... per day..
0.24
Second 180 days.......................................................................................d o .. . .
.36
Three years............................................................................................... do. . . .
.41
Five years................................................................................................. d o .. . .
.46
Superintendent in charge of 400 men or more................................ per month. .
300
Assistant superintendent............................................................................... do-----150
Secretary........................................................................................................... do____30 to 60
Treasurer........................................................................................................... do____30 to 60
Manager............................................................................................................. do___ 30 to 60*

*Florin at par—40.2 cents.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

Crane operators work 10 hours a day, laborer^ pumping water
work 8 hours, and other laborers work 9 hours per day. Day laborers
are paid 0.12 florin (4.8 cents, par) an hour with a maximum pay of
0.60 florin (24.1 cents, par) a day. Pieceworkers are described else
where.
Aside from a raincoat, a hat, a pair of trousers, a towel, and a
straw mat, provided for the worker by the employer under the provi
sions of article 3 of the contract, the laborer buys his own clothing.
In many cases, however, the Holland China Handels Co. (the chief
labor-recruiting agency) at Hongkong, purchases clothes, ships them
to Banka, and sells them to Chinese miners at less than market
prices. For instance, a jacket which ordinarily costs 1.5 florins
(60.3 cents, par) is sold at 1.2 florins (48.2 cents, par), and a pair of
trousers which usually costs 1.25 florins (50.3 cents, par) is sold at
one florin (40.2 cents, par).
According to article 9 of the contract, food is provided for the
workers by the employer free of charge. Their daily ration con
sists o f:
Fish, fresh or dried............................................................ . . . .Liang l .
Salt fish............................................................................................ d o ..,
Vegetables, fresh............................................................................. d o . ..
Beans, fresh......................................................................................d o ..,
Lard....................................
d o ...
R ice.................................... ......................................................... Catty 2

6. 40
2. 56
6.40
3. 06

1. 02
1. 67

Chinese laborers frequently complain of the insufficiency and the
lack of variety of their food. Though under the original contract
each worker was entitled to 50 catties of rice per month, the amount
has been cut down to 35 catties on account of the rising cost of rice.
Five catties are usually deducted for the expenses incurred for
feeding fowls and hogs in the compound. One catty per meal is
not enough for the average rice-consuming worker. Throughout
the year there seems to be little change in the diet, especially in
fresh and preserved vegetables.
Free lodging is guaranteed to the miners in article 8 of the con
tract. Three typical lodging houses may be briefly described. A
house 210 Chinese feet27 long and 15 feet wide is partitioned into
more than 30 small rooms. In each room are six cots. The house
is well ventilated and screened with wire windows. Trees and
flowers beautify the yard. Houses of this type have been built during
the last five years and constitute about 20 per cent of the lodging
houses for the Chinese laborers.
The second is a thatched wooden house, the shape of a cube, with
a door on one side. On the other three sides are wooden planks with
a little opening for fresh air between each two planks. In each
house are four cots, with an oil lamp and a chair for each occupant.
Such a house is comfortable to live in except in rainy and humid
weather.
The third is about 110 Chinese feet long, 25 feet wide, and 30 feet
high. The ground floor has about 12 rooms, each having 10 cots,
with one oil lamp and one chair for each occupant. The upper floor
is really an attic and unsuited for living purposes. The ventilation
1Liang=l£ ounces.

2Catty=lJ pounds.

” 1 Chinese foot=14.1 inches.

banka.

of the upper floor is poor. In some cases those who live there have
no cots or chairs and spread their bedding on the floor. This is the
most unsatisfactory of the three types of lodging houses.

PIECEWORK SYSTEM.
Under the piecework system a group of laborers form a gang and
work as a unit. The gang undertakes the mining operations over a
certain area and apportions to each worker a certain number of
cubic “ kilos” 28 as his daily labor. In the mining district of Pangkalpinang a gang consists of 27 persons who work on a lot 36 kilos
long, 6 kilos wide, and 1 kilo deep.

36 X 6 X 1

Each worker is allotted---- —

or 8 cubic kilos per day. At Belinjoe a gang consists of 125
laborers for a lot 225 kilos long, 5 kilos wide and 1 kilo deep. The

225 X 5 X 1

daily labor apportioned to each worker is therefore ----- ---------

or 9 cubic kilos per day. This system tends to equalize the burden
of work among the members of the gang but works hardship on the
less efficient. The gang is by agreement required to turn out a
certain amount of work each day, and every laborer has to do his
share. The physically weak must therefore put forth their utmost
efforts in order to perform their portion of the task. Those who can
not stand the physical strain usually desert.
Recently Dutch employers have attempted to increase the output
of the workers by instituting a system of bonuses to superintendents,
managers, headmen, and head laborers, based on production.

EDUCATION.
The number of children of Chinese miners who are taught in schools
supported by the Chinese is shown below. The list includes the schools
in nine mining towns, but excludes those in outlying districts and vil
lages. Merawang has three schools, the other eight towns have one
each. The instruction given at the three schools at Merawang is
more like private tutoring than what is commonly given at public
schools.
Number
of pupils.

Belinjoe..................................................
Djeboes...................................................
K oba........................................................
Merawang................................................
Muntok...................................................

98
62
69
93
51

Number
of pupils.

Pangkalpinang....................................... 103
Soengailiat.............................................. 170
Soengaiselan........................................... 48
Taboali.................................................... 72

HOSPITAL ACCOMMODATIONS.
Some of the hospitals in Banka are of brick, with tile roofs, and
surrounded by beautiful lawns. They are usually located in forests
or other quiet places. They have adequate medical equipment and
handle the serious cases of illness. Other hospitals are exclusively
for the benefit of laborers. They are usually located on the hill
sides near the places where Chinese miners work. Still others are
built of wooden planks, have simple and incomplete equipment, and
are largely dependent upon other near-by hospitals for their medicinal
supply. The doctors are chiefly Java-born Dutch. Cases of mild
illness are treated there.
» « K i l o ” «2.115 feet.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

One universal defect of these hospitals is the conspicuous lack of
nurses. Patients who are only slightly ill wait on those who suffer
from more serious ailments. Some patients do errands, mow lawns,
or attend to other odd jobs.
PEPPER INDUSTRY.

In Banka, uncultivated lands not already owned by holders of
adjacent properties may be claimed by petition to the Dutch Govern
ment. The successful claimant pays an annual tax of 3.5 florins
($1.41, par) per square kilometer; this tax he pays three years in
advance at the time of the petition; subsequent taxes are paid yearly.
Most of the land so claimed by the Chinese is used for pepper cultiva
tion. After the plants have begun to bear, the grower pays a tax
of about five Chinese cents (2.7 cents, par) per jflant. The pepper
>roduced is used as a condiment and as an ingredient in the manuacture of both powder and wines.

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.
The term of labor contract is usually 360 days and the daily wage is
0.10 florin (4 cents, par). At the time of commencing work, the
laborer has the privilege of borrowing from his employer a sum of
10 florins ($4.02, par) without interest and any additional sum at the
rate of 3 per cent interest. Board and lodging are free of charge.
The laborers are given three meals a day, and the diet is superior to
that provided in the mining industry. Each worker receives two
suits of clothes from the employer free of charge. Lodging houses,
which are usually near the places of employment, are also Furnished
by the employer. Hours of work vary with the nature of the em
ployment and the season. During the harvest the hours are long
and the work is heavy, at other seasons the workers have short hours
and light work.
At the expiration of the contract, the worker is considered as an
“ old emigrant.” Thereafter, while his clothing, board, and lodging
continue to be provided by the employer, his wages are raised from
15 to 25 florins ($6.03 to $10.05, par) a month. He can borrow from
the employer 10 florins ($4.02, par) without interest and any addi
tional sum at 3 per cent interest. His wages are paid at the end of
the year. Another type of “ old emigrant” receives his pay at the
end of each month, and may borrow from the employer 25 to 50
florins ($10.05 to $20.10, par) without interest. But in this case,
the employer does not furnish clothing, board, or lodging.
Workers of special merit and industry are awarded bonuses at the
end of each year. The employer is usually considerate and little
friction arises. If, however, an offense is committed by a laborer,
the case is reported to the Dutch Government and a captain is sent
there to investigate it. The offender is then taken to a near-by
tribunal for trial.
BILLITON.29

The island of Billiton is situated east of Banka and has an area
of 1,800 square miles. Among its inhabitants are about 30,000
Malays, 25,000 Chinese, and 400 Dutch. About 80 per cent of the

» Unless otherwise noted, the data for this section are based on China. Emigration Bureau. Report
on Conditions of Chinese Laborers in Billiton, March, 1919.

BILLITON.

Chinese are engaged in tin mining, the remaining 20 per cent being
peddlers, skilled workers, and traders.
The chief products of the island are tin, iron ore, and timber.
The alluvial deposits of tin, which form nearly the southern limit
of the vast stanniferous formation which extends over 20° of latitude,
make Billiton one of the world’s important tin-producing countries.30
On October 28, 1860, the Billiton Co. was granted a royal
charter for the exploitation of tin mines in the island, with the pro
vision that three-eighths of its net profits should go to the Govern
ment. To-day, the tin industry; is carried on mainly by the Dutch
and the Chinese; the former furnish most of the capital and the latter
the labor. However, many Chinese who have been in the island for
a long time, have accumulated considerable wealth and have invested
it in purely Chinese-managed companies for mining tin.
DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE.

According to a report of a special commissioner of the Chinese
Emigration Bureau, dated March, 1919, there are 22,538 Chinese in
the principal cities in Billiton, of whom 16,715 are mine workers,
2,180 are engaged in other trades, and 3,643 are women and children.
The distribution by city and occupation is showrn in the table
following:
T able

11.—NUMBER

CHINESE IN PRINCIPAL CITIES IN BILLITON, 1919.®
Men engaged in—

C ity.
Mining.

W omen
and
Other occu children.
pations.

1,349

Boeding....... ...................... .....................................................
Dendang_______________ _______ ____ _______ _________
Gantong.............................. ...................................................
Manggar...................................................................................
Ridjoek..................... ................................................ _..............
Tanjung Pandan....................................................................

3,153

T otal.......... ..................................................................

16,715

240
119

4,178
8,035

Total.

640
123
1,058

384
117
554
859
132
1,597

1,973
236
4,732
9,534
255
5,808

2,180

3,643

22,538

• China. Emigration Bureau. Report on Conditions of Chinese Laborers in Billiton, March, 1919, p. 6.
TEN MINING.

The number of Chinese engaged in mining tin in 1919 are shown,
by occupation and place of employment, in the table below:
T able 1 2 .—

NUMBER OF CHINESE MINERS IN BILLITON, 1919, BY OCCUPATION AND
CITY.®
Occupation.

yfin workers and well diggers.........................

Machinists.................................................. .........................
Independent enterprises_____________ _____ ________

Day laborers........ ..........................................................
Total........................................................................

Tanjung
Pandan. Manggar. Gantong. Boeding. Total.
1,166
573
689
725
3,153

3,534
1,509
161
2,831
8,035

2,107
404
525
1,142
4,178

310
354
486
199
1,349

7,117
2,840
1,861
4,897
16,715

®China. Emigration Bureau. Report on Conditions of Chinese Laborers in Billiton, March, 1919, p. 5.
» Between the years 1890-91 and 1911-12 the annual production of tin in Billiton averaged nearly 4.700
tons. (Fawns, Sydney: Tin Deposits of the World. London, 1916, p. 262.) Later figures are not available.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

Of these 16,715 miners, only 504 were married and had their wives
with them; the boys and girls in these families numbered 646 and
588, respectively.

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.

Chinese mine workers usually sign a contract with the company
for a period of 360 days. During this period, the laborer, who is
known as a Singkeh or “ new emigrant, receives about 0.25 florin
(about 10 cents, par) for a working-day of from 8 to 10 hours. At the
expiration of the contract, he is considered as a Laugkeh or “ old
emigrant,” and his daily wages are increased in accordance with his
experience in the job and the duration of the employment.
Three grades of pay for “ old emigrants” may be roughly distin
guished: (a) One who has worked for more than 360 days with the
company is entitled to have his wages raised to 7.5 florins ($3.02, par)
a month. While working for the company, he is not permitted to
engage in commerce or other trades independently, (b) One who has
worked for about 500 days receives 9 florins ($3.62, par) per month.
Up to 1918, workers of this class were not free to seek jobs or transfer
their jobs from one place to another at will. Since then, more free
dom of travel has been accorded them. The majority of workers of
this grade are employed by Chinese mine owners and receive a monthly
pay of about 10 florins ($4.02, par), (c) One who has worked about
900 days receives a monthly wage of about 15 florins ($6.03, par).
Chinese companies pay workers of this grade about 21 florins ($8.44,
par) a month.
In addition to a number of holidays and festivals during the period
of contract, each worker is entitled to a vacation of two days in each
month, but he has no rest on Sundays. The employer advances his
passage fee from China to Billiton and all other necessary expenses,
which are to be deducted from his wages at the conclusion of the 360day contract. Food, lodging, and medical attendance, are furnished
free of charge. At Tanjung Pandan a special hospital is provided
for the Chinese miners. It consists of five houses, each 60 Chinese
feet long and 15 feet wide, with 60 beds each. About 70 per cent of
the Chinese patients suffer from beriberi, and the remaining cases are
pulmonary tuberculosis, nervous disorders, scarlet fever, etc.

CONTROL OF LABOR AT A MINING COMPOUND.
Instead of employing Chinese by individual contract, the Maatschappij more frequently employs an experienced Chinese, chosen
from among the “ old emigrants” as head miner in charge of all the
laborers in a mining compound. The company allows a lump sum
of 230 florins ($92.46, par) per year per worker, to cover wages, food,
and lodging. Each laborer thus employed is required to work 800
cubic yards and produce 12 piculs (1,600 pounds) of tin per year.
By agreement, the laborer sells this tin to the company at the
rate of 17 florins ($6.83, par) per picul. If the output exceeds 12
piculs, all the excess goes to the head miner. If it is below the
required 12 piculs, the company will raise the price of the mined
tin to approximate the annual wage of the laborer, namely, the sum
of 230 florins. For example, if the annual yield of a certain allotment
is only 5 piculs a year, the laborer is 7 piculs below the required
quantity and the price of this 5 piculs will be raised to 46 florins
($18.49, par) per picul instead of 17 florins as agreed.

BILLITON.
ADMINISTRATION OF A MINING COMPOUND.

The head miner is the liaison official between the Dutch company
and the Chinese laborers. He receives orders from the company
and instructs his men in carrying them out. Under ordinary circum
stances, he has complete control of the mining compound. The
occupations and wages in the compound of 50 persons would be as
follows:
T able

13.—OCCUPATIONS AND MONTHLY WAGES OF MEMBERS OF A MINING
COMPOUND.
[1 florin at par=40.2 cents.]
Occupation.

.........
Head laborer....................
Head laborer’s assistants...............
Head laborer, underground...........
Treasurer..........................................
Secretary...........................................

Num
ber of
em
ploy
ees.

Monthly
wages
per em
ployee.

Occupation.

1
2
2
1
1

Florins.
25.00
20.00
20. CO
25.00
25.00

Cook..................................................
Gardener..........................................
Forester............................................
“ Old emigrants ” ............................
“Now emigrants” ...........................

Num
ber of
em
ploy
ees.

Monthly
wages
per em
ployee.

2
1
1
5
34

Florins.
25.00
25.00
30.00
15.00
7.50

The monthly allowance of rice is 75 catties (100 pounds) per person;
for vegetables and other food articles an allowance of 2.5 florins
($1.01, par) per person is made. The head miner receives an annual
allowance from the company of 11,500 florins ($4,623, par), but the
expenses may run as high as 13,830 florins ($5,560, par) per year.
Each worker is privileged to borrow 34 florins ($13.67, par) from
the head miner at the rate of 36 per cent interest. Some, who are
gamblers, owe him debts running as high as 300 florins ($121, par).
The head miner owns a garden, raises fowls and other farm products,
and runs a grocery. Not infrequently he charges high rates for
merchandise the workers buy from him.
Each laborer is required to work at least 26 days in the month.
Except in cases of sickness, for one day of absence below that limit
five days’ wages, or 1.25 florins (50.3 cents, par) are deducted. If
the worker is absent for two days, an absence of six days is counted
against him, and 1.50 florins (60.3 cents, par) are deducted from his
wages. Deductions for meals are made in a similar manner, namely,
one day is counted as five days, or 1.5 florins (60.3 cents, par), and
two days are counted as six days, or 1.8 florins (72.4 cents, par).
KINDS OF WORK PERFORMED BY CHINESE MINERS.

(a) Determining lodes and fissures.—Lode deposits of tin ore which
is mixed with rock must first have the location of the veins deter
mined. This work is done principally on hillsides.
(5) Sluicing.—*Ground sluicing is a common method of extracting
tin ore near the seashore where the tin is usually mixed with mud
and sand. Two pipes are attached to a machine which draws water
and ejects it from pipe A to the surface of the ground. Pipe B then
conducts the water which is now mixed with tin and runs it through
a long trough. A number of laborers work at one end of the trough
to wash off sand and mud. At the other end, another group of men
p,re engaged in extracting the ore. The drawing of the water is done

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

by old emigrants. Pipe A which ejects water is also in their charge.
Washing on sand and mud, which is done at one end of pipeB, and
extracting, which is done at the other end, are the work o f the new
emigrants.
(c) Treating tin ore.—Three processes of treating ore should be
noted: Crushing, fluxing, and refining of ore. Big rocks containing
ore are first crushed by a machine, then they are mixed with other
ore which contains metallic compounds to help free the tin from the
ore. The last stage is to refine the tin so obtained. As this work
requires much skill and expert training, only old emigrants are em
ployed.
(d) Transporting.— Old emigrants transport tin, fuel, and other
supplies with small locomotives, while others repair the roads. New
emigrants work on light-track cars taking iron baskets to the mines.

CHINESE-OWNED TIN MINES.
Up to January, 1919, not fewer than 1,861 old emigrants in Billiton
had invested their savings in tin-mining companies. However, the
compan}^, fearful of their competition, has been trying to limit their
activities by imposing some rather unfavorable conditions, of which
the following are examples:
The Chinese mines are usually located at places inaccessible to the
railroad and other means of communication. The Chinese are dis
couraged from forming large companies, the largest company having
only about 50 stockholders. Since the savings of the old emigrants
are usually small, their business is greatly handicapped by the lack
of funds. The tin mined by the Chinese is by agreement sold to the
company at the rate of 39 florins ($15.68, par) per picul, with deduc
tions for inferior quality. Delivery of ore is made each month.31
By agreement, the Chinese companies purchase food, fuel, and other
necessary equipment from the company. A fine is imposed for
buying equipment from other agencies than the Maatschappij.
Furthermore, regarding board and lodging, the Chinese companies
are required to follow the example of the company. In the event
of a Chinese company failing to observe regulations of the com
pany, the latter reserves the right to revoke the license for mining.
CHINESE IN OTHER TRADES AND PROFESSIONS.

Besides the mine workers, there are about 2,000 Chinese who are
engaged in trades and professions in various parts of Billiton. They
are independent enterprisers and free from contract obligations. Since
the native population is rather sparse and industrial development
just beginning, many of these Chinese are manifestly not successful
in their business careers.
The following are the principal occupations, professions, and trades,
aside from mining, followed by the Chinese in Billiton:
Barbers.—More than 100 barbers from the May district of Kwangtung Province are establishing their business in all parts of the island.
Recently Japanese, Arabs, and Malays have entered the trade in
competition with them, but the Chinese are doing well.
During the years 1892 to 1910 the annual Chinese production of tin in Banka and Billiton increased
from 2,064 tons to 6,407 tons. (Fawns, Sydney: Tin Deposits of the W orld. London, 1916, p . 262.)
Later data are not available.

BORNEO.

Blacksmiths.—The employees of a well-known forge and foundry
at Tanjung Pandan (59) are about evenly divided between Malays
and Chinese. The latter receive a monthly wage of from 20 to 35
florins ($8.04 to $14.07, par). Other Chinese in the trade have
blacksmith shops in the chief mining towns and manufacture iron
tools for the miners.
Carpenters.—Most of the carpenters are engaged in constructing
frame houses. The industry is very prosperous, as the island lacks
bricks and tiles. Furniture manufacturing in both western and
Chinese styles is also monopolized by Chinese carpenters.
Dentists.— The dentists are natives of Tienmen district, Hupeh
Province. Because of keen competition and high rent many Chinese
dentists do not have a lucrative practice.
Goldsmiths.—Most of the goldsmiths come from the May district,
Kwangtung Province. They manufacture both Chinese and Malayan
jewelry. Their stores are mostly in Tanjung Pandan, with two or
three shops each at Manggar and Gantong. Since the purchasing
power of the native population is rather small, their trade is far
smaller than that of their fellow countrymen in the same trade in
Java and Sumatra.
Paper-toy makers.—The toy makers make paper figures for funerals,
ceremonies, festivals, and amusements, some of which are based on
old Chinese customs, largely associated with superstition. On the
average, there is one shop at each of the principal mining towns in
the island.
Photographers.—The photographers in the five large cities of
Billiton are Cantonese. Their business so far is not a financial
success.
Plumbers.— Ten years ago, plumbing was almost entirely in the
hands of the Chinese. To-day, many natives have learned the trade
and are successfully competing with the Chinese in coarser work,
leaving the Chinese a free field only in highly skilled work.
Rattan workers.—Because of the tropical heat, rattan ware has a
good sale in the island, and most Chinese in this occupation are
financially successful.
Shoemakers.—Although they use western leather, Chinese shoe
makers receive a fair compensation for their work.
Tailors.—More than 100 tailors from the May district are scattered
through the small villages in Billiton and compete with Japanese
and Malayan tailors. Because they are comparatively more frugal
and more highly skilled, the Chinese are prosperous.
Other workers.—Aside from the above classes, about 600 Chinese
are engaged as cooks, laundrymen, office boys, and janitors in various
parts of the island.
BORNEO.33
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND BORNEO.

A description of Poli in book 54 of the annals of the southern
Liang dynasty (502-556) seems to be the first historical allusion to
Borneo. Not only does the passage itself correspond with the con
ditions of the island, but also the Chinese name of Borneo, even to

« Regarding ethnological data, see Evans, Ivor, H. N.: Among Primitive Peoples in Borneo, Chapter
XXX, The Chinese in Borneo.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES,

this day, is Polo, a word which sounds much like Poli. “ The king
dom of Poli,” according to the Annals, “ is situated at the southeast
of Canton, on an island in the sea; the distance from Canton is two
months, traveling daily. From east to west the country is 50 days
broad and from north to south it is 20 days; there are 136 villages in
it. The climate is warm, just like summer in China; rice ripens
twice a year and plants and trees are very luxuriant. The sea
produces spotted conches and cowries.”
The social usages and manners of the inhabitants of Poli detailed
in book 82 of the annals of the Sui dynasty (581-617), would lead
one to believe that what the historian described was probably the
modern Borneo:
The people of this country are skilled in throwing a discus knife; it is the size of a
[Chinese metal] mirror, in the middle is a hole and the edge is like a saw; when they
throw it at a man, they never fail to hit him. Their other arms are about the same as
those in China. Their customs resemble those in Cambodia, and the products of the
country are the same as those of Siam. * * * They get coral from the sea, and
they have a bird called sari [beo, gracula religiosa], which can talk. For their sacri
fice, they choose the time when there is no moon; they fill a bowl with wine and
eatables and let it float away on the surface of the water; in the eleventh month they
have a great sacrifice.

Still later in the T ’ ang annals (618-906), in book 222, more definite
information is given regarding the mode of living of the Borneans:
They wear the teeth of wild beasts in their ears and wrap a piece of cotton round
their loins; cotton is a plant from which they collect the flowers in order to make
cloth of them; the coarser kind is called kupa and the finer cloth t ’ieh.33 They hold
their markets at night and cover their faces.

A considerable portion of the passages above noted tallies very
closely with recent observations of ethnologists, anthropogeographers, and travelers relating to the inhabitants of Borneo. Charles
Hose, a civil officer to the Rajah of Sarawak for 24 years, comments
on the two passages last quoted in the following language:
The discus knife, a wooden weapon, is not now in use, but is known to have been
used formerly. The wild Kadayans sacrifice after every new moon, and are forbidden
to eat a number of things until they have done so. The Malanaus set laden rafts afloat
on the rivers to propitiate the spirits of the sea. The very names of the two kinds of
cotton, then evidently a novelty to the Chinese, are found in Borneo: Kapok is a
well-known Malay word, taya is the common name for cotton among the Sea Dayaks.34
BORNEO’S ENVOYS TO CHINA.

Poli began to pay tribute to China as early as 518, when its envoys
came to Yang-chow, the Chinese capital. Five years later the king
Pinka sent another envoy to bring as tribute white parrots, glass
utensils, cotton cloth, cups made out of shells, and different kinds of
perfumes and medicines. The third envoy was sent in 616, but after
that date tribute paying was discontinued and the name of Poli was
dropped from the dynastic histories, that of Puni being used instead.
According to Chinese geographers of the old days, Puni was situated
in the southwestern sea, on the western coast of Borneo; its distance
from Java was 45 days, from San-bo-tsai (Palembang) 40 days, and
33 Cotton was not originally grown in China but was introduced b y Chinese traders from the Malay
Archipelago, as cotton cultivation and cotton weaving by Malays were known to the Chinese as early as
the sixth century. “ Kupa is the name of a tree,” reports the historian of the southern Liang annals
(China. Bureau of the National H istory), book 4, p . 1, “ of w hich the flowers, when ripe, are like goose
down; the natives take out the fibers and spin them after which they use them for weaving a kind of cloth
as white as linen. They also dye the thread in different colors and weave cloth with patterns.”
u Hose, Charles, and M cDougall, W m .: The Pagan Tribes of Borneo. London, 1912, V ol. I, p 10

BORNEO.

from Champa 30 days, in all cases taking the wind to be fair. It had
a population of more than 10,000 and ruled over 14 different places.
The house in which the king lived was covered with palm leaves and
the cottages of the people were covered with grass.
No barley was grown, but hemp and rice were abundant. At their
feasts the people used to make music by beating drums, blowing
flutes, and clashing cymbals; they also sang and danced.
Two more deputations came to the Chinese court from the kingdom
of Puni, one in 977 conducted by King Hiangta and the other in 1082
by King Sri Maji. Thereafter, for along period, Puni ceased to pay
tribute to China. The Chinese historians, aside from some scanty
notes, fail to explain the reasons for the discontinuance of the custom.
Recently, however, Charles Hose and William McDougall have
thrown much light on what had actually happened during this interval.
In the thirteenth and the early part of the fourteenth centuries Bruni [Puni, now
Borneo] owed allegiance alternately to two powers much younger than herself, Majapahit
in Java, and Malacca on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. Both these States
were founded in the thirteenth century. Majapahit, originally only one of several
Javan kingdoms, rapidly acquired strength and subjugated her neighbors and the
nearest portions of the island around. Malacca, formed when the Malay colony of
Singapore was overwhelmed b y the Javanese, became the great commercial depot of
the Straits and the chief center of Mohammedanism in the archipelago. The two
powers therefore stood for two faiths and two cultures: Majapahit for Brahminism and
Hindu influence, Malacca for Islam and the more practical civilization of Arabia. In
the earliest years of the fourteenth century Bruni was a dependency of Majapahit, but
seems to have recovered its independence during the minority of the Javan king. In
1368 Javanese soldiers drove from Bruni the Sulu marauders who had sacked the town.
A few years later the ungrateful king transferred his allegiance to China.36

In 1405 King Maraja Kali (Maraja Kala in Chinese) came to China
with his wife and family, and was received with the highest honors.
Puni paid tribute again in 1410, and between 1415 and 1425, four
envoys were sent, but after that Puni’s tribute bearers rarely appeared
at the imperial court of the Chinese Emperor. During the first
quarter of the sixteenth century, due to the influence of the Franks
^Portuguese), the tribute ceased altogether.
CHINESE RULE IN BORNEO.

The Chinese influence in Borneo (Puni), however, increased as
years passed. The situation in 1618 is thus described in Book V of
the Tung See Yang K 'a o :36
It is told that the present king is a man from Fukien, who followed Cheng Ho to
Bruni and who settled there; for this reason there is a stone with a Chinese inscription
near the king’s palace. In former years this country was attacked b y the Portuguese;
the people retired into the interior and threw poison into the river, which, floating down
with the current, killed a large number of their enemies; after this they went away
and attacked Manila. Formerly this city had a stone wall and a wooden wall; the
stone wall was demolished in order to build up the island Chang Yau.

The Chinese royal family above referred to is said to have descended
from Sultan Akhmed, the brother of Sultan Mahomed who first
introduced Islam into Borneo. Sultan Akhmed married the daughter
(or the sister f) of Ong Sum Ping, a Chinese chief who, according to
Bornean legends, had come down to Borneo by order of a Chinese
emperor to seek the jewel which was in the possession of the dragon of*
» Hose, Charles, and McDougall, W m .: The Pagan Tribes of Borneo.
*6Researches on the Eastern and Western Oceans, b y Chang Hsueh.

41986°— 23----- 6

London, 1912, V ol. I, pp. 14-16

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

China Balu. He went with his daughter on her marriage to Sultan
Akhmed from China Batang to Brum, taking all his people with him,
and there built the bar of stones at the mouth of the river, and the
Kota Batu,37 at the residence of the sultans. Sultan Akhmed had
a daughter by his Chinese wife who was married to Sultan B6rkat.
Sultan B&rkat had come from Taif in Arabia, and was a descendant
of the prophet through his grandson Huslin; he enforced the observ
ance of the religion of Islam and the laws of the Mohammedans and
built a mosque.38
CHINESE AND EARLY EUROPEAN SETTLERS.

Prior to the arrival of the Europeans in Borneo, the Chinese were
of considerable importance in the island. When the Spaniards first
visited the island m 1520, the whole island was in a most flourishing
state. A very large number of Chinese had settled on her shores;
the products of their industry were numerous, and the commerce
with China carried on by junks was extensive. On December 26,
1600, when the first Dutch navigator, named Olivier van Noort, came
to the Bornean shore with the intention of establishing trade with the
islanders, he employed a Chinese to convey to the Bornean chief that
he had gone there a as a friend who only desired to procure food,
water, and other things for his money.” During his short stay
several noblemen (praus and orang kayas) visited the Dutch. Shortly
the Chinese reported that the king would give the Dutch a hostage,
knowing that he was not from Spain, with whom Borneo was then at
war. Thus Dutch trade began.39
In almost every port where there was European trade, there was
evidence of Chinese junks. Thus, when the English were at Banjermasin (56) in 1702, four junks arrived during the monsoon, each
15 fathoms long and 4 broad, with cargoes of porcelain, china, silk,
teapots, umbrellas and other articles of trade, which were brought
by the Javanese merchants and by the Chinese from Samarang (62).
These junks took return cargoes of pepper. In 1712 an embassy
was sent from Banjermasin to invite the Dutch trade there. It
having been agreed that all the pepper should be delivered to them,
ships were dispatched, but on arriving at Banjermasin they learned
that some Chinese junks had been before them and carried away all
the pepper. Roggewein in 1721 mentioned the large fleets of Chinese
junks laden with the commodities of the Chinese empire, which
annually arrived in Borneo, and observed that as the Chinese were in
possession of all the trade of this island before the Portuguese dis
covered a passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope, so it had in
great measure continued to be after the Europeans had declined to
settle there. From Valentyn’s work, published in 1726, we learn that
the commerce of Borneo in the earlier part of the century was exten
» There are tw oplaccs called b y the name K ota Batu, one is the site of the ancient palace at the little river
below the ancient tom bs of the former sultans, the other is the artificial bar formed m the river between the
islands K aya Orang and Pulau Chermin, which the Pangiran Kasum a’s narrative gives as referred to in
the text, saying that 40 junks filled with stones were sunk to form it.
® R oyal Asiatic Society Journal (Straits Branch). ‘ Notes of Sultan Mahomed.” V ol. V -V I , p p. 6, 7.
A writer in the Chinese Repository for August, 1838, (vol. 7, p . 186) believes the ethnic foundations of
Borneo to be of three stocks: Johore Malays, Chinese, and Senps (Arab Serifs). To-day the Idaans of
northwesternBorneo consider themselves descendants of Ong Sum Ping w ho remained in the island after
the jewel dispute. The material culture of the Idaans is appreciably higher than that of the other five
tribes on the island. Their plough was introduced by Chinese settlers.
» Journal of Indian Archipelago, V ol II, p. 605.

BORNEO.

sive, and that the Chinese took an active part in it. When the
Dutch in 1748 compelled the king of Banjermasin to give them a
monopoly of his trade, he reserved the right to allow the Chinese to
take 500,000 pounds of pepper.
CHINESE-BORNEAN FUSION.

One writer describes the offspring of Chinese-Bornean marriages:
The mixed breed of the Chinese with the Malays or the Dyaks are a good looking
and industrious race, partaking much more of the Chinese character than that of the
natives of this country. This mainly arises from education and early formed habits
which are altogether Chinese; and in religion and customs they likewise follow, in a
good measure, the paternal stock. The race is worthy of attention, as the future
possessors of Borneo.40
PRESENT CHINESE INFLUENCE.

To-day, the Chinese in Borneo have considerable influence in trade,
industries, and Government service. “ Practically every, store in
Borneo, whatever goods it retails,” says L. W. W. Gudgeon,41 “ is in
the possession of and run by Chinamen. The whole of the import
trade and all the export trade, except such things as timber, tobacco,
and rubber, is in their hands.” His small store or “ kadeh,” as the
Borneo native calls it, will be found selling every imaginable thing
from brass ware to jam, even at the foot of Mount Kinabalu, the
highest peak.
In addition, all the subordinate Government positions are held by
the Chinese, many of whom are sons of Dusun mothers and have
received their education from mission schools of the coast towns.
“ In Borneo,” continues Mr. Gudgeon, “ it is a Chinese who sells you
a stamp, issues a license, examines your baggage for customs dues,
and writes down your name on a charge sheet if ever you should have
the misfortune to be under arrest. The Chinese is a useful man in
Borneo, without him no planting, no mining, and no railway con
struction could go on— everything would be at a standstill.”
There, as in other countries, Chinese labor is always preferred to
labor of any other nationality. “ The two great advantages that
accrue to an employer who prefers Chinese to Malay domestic servants
are: First, that he is not worried for the everlasting loan or advance
on next month’s wages, and secondly, that he has small cause to
complain of laziness.” 42
CHINESE TRADE.

^Regarding Chinese trade in Borneo, Forrest says:
Considerable is the trade between China and Borneo, somewhat like the trade
between Europe and America. Seven junks were at Borneo in 1775. They carry to
China great quantities of black wood, which is worked up there into furniture, etc.;
it is bought for about $2 [Mexican; $1.08, par] a picul and sold for five or six; also,
rattans, dammar (a kind of resin), clove bark, swallow, tortoise shell, birds' nests, etc.,
articles such as are carried from Sulu to China. The best native camphire is exported
hence; superior to the Barros camphire in Sumatra. The Chinese are good judges of
camphire. At Borneo town, the Chinese sometimes build junks, which they load with
40 Journal of Sir James Brooks, V ol. I, p. 66.
41 Gudgeon, L. W . W .: British North Borneo.
« Idem , pp. 39-45

London, 1913,

35.

CHINESE IN THE DUTCH EAST INDIES.

rough produce of the island of Borneo and send them to China. I have seen a dock
close to the town, in which a Chinese junk of 500 tons had lately been built, worth
2,500 taels, 8,000 in China.43
ECONOMIC LIFE OF THE CHINESE.

According to Forrest, the pioneer Chinese in trades and industries
were generally prosperous. He continues:444
5
They have pepper gardens.. They do not let the vine which bears the pepper twist
round a chinkareen tree, as it is the custom on Sumatra; but drive a pole into the
ground so that the vine is not robbed of its nourishment. The Chinese keep the
ground very clean between the rows of vines. I have here counted 70, sometimes 75,
corns on one stalk; which is far more than the stalks produce on Sumatra.
The Chinese here are very active and industrious. They bring all kinds of the
manufactures of China, and keep shops on board their junks, as well as ashore; but
the Borneans did their best to preclude them from trading with the Marrots, reserving
the trade for themselves. The Marrots do not grow pepper, it is all done by the
Chinese and sent to China.

Forrest states that five or six junks of 500 or 600 tons of burden
come annually to Borneo from Amoy. Crawford says that when the
trade was active two junks came yearly from Shanghai, two from
Limpo (Ningpo), two from Amoy, one from Canton, and two Portu
guese ships from Macao. Toward the end of the eighteenth century
the Government, which was almost entirely a reflection of the char
acter of the reigning prince, became tyrannical, rapacious, and pirat
ical, so that the foreign trade of Borneo almost entirely ceased, and
the Chinese vessels did not venture to approach the coast. Hunt
says, in 1809, that not a single junk had visited Borneo for years.
With the decline of the Chinese trade the Chinese population also
dwindled, and the pepper gardens in which many of them had been
employed fell into decay. At the time of the establishment of the
colony of Singapore, the number of Chinese in Borneo was reduced
to not more than 500.45 But in recent years, especially since peace
and order were restored after European occupation, the influx of
Chinese into Borneo has been very rapid. Based on local enumera
tions, the total population of Borneo in 1920 has been estimated at
1,800,000 of whom about 100,000 are Chinese, including persons of
Chinese descent and those who intermarried with the natives, par
ticularly the Dusuns of the northwest.46 Most of the Chinese prefer
to stay on the coast and are engaged in various trades. In the early
days, many Chinese were attracted to the northwestern coast by the
gold which they found in the river gravel (and alluvium). These also
intermarried with the natives, but have kept Chinese characteristics
to a considerable degree. The Chinese in Borneo to-day form large
and important communities in almost all the chief trading centers in
the island.
<3 Forrest, Thomas: Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccasfrom Palambagan. London, 1779, pp. 381,
382
44 Idem, pp. 382, 383.
45 Journal of Indian Archipelago, vol. 2, pp. 612-615.
46 Of these, some 38,000 live in British North Borneo. They fall into 5 groups—the coolies, the servants,
the farmers and market gardeners, the small shopkeepers and traders, and the merchants who m ay be
interested in any venture from building a row of shops to financing a gambling house. “ Each class serves
the State, each individual ia his own way is a useful citizen. It is beyond all question that * * * the
Chinese are the most valuable immigrants she [North Borneo] can attract to her shores.” Rutter, Owen:
British North Borneo. London, 1922, p. 81.

Chapter V.— CHINESE IN BRITISH MALAKKA.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.

This chapter deals principally with the character of the Chinese
population, with emphasis on labor conditions and industries. An
attempt is made to show the ways and means by which the Chinese
have entered the British colony, the social classes in which they are
found, and the main occupations, professions, and industries in which
they are engaged as workers or enterprisers.
About the same time that the Dutch East Indies were being settled
by the Chinese, the colonization of British Malakka was begun. When
the English occupied the peninsula, the Chinese became more and
more numerous.
The activities of the Chinese in trading with the natives, in develop
ing the natural resources of the country, and in contributing labor and
capital to build up commerce and industry has aided in the economic
growth of the leading cities of the colony. As for the Chinese them
selves, their residence in British Malakka has resulted in raising their
socio-economic status as compared with that which they held at home.
The success of the Straits Settlements Chinese in self-government is
perhaps the result of racial tolerance and cooperation that has marked
the social relations of the colony. But their peculiarities and indul
gence in certain vices have created difficult problems for the colonial
administrators. Efforts to solve these problems have frequently
resulted in international misunderstanding and friction.
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND BRITISH MALAKKA.

The Liang Annals state that the Malay Peninsula (first known to
the Chinese as Tun-sun) is more than 3,000 li (about 1,200 miles) to the
south of Fu-nan (Siam). “ It is more than a thousand li [400 miles] in
extent, and the capital is 10 li [4 miles] away from the sea. There
are five kings, who all acknowledge the supremacy of Siam. It pro
duces the Hwo-hsiang (Betonica officinalis) whose leaves serve to
make clothes. ” 1
Speaking of Kora or Kala, a Chinese historian declares that—
Its soldiers use bows and arrows, swords, lances, and armor of leather; their banners
are adorned with peacock feathers and they fight mounted on elephants; one division
of the army consists of a hundred of them and each elephant is surrounded by a hun
dred men. As taxes, the people pay little silver. There are no silkworms, hemp,
nor flax; no textiles except cotton. For domestic animals they have numerous cows
and a few ponies.2

According to Reinaud, Kora was a trading post of the by-gone days:
The island of Kalah is the center of commerce in camphor, sandalwood, ivory, lead,
alkali, etc. It is there that expeditions went from Oman.3*

i China. Bureau of the National History. Liang Annals, book 54, p. 502.
* China. Bureau of the National History. The T’ang Annals, new edition, book 222b, p. 618.
* Reinaud, Joseph: Relation des voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans FIndie et kla Chine dans
le IXme si&cle, Paris, 1845, p. 93.

CHINESE IN BRITISH MALAKKA.

An interesting note about Pahang is to this effect:
The soil of this country is fertile; the climate is always warm, and rice is abundant
there; they make salt b y boiling sea water, and wine b y fermenting the sap of the
coconut tree. The people are very superstitious regarding demons and spirits, making
their images of fragrant wood and sacrificing men to them, in order to avert calamities,
or pray for happiness.

With reference to early intercourse between China and Singapore,
Chinese geographers were not explicit in their descriptions. But,
under the name of Tong-sih-tiok, Singapore seemed to be the place
of their discussions. One passage reads:
This island is situated in the sea, opposite to the Straits of Dingga, high mountains
facing each other from both sides. The ground is barren and not fit for agriculture;
they always get their rice from the coast of Sumatra and other countries. The climate
is variable. They make salt out of sea water and wine from the coconut palm. Men
and women cut their hair and wear a striped sarong. The country produces coconuts,
cotton cloth, and mats of plantain fibers. The chief articles of import are tin, pepper,
and iron ware.4

According to the Ming Annals,5 the people of Johore write on
kadjang leaves, tracing the letters with a knife. When they marry
they always take a wife of their own rank.
Products of this country are lignum aloes, ebony, damar (resin),
rhinoceros horns, ivory, tortoise shell, camphor baros, myrrh, dragon’s
blood, tin, wax, fine mats, cotton, coconuts, agar-agar, birds’ nests,
sago, and mangoustines.5 The King and the people are Mohamme
dans and carefully observe the tenets of the religion. Many of the
people live by fishing, for which purpose they go out to sea in canoes
made out of a single tree.
In the seventh century a considerable number of Chinese emigrants
in Siam, Champa, and Formosa gradually found their way to the
Malay Peninsula. Most of them traveled back and forth between
these places, while a few appeared to have permanent trading posts
in the new settlements. Ocean-going junks to the East Indies were
occasionally caught in storms off the shore of Malakka (51). Not
infrequently, traders from Kwangtung and Fukien called at different
ports on the peninsula for the exchange of merchandise.6 In addi
tion, Chinese pirates who frequented the regions between southern
China, the Philippines, and the Indian Ocean, occasionally inter
fered with the coast trade of the Malay peninsula.7 In view of these
facts Chinese historians have from time to time given short accounts,
already noted, of such places as Kora, Malakka, Johore, Pahang,
and Singapore.
On Cheng H o’s trip to the “ Western Ocean,” he visited Malakka,
in 1409. After his visit the land was called the Kingdom of Malakka.
Trade between the natives and the Chinese was carried on in the
following manner: When a ship arrived there, it had to send fixed

< Fei Sinn: Hsin Ch’a Sheng Lan (General Account of Peregrinations at Sea). In vol. 119 of T’sao
Yung’s collection of Hsueh Hai Lei Pien.
6China. Bureau of the National History. The Ming Annals, book 325, pp. 1368-1643; see also Tung See
Yang K’ao (Researches on the Eastern and Western Oceans), by Chang Hsueh, book 4, in vols. 15-17 of
Lee Sih-ling’s Collection of Seih Yin Heen.
®Crawfurd, John* History of the Indian Archipelago, etc., Vol. Ill, Commerce with Asiatic nations,
pp. 154-210.
7 For additional information concerning piracy see Tsing Hai Fun Chi (A Record of the Pacification of
the Seas), by Yuan Yung-sun, translated by Chas. Fried Neuman; Bibliotheca Sinica, by Henri Cordier,
Vol. Ill, pp. 1900-1902; One Hundred Years of Singapore, by W. Makepeace, G. E. Brook, and R. St. J.
Braddell, Vol. I, pp. 298, 299; and Journal of Indian Archipelago, Vol. Ill, pp. 581-588, 629-636, Vol. IV,
pp. 45-52, 144-162, 400-410, 617-628, 734-746, Vol. V, pp. 374-382.

CHINESE POPULATION SINCE THE BRITISH OCCUPATION.

presents to the king. The latter had erected a number of shops and
the merchants could occupy in these as much space as they wished,
paying accordingly. The people of the country came there to trade
with them, and the merchants lived there also. These shops were
not far from the ships; when the watchmen on board cried out at
night, it could be heard by those who slept on shore.8
Although the Chinese gradually attained to a position of consider
able influence 9 in Malakka this influence began to decrease when
the Portuguese firmly established themselves there. About 1510
the Franks (Portuguese) defeated the Malakkans and the sovereign,
Sultan Mau&at, fled for his life. The court of Ming then ordered
Siam and other neighboring countries to drive out the Portuguese,
but the order was not obeyed. As a diplomatic move the Portuguese
sent envoys to Nanking to pay tribute and ask for investiture.
When they arrived at Canton, the governor imprisoned them, as
their country had not been recognized as a tributary nation to the
Chinese Empire. The Emperor ordered the governor to give them
the price of the goods they had brought and to send them away.
When in 1818 the British occupied the island, they found 30 Chinese
fishermen living in huts, together with 120 other fishermen and pirates.
During the following year when Sir Thomas Raffles, the founder of
Singapore, gave instructions for separating the compounds, he stated
that among the 5,000 inhabitants of the new settlement, a consider
able number were Chinese. A little more than a year later, he further
mentioned the fact that Singapore’s population of between 10,000
and 12,000 was principally Chinese. In 1822, the Chinese were
divided into classes and a Chinese kampong was established.10
CHINESE POPULATION SINCE THE BRITISH OCCUPATION.

Because of the need of Chinese labor in the development of the re
sources of Malakka, the British colonial government has always been
liberal in its treatment of Chinese colonizers. In the Straits Settle
ments there are no legal discriminations among the Chinese, Malays,
East Indians, or Europeans, as regards the privileges and duties of
citizenship, such as voting, tax paying, property holding, etc. Influ
ential Chinese have often held positions side by side with Europeans
on municipal councils, the council of the governor, and special com
missions, as well as in the government of the Chinese community.
Chinese immigrants in Malakka, even thirty or forty years ago,
received considerably higher wages than their fellow workers in the
same occupations at home. For these raisons, the influx of Chinese
immigrants to the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States
has been steady and continuous, as is shown in Table 14. Toward
the close of the nineteenth century, however, economic pressure in
Kwangtung and Fukien forced a large number of inhabitants to emi
grate. Civil wars, famines, and a rising birth rate in several com
munities in these Provinces have compelled the poor to seek a liveli
hood overseas.
« China. Bureau of the National History. The Ming Annals, hook 32 ">, p p. 1368-1643.
9 For the manner of early trade carried on between China and Malakka, see Y in Y ai Sheng Lan (A General
A ccount of the Shores of the Ocean), b y Ma Huan. In vol. 144 of T ’ao Tsung-Yih’s Collection of Shuo Fu.
See also Hai Y u (W ords about the Sea) b y Huang Chung. In vol. 19 of W u Yuan-wei’ s Collection of
Ling Nan.
A Chinese com pound (kampong) of the early days is described b y C. B . B uckley in his Anecdotal
History of O ld Times in Singapore, V ol. I, pp. 83,84.

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAKKA.

T able 1 4 .—P O P U L A T IO N IN S T R A IT S S E TTLE M E N TS. 1821 TO 1921: CH IN ESE C O M PA R ED
W IT H A L L R AC E S.
(Source: One Hundred Years of Singapore, b y W . Makepeace and others, V ol. I, pp. 355-361 (1821 to 1860);
Statesman’s Yearbook (1871 to 1921).]

A ll races.

Chinese.
Number.

Year.
Males.

Fe
males.

Total.
Males.

1821.......................................
1824.......................................
1825.......................................
1826.......................................
1827.......................................
1828.......................................
1829.......................................
1830.......................................
1832.......................................
1833.......................................
1834.......................................
1836.......................................
1840.......................................
1849.......................................
I860.......................................
1871.......................................
1881.......................................
1891.......................................
1901.......................................
1911.......................................
1921.......................................

Per cent of all races.

Fe
males.

7,106
8,620
9,197
10,307

3,577
3,231
3,708
3,425

4,727 *
10.683
11,851
12,905
13,732

14,578

4,241

200,433
281,687
344,551
379,151

107,664
141,695
167,791
193,098

308,097
423,384
512,342
572,249
714,069
881,939

2,956
3,561
3,833
5,747

361
267
396
341

18,819

7,163
6,021
7,149
7,650
9,944
12,870

412
534
613
867
823
879

59,043

25,749
46,795

2,239
3,248

Total.

1,159
3,317
3,828
4,229
6,088
6,210
7,575
6,555
7,762
8,517
10,767
13,749
17,704
27,988
50,043
i74,327
227,989
281,933
369,843
432,764

Males.

Fe
males. Total.

%
41.6
41.3
41.7
55.8

10.1
8.3
10.7
10.0

24.5
31.0
32.3
32.8
44.3

49.1

9.7

40.3

47.4
41.2
44.5
49.2
51.7
49; 1

N ote.—In the original table in One Hundred Years of Singapore, b y W . Makepeace and others, from
which the information for 1821 to 1860 is extracted, the data are brought down to 1911. In that year, the
Chinese population is reported to be 219,577 and the total population of the Straits, 303,321. Both of these
figures are considerably low er than the census figures for that year, as shown above. It is believed that
estimates for several years are too low.

If it is assumed that these figures, even though too low, can, be
cause of their apparent consistency, be taken as an index of the
trend of population change, it is noticed that they seem to reflect an
almost uninterrupted increase of the Chinese in the colony. During
the period 1911 to 1921 a small decrease is noted. A partial expla
nation of this decrease is evidently the European War, when unsatis
factory labor conditions in the colony, coupled with lack of shipping
facilities and extensive unemployment, induced the Straits Settle
ments Government to restrict Chinese immigration. At the end of
June, 1914, parts of the Chinese immigration ordinance, the crimping
ordinance, and the labor contracts ordinance were repealed. As a
matter of fact, no Chinese contract laborer was permitted to enter
the colony between August 3, 1914, and the end of March, 1915.
Thereafterr partial immigration was allowed, but the numbers enter
ing up to July 6, 1915, were limited because no steamer could bring in
more than one-third of its complement. Meantime, unemployment
persisted, and the Government at its own expense repatriated Chi
nese laborers to relieve the situation. Thus, up to the end of 1914
there were repatriated 9,980 Chinese from Singapore, 907 from Pe
nang, and 335 from Malakka. Voluntary repatriation continued and
wealthy Chinese citizens and Chinese welfare organizations made
generous contributions to facilitate the home going of their com
patriots. Although all the restrictions have recently been removed,
Chinese immigration in the Straits Settlements has not yet returned
to normal or to the status of the pre-war days. Consequently, in

CHARACTER OF TH E CHINESE POPULATION.

several tables given in this chapter, the data do not include the
period during and since the World War.
CHARACTER OF THE CHINESE POPULATION.

When emigrants first arrive in Malakka they are called Singkeh
or new emigrants. Many of them sign contracts for the period of
one year to perform some sort of unskilled labor. Thereafter they
are Known as Laugkeh or old emigrants and their wages are con
siderably increased. Among the new emigrants two main classes
may.be roughly distinguished—the “ paid” and “ unpaid” passengers.
The former comprise those who pay passage themselves, sometimes
borrowing the money privately to pay their passage without obli
gating themselves to work off the debt incurred for their passage.
Such passengers, provided they pass the examination of the board of
health, aije not subject to control of the authorities, and are free to
o where they please when they land. For many years this class
as formed a large majority of the immigrants, as shown in Table 15.
Up to 1914 most of the “ unpaid” passengers 12 were brought down
to Malakka by a broker on speculation or alter making an agreement
with some estate or mine owner to take a certain number of them.
After landing, these coolies were placed in a depot in Singapore or
Penang, where they were confined under Government supervision
until the formal contract was signed with their employer. Ordinarily
the employers made their wishes known to the agents or brokers, ana
in many cases these in turn practically made contracts through their
agents in China with the coolies, so that the formal contracts were
signed within a day or two, and the coolies taken at once to the
estate or to the mine where they were to work.
In case a coolie has not been engaged within 10 days, he can not
under the law be forcibly detained in the depot longer. If the reason
for his failure to make a contract is that he is permanently incapaci
tated for work, he must be returned to China at the expense of the
agent. If he is unable to get a contract simply on account of a slack
demand— a case which rarely happens— the Protector of Chinese
often persuades him to remain in the depot for some days longer.13

12 In earlier days coolies were sometimes brought down to Singapore on credit b y ships, and were
retained on board the ship until someone redeemed them b y paying expenses and a certain margin of
profit to the ship. This is no longer done.
la U. S. Bureau of Insular Affairs. Certain Economic Questions in the English and Dutch Colonies in
the Orient, b y J. W . Jenks, p p. 42,43.

CHINESE IN BRITISH MALAKKA.

The following table shows the number of Chinese emigrants of
each class to Singapore and Penang (50) from 1881 to 1915:
T able

15.—CHINESE EMIGRANTS TO SINGAPORE AND PENANG, 1881 TO 1915.
[Source: Annual departmental reports of Straits Settlements.]
Emigrants to Singapore.

Year.
Total.

1881.......................
1882.......................
1883.......................
1884.......................
1885.......................
1886.......................
1887.......................
1888.......................
1889.......................
1890.......................
1891.......................
1892.......................
1893.......................
1894.......................
1895.......................
1896.......................
1897.......................
1898.......................
1899.......................
1900.......................
1901.......................
1903.......................
1904.......................
1905.......................
1906.......................
1907.......................
1908.......................
1909.......................
1910.......................
1911.......................
1912.......................
1913.......................
1914.......................
1915.......................

Passage
unpaid. Females.

47,747
55,887
61,206
68,517
69,314
87,331
101,094
103,541
102,429
96,230
93,843
93,339
144,558
106,612
150,157
142,358
90,828
106,983
117,794
159,571
157,657
172,770
163,079
136,001

11,404
10,249
9,690
9,357
15,733
19,496
18,421
11,962
8,152
6,229
9,118
18,973
8,983
14,518
15,089
8,859
10,978
14,198
18,056
15,012
13,870
16,930
12,144

2,053
1,534
1,701
2,089
2,014
2,345
3,037
3,164
3,837
3,820
4,710
4,804
6,387
5,007
6,997
6,451
5,427
6,192
5,514
8,482
11,822
14,539
10,163
13,714

179,756
121,639
120,954
173,423
215,036
203,124
240,979
124,032
80,352

20,206
12,416
12,875
22,990
23,522
13,394
14,198
2,648

T otal................. 4,088,141
Average............
123,883

419,670
13,538

(l5

(l)

Chinese
Singa
pore.

0)
0)
O
<l)
0)
(l)
0)
60,759
0)

Emigrants to Penang.

Total.

Chinese Labor
leaving
con
Passage Females. Penang. tracts.
unpaid.

31,083
<b
(l)
24,150
26,575
31,903
41,376
39,512
47,551
41,717
37,130

42,056
45,122
47,930
38,231
42,142
57,186
65,348
62,812
44,441
36,044
49,066
45,2557
68,251
46,230
60,559
57,055
41,124
44,811
51,299
72,821
66,411
75,401
39,215
35,645

17,000
17,011
16,197
15,181
17,034
23,459
22,904
16,186
9,251
6,813
8,416
6,281
9,967
6,083
8,731
9,531
4,916
5,004
4,371
7,239
5,395
4,582
357
1,942

13,785
11,147
9,602
14,121
19,754
21,779
28,547
13,096
10,632

47,580
31,813
30,798
42,898
54,818
48,520
41,018
13,118
15,382

44,495
29,387
27,529
37,955
49,875
44,284
37,161
41,988
26,698

2,079
812
233
140
400
103
17

278,266
8,432

781,652
37,221

1,573,799
47,691

247,635
7,988

31,706
32,245
(l)

(l)

(1)
0)

1,068
1,115
2,272
1,431
1,354
1,733
2,784
2,176
1,980
1,726
2,416
2,529
3,868
2,425
3,653
3,216
3,224
3,301
2,594
3,847
4,128
5,346
4,156
4,833
(l )
5,682
4,295
3,901
5,333
7,302
6,384
5,611
2,714
4,123
112,520
3,409

(l)
Y
(i)
(i)
0)

(l)
11,818

(l)

5,921
383

0)
(l)
371
(l)
0)

’ 32,473
33,601
31,663
29,088
32,180
45,717
51,859
44,451
32,666
26,204
17,538
38,326
22,302

<l)

29,825
17,268
20,459
22,233
27,033
22,408
18,768
17 045
14,864
18,675
24,089
13,604
13,379
23,935
24,345
13,600
14,198
2,648

67,499
3,214

776,444
25,047

2,333
1,890
2,764
4,026
4,594
4,450
1,260
1,475
1,809
2,296
3,540
867
4,516
4,236
3,862
3,345
1,743

1 Data not available.
As shown in Table 15, during the period 1881 to 1915 the average
number of Chinese arriving at Singapore was 123,883 per year, of
whom 13,538 were “ unpaid” passengers and 8,432 female emigrants.
The average number going to Penang was 47,691 per year, of whom
7,988 were “ unpaid” passengers and 3,409 female emigrants.
There was one “ unpaid” passenger in every nine emigrants to
Singapore and one in every six emigrants to Penang. This goes to
show that the Chinese who first settled in Singapore and vicinity
were comparatively more well to do than those going to other parts
of British Malakka.
Table 16 gives information on Chinese emigrants to Malakka
between the years 1891 and 1912. It seems clear that almost all of
them sign labor contracts with their employers, which means that
they are “ unpaid” passengers and come from poor classes in China.
Nearly all of them are too poor to be married, and only three females
went with their families to Malakka in 1894.

CHARACTER OF TH E CHINESE POPULATION,
1 6 .—CHINESE E M IG R A N TS TO M A L A K K A , 1891 TO 1912.

T able

[Source: Annual departmental reports of Straits Settlements.]
Emigrants to Malakka.
Year.
Total.
1,355
882
908
1,112
2,060
1,325
328
625
1,323
537

1891.
1892.
1893.
1894.
1895.
1896.
1897.
1898.
1899.
1900.

Emigrants to Malakka.
Year.

Unpaid
passengers.
491
311
194
478
922
680
233
608
1,288
494

Total.
1901.......................................
1903.......................................
1904.......................................
1905.......................................
1907.......................................
1908.......................................
1909.......................................
1910.......................................
1911.......................................
1912.......................................

<*)

Unpaid
passengers.
347
271
357
187
467
134
96
790
427
103

271
357
187
467
134
96
790
427
103

1 Data not available.

Table 17 shows the proportion of “ unpaid” passengers to the
adult male passengers for the entire colony of Straits Settlements.
In the 10-year period 1905 to 1914 the highest figure of 12.9 per cent
was reached in 1910.
T able 17.—P E R C EN T O F A D U L T M A LE CHIN ESE E M IG R A N T S TO S T R A IT S S E T T L E
MENTS W H O SE PASSAGE W AS “ U N P A ID ” A T TIM E OF E M IG R A T IO N , 1905 TO 1914.
[Source: Annual departmental reports of Straits Settlements.]
Unpaid passengers.

Unpaid passengers.

Per cent
of total
adult
Number.
male
passen
gers.

Year.

1905...............................................
1906.............................................
1907 .............................................
1908...............................................
1909...............................................

14,864
18,675
24,089
13,604
13,379

10.0
12.1
12.2
10.5
10.4

Year.
Number.

1910...............................................
1911...............................................
1912...............................................
1913...............................................
1914...............................................

Per cent
of total
adult
male
passen
gers.

23,935
24,345
13,600
14,198
2,648

12.9
10.7
6.6
7.1
2.1

The number of labor contracts signed by the emigrants at Singa
pore and Penang was 25,047 per year for the period of 31-year
period ending in 1913. In other words, there was one contract
signed for every seven persons. Almost all of the “ unpaid” passen
gers and some of the “ paid” passengers sign contracts. From
Table 18 it is clear that these labor contracts cover a very wide range
of occupations and industries.
T able 18.—C H IE F CLASSES OF CHIN ESE L A B O R F O R W H IC H C ON TRACTS

W ERE

SIG N ED IN S T R A IT S S E TTLE M E N TS, 1904 TO 1914.
[Source: Data are for the whole colony, consequently the number of labor contracts is relatively larger
than that for Singapore and Penang in Table 15. Annual departmental reports of Straits Settlements.
Minor occupations are here om itted.]
Number of labor contracts.
uccupawon group.
Miners..............................
Agricultural laborers. . .
General unskilled la b or.
Sawyers, tim ber and
firewood cutters..........
Mechanics and artisans.
Dom estic and shop
coolies...........................
Sailors, fishermen, e tc ..
Miscellaneous..................
T otal......................

1912

1913

1914

2,717
7,574
2,920

5,073
5,904
3,992

898
512
1,304

1,205
410

1,219
291

379
63

123
245
403
167
59 1,933
35
40
314
14
48
268
239
228
196
143
53
83
74
115
40
96
30
11
25,822
17,045 14,574 19,364 26,159 20,517 16,071 26,315
15,034 16,574

3,156

1904

1905

3,936
6,037
4,505

4,474
5,200
2,912

849
774

871
503

467
285
192

1906

1907

1908

9,738 13,304 12,359
5,454 8,137 4,497
1,790 2,330 1,667
1,462
574

1,037
637

766
719

1909

1910

1911

7,601 4,805 4,974
5,820 18,862 17,064
1,320 1,221
710
610
243

626
450

764
23

305
127
182

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAKKA.

Among the Chinese in Singapore, the proportion of sexes is about
1 female to every 17 males; in Penang, it is about 1 female to every 14 males. This enormous discrepancy between the sexes leaves a
very high percentage of the Chinese unmarried and without home
ties. The discrepancy between the sexes in late years is shown in
Table 19.
T able 1 9.—P R O P O R T IO N O F W OM EN AMONG CHINESE E M IG R AN T S TO SIN G A P O R E ,
'1905 TO 1919.
[Source: Annual departmental reports of Straits Settlements.]

Female emigrants.
Year.
Number.

1905........................................
1906........................................
1907........................................
1908....................................
1909........................................
1910........................................
1911........................................
1912........................................

13,714
12,478
16,265
12,909
12,126
16,395
22,738
23,327

Per cent
of male
emigrants.
9.2
8.1
8.2
9.9
9.5
8.8
10.0
11.3

Female emigrants.
Year.
Number.

1913........................................
1914........................................
1915........................................
1916........................................
1917........................................
1918........................................
1919........................................

22,487
13,017
10,632
20,344
16,571
8,594
13,883

Per cent
of male
emigrants.
12.0
10.0
13.8
14.0
13.5
21.6
1.03

LABOR CONDITIONS,

Two forms of contract are common. Under one, the more usual
one for the “ unpaid” passengers, the employer agrees to pay a
certain amount per year, with certain conditions regarding the
number of hours to be worked each day, number of days to be
worked during the year, provisions for the laborer’s arrest, if he
absconds, e tc.14
On agricultural estates, land in connection with the mines in the
Federated States, it is common for the coolie to take certain jobs at
special rates instead' of working by the day. Under those circum
stances he is not limited as regards the length of time he shall work
each day, and he has the opportunity of earning considerably more
than would be possible under the daily wage. The Chinese much
prefer this form of contract whenever it is practicable, and their
work under this form of contract is ordinarily more satisfactory than
under the other. The law permits, in most cases, the substitution
of certain tasks at fixed rates instead of the contract by the day,
provided the task has the approval of the Office of Protector of
Chinese.151
6
Workers at the tin mines, however, are usually employed on the
cooperative plan. By this plan the mine owner receives about
10 per cent of the entire product for his share. The person who
supplies food, necessary capital, etc., does so at a profit. The
remainder of the income from the sale of the ore is divided among
the workers.18 When a Chinese miner takes a share in a mine
worked on this plan, he is not compelled to take part himself in the
actual labor, but is permitted, if he prefers, to furnish a substitute.
M See Appendix to Chapter V , A, p. 180.
15 See A ppendix to Chapter V , D, pp. 182 and 183.
16 See North China Herald (weekly edition), Shanghai, July 29, 1922, pp. 289-200.

LABOR CONDITIONS.

Such contracts ordinarily contain careful rules regarding the hours
of labor, the number of days to be worked each month, the forms of
accounting, regulations for keeping the peace, etc. They have to be
registered in the office of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, and this
secretary is ordinarily referred to in case of disputes.17
After the coolie has received his advance, it is not uncommon for
him to endeavor to desert and to reengage with another employer.
The laws to prevent this are somewhat rigid. The absconding
coolie may be arrested by the employer and taken before a magistrate,
who, if the case is made out, will impose a fine, which must be worked
out by the coolie.. In case the coolie has already engaged for work
upon another estate, so that there is no danger ot his escaping,
he can be arrested only on a warrant issued by the magistrate.
The provisions regarding the arrest of the coolie are accompanied
by others for his protection. In case he feels that he has cause for
complaint against the master, either for violation of the contract or
for hardship or illegal treatment, the employer is compelled, on the
coolie’s request, to bring the latter at once before the magistrate for a
hearing. If the complaint is unjust, the coolie will be fined. If the
complaint is a just one, the penalty against the employer is severe.
Similar arrangements are made in case the employer causes the
arrest of the coolie without sufficient cause.18
Regarding the health of the laborers, the State also endeavors to
make careful provisions. Detailed regulations are made to secure
a sufficient supply of water for drinking purposes and for bathing,
to secure sufficient and satisfactory food for workers, and to provide
enough lodging houses. Usually each coolie has a small platform
some 3 or 4 feet above the ground and perhaps 7 by 5 feet in size.
This is covered with mosquito nets to form a sort oi tent. On the
platform he places his sleeping mat and makes whatever arrange
ments he pleases for his other Few possessions.
The Protector of Chinese, either in person or by deputy, ihakes
periodical visits to various estates and mines on which the contract
coolies are employed, and makes careful inspection regarding their
lodging, their food, their hours of labor, the nature of job work
assigned, etc. At such times the coolies are encouraged to present
to the inspector any complaints which they have, and such complaints
are frequently forthcoming. They may be regarding personal abuse,
such as striking the coolie or other form of cruelty, though such com
plaints are probably more commonly brought directly before a
magistrate, or they may be regarding some breach of contract by the
employer, such as attempting to detain the coolie after his proper
period of service has expired. Although each contract is fully
explained to the coolie immigrant before it is signed, the most com
mon complaint is one that comes from some misunderstanding of
the contract or from the belief that the employer has made an
attempt to cheat regarding the number of days worked. As, however,
it is the duty of the employer to have posted each month & the
general lodging house a list of all the employees, with a statement of
the time worked by each and the amount still due, these misunder
standings are comparatively easily settled.18
17 See Appendix to Chapter V , B and C, p p. 181 and 182; also U . S. Bureau of Insular Affairs,
Certain Economic Questions in the English and Dutch Colonies in the Orient, b y J. W . Jenks, pp. 43,44.
is u . S. Bureau of Insular Affairs. Certain Economic Questions in the English and Dutch Colonies
in the Orient, by I . W . Jenks, pp. 44, 45.

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAK K A.

PROTECTORATE OF THE CHINESE.

Under Ordinance IV of 1880, the Protectorate of the Chinese was
created in the charge of a protector. His duties consist in carrying
out ordinances and other legislative acts affecting the Chinese in the
colony. He is the link between the Chinese and the British Govern
ment, being the confidential advisor of the Government on all matters
concerning the Chinese and the friend and counselor of the Chinese
themselves.
Under the protector is an assistant protector in both Singapore
and Malakka and two in Penang, together with other corresponding
officials in the Federated Malay States, and a staff of the protector.
In addition to the protector, there are in Singapore and Penang
Chinese advisory boards, made up entirely of Chinese (with the
exception of the Chinese protector in Singapore who is the president
of the Singapore board, and of the assistant protector of Chinese
who is the president of the board at Penang).
The Chinese in Malakka have always enjoyed considerable freedom
and liberty in conducting affairs of their community. “ The character
of the Chinese,” remarks C. B. Buckley, “ is quite different from that
of any people with which Indian officers have to deal. Democratic
in spite of the outward form of their own government, enterprising
and persevering, the Chinese are imbued with a strong tendency to
self-government, and are, therefore, the very opposite of our Indian
subjects.” 19
The Chinese advisory board, which forms the backbone of selfgovernment of the Chinese in the Straits Settlements, has been
singularly successful as a piece of political machinery. It is “ an
institution which has to the present time proved of the greatest
utility and benefit, not only in affording facility to the Government
for ascertaining the feelings of the Chinese community on any
question it may choose to raise, but in securing for the Chinese an
easy and inexpensive means of ventilating their views on any subject
which might be considered by them inimical to their interests.” 20
The chief duties of the protector are best outlined in his reports,
published in the Annual Departmental Keports of the Straits Settle
ments, in which he usually summarizes his work for the year. He
inspects the incoming ships and the depots built specially for the
immigrants (Ordinance III of 1877 and Ordinance IV of 1880).
When the “ unpaid” passengers who are brought in by these steamers
sign contracts the protector explains the terms of contract (Ordi
nance X I X of 1902). By the authority of Ordinance X V III of 1896,
he makes periodical inspections of native passenger lodging houses
in leading trading ports. In person, or by deputy, he inspects
laborers’ living quarters on estates to see whether they conform to
Government regulations regarding health and sanitation.
He
registers “ secret, dangerous, and unlawful” societies among the
Chinese in order that social undesirables may be banished and
dangerous societies dissolved. By his orders, accurate records are
kept as an aid to the police in keeping order and detecting criminals.
In the Straits Settlements as well as in the Federated Malay States,
i# Buckley, C. B .: Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore.

20 Makepeace, W ., and others: One Hundred Years of Singapore.

Singapore, 1902, Vol. II, p. 765.
London, 1921, Vol. I, pp. I ll, 112.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

he has considerable discretion in matters concerning the Chinese and,
in addition, he has certain judicial powers in the settlement of
disputes.
CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.
TIN MINING.

As early as the fifteenth century, Chinese traders in the Malay
Peninsula discovered alluvial tin deposits to the north of Malakka.
Tin is found in two places in the mountains, and the King has appointed officers to
control the mines. People are sent to wash it, and after it has been melted it is cast
into small blocks each weighing 1 catty, 8 maces [1 pound, 6 ounces] or 1 catty, 4
maces [1 pound, 5.6 ounces!, official weight. Ten pieces are bound together with
rattan and form a small bundle, while 40 pieces make a large bundle. In all their
trading transactions they use these pieces of tin instead of money.21

To-day, the Malay Peninsula is one of the most famous tin-pro
ducing countries in the world. Toward the development of this
industry Chinese capital and labor, particularly the latter, have made
important contributions. During the last quarter of the nineteenth
century, Chinese from Canton and its vicinity went in great numbers
to the Malay Peninsula to engage in tin mining. Many of them have
settled in the country and have become wealthy.
The Chinese are credited with having introduced three mining
methods, suitable to a great number of mines there:
(1)
Open-cast mining is generally employed by Chinese miners in
the peninsula. The ground is opened in exactly the same way as a
gravel pit would be opened, and a Chinese displays considerable
skill in his work, and in fitting his pit opening to the circumstances.
Coolies are employed to fill baskets with karang or wash dirt, using
a changloc (a form of hoe); they then carry the baskets to the
lanchuts or washing troughs. Net earnings per coolie per year at
this kind of work are estimated at about $315 ($179, par, U. S.
money). From this amount has to be deducted' the Government
duty of $11.30 ($6.42, par, U. S. money) per picul (1331 pounds), 3s.
(73 cents, par) per picul for smelting, commission, and transport
charges, and a further 12 per cent commission-owner’s tribute, and
other items, so that, allowing for these deductions on an annual
production of 3.77 piculs (502.7 pounds) of tin, his average earnings
would amount to about $20 ($11.36, par, U. S. money) per month.
It is not possible to give an accurate estimate of the cost of work
per cubic yard in the Chinese-owned mines; but given favorable
conditions of freedom from bowlders, absence of clay, and cemented
washing, also not too great a depth and distance to carry, the contract
prices average from 5.5d. (11 cents, par) to 6fd. (14 cents, par) per
cubic yard. In addition there are the expenses of washing, car
pentry work, pumping, supervision, and various other expenses.
These might be taken to average about 50 cents (28.4 cents, par, U. S.
money) or 14d. per cubic yard, bringing the total to Is. 8d. (41
cents, par) per cubic yard. “ This means/’ concludes Sydney Fawns
in Tin Deposits of the World, “ that ground work under the Chinese
method must show an average return of 1 catty (1J pounds) per cubic
yard to show any profit at all, and it is probaole that no ground of a
a Ma Huan: Yin Yai Sheng Lan (General Account of the Shores of the Ocean). In vol. 144 of T ’ao Tsung
Y ih ’s collection of Shuo Fu.

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAKKA.

less value than. 2 catties per cubic yard is being worked at present by
Chinese manual labor.”
(2) Under the “ paddocking ” system all the sluicing is done and
the overburden and karang removed by means of little channels cut
out on the top of the karang itself; the overburden then is hoed
down to the sluices and got rid of. The karang is then taken up in
successive little paddocks and shoveled from there into the sluices.
The Chinese workers show great skill in guiding the sluices, and
generally in their plan of operation. If the ground is hard to work
or contains cemented wash, this is taken for subsequent treatment.
The working costs probably average more than under the open
cast system, but failing a large supply of water for hydraulic sluicing,
it would be difficult to devise a better way of working.
(3) A form of b o x sluicing is also carried on b y the Chinese in
h illy countries, and the Chinese h ave also in som e cases introduced
a kind of puddler, generally a w ooden cylinder, in which revolves a
spindle carrying arms and a large su pp ly of w ater.
One of the m ost
interesting Chinese im plem ents is the chain pum p or ching chew.
T his consists of a w ooden launder about 6 inches deep and 4 inches
w ide, set at an angle to suit the work.
In this launder travels an
endless train of sm all w ooden slats about 9 inches deep and onefou rth inch thick, and of a w idth th at m akes a nice fit w ithou t ja m
m in g.
E a ch slat is crossed b y a sm all w ooden pin 12 inches long,
fastened to the n ex t b y a m ortise and tenon loose join t, form in g a
hinge b y m eans of a p in ; the “ ch ain ” passes at the top and at the
b o tto m round a spoked spindle. T h e principal spindle is attached
to a windlass handle if worked b y hand, b u t it is m ore often w orked
b y a sm all overshot w ater wheel fixed to the sam e spindle, the pum p
delivering the stream of w ater into the sam e launder w hich carries
the w ater to the m o tiv e pow er.22
T h e Chinese in the M a la y Peninsula sm elt tin in two form s of fur
nace, a draft furnace and a b last furnace.
T h e construction of
these furnaces is similar, consisting of a short cylindrical or slightly
conical stack m ade of clay, kept in place b y b am boo poles and h oop s;
the interior consists of a crucible between 9 inches and 12 inches in
diam eter, cylindrical at the b o tto m for m ore than a fo o t, w ith a coni
cal stack 2 feet to 2 feet 6 inches high, opening outw ards to a dia
m eter of abou t 2 feet or m ore at the top.
There is a sm all tap-hole
in fron t and an opening at the back th at adm its, in the one ty p e of
furnace, a clay tuyere about 1^ inches inside diam eter, and in the
other, a couple of short clay pipes about 3 inches in diam eter. T h e
d raft furnace is preferred, b u t can be used on ly w ith first-rate
charcoal.
T h e furnace (see p. 91, fig. 2) is a m ass of clay w ith b a m
boo stakes driven into the ground around it, and b am b oo hoops to hold
it together.
T h e actual furnace, or crucible, is at E ; A is a m olded
cylindrical clay tu yere betw een 5 and 6 inches in diam eter, 2 \
inches bore, and about 22 inches long.
T h e b am b oo blastpipe is
show n at F , w hich conducts the b last from w hat is practically a
dou ble-actin g blow ing cylinder m ade of a hollow tree trunk, 12^
inches in diam eter and 10 feet long, w ith a w ooden piston packed
w ith leaves or feathers.
One m an usually does the blow ing, m ore
rarely tw o.
T h e b last is irregular and in term itten t, and the average
22 Fawns, Sydney: Tin Deposits of the W orld.

London, 1916, pp. 44, 45.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

speed probably does not exceed ten strokes per minute. The front
of the hearth is arched, and the crucible itself is closed in front, when
at work, by a lump of clay (C) through which a small taphole (B),
about three-fourths inch in diameter, is kept open by means of a stick,
or at times an iron rod. The tin trickles into a hole (D) in the ground,
lined with clay— the Chinese equivalent of the “ flote.” The molten
tin is kept covered with burning charcoal, and from time to time is
ladled out and cast into pigs by means of a sand mold, a wooden
block being used as a pattern. Each pig weighs 60 catties (80 pounds).
The exact consumption of fuel is difficult to ascertain, and varies
with the quality of the charcoal, within wide limits. About 60 per
cent of tm is obtained from ore that probably contains 68 or

PLAN

C H IN E S E

S M E L TIN G

FURNACE.

F ig . 2.

69 per cent, together with a small amount of very rich slag. This
slag is pounded under a rough tilt hammer, washed to extract the
prills of metal, and then smelted in small furnaces about 2 feet 6
inches or 3 feet high, the pounding and smelting being repeated
between four and six times before the slag is thrown away as worth
less. During an operation in one of these furnaces, the top is found
to be comparatively cold; the taphole is so cold that even the fusible
iron and tin silicate are pasty, and will not run freely, all the heat
being in a small reduction zone about the tuyeres. There are three
methods of reduction: (1) Direct reduction of the tin oxide by
carbon or perhaps by carbonic oxide in the region of the tuyeres.
(2) There is always some magnetite with the ore, which will be re
duced to metallic iron in the furnace just above the tuyeres, and this
will in its turn reduce the silicate of tin. (3) It is most probable
41986°—23---- 7

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAK K A.

that the nitrogen of the atmosphere, in the presence of the alkaline
carbonates in charcoal ash, will combine with some carbon to form
cyanide of potassium, which, volatilized by the heat of the tuy&re
zone, would condense somewhat higher up and would reduce the ore
at a very low temperature. It is well known that alkaline cyanides
are formed under perfectly analogous circumstances in the blast
furnace, and the readiness with which such cyanides reduce oxide
of tin is equally well known. Probably all three of these reactions
come into play in the Chinese method of tin smelting, and it is im
probable that water gas plays any part at all in the reaction.23
PINEAPPLE CANNING.

The quantity of canned pineapple annually exported from Singa
pore for the last 20 years has created in many parts of the world a
“ chop’ 7 (as the Chinese characterize the trade-mark) for Singapore
pineapple. Until the advent of the Hawaiian canned pineapple into
the market, Singapore probably canned more pineapple than any other
place in the world.
The first pineapple canning establishment was opened about 30
years ago by an Austrian, Mr. Landlau, and his sons, in the indepen
dent Malay State, Johore, immediately adjacent to the island of Singa
pore. The company was operated successfully for a number of years,
but was finally sola out to one of the Chinese firms that had m the
meantime begun operations in the island of Singapore. This com
pany, known as the Jit Sin Co., is the largest and most successful of
the Singapore companies. It owns 'or controls 4 of the 14 factories
in Singapore and also owns and operates an establishment at BangKla, Siam, which was opened eight years ago. The total output of
these 14 factories is about 600,000 to 700,000 cases per annum, 24 to
48 cans to the case. The exports for 1912 amounted to 580,000 cases,
of which 345,771 cases, costing $1,102,413, went to the United King
dom, 40,358 cases, costing $123,461, went to Canada, and 31,000
cases, costing $88,939, went to the United States.
Two methods of paying labor are in vogue. The more efficient
laborers, who are paid by the month and are utilized in can making
and other work during off seasons, receive from $5.67 to $11.35 (the
latter wage is received only by superintendents). The laborers
receive, in addition, sleeping quarters and board. The other workmen
are paid by the piece. For preparing whole pineapples (i. e., removing
rind and eyes) for No. 1 and No. 1£ cans, 17 cents per 100 cans is
paid, and for cutting chunks and cubes 22 cents. Some factories pav
11 cents for removing the eyes from 100 pineapples.24
FISHING.

In the comparatively shallow waters bordering the granitic and
sedimentary formations of the shores of the Malay Archipelago
various kinds of edible fishes abound. The Malays are expert fisher
men ; they catch their fish by a variety of devices—by hook and line,
by many kinds of nets, by weirs and traps, by spearing, and by
» Transactions of Institute of Civil Engineers, V ol. C X X V , quoted in T in Deposits of the W orld, by
Sydney Fawns, pp . 275,276.
24 u . S. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce. Special agents series, No. 91: Pineapple canning
industry of the world, p p. 18-24.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

poisoning the streams with narcotic juices, of which the best known
and most generally used is the juice of the tube-root. But the
Malays are excelled, even in their own waters, by the Chinese, who
make up for less skill by untiring application. The fishmongers are
almost invariably Chinese.
In Singapore waters, nearly 200 fishing boats and 249 fishing stakes
are registered, and it is computed that about 20,000 tons of fish,
worth nearly $? " 0,000 ($1,419,500, par, U. S. money) are taken
annually. The t* .e in salt fish is also extensive. In Penang Island,
the approximate quantity of fresh fish sold at the town markets and
surrounding villages is 10,000 tons, and of salt fish 8,000 tons, valued
together at about $1,800,000 ($1,022,040, par, U. S. money).
The principal fisheries in the State of Perak are at Matang, a sub
district of Larut. According to an account written in 1908,25 about
1,500 fishermen were actively engaged there, and in the State of
vSelangor about 1,300 fishermen. In the Kuala district of the State
the larger fishing stakes are worked mainly by the Malays, but the
fishing industry, nevertheless, is chiefly in the hands of the Chinese.
Over 1,200 licenses for nets of the jaring type were issued during
one year; the number of fishermen was about 600. In the Klang
district there were 400 fishermen, 90 per cent of whom were Chinese.
In the Kuala Langat district of Selangor, 490 fishing boats were
licensed and the fishermen numbered about 250. Exports of fish
from the port slightly exceeded $1,000 ($567.80, par, u. S. money)
in value. The principal fishing centers in Pahang are at Kompin,
Kuala Pahang, Penoh, Berserah, and Gebing. The most important
of these is Berserah, in the Kuantan district.
In every fishing community the fishermen elect a headman, whom
they obey and upon whom they depend in all matters concerning
their welfare. Cases are on record of whole villages moving from one
place to another simply from a desire to follow their headman.25
CULTIVATION OF RUBBER.

In 1876, a few Para rubber plants were first planted in Singapore
and Perak on coffee, sugar, and tapioca plantations which were
mostly owned by the Chinese. Since 1905, purely rubber estates
have come into existence, and the industry has progressed at a rapid
rate.26
Chinese proprietors of considerable wealth own estates in several
places in the Malay States. Even among the “ new emigrants” who
come to the peninsula to make a better living than in their own coun
try, small companies have been formed, farming less than one acre
each, which have been doing a prosperous busmess. This class of
plantations controls about 5 per cent of the whole acreage of the
rubber industry. Another group of Chinese farmers living in the jun
gles have planted rubber on the grass lands, with considerable success.
The labor supply for the rubber estates is chiefly recruited from
southern India. The Tamils number about 100,000 and the Chinese
laborers, who are next in numerical strength, number about 45,700.27
25 Wright, Arnold: Twentieth Century Impressions of British Malaya. London, 1908, pp . 554, 555.
26 From 1907 to 1912 the area planted in rubber increased from 79,997 acres to 112,000 acres, and the exports
from 485 to 23,400 tons. (Akers, C. E .: The Rubber Industry in Brazil and the Orient. London, 1914, p .
171.) Later data are not available.
27 Akers, C. E .: The Rubber Industry in Brazil and the Orient. London, 1914, p p . 196-200,202-206,

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAKKA.

M o st o f the Chinese belong to the Singkeh class and are indentured
to w ork for 300 d ays at 8 cents (4.5 cents, par, U . S. m on ey) per d ay ,
plus rations and other articles costing 20 cents (11.4 cents, par, U . S .
m on ey) a day. T he cost of recruiting these m en and bringing th em
to the estates is, rough ly, $60 ($34, par, U . S. m oney) per head.
N o tw ith stan d in g the high charge, the average cost for the d a y ’s
wage w ould have been reasonable had it n ot been for the m a n y
desertions, frequ en tly am ounting to 25 per cent
the to ta l force.
T h e tin -m inin g in d u stry attracted these laborers so stron gly th a t
th e y were unable to resist the tem p tation of breaking the contracts
w ith their planters in order to work in the tin -m inin g districts. In
this respect labor conditions on the estates have been so u nsatisfac
to ry in recent years th at the indenture system was prohibited in 1913.
T h e Chinese laborers n ow em ployed on rubber estates are free
from a n y form of indenture. “ T h e y are a m o st valuable addition to
the labor force,” declares C. E . A kers, “ b u t th ey dem and high w ages,
and in som e cases are paid as m u ch as 90 cents (51 cents, par, U . S.
m o n ey ) per head per d ay . T h e y do better w ork on contract than for
a d aily wage, and in this m anner are em ployed w ith m o st satisfac
to ry results, on m a n y estates for tapping, weeding, and all other labor
which can be contracted out on reasonable term s.” 28
Chinese laborers ask higher wages than workers of other n ations.
Their wage varies from 60 to 90 cents (34 to 51 cents, par, U . S .
m o n ey ) a d ay , and in som e cases even a dollar (57 cents, par, U . S.
m on ey) is paid. W h e n calculating contract w ork, the usual cu stom is
to allow 60 cents (34 cents, par, U. S. m oney) per d a y per m a n , and
at this rate arrangem ents can be m ade for nearly all classes of w ork,
whether tapping, weeding, road m aking, or draining.
M any m ana
gers prefer Chinese contract work to the em p loym en t b y the d a y of
T am ils or Javanese, and assert th at the labor is better done and m ore
expeditiou sly accom plished.29
A s a rule, Chinese laborers on rubber estates give little trouble to
planters. In cases where th ey are governed b y headm en of their own
n ation ality, the record is even better.
T h e h eadm an, or kapala,
generally does n ot w o rk ; he is there to look after the m en , m easure
the tasks and distribute them am ong the gang. H e pays h im self by
deducting a certain percentage, from 7.5 per cent to 10 per cent, from
the earnings of the gan g .30
T he governm ents of , the Straits Settlem en ts and the F ederated
M a la y States insist th at housing accom m odations for estate laborers
shall be provided in accordance w ith certain requirem ents in regard
to space and elevation of floors above the ground. T he usual ty p e
of house now erected is built on brick pillars, w ith an open air space
o f 4 feet high below the flooring. Steel or hardw ood fram ing is used
w ith galvanized iron or attap (palm leaf) th atch roofing. T h e sides
are of galvanized iron or hardw ood, and a plank flooring is provided.
A s a rule, a 6-fo o t veranda is constructed on b oth sides of the building.
T h e room s are generally 12 feet b y 10 feet, to accom m odate four
coolies, b u t on a few estates the size is 10 feet b y 8 feet, and in these
tw o coolies are housed. Proper drainage is necessary round the cam p,
and the regulations require th at adequate latrines be erected.*•
* Akers, C. E .: The R ubber Industry in Brazil and the Orient. London, 1914., p. 207.
*»Idem , p p. 208, 209.
*• Mathieu, C.: Culture du Caoutchouc de Para: Hevea brasiliensis. Paris, 1909, pp. 42-45.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

A m p le hospital accom m odation is required, w ith separate wards
for m en and w om en, and equipped w ith dispensary, cook house, and
other necessary adjuncts.
The wards are furnished w ith beds fitted
w ith m osqu ito nets and supplied w ith all m odern sanitary require
m ents.
R ice form s the principal food of all classes of coolies working on
estates in M alakka.
In addition, the diet comprises dried fish,
coconut oil, curry stuffs, fruit, and vegetables. M eat of an y kind
is a lu xu ry, and never an article of everyd ay consum ption.
R ice is
supplied at cost to all estate coolies, and below cost when m arket
prices are unusually high.
There is no obligation on the part of the planter, and no efforts
are m ade to provide any sort of schools for the children of the
estate coolies.
In the villages public schools have been established
for native children taught in the vernacular, but none for those of
Chinese or In dian parentage.31
OTHER PLANTATION WORK.
A great num ber of Chinese in M alakka have been engaged in
planting of various kinds, particularly before the rubber b oom at the
beginning of this century.
In som e cases the planters have m ade
big successes, in others failures.
The planting of gam bier and
pepper is now largely discontinued, while pineapple and lem on grass cultivation seems to be flourishing.
T he planting of gam bier, used in tanning, etc., seems to have
com m enced in Singapore as early as 1819.
Soon afterwards there
were on the island 500 estates in w hich gam bier was interplanted
w ith pepper.
The waste in the m anufacture of gam bier m akes an
excellent m anure for the pepper vine. A s the su pply of fuel fell
off, the plantations decreased to 400 in 1850. A fresh labor supply
renewed the industry, and in 1870 an export of 3 4 ,5 5 0 tons of
gam bier to E uropean m arkets was reported.
R u t as gam bier is
very exhau stin g to the soil, the cultivation died out gradually.
U n til in 1883, when the prices phenom enally advanced, m a n y E u ro
peans rushed in to com pete w ith the Chinese, b u t failed to make
su bstan tial progress because of the cheaper labor and relatively
m ore efficient m anagem ent of the Chinese planters.
W it h the decrease of gam bier and pepper in Singapore, the Chinese
planted near neighboring cities, and in 1895 Johore had 3 ,7 6 0 acres
planted, m o stly w ith coffee, pepper, and gam bier, and som e 4 ,0 0 0
acres in Cucob w ith sago and coconuts.
A t G aylan g and K rian
about 18,500 acres, m o stly owned b y the Chinese, were devoted to
the cultivation of sugar, pineapples, citronella, and coffee.
Cassava (tapioca) was rather extensively cultivated b y the Sin
gapore Chinese, b u t it is a very exhausting crop, and after 1870
m a n y abandoned tapioca plantations were turned into extensive
stretches of lalang (grass lan d), w hich are now planted w ith rubber.
Cassava is now planted only in sm all patches all over the island,
largely for food for the native population.
L em on grass is the plant from w hich citronella oil is extracted, a
scent used largely in the m anufacture of toilet soaps, and it seems to
grow well in the island of Singapore.
There are sm all patches in 8
1
81 Akers, C. E.: The Rubber Industry in Brazil and the Orient.

London, 1914, pp. 216, 219.

CHINESE IN BRITISH M ALAKKA.

various places, b u t no serious a ttem p t has been m ade to plant it
on a n y large scale.
A considerable num ber of Chinese farm ers of
sm all m eans are n ow engaged in its cu ltivation, as it needs co m
p aratively little capital and brings a fair return to the grower.32
SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
T he unnatural social conditions surrounding these Chinese laborers
have developed certain evils.
L ivin g, as th ey do, in strange sur
roundings, w ith little in the w ay of recreation and no hom e life,
th ey seek the distraction and am usem ent afforded b y gam bling,
opium sm oking, and secret societies. Since 1870 gam bling has been
prohibited in the Straits Settlem en ts.
In the Federated M a la y
S tates, how ever, the gam bling privilege is let to a w ealth y Chinese
w ho operates gam bling houses for his countrym en under certain
restrictions. U p to 1907 the opium trade was likewise farm ed out
to som e tru stw orth v Chinese, who becam e responsible for the im
portation and sale o l opium under G overnm en t regulations.
In th at
year, how ever, an opium com m ission was appointed to stu d y the
question, and as a result of its findings the opium trade was m ade a
m o n o p o ly of the G overn m en t of the Straits Settlem en ts.
T h e enorm ous disproportion betw een the sexes— the annual
arrivals of fem ale im m igrants from China being often less than oneten th those of m ale im m igrants— has m eant th at the great m a jo rity
of the Chinese are unm arried and therefore w ithou t wholesom e hom e
life.
T his in turn has caused a great increase in sexual im m orality.
T h e activities of the secret societies form ed b y certain of the
Chinese becam e such th at the G overnm en t was forced to m ake cer
tain restrictions upon th em .
T h e y were required to register in
order to enable the protector to inquire into their organization pur
poses and practices.
Certain of the m ore flagrant offenders were
dissolved outright.
T h ou gh disturbances have occurred fro m tim e
to tim e, since the enactm ent of Ordinance I of 1889 the dangerous
societies h ave gradually disappeared.
•Makepeace, W ., and others: One Hundred Years of Singapore.

London, 1921, Vol. II, pp. 79-84.

Chapter VI.— CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.

The settlement of the Philippines by the Chinese was almost simul
taneous with the colonization of British Malakka. Indeed, the
fifteenth century or thereabouts was an active epoch of Chinese
migration.
The historic phase is emphasized in this chapter, attention being
given to the early relations between China and the Philippines,
particularly before the Spanish occupation. After the advent of
the Spaniards in the islands a prolonged struggle with the Chinese
ensued. A general review of this conflict has been given up to the
last significant social and economic clash, which, in the writer’s opin
ion, ultimately determined the commercial supremacy of the Spaniards
over the Chinese in the Philippines.
A second main division analyzes the present economic status of
the Chinese. The conflicts of the Chinese, first with the Spaniards
and then with the Americans in the islands, have temporarily limited
their activities in trade and industry, but about 30 per cent of the
Chinese population is now engaged in commerce, controlling almost
all the retail trade and exerting considerable influence in interisland
and foreign commerce. Nearly 65 per cent of the sales taxes in the
islands is collected annually from the Chinese merchants. Their
economic influence is felt far and wide in the Philippines and it is
stated that, to a considerable extent, the economic prosperity of the
islands is now determined by that of the Chinese in business and
commerce there. How far the prosperity of the Chinese themselves
will be affected by the newly enacted bookkeeping law is here dis
cussed, and the views of both Filipinos and Chinese are presented.
With reference to social conditions, numerous cases of mixed
marriages, chiefly between Filipinos and Chinese, indicate a fair
degree of assimilation in the islands. It is reported that about onesixth of the entire population is composed of mestizos,1 and persons
of Spanish or Chinese extraction (mainly the latter). Social repres
sion has been reflected in discriminatory laws against the Chinese,
which have probably had their origin in the conflict of economic
interests.
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

Between the years 1209 and 1214, Chau Ju-kua, a member of the
house of Sung (906-1278) published A Record of Foreign Countries
(Chu Fan Chi), a comprehensive geographical treatise, in which
was described the country of Ma Yi and its trade with China. It is
believed that by Ma Yi the author meant the Philippine Islands.
This belief is strengthened by the fact that as Commissioner of
1 Persons of m ixed blood.

CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.

Foreign Trade for Chuanchow, Fukien Province, he came into
frequent contact with traders from Spain (i. e. Mu Lan Pi), Syria,
Arabia, and Persia, who frequented the East Indies and the neigh
boring regions. Near Ma Yi, asserts Chau, were the San Hsu (the
three islands), namely, Ka Ma Yen, Pa Lao Yu, and Pa Ki Nung,
which, according to Berthold Laufer, are probably the islands of
Busuanga, Calamian, and Penon de Coron.2
During^ the reign of the house of M in g intercourse betw een China
and the Philippine Islands developed.
In the fifth year of the reign
of H u n g W u (1372) the first em bassy from the Philippines arrived
in China, w ith tribute.
T h e island of L u zon was then thou ght to be
near Changchow in the P rovince of Fukien.
T he emperor recipro
cated w ith gifts.
In 1406 another em bassy cam e from the P ’ing K a Shih L an (the
P angasinans), a M a la y tribe inhabiting the western and southern
shores of L in gayen G u lf, on L u zon Islan d.
A ccordin g to the M ing
A n n als this tribe seem ed to be independent at the beginning of the
fifteenth century, although it su bm itted to Spanish rule in 1572.
T w o m ore em bassies arrived in the years 1408 and 1410.
O n the
form er occasion, i. e., in 1408, the chieftain appeared personally w ith
a large retinue.
A t the head of the em bassy w hich arrived in 1410
was a high official called K o CITa L a o , who brought with h im prod
ucts of his country, particularly gold.
In the latter part of the year 1571 M anila was attacked and alm ost
taken b y Lien T ao C h ’ien (popularly know n as L im a h o n ), a noted
Chinese corsair.
H is invasions of th at city wTere repeated in sub
sequent years, and in 1576 he so m enaced Chinese-Philippine trade
th a t the Chinese E m p ero r sent a fleet to subdue h im .
Once again
peace was restored on the Philippine waters and the Filipinos, appre
ciating Cnina’s service in this m a tter, sent an em bassy to Peking,
which was headed b y a M oh am m ed an , w ho m ad e his trip b y w a y of
Fukien.
T h e records indicate th at the Philippine Islands continued to p a y
tribute through the T sin g d yn a sty , being m entioned in this con
nection as late as 1 7 52.3
I t is thus seen th at th roughout m a n y centuries the Philippines had
n ot on ly trade w ith China b u t also political relations, especially
when the m aritim e su prem acy of China was at its height.
F ath er
G au bil stated in his L ettres E difiantes th at E m p eror Y u n g L o m a in
tained a n a v y w ith 3 0 ,0 0 0 m en w hich sailed to M anila at different
tim es in order to m ain tain a nom inal overlordship over the islands.
Chinese sources also relate incidents show ing China’s political con
trol there.
T h e M in g A n n als state (ch. 323, p. 11a) th at in 1405
E m p ero r Y u n g L o sent a high official to L u zo n to govern th at island.
T h e result of his visit was the P hilippine em bassy headed b y K o O h’ a
L ao , above m entioned.
In 1407 the fam ou s eunuch Cheng H o
undertook a m em orable expedition w ith a fleet of 62 large ships, carry
ing 2 7 ,8 0 0 soldiers.
In 30 years he visited a num ber of countries on
the In dian Ocean as far as the A rab ian G u lf, and obtained the nom inal
allegiance of their rulers.
2 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, p. 252, note 1. Relations of the Chinese to the Philip
pines, b v Berthold Laufer. Compare Chu Fan Chi, b y Chau Ju-kua, translated b y F. U irth and W . W .
Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1911, p. 160 (note 3), p. 162 (note 1).
3 China Review, vol. 12, p. 98.

^PANTSH-CHINESE FRICTION*

As Vasco Be Gama had not yet navigated the Cape of Good Hope, no European
sail had yet been visible on the Pacific and Indian Oceans, of which the Chinese and
Arabs were the unrestricted masters and only representatives of an immense trade.
It is not at all improbable, then, that the ambitious Emperor Yung Lo exercised a
kind of loose political control over the Philippines.4
CHINESE DESCRIPTION OF MANILA.5
The custom s and social conditions in the Philippines in the early
days are revealed som ew hat in the w ritings of Chinese authors.
In
Glim pses of M anila, w hich was published in 1790, H u a n g K ’ O -C h ’ui
observes the follow in g:
The hats of the natives are high and angular; their clothes have narrow sleeves. The
articles they make use of in eating and drinking are identical with those of the Dutch.
Their silver money, which is current in Kwangtung and Fukien, is cast and adorned
with the portrait of their sovereign. The island of Luzon is in the southeast of the
Fukien Sea at a distance of more than a thousand li.6 The number of the native pop
ulation must be over 100,000. The products of this country are gold, tortoise shell,
Barros camphor, birds’ nests, sea slugs, ebony, redwood, fish, and salt. These are all
considered the best beyond the sea. Formerly, at the time of the Ming dynasty,
Spain took this country and founded the city of Kuei Tou [Cavite] on the outer lake,
[i. e., Manila Bay] near the coast of the western ocean. They set a guide on the isle
of Keng Yi, west from the city, that they might have this territory far and near under
their control. The winds are extremely severe.
EARLY CHINESE SETTLEMENTS.
W h eth er in the pre-Spanish period the Chinese em igrants had a
settlem en t in the Philippine Islands to carry on their trade was once
a debated question.
W ritin g in 1903, D a v id P. Barrow s asserted
th at prior to the Spanish conquest the N egritos and the M alays were
the only ethnic sources of the n atives of the Philippines, and there were
no evidences of Chinese settlem en ts.7 Since then writers have
am assed evidence from Chinese and E uropean sources to show th at
prior to the Spanish occupation the Chinese had settled in the
Philippines.89 T h e Chinese evidence on this point is sufficiently
ex p lic it:
Formerly the people of Fukien lived there [i. e., Luzon], because the place was
conveniently near. They were traders of abundant means, 10,000 in number, who,
as a rule, took up long residence there and did not return home until their sons and
grandsons had grown up. When, however, the Franks snatched away this country
the Spanish king dispatched a chief to suppress the Chinese. As he was concerned
lest they might revolt, he expelled many of them. All these remaining had to suffer
from his encroachments and insults.®
SPANISH-CHINESE FRICTION.
The first contact of the Chinese w ith the Spaniards was said to have
occurred on the island of M indoro in 1571, six years after Legaspi,
the Spanish explorer of the Philippines, took possession of the
4 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, V ol. L, p. 257. Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines,
b y Berthold Laufer.
5 Chinese writers of considerable note described conditions and early intercourse between China and the
Philippines in several booklets. The Hai Kuo Wen Chien Luh (A Record of what I Heard and Saw in the
Sea Countries) written b y Ch’en Lun-kiung in 1744, devoted a section to Luzon. In his Hai Tao Y i Chi
(Reminiscences about the Sea Countries) Wang Ta-Hai in 1791 gave an account of his voyage in a Chinese
junk to Batavia and gave descriptions of many of the Channel Islands, based on personal observation as
well as on information gathered during the voyage.
6 One li is equal to about one-third of a mile.
7 United States. Bureau of the Census. Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I, p . 478.
8Asia, Vol. X V III, Jan., 1918, p. 72. “ Can Filipinos protect themselves?”
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, pp. 148-184. Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines,
b y Berthold Laufer.
9 China. Bureau of the National History. The Ming Annals, Book 323, p. lib .

100

CHINESE IN TH E PHILIPPINES.

Ladrones.16 Chinese-Spanish friction began w ith the Chinese rebel
lion of P ’ an H o W u in 1593.
In part the M in g A n n als sa y :
In the eighth moon of the twenty-first year of [the reig?i of] Wan Li [1593], when the
chieftain Lei Pi Li Mi Lao [Don Perez G6mez Dasmarinas] undertook a raid on the
Moluccas, he employed 250 Chinese to assist him in the combat. P ’an Ho Wu was
their lieutenant. The savages [i. e., the Spaniards] lay down drowsy in the daytime
and commanded the Chinese to row the galley. As they were somewhat lazy, they
were suddenly beaten with a whip so severely that several of them died. Whereupon
Ho Wu stirred up the fighting spirit of the Chinese in the following language: “ Let
us revolt and die that way. Should we submit to being flogged to death or suffer
any other such ignominious death? Should we not rather die in battle? Let us
stab this chieftain to death and save our lives. If we are victorious, let us hoist the
/sails and return to our country. If we should succumb to be fettered, it will be time
enough then to die.” *11
A fte r the assassination of the chieftain, the Chinese crew to o k p os
session of the ship and its valuables and proceeded to A n n an .
Lei
M ao Lin (D on L u is Perez D asm arin as), the son of the deceased
chieftain, im m ediately went to China to ask for in dem n ity for the
m urder of his father, b u t was disappointed.
THE MASSACRE OF 1603.
In 1603 two adventurers nam ed Y e n Y in g L u n g and Chang Y i told
the E m peror W a n L i th at K i I S h an ,12 a m ountain on L u zon , was
rich in gold and silver ores and th at the exploitation of it m igh t
yield per year as m uch as 1 0 0,000 taels of gold and 3 0 0 ,0 0 0 taels of
silver; in the follow ing year a royal decree ordered three m andarins
to be sent to L u zo n .
A lth o u g h the m ission was received in M anila
w ith courtesy, rum or spread th at the Chinese secretly intended
taking the Philippines b y force of arm s.13 C onsequently, the governor
issued orders to register the nam es of all the Chinese on the island,
and the men were divided into groups of 300, each group being
required to reside in one building.
T h e Spaniards broke into these
houses and slew som e of the occupants, whereupon the surviving
Chinese fled to outlying farms. A num ber of th em were killed b y
troops dispatched b y the governor; others retreated to the interior
of L uzon (T a L u n Snan) only to m eet the sam e fate.
The governor
sent an en v o y to negotiate peace, b u t the Chinese, suspecting this
to be m erely a subterfuge, killed the en voy.
T he governor fell into a great passion, assem bled his arm y, pene
trated the city, and set an am bush, so th at a great fam ine broke out
am ong the Chinese near the city.
T h e y descended the hills and
attacked the city, b u t suffered a decisive defeat at the hands of the
division which had been placed in am bush.
T he total num ber of
those killed in the successive battles am ounted to about 2 5 ,0 0 0 .
T h e Spaniards sent a letter to the governor of F ukien, saying that
Blair, Emma H .,an d Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898. Boston, 1905, Vol. II,
p. 109, footnote.
11 Translated b y Berthold Laufer, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, V ol. L, pp. 261, 262.
Antonio de Morga, in The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China (London,
Hakluyt Society, 1868), p. 35, gives a similar account of the incident, but omits the cruel treatment of the
Chinese crew b y Dasmariftas and wrongly attributes the revolt solelv to the desire of these Chinese for
robbery. It seems clear that Dasmarifias seized b y force a number of Chinese merchants and artisans in
the parian (see footnote 17, p. 101) to row the galley for his expedition to the Moluccas, and his maltreatment
of these involuntary sailors in a large measure incited them to the revolt as above sketched.
The account given b y Juan de la Concepci6n in his Historia General de Philipinas (Manila, 1788-1792),
alleging that the Chinese split the head of tne Spanish governor is obviously a biased and unauthenticated
statement, as is shown in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, p. 265. Relations of the Chinese
to the Philippines, b y Berthold Laufer.
u Or Keit (Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898, V ol. X I I , p. 104).
MHowever, the Ming Annals, which detail this expedition, give no hint of sucn designs.

SPANISH-CHINESE FRICTION.

io i

the Chinese had plotted a revolt, but had failed in their plan, and
that they had already requested the relatives of the dead to depart
with their children. The governor of Fukien, Hsu Hsio-Ch’u,
promptly informed the Emperor, who issued a decree that justice be
administered to the instigators.14
The m otives of the massacre were apparently difficult to ascertain.
The docum entary evidence introduced in B lair’s and R o b ertso n ’s
The Philippine Islands would seem to show th at the killing was
partly caused b y a desire for loot on the part of unprincipled
Spaniards,15 inasm uch as an inquest was held during which the
Spanish soldiery was authorized to plunder all the property of the
Chinese, an order which was obeyed w ith enthusiasm , since the
m erchants were generally known to have hidden treasures.
A n oth er
writer, how ever, states the cause of the insurrection as follow s:
It was only the overhasty initiative step and the oppressive measures of the colonial
government which incited the Chinese, first of all the proletarian class, to put an end
to the unfair situation by a general riot, into which finally the patricians were also
forced under pressure of a preposterous policy enforced by the mailed fist of the
Spaniards.16
THE MASSACRE OF 1639.
A s the Chinese grew in num bers, th ey settled along the banks of
the Pasig R iver and upon the south shore of L agu n a de B a y in the
vicin ity of Calam ba.
T h e y broke out in a second insurrection in
the year 1639, in protest against the oppressive adm inistration of
Governor H u rta d o de Corcuera.
T hinking th at the trade in the
previous years had been u n d u ly stim u lated, the governor had n ot
sent the A cap u lco galleon on its cu stom ary voyage to im port M exican
silver.
A s a consequence, the su pp ly of m o n ey was n ot sufficient for
the volum e of com m erce in th at year, and the Chinese, being im
portan t m erchants, suffered considerably.
Corcuera was actively
pushing his conquests am ong the M oros of southern M indanao, and
the extensive arm am ents and expeditions necessitated increased
taxation , w hich fell heavily on the Chinese.
T h e revolt started,
how ever, n o t w ith the Chinese in the parian,17 b u t w ith the gardeners
and farmers on the shores of L agu na de B a y .
These rose in N o v e m
ber, 1639, killed the alcalde m a y or of L agu n a and the priest in charge
of th at district, and in a m ob cam e dow n the Pasig R iver, burning
and plundering.
M a n y of the Chinese in the parian and the Ton do
districts w ent up the river and joined them .
T ogether th ey attacked
the rest house of the Jesuits at San Pedro M acati, and it was around
this house th at the on ly pitched b attle of this insurrection was fought.
The forces of the Spaniards were led by the sergeant-major and included about 200
Spanish soldiers, 100 Indians from Pampanga, and 400 Zambalan archers. The Chinese
were routed and scattered. Detached bands wandered over the country, falling upon
14 China. Bureau of the National History. The Ming Annals, Book 323, pp. 9a-10b.
The principal instigator appeared to be the Archbishop of Manila, Don Fray Miguel de Benavides.
(China Review, Vol. X I X , p. 254. “ Early Spanish trade with Chin Cheo (Changchow), b y G. Phillips.)
Blair, Emma H., and Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. Boston., 1905,
V ol. X U , pp. 83-168.
16 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, p. 269. Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines,
b y Berthold Laufer.
w In the early days the Chinese in the Philippines were known to Spaniards as Sangleys, a word appar
ently corrupted from “ Seng-li” meaning “ Trade” in the A m oy dialect. “ Sangleys” therefore meant
“ merchants,” because most of the Chinese were engaged in trades.
The Chinese lived in a large building given to them by the Spanish Government and was named the
Alcayceria. This was a large square of shops with a dwelling room above each. It was opened in 1850 in
the section of Binondo. Later on the Chinese outgrew the Alcayceria and another and much larger center
was provided for them. This was the celebrated “ parian,” or market place, which was demolished by order
of the Government in 1860.

102

CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.

the Indian villages, pillaging and^ttacking and being in turn cut off and destroyed
by the natives. The Chinese destroyed the town of Taytav, burning the church and
hacking to pieces the images and the altar, in spite of tne resistance of the Indians.18
T h e disturbances lasted from N o v e m b e r until the follow ing M arch
and, according to F r a y Juan de la Concepcion, cost the lives of -22,000
Chinese, 50 Spaniards, and 300 Filipinos.
Chinese to the n u m ber of
7 ,0 0 0 surrendered to the Spaniards at the conclusion of those troubles,
and were punished b y being sent to the galleys as rowers for the
expedition ary fleets o f H u rta d o de C orcuera.19
A THIRD MASSACRE.
A ro u n d 1662 when the M in g d y n a sty was declining in pow er,
Cheng C h Jin -k u n g, b etter know n as K o x in g a , drove the D u tc h fro m
F orm osa and firm ly established him self there to fight against the
in vadin g M anchus. M eantim e, he sent a D om in ican m ission ary to
M anila, accusing the Spaniards of oppressing the Chinese— n otin g
particularly the m assacre of 1603— and dem anding th at the governor
su bm it to his rule im m ed iately.
D u rin g the preparations for the
Philippine conquest, K o x in g a died. A s soon as his son succeeded
to the throne in F orm osa, a treaty was concluded w ith the Spaniards.
Suspecting th at the Chinese in the islands had secretly aided K o x in g a ,
the governor ordered all the Chinese, e xcept those who were C hristian
ized, to depart from the Philippines.
T h e Chinese junks were also
com pelled to take their goods aboard and depart.
T h e Chinese then
rose and assaulted the city, b u t were repulsed, w ith terrible losses,
b y the artillery w hich was m ou n ted on the parian gate and the
B aluarte of San Clem ente.
RESTRICTIONS UPON THE CHINESE.
In addition to these m assacres, the general treatm en t o f the
Chinese b y the Spaniards was reflected in a num ber of laws em bodied
in R ecopilacion de leyes de las Indias (1 5 9 4 -1 6 2 7 ) .20 W h ile som e laws
were designed to protect the Chinese in the Philippines, others re
stricted their industrial and econom ic activities there.
I t was de
creed th at the Chinese should be charged no fee for leavin g M a n ila ;
the sale of their goods was regulated; no oppression or in ju ry to th em
was to be p erm itted ; th ey were n o t to be allowed to live in the houses
of the Span iards; their suits m u st first com e before the governor of
the parian, w ith the appeal to the A u d ien cia; neither auditors nor
m unicipal officials were allowed to begin such su its; the A u diencia
was n ot to m eddle w ith the affairs of the parian, which were to be in
the charge of the governor of the islan ds; assessments of fow ls were
n o t to be m ade upon the Chinese.
T h e governor was ordered to pro
m o te agriculture am ong them , and n o t to exact personal services;
their n um ber was to be lim ited to 6 ,0 0 0 , and no b rib es or fees for
licenses could be e x acted ; th ey were to be k ept in due su bjection,
b u t alw ays through m ild m eth o d s; provision was m ad e regarding
the fees for their licenses; Chinese converts to C h ristianity were
exem pted for ten years from payin g trib u te; a lim it was placed to the
assessm ent m ad e upon th em for the royal service.21
MUnited States. Bureau of the Census. Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I, p. 488.
» Idem, pp. 487-488.
For an English translation see The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898, b y Blair and Robertson, Vol. X X I I ,
p p. 151-159.
« Idem, Vol. X X I I , p . 16.

EXCLUSION OF THE CHINESE.

103

Beginning with 1660, new laws and regulations were added. In
that year, by order of the Spanish governor, all Chinese residing
within the archipelago were required to have a license, which was
valid for one year. Failure to comply with this regulation was punishable by two years in the galleys. This provision, however, was
evidently primarily for purposes of taxation. In 1709, the Chinese
were banished from Manila under the pretext that they were carrying
away public wealth, but they did not nesitate to return. And in the
course of the eighteenth century, they made further settlements in
the smaller places on Luzon. In 1747 a royal decree for their final
exclusion came from Madrid, the execution of which was suspended.
When, in 1762, the British captured Manila and demanded the sur
render of the islands, the Chinese joined the British.
The
Spanish governor, Simon Anda y Salazar, then ordered that all the
Chinese be hanged, which was conscientiously carried into effect.
In 1828, an order was issued admitting only such Chinese as were
engaged solely for purposes of agriculture. This condition, however,
appears to have been evaded.
In 1850 special regulations were promulgated governing the ad
mission of Chinese who were imported as agricultural laborers.
Planters were graded into two classes, those with an income of $2,400
or over per annum, and those with an income of $1,500 but less than
$2,400. An association of small planters was reckoned, for importing
purposes, as equivalent to a planter having an income equal to the
collective income of the members. Planters of the first class were
allowed to import 400 and of the second class 200 Chinese, paying a
tax upon the laborers so imported amounting to 6 to 12 reales Span
ish currency (75 cents to $1.50 par), per head per annum. No tax
was required upon Chinese imported into the tobacco districts.
Chinese introduced under these provisions were forbidden to engage
in any trade, art, or industry or in any commercial occupation.
The only occupations permitted them wrere agricultural labor and
manufacture of sugar, hemp, and indigo. Employers were made
responsible for the observance of these restrictions during the term of
the contract.
New regulations went into effect January 1, 1890, permitting
Chinese to enter the Philippines only at Manila and imposing specie
taxes upon them.22
EXCLUSION OF THE CHINESE.23

Shortly after the conclusion of the Spanish-American War—i. e., in
September, 1898—by order of the military governor, the Chinese
exclusion acts in force in the United States were made operative in
the Philippines. Under this order all Chinese except former resi
dents wTho left the islands between December 31, 1895, and Septem
ber, 1898, and those belonging to the exempt classes, have been
refused permission to land in the islands. This law was supple
mented by an act of the Philippine Commission, dated March 27,
1903, which provides for the registration of Chinese by customs offi
cials and the deportation of all not legally registered within two
22 TJ. S. Bureau of Labor Bulletin No. 58: Labor conditions in the Philippines. 1905, pp. 860, 861.
23 Beasons for the exclusion of the Chinese are summarized in Econom ic Conditions in the Philippines,
b y Hugo Miller, pp. 313,314.

CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.

104

years. The precedents of the Federal law applying to the United
States are followed, and the Federal court definitions of laborer and
merchant are adopted.242
5 However, certain prominent Filipinos who
have recognized the need of Chinese in the industrial and commercial
development of the islands have repeatedly expressed themselves as
favoring the admission of Chinese under certain conditions.
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF THE PIONEER CHINESE.

Much of the commercial and industrial development of the islands
has been due to the efforts of the Chinese. Juan de la Concepcion,
the noted Spanish historian, commended them in the following lan
guage: “ Without the trade and commerce of the Chinese, these
dominions could not have subsisted/7 25
At the beginning of the thirteenth century, Chinese traders visited
the Philippines frequently. Chau Ju-kua mentioned a community
of 1,000 native families living on the banks of a winding river, prob
ably the Pasig. The Chinese junks anchored at the mouth of the
river, and a market seems to have been established on the shore.
According to Chau Ju-kua, the natives brought with them for trade
yellow wax, cotton, pearls, tortoise shells, betel nuts, coconuts, vege
tables, jute fabrics (probably those woven from abaka, or Manila
hemp, as to-day), other woven goods (of cotton, Blumentritt sug
gests) and fine mats.26 The Chinese exchanged for these the products
of their country, particularly porcelain, gold, iron, needles, vases for
perfumes, lance heads, articles of lead, silk parasols, black damask
and silks.27 On their voyages farther south in the archipelago, the
Chinese did not land, but announced their presence by beating gongs
and the natives came out to the junks in their proas. Later on a
market for trade with the Chinese grew up at Butuan in northern
Mindanao, where gold and slaves were exchanged for the products
brought by the Chinese.
A n idea of the exten t of the business carried on b y the pioneer Chi
nese in the Philippines m a y be gained from the follow ing contem porary
letter quoted b y Argensola in his Conquesta (1 6 0 9 ):
The city [Manila] is remarkable for the size of the buildings, which have surprised
me. I shall mention only one, which is the chief one. It has an Alcayceria that
contains all kinds of silks and gold, and mechanical trades; and for these tilings there
are more than 400 shops, and generally more than 8,000 men who trade therein.
When the trading fleet comes in from China with their merchandise * * * there
are always more than 13,000 or 14,000 men. They bring wonderful things that
are found in Europe.28

Regarding the industrial life of the Chinese in their community,
Fray JDomingo de Salazar, the first and only Bishop of the Philippines
writes as follows:
There were in the parian, in addition to the common merchants and artisans, physi
cians and apothecaries, silver workers, marble engravers, painters, etc.29* There were
24 See Appendix to Chapter V I, A, B, and C, pp. 184 to 186.
25 Historia General de Philipinas, 14 vols., Manila, 1788-1792. Vol. IV , p. 53.
28 Chau Ju-kua: Chu Fan Chih (A Record of Foreign Countries). English translation b y Frederich
Hirth and W . W . Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1911. p. 160.
27 Le R oy, James A .: The Americans in the Philippines. Boston, 1914. Vol. I, pp. 5, 6,
28 Blair, Emma H ., and Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898. Cleveland, 1903-1909.
Vol. X V I , p. 296.
2* In his Travels in the Philippines, Feodor Jajor states: “ The traders are almost all Chinese, who alone
possess shops in which clothing material and woolen stuffs, partly of native and partly of European manu
facture, women’s embroidered slippers, and imitation jewelry m ay be obtained.” In The Former Philip
pines through Foreign Eyes, Philippine Education Co., Manila, 1916, p. 145.

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY.

105

also many gardeners among the Chinese, and with the grain and flour brought from
China, Chinese bakers provided the city with bread. Among the advantages which
the increase of these Chinese has brought to the city there is one, and that not of the
least, that while in Spain stonework is so costly and difficult to make, in this city,
because of the diligence and efficient labor of the Chinese, houses of hewn stone are
built good and cheap, and in such brief time that there was a man in this city who
built within a year a house in which he could live. And they go on making houses
of a sumptuous character, and churches, monasteries, hospitals, and a fort, all in such
a short time that it is a matter of admiration. They make brick and tiles in great
quantities, cheap and very good. The lime at first was made from stone as in Spain,
but the Chinese are given to making it of some little stones which are found on this
coast and which are called “ white corals,” and of oyster shells, of which there is a
great quantity; and although at first this did not seem to us a good kind of lime, later
it proved to be such, and so good that in this city nothing else is used.30

The bulk of Chinese merchandise, the chief articles of which were
silk, pottery, and metal ware, went to the ports of New Spain (Mexico)
and Peru, which thus became a large market for Chinese manu
factures. This trade was an immense profit to China. The impor
tation of silver into Manila from Spanish America during 250 years
of intercourse (1571-1821) is computed by Thomas de Comyn at
$400,000,000; and perhaps half of it passed over to China.31
The important r61e the Chinese had played in the economic
development of the Philippines as above shown is corroborated by
John Foreman:
Except a few Europeans and a score western Asiatics, the Chinese who remained
were the only merchants in the archipelago. The natives had neither knowledge,
tact, energy, nor desire to compete with them. They can not even at this day do so
successfully, and the Chinese may be considered a boon to the colony, for without
them, living would be much dearer, commodities and labor of all kinds more scarce,
and the export and import trade much embarrassed. The Chinese are really the
people who gave to the natives the first notions of trade, industry, and fruitful work.
They taught them, amongst many other useful things, the extraction of saccharine
juice from sugar cane and the working of wrought iron. They introduced into the
colony the first sugar mills with vertical stone crusher and iron boiling pans.*33
CHINESE IN INDUSTRY.33

In recent years, the Chinese have been actively engaged in com
merce and in a number of industries, notably in building, masonry,
and woodworking. Highly skilled Chinese mechanics build the
frame houses which are particularly suited to the local climate, and
for which there is constant demand. The master masons are almost
always Chinese.34 Walls of a very soft, easily dressed limestone are
sometimes built around private grounds and groups of hou^s in
Manila. These stones are dressed with a broad adz or a hatchet
like tool by Chinese stonecutters. The Chinese skilled workers in
machine shops and in shipbuilding and repairing works have been of
great importance; in Manila and Cavite there are nine establish
ments of the kinds just mentioned, employing 3,782 workmen. Since
Salazar, Domingo de: Carta-relaeidn de las Cosas de la China y de los Chinos del Parian de Manila.
In W . E. Retana y Gamboa's Archivo del Biblidfilo Filipino, Vol. I l l , pp. 65, 66.
» Chinese Repository, V ol. V III, p . 173, footnote.
82 Foreman, John: The Philippine Islands: A historical,' geographical, ethnological, social, and com
mercial sketch of the Philippine Archipelago and its political dependencies. London, 1899, pp. 118, 119.
33 There are no reliable data concerning the introduction of sugar cane into the Philippines. Suggestions
have been made that certain varieties came from Java, others from Formosa, and at least one variety from
Tahiti, brought presumably b y the Spaniards (CJ. S. Bureau of the Census. Census of the Philippines,
1903, V ol. IV , p . 26). In some regions the primitive implements used in sugar-cane culture still bear
Chinese names; this suggests that the Chinese had much to d o with the establishment of the industry in
the islands, as is pointed out in Econom ic conditions in the Philippines, b y H ugo Miller (p . 136).
34 The city wall of Manila, which is considered structurally beautiful and massive, was built b y Chinese
masons, perhaps largely through conscript labor under Spanish rule.

106

CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.

the Chinese exclusion acts cam e in to effect, Chinese labor has fallen
aw ay fro m these trades and th ey are therefore rapidly declining.
T h e w oodw orking trades h ave been alm ost entirely in the hands of
Chinese m echanics.
T he n atives usually live in a n ip a-th a tch ed
cottage, w ith b am b oo floors raised several feet from the ground on
piles.
W h e n these piles are very long, in case the house is elevated
considerably and the posts run to the eaves, th ey are som etim es
joined, an operation usually done b y the Chinese.
Since the A m e ri
can occupation, great stress has been laid upon vocational and indus
trial education for the Filipino.
T o d a y , the num ber of n ative crafts
m en is steadily increasing and these perform tasks hitherto done
m a in ly b y the Chinese.
Chinese in other occupations num bering 200 or m ore per in dustry
in 1903 are show n below .
Sim ilar d ata for late years are n ot
available.
Chinese em
p lo y e d 35

Accountants and bookkeepers. . .
Bakers...............................................
Barbers and hairdressers................
B lacksmiths.....................................
Carpenters........................................
Clerks................................................
Coachmen.........................................
Cooks.................................................
Farmers and farm laborers............
Florists and gardeners....................
Laborers (not specified).................

209
546
284
495
2,508
816
331
2, 914
375
221
4, 707

Chinese em
ployed.35

Launderers.......................................
353
Merchants........................................... 13,734
Messengers........................................ 1, 354
Packers and shippers.....................
700
Salesmen........................................... 5, 950
Sawyers.............................................
226
Servants............................................
918
Shoemakers...................................... 1,363
Stevedores........................................
302
Tailors...............................................
327

CHINESE IN COM MERCE AND TRADE.
T h e proportion of each race engaged in com m erce in the year 1903
w as as follow s: B row n , 4.1 per cen t; w hite, 17.3 per cent, yellow
3 3 .9 per cen t; m ixed , 21 per cent.
A s there were only 921 Japanese
and 241 H in dus in the islands, the figune for the yellow race m a y be
taken practically to represent the Chinese.
In late years, this situation has rem ained su bstan tially unchanged.
T h u s, in 1921, it w as estim ated th at there were 5 5 ,2 1 2 C h in ese3
36 in
5
the Philippines of w h om n o t fewer than 15,0 0 0 were m erchants.
It
is a v ery rem arkable fa c t th a t this m erch an t class has been a d om i
n an t factor in com m erce and trade since the early econom ic d evelop
m e n t of the country.
R o u g h ly speaking, it is predom in ant in the
h em p f rice, copra, sugar, and tobacco industries as well as in the sale
of general m erchandise.
O n this point H u g o M iller writes as fo llo w s: 37
The domestic commerce of the Philippines is mostly in the hands of the Chinese
merchants; the foreign trade is controlled by Europeans, Americans, or Chinese. The
wandering traders are usually Filipinos, who deal in domestic products, although a
relatively few are Chinese, East Indians, Syrians, and Japanese, who deal in foreign
wares. The Filipinos keep the smaller tiendas and market stalls. They are the buyers
of hats, embroidery, and other household products for export and usually those for
domestic consumption. The Chinese are large importers and wholesale merchants
in the ports of entry, keepers of small stores in all parts of the islands, and owners of
interisland steamers. By purchase, barter, and extension of credit they obtain most
of the abaca, copra, sugar, and tobacco from small producers and sell to other middle
35 United States Bureau of the Census. Census of the Philippines, 1903, V ol. I.
36 U nited States Special Mission on Investigation to the Philippine Islands. Report to the Secretary
of W ar. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1921, p. 5.
37 Economic conditions in the Philippines. Boston, 1920, pp. 419-422. See also Blair, Emma H ., and
Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. Vol. LI, pp. 234-240.

TH E “ BOOKKEEPING I A W . ”

107

men or to export houses. They also trade in rice and com in the districts in which
these are raised in surplus. Occasionally they deal in household products for domestic
consumption, especially hats. Often their stores are merely run in connection with
their buying activities, as convenient places to attract farmers with products for ex
change or sale. It is noticeable that the Chinese predominate in the Yisayas and the
Bicol Peninsula. They control most of the trade in Nueva Ecija, the Ilocano Prov
inces, and the Cagayan Valley. In many parts of the Tagalog Provinces natives
control the largest part of the commerce. In a few places there are no Chinese. TaalLemery, in JBatangas, is the most noteworthy of these.

The causes of the success of the Chinese merchants in the Philip
pines, he states, are varied and intricate:
These people have proved themselves natural traders in all parts of the world.
They are apparently able to please their customers in the Philippines. They are
content with a small profit, are thrifty, and accumulate capital. When the Spaniards
landed in the Philippines, the Chinese were already engaged in trade here and rapidly
availed themselves of the opportunity brought by the newcomers to exchange the silks
and finery of China for the silver of Mexico. Soon they established themselves in the
domestic trade under the protection of the Spaniards. In spite of periods of persecu
tion and exclusion from the country, they have built up a large commercial organiza
tion consisting of importers, wholesalers, middlemen, retailers and buyers, and a
credit system extending through all of these. Thus the Chinese storekeepers can offer
credit where the Filipinos can not. In their commercial efforts the Chinese have had
little competition from the Filipinos, who not only have lacked business initiative
and ability and have not the saving instinct, nor the capital, but have had their entire
means invested in agriculture, and have wished for too large profit.
THE “ BOOKKEEPING LAW.” 38

Toward the close of the 1920 session of the Philippine Legislature,
an act was passed, without a public hearing, requiring merchants in
the islands, under a heavy penalty, to keep their accounts in English,
Spanish, or a native dialect. A literal translation of this act is as
follows:
A rticle 1. It will be illegal for any person, company, firm or corporation engaged
in business, industry or other activity for purpose of profit in the Philippine Islands,
in accordance with existing laws, to keep their books of account in a language other
than English, Spanish or any native dialect.
A rt. 2. Any violator of the provisions of this law will be punished upon conviction
by fine of not exceeding ten thousand pesos [$5,000, par] or imprisonment not to exceed
two years, or both.
A rt . 3. This law will be in force on November 1st, 1921.
Approved February 21, 1921.

On the part of the proponents, it was argued that in passing the
act the legislators had been actuated by the desire to facilitate the
verification of sales taxes by revenue collectors and the examination
of the books, since books written in a foreigti language were evi
dently a handicap to the inspectors of the Internal Revenue Bureau.
It was claimed that because of irregularities in these books, as well as
mistakes in translation, the Government has been losing large sums
of money yearly.39
Protests against the act have come from more than 150 commercial
organizations, including chambers of commerce, firms and banks of
American, European and Chinese nationalities in the United States,
the British and Dutch colonies, Canada, China, and the Philippine
Islands. Two Chinese residents of the Philippines have come to
w For statements pro and con, see A ppendix to Chapter V I, D, pp. 186 to 191.
8» For figures as to these losses, see statement b y Philippine Commissioner, in A ppendix to Chapter V I,
D , p. 186.

41986°— 23----- 8

108

CHINESE IN TH E PHILIPPINES.

appeal to the United States Senate for the repeal of the law on the
following grounds:
First, the Chinese merchants, some 15,000 in number, control
from 70 to 80 per cent of the commerce, and have almost complete
monopoly of the retail trade in the islands.40 The operation o f this
law will greatly curtail their business, and this in turn will create
unstable business conditions in the country.
Secondly, American business men in the islands will be materially
affected, for the Chinese, acting as commission agents or retailers,
handle at least 90 per cent of the American merchandise sold in the
Philippines. Protesting against the law in a letter to the Governor
General of the Philippine Islands, the Merchants’ Association of
New York states that “ this law is distinctly unfair and harmful and
* * * the enforcement of it will drive a large number of Chinese
firms out of business in the Philippine Islands, a result which, it is
generally feared, will mean a serious loss to American business in those
islands. ”
Thirdly, the outlay entailed upon small Chinese firms by the opera
tion of this legislation would be too great.41 On the basis of one trans
lator and one expert bookkeeper per firm, at an average monthly
salary of 200 pesos ($100, par) per person, the combined annual ex
pense of the Chinese merchants would amount to 72,000,000 pesos
($36,000,000, par). As the majority of Chinese are business men
of moderate means, they could not afford to pay this large sum for
bookkeeping. Besides, there is not now available in the islands such
a large number of bookkeepers as the enforcement of this legislation
would call for.
In addition, it is held that there is no need for this law. Chinese
merchants overseas usually keep their books in the Chinese language,
and at the time of collecting revenues the country in which the Chinese
reside employs interpreters to inspect their records.
In the United States and its possessions, also in the Dutch East Indies, Federated
Malay States, Straits Settlements, French Indo-China, British Colony of Hongkong,
and hitherto in the Philippine Islands, the universal custom has been, in matters or
this nature, for the Government itself to provide necessary translators or interpreters
for all inspection of records of Chinese merchants and for such incidental legislation
as comes under the police power, and that this universal custom has worked out satis
factorily up to the present time, obviating friction and misunderstanding and en
abling Chinese merchants to pursue their lawful occupations without being made the
special object® of discriminatory legislation such as the present bill proposes.42

In view of these practical objections to the law, the operation of
this act was suspended for one year, beginning with November 1,
1921. The constitutionality of the law is being tested in a case
before the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands.
CHINESE MESTIZOS.

Since the early development of the Philippines, interracial fusion
has been in progress. Marriages between Spaniards and Chinese and
between natives and Chinese were reported to be fairly frequent.
The offspring of these marriages have formed a more or less distinct
social class bearing the name of mestizos. They are usually whiter
than their Chinese or Filipino parents but not quite so white as their
« This is confirmed b y a letter from the Philippine Commercial Agency of New York City to the writer,
dated Mar. 25, 1921.
« B ut see statement of Philippine Commissioner, in Appendix to Chapter V I, I), p. 186.
« See letter of Chinese Chamber o f Commerce, in A ppendix to Chapter V I, D , p. 186 to 189.

CHINESE MESTIZOS.

109

Spanish progenitors. Although occasionally evincing objectionable
traits,43 the mestizos are usually thrifty, shrewd, intelligent, industri
ous, and have an instinctive craving for business. Wealthy, influen
tial, and educated, they form the progressive elements of the islands.
In the professions and trades, they are generally more prosperous
than the pure Filipinos. The injection of the Chinese blood into the
Filipino race is believed to have produced a stabilizing influence in
the population.44
The present numerical ratio between the mestizos and the natives
is about one to six.454
6 According to the Philippine census for 1918,
the total population in that year numbered 10,350,730 persons chiefly
of Malay origin. The mestizos probably number approximately
1,725,000 of this total. In recent years, their number has steadily
increased.
To what extent marriages between Chinese and the members of
other races have occurred since the pioneer days, no accurate statisti
cal data are now available. Judging from the numerous Chinese im
migrants, usually unaccompanied by females, a considerable number
must have married women of other ethnic stocks in the islands.
Toward the latter part of the 16th century, there appears to have been
about 10,000 Chinese in the country.48 In 1602 their number had
increased to about 30,000.47 The good trade opportunities in the
islands further induced Chinese to emigrate from Fukien and Kwangtung, and in 1638 the entire Chinese population in the Philippines
numbered 33,000.48 Subsequent massacres gradually reduced the
numerical* strength of the Chinese, and toward the end of the seven
teenth century, the population of the parian dwindled to about 6,000
persons.49 However, the love of adventure and the prospect of large
gains from commerce again impelled the Chinese to come to the
islands in large numbers, and the census of 1876 reported a total of
31,175 Chinese. Ten years later this number had swelled to about
100,000, counting those who were smuggled in through the Sulu
Archipelago.50
Under the Spanish rule when the Chinese mestizos became numer
ous enough in any locality they were permitted by the Government
to live in a separate community and to elect from among Christian
43 In earlier years the mestizos were unwelcome in Philippine society. Thus an English naval officer
observed in 1828: “ Their character has but few marked traits: the principal ones are their vanity, industry,
and tradingingenuity; as to the rest, m oney is their god; to obtain it they take all shapes, promise and betray,
submit to everything, trample and are trampled upon; all is alike to them, if they get tne m oney: and this,
when obtained, they dissipate in lawsuits, firing cannon, fireworks, illuminations, processions on feast days
and rejoicings, in gifts to the churches, or in gambling. This anomaly o f action is the business o f their lives.
Too proud to consider themselves as Indians, and not sufficiently pure in blood to be acknowledged as
Spaniards, they affect the manners of the last, with thedress ofthe first, and despising, are despised b y both.
They, however, cautiously mark on all occasions the lines which separate them from the Indians, and have
their own processions, ceremonies, inferior officers of justice, etc. The Indian repays them with a keen con
tem pt, not unmixed with hatred. ” Blair, Emma H ., and Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands:
1493-1898. V ol. LI, pp. 103-105.
« On page 801 of u. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 58: Labor conditions in the Philippines, 1905, it is stated
that “ where there is an admixture o f Chinese blood there is more of the saving instinct. The mestizos are
the property-acquiring class among the natives. W hite blood does not persist in the mestizos. The third
generation is pure Filipino again. The Chinese is the only race that implants permanent characteristics
upon mestizo offspring,”
« Blair, Emma H ., and Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898. V ol. H I , p. 73,
footnote.
46 China. Bureau ofth e National History. The Ming Annals, hook 323, p. 11a.
47 Blumentritt, F .: Die Chinesen auf den Philippinen. Lcitmeritz, 1879, p. 23.
48 Concepcion, Juan de la: Historia General de Philipinas. Manila, 1788-1792. 14 vols.
49 Carreri, John Francis Gemelli: Voyage \round the World. Part V , The Philippine Islands. In vol. 4
(pp. 401-477) of A. Churchhill’s Collection of Voyages and Travels. London, 1732.
so Concerning the movement of the Chinese population in the Philippines since the American occupation,
see U. S. Bureau ofth e Census, Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vols. I-III; Census ofth e Philippines, 1918,
Vols. II and I V ; and also U. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 58,1905.

110

CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES.

Chinese their gobernadorcillo (petty or little governor), chief deputy,
and alguacil-mayor, as in the Province of Tondo in the seventeenth
century.
The collection of tribute or the poll-tax from the Chinese was in the
direct charge of the alcalde-mayor of Tondo, with a supervisor chosen
from among the officials of administration of the royal treasury.
The Chinese were enrolled and classified in a register and the tax quota
of each was determined by his income and social class.51
To-day the Chinese mestizos no longer form a separate community
but are an integral part of the Filipino population. As a result of the
long years of racial mingling, any sharp division along ethnic lines
is more and more looked upon with disfavor. Tolerant and com
munally minded, the races of the islands live peaceably together.
» Blair, Emma H ., and Robertson, James A .: The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898.

Vol. X V I I , p. 328.

Chapter VII.—CHINESE IN HAWAII.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.
This chapter together with the succeeding two chapters on the
Chinese in the T ran svaal and in France serve to illustrate the Chinese
m igration of the last period under stu dy, nam ely, since I8 6 0 .
A
m ain characteristic of this m igration is the preponderance of contract
laborers.
In this chapter a brief review is m ade of the contract-labor system
in H aw aii, which was in force up to the Am erican ann exation.
L ab o r
conditions am ong the Chinese since th at tim e are sum m arized and
special attention is given to the agitation for im porting Chinese labor
in 1921.
A n a ttem p t is here m ade to analyze the hearings of the
H ou se C om m ittee on Im m igration and N atu ralization w ith reference
to labor p roblem s in H aw aii (1 921).
T he pioneer Chinese in H aw aii were plantation laborers under in
denture, and after accum ulating considerable w ealth, th ey m ade their
perm anent hom es in the islands and becam e helpful m em bers of the
H aw aiian society.
R ecently, the econom ic status of the Chinese has been m aterially
affected b y the operation of the exclusion laws, and the Chinese p op u
lation is p roportion ately decreasing.
W ith this decrease has com e the
decline of som e of the basic industries of the Territory, such as the cul
tivation of rice and taro.
I n this econom ic sense, the H aw aiian
Islands h ave also suffered serious losses.
The cosm opolitan spirit of H aw aii has m ade the life of the Chinese
pleasurable.
Free social intercourse has tended to prom ote interna
tional good will.
Cases of racial am algam ation in increasing n u m
bers h ave encouraged cooperation and sy m p a th y am ong the various
races in the islands and broken dow n the rigid ethnic barriers.
W ith
the help of western education, the H aw aiian Chinese should prove
them selves useful citizens to their adopted country.
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN CHINA AND HAW A n .
W ritin g in 1798, George V an cou ver, in “ A V o y a g e of D isco v ery ,”
states th at in the year 1789 one Captain M etcalf sailed from M acao,
China, w ith a crew of 10 Am ericans and 45 Chinese on the schooner
E le a n o r .
This vessel was said to h ave called at the islands of H aw aii
and M aui.
A lth o u g h no records can be found to substantiate the
claim , it was com m on ly believed th at a good ly num ber of these 45
Chinese took up their residence in the islands, since the E l e a n o r could
n ot keep even one-third of the Chinese crew busy.
W h e n V an cou ver
visited the islands in 1794, or thereabouts, he found th at Chinese set
tlers were there and that com m ercial relations had been established
between these islands, then know n as the Sandwich Islan ds, and
China, through*a high chief nam ed T aian a, who had been sent b y
K in g K a m eh am eh a I for th at purpose. Thu s was opened the first

111

112

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

foreign market for the few products the islands had for export, sandal
wood being the chief of these; and to this day the Hawaiian Islands
are popularly known to the Chinese as “ Sandalwood Mountains.”
From the years 1789 to 1852 the immigration of Chinese to these
islands was not extensive, for the Polynesian, a Hawaiian paper pub
lished in the early days, under date of August 24, 1850, stated that
owing to the increase m the cultivation of sugar cane it w as necessary
that laborers fitted for this work be encouraged to come from some
other country. And after due deliberation China was selected as the
country in which to look for this class of labor. In 1850, the need of
labor and of an association to aid in obtaining this labor was explicitly
stated in the prospectus of the Hawaiian Agricultural Society: “ The
introduction of coolie labor from China to supply the places of the
rapidly decreasing native population is a question that is already
agitated among us, and should such a step become necessary, the aid
oi such an association in accomplishing this great object would become
of great benefit.” In August of the same year this society engaged
Captain Cass of the bark Thetis to go to Cnina for laborers. A few
months later he returned to Honolulu with 195 Chinese agricultural
laborers, and, in addition, 20 house servants. “ The experiment
proved to be satisfactory, since the Chinese were industrious and lawabiding.” In July, 1852, Captain Cass again went to China for an
additional 100 laborers. From 1852 to 1864 Chinese immigration was
encouraged and facilitated by the legalization of the coolie trade, as
outlined in Chapter I, and during that period 704 Chinese landed at
Honolulu. Commenting on the valuable service rendered by the
Chinese laborers. Prince Liholiho in an address before the Hawaiian
Agricultural Society in 1864 said:
Chinese have been introduced here and more are on their way hither. With all
their faults and a considerable disposition to hang themselves they have been found
very useful. Suffice it to say that some of our largest sugar and coffee plantations are
now chiefly dependent upon them for the principal amount of labor done. That they
might be better than they are ought not to be used as an argument against them. That
they are procurable, that they have been procured, that their wages are reasonable,
that you can calculate on retaining them for a certain term, that the climate suits them,
and that they are handy in the house and in the fields are great facts. Excepting what
relates to these coolies, all that bears upon the subject of imported labor is just theory
and speculation.1
THE “ ASSISTED” IMMIGRATION.

Not until 1865 was “ assisted” immigration into Hawaii undertaken
on any large scale. In that year (1865) a large part of the sugar in
dustry having passed into the control of the Anglo-Saxon race, a
shortage of labor was felt. As both the sugar planters and the Ha
waiian Government had been benefited by Chinese labor, the King in
1865 appointed Dr. William Hillebrand, author of “ The Flora of the
Hawaiian Islands,” as royal commissioner of immigration and sent
him to China to procure 500 laborers for the plantations. He sailed
from Honolulu (69) on April, 27, 1865, and, meeting with success in
China, he chartered two vessels. The Alberto left Hongkong July 15,
1865, with 250 laborers and arrived at Honolulu September 25, while
the Rosioe arrived at the same port October 13, 1865, with 223 labor
ers; the wives of 52 of these laborers were also brought. Thesei

i Publications of the American Economic Association, VoL IV, No. 3, p. 25. “ History of contract labor in
the Hawaiian Islands,” by Katherine Coman.

CONTRACT LABOR SYSTEM.

113

laborers were under a five-year contract, after which time they could
return or remain as they wished.2
King Kalakaua encouraged this immigration, sa3ring that “ The im
migration of free labor will undoubtedly strengthen our country.” In
December, 1874, a contract was signed between the Hawaiian min
ister of the interior and a firm of Chinese labor contractors, for the
importation of 100 laborers from Hongkong for a sum of $2,500.3
CONTRACT LABOR SYSTEM.

In the early days the system of labor service in the islands was
on an entirely feudal basis. The development of the country and the
increasing demand for various kinds of labor brought gradual changes
in the system. Two kinds of workers were in special demand:
Agricultural laborers for the plantations, and seamen for the American
whaling vessels. The native Hawaiians were natural sailors and were
constantly being recruited for the crews of these whalers. As time
passed, abuses appeared in the system of enlistment and it became
necessary to regulate the terms oi employment of such sailors. The
American shipping act was borrowed for this purpose and its appli
cation was gradually extended to cover labor contracts in all employ
ments. Its essential features were as follows:
(1)
Any person not a minor might bind himself or herself out by
written contract to serve another in any art, trade, or occupation,
for a period not to exceed five years. (2) Any similar contract made
in a foreign country, in accordance with the laws of that country,
would be neld binding in Hawaii, but its term would not exceed 10
years. (3) For willful absence or refusal to work, a contract servant
might be apprehended and sentenced by any district or police magis
trate to serve his employer not to exceed the double time absent, alter
the date of the expiration of his contract, but such extra period
should not exceed one year. For continued refusal to work, a con
tract servant might be committed to prison. (4) A district or police
magistrate might terminate a contract if a charge of cruelty or of
violation of contract was sustained against an employer.4
This act, with unimportant changes, appears as the master and
servant law of the Hawaiian civil code or compilation published in
1859, and amended in 1860 and 1868.5 The amendment of 1872
made the flogging of laborers illegal, and thus materially improved
the legal status of the laborer. In 1876 another amendment was
passed to substitute fines and imprisonment for service beyond the
term of the original contract in case of desertion.
This was the legal status of the laborer in Hawaii before the impor
tation of the Chinese coolies into that territory. In 1882 an act was
passed limiting to $15 advances to servants entering upon contracts
if the period of contract was for one year, and to $25 if for a longer
time. An exception was made of money advanced to pay the pas
sage of the immigrants. The death of an individual employer, but
not that of a member of a firm, was held to terminate a contract.*
2 For the cost of importing coolies see Publications of the American Economic Association, V ol. IV , No. 3,
footnote p. 26, “ History of contract labor in the Hawaiian Islands,” b y Katherine Coman.
8 For contract see Report of the Hawaiian Bureau of Immigration, 1886, p. 72.
* For sample of contract now in force see Appendix to Chapter V II, D, pp. 195 to 197.
8 Publications of the American Economic Association, V ol. IV , No. 3, p. 8, “ History of contract labor in
the Hawaiian Islands,” b y Katherine Coman.

114

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

The courts ruled that time lost to an employer through the illness of a
servant need not be made up at the expiration of the contract. It was
still considered legal to assign contracts for service, in fact, this right
was necessary in order to allow the bureau of immigration or its
agents to contract with laborers in foreign countries for subsequent
assignment to individual planters.
The contract labor system, until abolished at the time of American
annexation,6 has its opponents as well as supporters. In 1869, the
president of the bureau of immigration defended the policy of the Gov
ernment as to contract labor in the following anguage: “ You can
not bring laborers here without first making a contract to pay certain
wages and provide food and lodging— these are inducements for them
to come, or they would not come— whether Chinese or others.
Under our laws all are alike. There is nothing like slavery here, and
men can not be freer than it is.” In his report of 1886, the president
of the bureau of immigration, summing up the views of the Hawaiian
Government on the immigration question asserted: “ The coolie
system as such has never existed here. The only law between
employer and employee is the master and servant law, than which
none is milder and more equitable, requiring as it does the specific
fulfillment of contracts. The law protects the laborer in all his
rights, and affords no more protection to employers in theirs.”
“ The insuperable objection to the labor contract,” observes
Katherine Coman, “ is the difficulty of enforcement. How can the
courts compel a man who has no property but his bodily energies to
fulfill his contract and so meet the money obligations incurred in
transportation? Obviously he has nothing to forfeit but his
freedom.” 7
On the other hand, if a contemporary Chinese publication, the
China Mail, accurately expressed the sentiments of contract laborers,
many of these men were satisfied with the system:
The coolies shipped for South America are hired laborers and, according to some
accounts, virtually slaves; but we are told it is otherwise with those sent to the Sand
wich Islands. Fortunately, that traffic was undertaken b y a man with much human
ity and good sense, and according to the account that we have received from one
who speaks from actual observation, but who has no connection with or interest
in the adventures, Captain Cass entered into engagement with the planters of the
Sandwich Islands to import Chinese laborers for the sugar plantations—the planters
binding themselves to pay the laborers $4 [Chinese currency] a month from the time
of their arrival, while cooks, house servants, and gardeners have been engaged at
salaries as high as $16 [Chinese currency]; and as the wages are not promised merely,
but paid, and the coolies are well treated, they are not only contented but have
urged their friends at home to join them.

• By the organic act (1900) providing a government for the territory of Hawaii it was stipulated that “no
suit or proceedings shall be maintained for the specific performance of any contract heretofore or hereafter
entered into for personal labor or service, nor shall any remedy exist or be enforced for breach of any such
contract except in a civil suit or proceeding instituted solely to recover damages for such breach: Pro
vided, further, That the provisions of this section shall not modify or change the laws of the United States
applicable to merchant seamen. Contracts made since August 12, 1898, by which persons are held for
sendee for a definite term, are hereby declared null and void and terminated, and no law shall be passed
to enforce said contracts in any way; and it shall be the duty of the United States marshal to at once notify
such persons so held of the termination of their contracts. (Publications of the American Economic Asso
ciation, Vol. IV, No. 3, footnote, p. 47, “ History of contract labor in the Hawaiian Islands,” by Katherine
Coman.)
7 Publications of the American Economic Association, Vol. IV., p. 52, “History of contract labor in
the Hawaiian Islands,” by Katherine Coman. But the Hawaiian Supreme Court in John H. Wood v.
Afo (Alias Cheong San Quong), 1873, holds that penal enforcement is not inconsistent with personal
liberty.

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

115

RESTRICTIONS UPON CHINESE IM M IGRATION.

Restrictive measures with regard to Chinese labor began with
health legislation. Not infrequently, vessels laden with Chinese
coolies on their way to Cuba stopped at Honolulu to discharge
passengers. Overcrowding and other insanitary conditions on the
ships facilitated the spread of such dreadful diseases as the smallpox
and cholera, first among the passengers, then among the inhabitants
of the city. To protect the Hawaiians from these maladies, an act
was passed in August, 1878, stipulating that “ any ship passing from
China or any other Asiatic ports, and calling at any port in this
Kingdom on her voyage, shall not be permitted to disembark pas
sengers at any port in this Kingdom without first having obtained
the assent in writing of the governor of the island, or the collector
of the port at which said ship may call.,, 8
In 1881 the Mee Foo, the Lydia, the Septima, and the Quinta
reached Honolulu in infected condition, each bringing in several
hundreds of Chinese. The masters of these vessels made false reports
as to the sanitary condition of their passengers, who were, on these
fraudulent representations, admitted, and brought with them
smallpox.
But Chinese immigration continued. The great preponderance
of Chinese males over females aggravated the disproportion between
the sexes already existing in the islands. In 1883, in a population
of 70,000 for the whole islands, there was an excess of 20,000 males.
The Oceanic and the Glenelg were scheduled to bring in 1,000 Chinese
males, and the Hongkong authorities were ready to send about
6,000 more Chinese male immigrants. On April 9, 1883, a resolu
tion was passed to inform the Hongkong Government that the
Hawaiian people protested against this excessive immigration of
Chinese males and would take steps to prevent it being carried out.9
Meantime the Hawaiian Government declared its willingness to
assist a limited immigration, the only conditions being that a cer
tain portion of this immigration must be women and children and
that the Government have the right to limit the numbers coming
from time to time.
In those days Queensland and New South Wales were much
alarmed by the constant influx of Chinese laborers and were con
templating restrictive measures. A tax of $50 was imposed on
every Chinese landed in either country. This legislation directly
influenced the Hawaiian Legislature. On December 24, 1880, an
ordinance was promulgated by King Kalakaua that a license be
issued to two or more persons, approved by the board of immigra
tion for the district of Honolulu, and not exceeding two for each
other district in the Kingdom, to act as labor agents or brokers,
with power to negotiate contracts for labor between immigrants
and planters or employers of labor. A license fee of $20 was charged
arid the penalty for any violation was set at not less than $2,000.
On September 27, 1883, the Hawaiian Government deemed it
necessary to limit Chinese immigration by licensing only a specified
number of vessels for immigration purposes. Only steamers belong
ing to certain established lines were to be so licensed. These lines
b Hawaii. Bureau of Immigration. Report for 1886, p. 161.
s Idem, p. 198.

116

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

were chosen because their boats were always well equipped and
sound, were always in cleanly condition, and carried good surgeons.
The total number of passengers brought in in any quarter was not
to exceed 600.10
This led to the passport legislation of March 25, 1884, which pro
vided that “ from this date permission will be granted to masters
of vessels arriving at the port of Honolulu to land Chinese immigrant
laborers not exceeding 25 in all from any one vessel, that number
to be in addition to and exclusive of any Chinese passengers who
may hold passports as provided for in regulation No. 2.” 11
A labor shortage was immediately felt, and on August 27, 1884, 57
planters signed a petition urging further immigration of Chinese
laborers to relieve the critical situation then prevalent in many in
dustries in the islands. The Government not only refused to grant
the planters’ requests, but imposed further restriction by the passage
of the act of September 1,1885. This act provided that from the date
of passage no vessel coming from a foreign country would be allowed
to land more than 25 Chinese passengers at any port in the Hawaiian
Kingdom, unless the passengers in excess of that number were pro
vided with passports entitling them to enter the Kingdom. Pass
ports entitling the holders to return to the Kingdom woiud be granted
at the foreign office, Honolulu, to all persons of Chinese nationality
then resident or who might thereafter become residents on the islands
who desired to visit any foreign country, provided such persons had
been engaged in trade or had conducted some industrial enterprise
during the last year of the residence. No return passports were to be
given to Chinese laborers leaving the country.12
The shortage of labor in the islands caused by the restriction of
Chinese was to be solved by encouraging Japanese immigration. On
February 8, 1885, the City o f Tokyo reached Honolulu with 943
Japanese immigrants, of whom 676 were men, 159 women, and 108
children. Of the men 610 were farmers who were urgently needed in
the rice fields in the islands. The Japanese Government appointed
an agent and a special commissioner, and established a Japanese
bureau to look after the welfare of the Japanese workmen. But
within half a year after the arrival of the Japanese in the Hawaiian
Islands the Japanese commissioner suddenly charged that the planters
ill-treated their Japanese employees and demanded from the Hawaiian
Government satisfactory guaranties for its nonrecurrence. Unless
these were complied with, Japanese immigration would at once be
discontinued. To this the foreign office of the Hawaiian Kingdom
answered: “ The number and character of these complaints, coming
as they do from a portion of 720 Japanese people engaged in service
here, exceed anything that the Hawaiian Government has had to deal
with in the whole course of the immigration into and employment in
this country of about 30,000 laborers of Chinese, Portuguese, and
other races.’ ’ *18 As a remedial measure, the appointment oi inspectors
and interpreters was promised.
In 1886 a rigid exclusion act was passed providing that no Chinese
passenger should be allowed to land at any port in the Hawaiian

w Hawaii. Bureau ot immigration Report for 1886, p. 199.
u Idem, p. 203.
« Idem, p. 212.
18 Idem, p. 233.

RESTRICTIONS UPON CHINESE IMMIGRATION.

117

Kingdom unless such passenger had a passport proving previous
residence. The only exceptions allowed were merchants, for a limited
term, wives and children of resident Chinese, officials representing the
Chinese Government, teachers, and ministers of the gospel.
The constitution of 1887 prohibited Chinese from voting for mem
bers of the legislature. The opposition to the Chinese was voiced by
L. A. Thurston, then minister oi the interior, in his report as president
of the bureau of immigration, which was published in 1890.
In September, 1889, a committee of the planters petitioned the
minister to convene an extra session of the legislature to consider an
amendment to the constitution making the provision whereby “ Chi
nese might be admitted to the islands as plantation laborers and
whereby Chinese so admitted and Chinese now in the country and
employed as common laborers might be restricted to agriculture.”
The petition was refused on the ground that such an amendment had
already been voted down. The ministerial policy was then stated as
follows:
First, the excessive proportion of the Chinese in the Kingdom and their rapid en
croachment upon the various businesses and employments of the country, require
adequate measures to prevent the speedy extinction in these islands of the western
civilization by that of the East, and the substitution of the Chinese for the Hawaiian
and other foreign populations. Second, the perpetuation of the Anglo-Saxon civiliza
tion, introduced into these islands and adopted by the Hawaiian people early in the
present century, is essential to the continuance of a free government and of the political
independence of this Kingdom, and such civilization can be perpetuated only by re
taining a population who have been educated therein and who comprehend the work
ings and benefits of popular representative government. Third, we believe that selfpreservation, b y nations as well as b y individuals, is a principle universally recog
nized.14

Almost simultaneously, the cabinet members adopted the following
policy regarding the Chinese question:
(1) No Chinese other than teachers and officials shall be allowed to come into this
country except in the capacity of laborers. (2) That no Chinese be admitted as
laborers unless the agricultural necessities of the country require it. (3) That Chinese
not now engaged in trade or the mechanical occupations be prohibited from hereafter
engaging in them.

The representations of the planters prevailed with the legislature so
far as to secure the admission of Chinese as agricultural laborers for a
term not exceeding five years. If found in any other occupation such
immigrants were to be arrested and returned to China. The planter
engaging such laborers must make a deposit of $75 for each laborer, to
be deducted from his monthly wages. This was reserved by the
bureau of immigration to meet the expense of his return passage. In
1895 a further modification of the exclusion act was allowed. Permits
to import Chinese coolies might be granted to an employer who bound
himself to introduce European or American agricultural laborers equal
in number to one-tenth of the Chinese permitted him, this to Jie accom
plished within one year after the date of the permit. Such European
or American laborers were to be accompanied by women in the ratio
of 25 women to 100 men. The Government was to defray the passage
of women and children to the amount of $130 per family; the planter
was to defray the passage of the men and anv charges above the $130
allowed by the Government for women ana children. A bond was
h Publications of the American Econom ic Association, V ol. IV , N o. 3, pp 38,39.
labor in the Hawaiian Islands, ” b y Katherine Coman.

“ History of contract

118

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

required for the performance of this obligation. In the next two
years 7,364 Chinese were brought in under this arrangement.15
On December 29, 1892, an act was passed by the Hawaiian Legis
lature prohibiting the incoming of the Chinese except women, chil
dren, and some special classes of people, like travelers, merchants,
clergymen, and business men, who were admitted to the islands only
by passports. No Chinese laborers are allowed to land except those
who are to engage in agricultural work in the fields or in rice and sugar
mills.1®
THE CHINESE QUESTION AFTER THE AMERICAN ANNEXATION.

At the time of the annexation by the United States, the Chinese
exclusion laws then in force in the continental United States were
extended to the Hawaiian Islands. In recent years labor in plan
tations and sugar mills has been so scarce that planters have per
sistently and repeatedly urged the conditional admission of Chinese
to relieve the critical situation.
Writing in 1906, the United States Commissioner of Labor stated:
Sugar is the one source of wealth and strength of the territory, and not only nothing
is considered practicable which appears to strike a blow at the prosperity of the sugar
industry, but it seems also to have been pretty generally conceded that the present
system of sugar production—the large corporate plantation—is to be accepted as
inevitable. Assuming the present system in the sugar industry as final, some form
of cheap oriental labor is the necessary consequence, and many in Hawaii outside
the plantation interests seem to have conceded that a modification of the Chinese
exclusion act and the admission of the Chinese coolies to Hawaii is possibly the best
practical means of escape from the present evils of Japanese competition and economic
domination.17

Opponents of this movement for modification of the exclusion act
have been made up from various groups. American immigrants
from the Pacific coast, vexed by the oriental question, have refused
to discuss any modification of the Chinese exclusion law. Others
have advocated “ resident labor,” including principally Porto Ricans,
Portuguese (who usually have the intention of becoming citizens),
and the native Hawaiians. Organized white labor has made re
peated efforts to pass laws against oriental labor, but has been
successful only in securing an act passed in 1903, which provides that
“ no person shall be employed as a mechanic or laborer upon any
public work carried on by the Territory, or by any political sub
division thereof, whether the work is done by contract or otherwise,
unless such person is a citizen of the United States or eligible to
become a citizen.” 18
But since the sugar industry seems to be dependent for its further
progress on cheap labor, the successive governors of Hawaii have
m their annual reports (1901, 1902, 1903, and 1904) unhesitatingly
recommended a plan of admitting Chinese laborers whereby they
would be restricted to agricultural pursuits and thus prevented from
entering into competition with whites in mercantile and mechanical
occupations.19 In the summer of 1904 the governor of the Territory

is Publications of the American Economic Association, Vol. IV, No. 3, p. 41.
See Appendix to Chapter VII, A, pp. 192,183.
if U. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 66. p. 405.
i®For persistent but unsuccessful efforts to pass legislation to protect white labor from oriental com
petition, see U. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 66, pp. 402-404.
i®U. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 66, footnote p. 416.

CHINESE QUESTION AFTER AMERICAN ANNEXATION.

119

directed the creation of a commission, consisting of representatives
selected by the workingmen’s organizations of Honolulu and by the
Builders and Traders’ Exchange, for the purpose of making a thorough
investigation of the industrial situation of the Territory, with special
reference to labor. The report of the commission emphasized the
fact of Japanese domination, and pointed out the possibility of its
growing day by day into “ a force that may become commercially
irresistible, ’ it concluded that the only remedy was to permit the
importation of the Chinese for a period of not over 10 years, with the
>rovision that “ the period of residence of individuals should be
urther limited to a term of 5 years, or a maximum of 10 years, if
after 10 years he should elect to remain longer.” Commenting on
the report, the United States Bureau of Labor says:

{

Many working people were found in Hawaii, both inside and outside of labor
organizations, who were candidly of the opinion that only through some such arrange
ment as that proposed in the Pinkham report was it practicable to overcome success
fully the rapidly increasing encroachment of the Japanese upon all kinds of em
ployment.20
AGITATION FOR IMPORTING CHINESE LABOR IN 1921.

According to representations of certain sugar interests in Hawaii,
the economic situation in the islands was becoming more acute
year after year, and in 1921, an importation of Chinese labor ap
peared indispensable. •On April 20 of that year the governor of
the Territory of Hawaii presented a special message to the Terri
torial Legislature calling attention to the fact that on account of an
insufficient labor supply great economic losses "were being incurred
by the basic industries of the Territory. Acting upon this message,
tne House of Representatives of Hawaii, the Senate concurring,
passed a resolution on April 26, 1921, requesting that “ the Congress
of the United States of America provide, by appropriate legislation,
for the introduction or immigration into the Territory of Hawaii of
such a number of persons, including Orientals, as may be required
to meet the situation; limiting such immigration, however, to such
numbers as will not operate to increase the number of persons of
any alien nationality in the Territory at any one time beyond 25
per cent of the total population of the Territory; and providing
further that such persons be admitted for limited periods of time, be
obliged to confine their efforts to agricultural labor and domestic
service, and be guaranteed and secured their return to their respec
tive countries upon the expiration of such limited periods of time. ”
Due to the great importance of this question, hearings before the
Committee on Immigration and Naturalization of the House of
Representatives of the United States were held from June 21 to
August 12, 1921. During the course of this hearing a joint resolu
tion (No. 171) of Congress was presented for consideration. The
text of this resolution was as follows:
Resolved by the Senate and House o f Representatives o f the United States o f America
in Congress assembled, That for a period of five years from the passage of this joint
resolution, whenever the President shall find and by proclamation declare that an
emergency exists in the Territory of Hawaii by reason of a serious shortage of labor,
either general or of any particular class or classes, the Secretary of Labor shall be,

U. S. Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 66, p. 419. For views against the importation of Chinese labor, see
The Hawaiian labor question (S:Doc. No. 176, 57th Cong., 2d sess.).

CHINESE IN HAWAII.-

120

and he is hereby, empowered, under such conditions and regulations as he shall
prescribe, to admit to the Territory of Hawaii such aliens otherwise inadmissible as
he may deem necessary to meet the existing emergency: Provided, That such aliens
shall be admitted only for limited periods of time, for the purpose of engaging only
in the class or classes of labor as to which the emergency has been found to exist,
that such admission of aliens shall not operate to increase the number of persons
of any one alien nationality in the Territory of Hawaii so that their total numbers
at any one time shall exceed 20 per centum of the total population of the Territory
as determined b y the last census; and that the regulations shall provide for and
secure the return of such laborers to their respective countries upon the expiration
of the time limited, without cost to the United States: Provided further, That nothing
herein contained shall be construed to allow any alien admitted under the terms
hereof to remove to any other place under the jurisdiction of the United States.

The chief arguments for and against the joint resolution No. 171
are briefly analyzed below.
Supporters oi the resolution maintained: (1) That a great shortage
of labor exists throughout the Territory of Hawaii. Mr. Walter F.
Dillingham, of the Hawaii Emergency Labor Commission, testified
as follow s:21
The industries of the Territory are agricultural. Of a total population of 255,912
persons approximately 45,000 are now engaged in agriculture, as against urgent
requirements for 60,000. An actual shortage of field labor is now reported by the
several industries to exist as follows:
Sugar plantations....................................................................................
Pineapple plantations.................................................... „ .....................
Coffee plantations...................................................................................
Rice fields..................................................................... •-........................
Contracting interests..............................................................................

6,000
3,000
1,500
3,000
1,000

Total......... ................................... ................................................14,500

Evidence was introduced to show that no other labor, except the
Chinese, is available for these industries.
* * * The Ewa Plantations Co. made an honest and earnest effort to introduce
white labor, especially white farmers, for the purpose of cultivating sugar cane on
their plantation, with the hope that the same would prove successful and that in
the future we could get large numbers of American farmers in this country, and we
can not help but admit that the whole thing was a complete failure.22

In March, 1921, it was stated, the sugar planters instructed their
representative to recruit, in Porto Rico, 3,300 families of agricul
tural laborers for service in the Hawaiian Islands. The fare of an
adult from Porto Rico to the Territory was $125. On the basis of
three adults per family this meant an outlay for transportation
alone of nearly $1,250,000.23
(2)
That as the Japanese plantation workers now constitute 60
per cent of the total working force on plantations, and as they are
“ aggressive and untrustworthy,” the Chinese should be introduced
in sufficient numbers to counterbalance them as well as to assure a
more “ diversified population” for the Territory of Hawaii. Among
the total population of 255,912 in the islands, 109,269 are Japanese
and the Japanese have since 1910 increased by 29,594 persons, 37.1
per cent.
The Japanese men m any only Japanese women, and their children are habitually
registered as Japanese witn officials of their own Government. A large proportion of

a Labor problems in Hawaii: Hearings on H. J. Res. 158 and H. J. Res. 171,1921, Pt. I, p. 214.
a idem, p. 367.
as Idem, p. 279.

CHINESE QUESTION AFTER AMERICAN ANNEXATION.

121

them are sent to Japan for part of their education. The younger children attend both
public schools of Hawaii and private Japanese schools. The number of Japanese
women in Hawaii has increased rapidly— the ratio of women to men having nearly
doubled since 1900— and now is 42.7 per cent.24

(3)
That, as a guard against possibilities of labor competition
between the imported Chinese and other workers in Hawaii, it is
definitely stipulated that the Chinese are to stay in the Territory
5 or 10 years and are to be engaged in agricultural pursuits only.
At the expiration of the contract, they would be sent back to the port
of original embarkation, which provision makes it impossible for the
Chinese to stay longer than their contract specifies. The Chinese
labor seems best fitted for work on sugar, coffee, pineapple, and other
plantations, and for this work the laborers of other nationalities,
except the Japanese, have no pronounced inclination.
The objections raised by the opponents of the joint resolution were:
(1) That certain provisions of the resolution would seem to hold
alien immigrants to a contract of service, explicit or implied, which
would perhaps amount to “ involuntary servitude” and thus violate
the thirteenth amendment of the Federal Constitution and the peonage
statutes of the United States.25
In addition, the admission of the Chinese to the Territory of Hawaii
under the proposed terms would in one way or another affect various
laws and legislative acts relating to the Chinese immigration in the
United States.26
(2) That organized labor in the United States opposes the importa
tion of Chinese labor or any modification of the Chinese exclusion law.
The American Federation of Labor for many, many years fought for a restrictive
immigration law, and assisted in securing the Chinese exclusion act. An over
whelming majority of the Members of Congress enacted the immigration law containing
a literacy test. Our advocacy of restricted immigration was based upon our knowledge
of the economic situation and conditions in this country, and, in addition, having a
due regard for the perpetuation of the institutions of our country. If for any reason
the Chinese exclusion law was modified or suspended, it must carry with it the modi
fication or the abrogation of the gentlemen’s agreement now existing between this
country and Japan, which would permit large numbers of Japanese to also enter this
country.27

(3) That there seems to be no guaranty that after the Chinese are
admitted to the Hawaiian Islands, they would not further migrate to
the continental United States if opportunities presented themselves.
On the contrary, better economic advantages would naturally induce
them to leave strenuous and low-paying jobs on the plantations to
secure higher wages elsewhere, thus raising the danger of economic
competition between white and Chinese labor on the mainland.
Largely on account of these objections, the joint resolution failed
to become a law of the United States, and the agitation for the impor
tation of Chinese labor into the Territory of Hawaii has subsided.
M Atlantic Monthly, August, 1921, p p. 255-257. “ Japanese in Hawaii.” Quoted in Labor problems in
Hawaii: Hearings on H . J. Res. 158 and H . J. Res. 171,1921, P t. II, pp. 795,796.
25 See A ppendix to Chapter V II, B , p . 193.
26 See Appendix to Chapter V II, C, p p . 184-186.
27 Extract from Report of executive council of American Federation of Labor, indorsed b y the 1918
convention of the federation. Read into Labor problems in Hawaii: Hearings on H . J. Res. 158 and H . J.
Res. 171, 1921, Pt. H , p . 820.

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

122

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.
SUGAR INDUSTRY.

As early as 1812, the Chinese operated the first sugar mill in Hawaii,
and up to the middle of the century they had the controlling interest
in the industry. After that time European and American capital
was invested to a greater and greater degree and Chinese capitalists
of moderate wealth were gradually eliminated from the trade by
competition. Many of them have since receded from the position of
capitalists to that of skilled or unskilled workers in the industry.
Cane is now grown on the islands of Hawaii, Kauai, Maui, and
Oahu, at elevations of from 20 to 2,000 feet. The table-lands lying
around the edges of the islands at elevations of from 20 to 500 feet
constitute the chief sugar areas. In 1900 the industry yielded 96 per
cent of the total wealth of the Territory of Hawaii.28
Over 81 per cent of the field hands engaged in the production of the
sugar are of the Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Filipino races.
Native Hawaiians constitute about 2 per cent. The number of
laborers employed on the sugar plantations between 1900 and 1920
is shown in following table:2®
T able 3 0 .—NUMBER

OF LABORERS EMPLOYED ON HAWAIIAN SUGAR PLANTATIONS,
1900 to 1920.

Year.

Num
ber of
labor
ers.

Year.

Num
ber of
labor
ers.

1900.....................................
1901.....................................
1902.....................................
1903.....................................
1904.....................................
1905.....................................
1906.....................................
1907.....................................

35,040
39,587
42,242
45,860
45,243
41,525
44,447

1908....................................
1909....................................
1910....................................
1911....................................
1912....................................
1913....................................
1914....................................
1915....................................

46,918
41,702
43,917
45,048
47,345
45,600
46,043
45,654

1 May.

Year.

Num
ber of
labor
ers.

1916....................................
1917....................................
1918...................................
1919...................................
1920...................................
1920...................................

43,961
45,000
44,708
45,311
»43,371
*38,348

* December.

Up to 1920, the minimum wages of unskilled workers on the sugar
plantations was $20 per month, and their average wage was $26 per
month; these wages did not include perquisites consisting of house,
water, fuel and medical attendance which were estimated to cost
employers $6 per month per worker, nor the bonus, which varied
according to the selling price of Hawaiian sugar in New York. The
wages of contractors ana planters, who are more skilled than com
mon laborers on the plantations, ranged from $20 to $60 per month,
exclusive of perquisites, varying as the season might be favorable
or unfavorable and according to the class of the work contracted for.30
This wage scale was considerably raised, in some cases as high as
35 per cent, as a result of a strike by some 11,000 Japanese plantation
workers which lasted from February 2 to July 1, 1920.31*8
1
0

28 The annual production of sugar in Hawaii increased from 852,490,000 pounds in 1904 to 1,056,023,998
ounds in 1920. (U. S. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce. Misc. Series No. 53: The cane-sugar
idustry, p. 432. Labor problems in Hawaii: Hearings on H. J. Res. 158 and H. J. Res. 171,1921, Pt. II,
p. 591.)
29 Labor problems in Hawaii: Hearings on H. J. Res. 158 and H. J. Res. 171,1921, Pt. I, p. 296.
80 For sample contract see Appendix to Chapter VII, D,pp. 195-197.
81 Facts about the strike on sugar plantations in Hawaii, by Hawaii Laborers’ Association, Honolulu,
T. H., July 1,1920.
’

FIG. 3.— RI CE CULT I VATI ON

IN HAWAI I .

CHINESE IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE.

123

RICE CULTURE.

Rice growing in the valleys of Oahu, Hawaii, Kauai and Maui is
principally in the hands of the Chinese. Coming as they do from a
country where rice culture is a matter of an age-long experience, the
Chinese have utilized for this purpose lands uncultivable for sugar
cane.
T he m eth od of rice cu ltivation in H aw aii is shown in Figure 3.
The reader will note the peculiar m anner of harnessing the w ater
buffalo. This fairly illustrates the m eth od of rice cultivation wherever
Chinese labor is em ployed.
T hou gh the Chinese began to grow rice in O ahu in 1794, th e y m ade
little h eadw ay until the la tter h alf of the last century. In 1900 the
total area under cu ltivation in O ahu and K a u a i was estim ated at
16,500 acres, alm ost double the acreage for 1890.
A considerable
portion of the annual output was exported to continental U n ited
States and the Orient. B u t since the passage of the Chinese exclusion
laws, the Chinese p op u lation has been steadily decreasing and rice
culture has rapidly declined. Thu s in 1904, there were in O ahu and
K a u a i 9 ,0 0 0 acres under cu ltiv a tio n ; in 1920, the acreage was
reduced to 2 ,8 0 0 . In the sam e years the production was 4 1 ,4 0 0 ,0 0 0
and 1 6 ,800,000 pounds, respectively, or a reduction of 5 9 .4 per cent.
Except for the Chinese, practically no labor has been induced to handle the culti
vation of the rice crop; and with the decline in the number of rice growers, over
6.000 acres of very productive fields have been abandoned and the rice industry
is now practically dead.32
PINEAPPLE GROWING AND CANNING.

Pineapple growing and canning is a young industry in H aw aii.
The first pineapples were grown in 1890 but not until 1900 was any
canning done in the islands. Since then, the industry has shown a
rapid growth as shown by the fact that the output increased from
2.0 0 0 cases in 1901 to 5 ,9 7 8 ,1 8 2 cases in 1 9 2 0 .33
T he above figures represent the o utpu t of 10 separate com panies,
one of w hich, on the island of H aw aii, operates in term itten tly. Their
factories are located on the different islands, as follow s: S ix at
O ah u, two at M aui, one at K a u a i, one at H aw aii (not regularly
operated ). T h e industry is p retty well concentrated on the island of
O ah u, about n ine-tenths of the business being conducted there.
Pineapples are grown at an elevation of from 500 to 1 ,200 feet.
F orm erly, the cu ltivated area was alm ost entirely confined to the
W a h ia w a district in Oahu, b u t it has gradually been extended to
other parts of the island.
T he canning of pineapple continues to som e exten t th rou gh ou t
the year, although the larger portion of the crop is put up between
the m onths of M a y and Septem ber, A u g u st being the principal
m on th . T h rou gh ou t the season, the pickers in the fields go along
the rows cutting only the pineapples th at are fu lly ripe. T h e crowns
are cut off and left at the end of the rows in the fields to be used for
replanting. T h e pineapples are then placed in strong w ooden boxes
holding from 15 to 2 0 pineapples each, according to the w eight or
3a Labor problems in Hawaii. Hearings on H. J, Res. 158 and H. J. Res. 1U, 1921, Pt. I, p. 218.
33 U. S. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce. Special agents series, No. 91: Pineapple canning
industry of the world, p. 9. Labor problems in Hawaii: Hearings on H. J. Res. 158 and H. J. Res. 171. 1921,
Pt. I. p. 295.

41986°— 23------9

124

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

size, the usual w eight desired for canning being betw een three and
four pounds.
T h e y are loaded on wagons or open cars and taken
directly fro m the fields to the canning house. A great num ber of
workers on the fields and in the canning houses are Chinese.34
FARMING.
A s to farm ing in general, Chinese farm ers were h ighly successful
up to the close of the nineteenth century, or before the exclusion
laws w ent into effect. Since then other races have been gaining,
and the Chinese are losing their position in farm in g, as a statistical
com parison of 1900, 1910, and 1920 show s. In 1900, out of a to ta l
of 2 ,2 7 3 farm s, the Chinese occupied 742, or 3 2 /7 per cent, holding
first place am ong the races. In th at year the Chinese led all the
other races in num ber of cash and share tenants, in average value of
holdings per acre, and in average value of product per acre
In 1910, how ever, the total num ber of Chinese farm ers wras only
8 76, or an increase of 18.1 per cent, as against 2 ,1 3 8 Japanese farm ers,
or an increase of 3 0 2 .6 per cent over the figure for 1900.
I n other
w o r d s ,' the Chinese dropped to second place in farm ing, leavin g
first place to the Japanese.
T he Japanese also took the lead in
num ber of cash and share tenants, h avin g 3,0 0 3 such farm ers, whereas
the Chinese had only 778.
I n 1920, a further decrease is noted. T h e Chinese farm ers de
creased in num ber from 876 in 1910 to 560 in 1920.
O n the other
hand, the Japanese increased from 2 ,1 3 8 in 1910 to 3 ,0 9 8 in 1920.
T h e whites h ave for the sam e years increased from 753 to 892.
The
Chinese h ave now sunk to third place, leaving second place to the
w hite farmers.
OTHER INDUSTRIES.35
T h e Chinese find em p loym en t in m a n y other industries.
In no
sm all degree the m anufacturing of shoes, especially for p lantation
laborers, is done b y Chinese craftsm en.
In H on olu lu and H ilo , the
Chinese h ave been successful in the m anu factu re and sale of the
bam b o o furniture, and on the island of O ahu in the sale of tinware.
T h e clothing trades in the islands are n ow abou t equally divided
between the Japanese and Chinese m erchants, leaving little oppor
tu n ity for the n ative com petitors.
M o st of the bakeries, confec
tionery shops and restaurants hire Chinese help.
D om estic servants
are alm ost w ithou t exception persons of Japanese or Chinese birth.
3< U. S. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce. Special agents series, No. 91: Pineapple canning
Industry of the world, pp. 9-11.
35 For the year 1900, the following industries, as reported in the Twelfth Census of the United States,
em ployed 200 or more Chinese; similar data for late years are not available:
Number of Chinese
employed.
Agricultural laborers..........................................................................................................................9,781
Carpenters and joiners.....................................................................................................................
334
Clerks and copyists..........................................................................................................................
239
Farmers, planters, and overseers................................................................................................ 2,329
Gardeners, florists' nurserymen, and vine growers...................................................................
236
Laborers (not specified)........................... , .................................................................................... 1,235
Laundrvmen and laundrywom en................................................................................................
549
Merchants and dealers (except wholesale)..................................................................................
816
Salesmen and saleswomen..............................................................................................................
227
Servants............................................................................................................................................. 1,494
Tailors and tailoresses......................................................................................................................
430
See also Report of the U . S. Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii for 1901, p . 88 (S. D oc. No. 169, 57th Cong.,
1st sess.); Publications of the American Econom ic Association, V ol. IV , N o. 3, footnote p. 40, “ History of
contract labor in the Hawaiian Islands, ’’ by Katherine Coman: Hawaii, Bureau of Immigration, Report
for 1886, p. 190; The Making of Hawaii, by W m . F. Blackman, New York, 1899, p. 197, footnote,

RACIAL AMALGAMATION.

125

CHINESE POPULATION OF HAWAII.

Population statistics of the Chinese in Hawaii are shown in the
following table, the data for the period between 1853 and 1896 being
taken from Thrum;s Hawaiian Almanac and Annual and those for
1900, 1910, and 1920 from the United States Census Reports.
T able 2 1 .—T O T A L

P O P U L A T IO N

O F H A W A II, A N D
CH IN ESE.

N UM BER

AND

P E R CEN T OF

Chinese.
Year.

1853........................................
1866........................................
1872
...........
1878........................................
1884........................................

Total
popula
tion.

73,138
62,959
56,897
57,985
80,578

Chinese.
Total
popula
tion.

Year.
Num
ber.

Per
cent.

364
1,206
1,938
5,916
17,937

0.5
1.9
3.4
10.2
22.3

1890........................................
1896........................................
1900........................................
3910........................................
1920........................................

89,990
109,020
354,001
191,909
255,912

N um
ber.

Per
cent.

15,301
21,616
21,746
21,674
23,507

17.0
19.8
14.1
11.3
9.0

Up to 1884 the per cent of Chinese in the Territory showed a
steady upward trend, as a large number of laborers were imported
for the plantations. In 1884, the Chinese formed 22.3 per cent of
the total population. Shortly afterwards, restrictive measures were
enforced, and few new immigrants from China were admitted.
Though numerically the Chinese group has continued to grow, due
to natural increase, proportionately it has declined.
RACIAL AMALGAMATION.

The data on which this section is based are, except where other
wise noted, from an article by Ernest J. Reece, in the American
Journal of Sociology, Vol. X X , pp. 104 to 106 (1914-15), and the
quotations given are from that source.
Among the factors which have influenced the actual racial admix
ture in Hawaii, the following should be sketched. In 1778, when
Cook left the islands, some of his crew stayed behind. These few
whites were in later years reinforced by whalers, beach combers,
Botany Bay convicts, adventurers, and missionaries. It is probable
that a certain degree of looseness may have existed between unprin
cipled whites and native women. Later came the Chinese. Isolated
from females of their own race they sought marriage alliances with
Hawaiians. These the Hawaiian women were often glad to make,
for the Chinese was regarded as a better provider than the Hawaiian.
Of late years the Portuguese have been thrown with Hawaiians,
Chinese, and hybrids upon the plantations and in the poorer city
districts in such intimacy as to produce a certain amount of Latin
intermarriage. The statement below shows the results of the racial
amalgamation:

Hawaiians..............................................................................................................
Various imported stocks.................... ..................................................................
Mixed races_____________________________________________________________
1 Fourteenth Census of the United States: Vol Til, Population, p. 11.

1900

1910

29,799
116,345
7,857

26,041
153,362
12,506

1920
23,723
214,162
18,027

126

CHINESE IN HAWAII.

O ther influences which h ave encouraged interracial m arriages in
H aw aii are n ot w anting.
Children are adm itted to public schools
w ith ou t regard to race or nation ality.
Interchange of ideas and
views h ave helped to develop a high degree of m utual tolerance,
friendship, and sy m p a th y which occasionally culm inates in a m a rita l
bond.
A com m on church which attracts a large n um ber of m en
from all races, and a social m etropolis such as H on olu lu , which wel
com es all and discriminates against none, offer excellent opportunities
for m eeting and m aking friends am ong different races.
T h e close econom ic interdependence am ong the races in H a w a ii
also contributes toward racial adm ixture.
“ W h ite s are on the ground
only in sufficient num bers to provide leadership in business and the
professions, and this condition is likely to continue.
Chinese,
Japanese, Portuguese, Filipinos and R ussians contribute plan tation
labor.
Orientals dom inate the trades, perform m enial service, and
raise the vegetables, rice, and taro.
Portuguese and H aw aiian s
su pply the city and dock la b or.”
E a ch racial group is econom ically
dependent upon the other groups, and hence various relationships
fa v or marriages am ong them .
Marriages betw een Chinese and m em bers of other races are fairly
num erous, as show n b y figures com piled from m arriage records of
the H on olu lu B oard of H ea lth .
B etw een July 1, 1896, and A u g u st
31, 1905, Chinese were parties to 524 marriages.
In 195 of these
the persons in volved were both Chinese.
In 193 cases the parties
were Chinese and H aw aiians.
In the rem aining instances Chinese
m arried P orto R ican s, Portuguese, Greeks, half-w hites, and in a very
few cases Japanese.
H aw aiian-Chinese married En glish , Scotch,
G erm an , and Spanish.
T h e three-sided com bination, of H aw aiian , Caucasian, and Chinese,
which is apparently the result of interracial m ingling in H aw aii,
brings to light new biological and cultural characteristics which
deserve careful stu dy.
The Caucasian-Hawaiian is well built, strong, and prolific. He has no greater sus
ceptibility to disease than is usual in races forced into contact with new contagions.
He even thrives under exotic conditions so long as he may have his staple food. In
tellectually, he is no giant, and when measured by American standards may seem to
lack seriousness and perseverance. But there are able men in his group, the average
is fair, and he exemplifies those lighter qualities a strain of which might not be out of
place in our austere Caucasian mentality. If there is nothing remarkable about him,
there is surely nothing notably inferior. Many and many a time he proves his worth,
and his class is undeniably a community accession.
T h e Chinese-H aw aiian has som ew hat different traits and habits.
The combination of parent qualities renders him industrious, yet keeps him from
the treadmill; gives him*purpose, but saves him from over-intensity; bestows upon
him strength and resisting power; makes him capable of enjoying as well as winning
the contest for subsistence and advancement, gives him ability in acquiring knowledge
and versatility and aptness in applying it. There can be no question that, measured
b y western economic requirements, the Chinese-Hawaiian is far superior to both of the
elements in his make-up.
T h e C au casian-H aw aiian and the Chinese-H aw aiian are the prim ary
products of the racial fusion, and these two h ave also m ingled.
“ This has been accom panied b y the injection in sm all quantities of
such other bloods as h ave reached the islands.
T he vital fact in the
process, how ever, is the prom inence of the Caucasian, H aw aiian , and

RACIAL AMALGAMATION.

127

Chinese factors. Of these, the Chinese is probably to be the dominant
strain.”
It will be worth while, perhaps, to note the characteristics of
the individuals in whom the three stocks are represented. The
Caucasian-Hawaiian-Chinese is below the medium height.
H e is stocky, and inclined to be thickly built and muscular. His skin is medium
brown and his hair black. His eyes are usually of a very dark brown. Mentally
he has the assiduity of the Chinese and the ambition of the white, but is handicapped
by an element in his Hawaiian inheritance which savors of dullness. He is usually
very dependable, although traces of the native volatility may sometimes unsettle
him. He is tractable and accommodating, yet well anchored to principles and a
purpose. He loves to command, and is jealous of his authority and rights. He revels
m music, and takes readily to the other culture features of our civilization. He is
coming to be a force in the business world, and is among the most eager of students.
What he achieves he achieves through earnestness and persistence—earnestness and
persistence so tempered as to deliver him from Anglo-Saxon severity.
But if the dominant ethnic element is the Chinese, the preponderant culture factor
is our own, with scarcely a minor modification. The educational ideals are American.
Anglo-Saxon Christianity puts its stamp upon all who pass beyond the stage of primary
schooling. European dress is almost universally worn, and as the economic standard
rises American food is winning the people from poi and rice. The sports that are
popular in the United States are the sports of the Caucasian-Hawaiian-Chinese, and
the occasional musical artist who happens in upon the community is enjoyed by the
mixed race as well as b y the American and European. It is necessary only to mention
that Chinese, Hawaiian, and mixed peoples desire generally to be known as American
to show the powerful drift toward the ideals of our own land. Indeed, it would be
peculiar if, while China is straining after western civilization, her children at the
hub of the Pacific should not eagerly seize their opportunities to absorb it.

Regarding the significance of racial amalgamation in Hawaii, it
is said:
World-statesmen have for years been inquiring what is to happen when there
transpires the real meeting of East and West. Can opposing customs be reconciled?
Can varying economic standards be adjusted? Can fragile ideals associate without
destruction? Hawaii furnishes one answer. Here a dozen races are taking unto
themselves a single manner of life, one set of ideals, and one group of purposes. And
here three peoples are joining to form a new stock. How far-reaching this last may be
can not be predicted. The significant facts are that it has seemingly established
itself in the community, and that it is to all appearances virile, capable, fertile, and
charged with the excellencies of the parent races.

Chapter VIII.— CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.

This chapter deals mainly with the Chinese contract laborers in
the Transvaal during the period 1904 to 1910. These Chinese con
stitute a noteworthy example of Chinese migration under contract—•
an outstanding feature of the modern migrations included in this
study.
The data here given are based upon Government documents,
including treaties, conventions, contracts, and reports, and extracts
are given from authoritative secondary sources. No adequate
information is available relating to the recruiting of laborers in
China, and their activities after being repatriated.
Two main points deserve special mention: The activities of the
Chinese laborers were restricted by contracts and laws; and the workers
were strictly supervised by the Transvaal government and its labor
agencies.
CONDITIONS LEADING TO IMPORTATION OF CHINESE LABOR.

The economic prosperity of the Transvaal colony is mainly depend
ent upon the gold mines at the Witwatersrand, whose development
relies largely on an adequate supply of the unskilled native (Kaffir)
labor. For many reasons, the shortage of labor, especially after
1900, was keenly felt. The Kaffir could fill his simple wants and
obtain his crude comforts without continuous work on his part.
After working for the Europeans for a limited time, he could live in
leisure in the kraal for a period. When instinct impelled him to the
wilderness for chase and adventure he quit work ana seldom thought
of returning. This created a great uncertainty in the labor supply
at The Rand.
From 1902 to about 1904 the wages of the
African laborers at The Rand were reduced 33 per cent, which
caused general dissatisfaction among the native laborers.
In the
latter part of 1903, drought, cattle diseases, and insect plagues made
the industrial and agricultural conditions in the Transvaal unusually
precarious. The extent and seriousness of the deficiency of labor in
South Africa were comprehensively summarized in the findings of
the Transvaal Labor Commission. Its report of July, 1903, showed
the labor requirements to be as follows:

82.—LABOR REQUIREMENTS IN SPECIFIED INDUSTRIES IN THE TRANS
VAAL, 1903.
[Source: Great Britain. Parliament. Reports of the Transvaal Labor Commission, 1904, vol. 39, p. 18.
(Cd. 1894.)!
T able

Industry.
Agriculture.............................................................................
Gold mining..............................................................................
Other industries.....................................................................
Central South Africa:
Railways, open lines......................................................
Railways, new construction.........................................
Total..............................................................................
i No data obtainable.

128

Estimated
number
required.
80,000
197,644
69,684
16,000
40,000
403,328

Number at
work.
27,715
68,280
69,684
12,402
3,848
181,929

Shortage.
52,285
129,364
(l)
3,598
36,152
221,399

CONDITIONS LEADING TO IMPORTATION OF CHINESE.

129

Due mainly to these findings, Sir George Farrar, president of the
chamber of mines, recommended the importation of Asiatic labor
under a system of government control when the industrial develop
ment of any colony positively required it.1 With this view, Lord
Milner, high commissioner and governor of the Transvaal, agreed.
“ The ultimate solution,” he wrote to the Bloemfontein correspondent
on April 1, 1903, “ is in the increase of the white population. But in
order to get that white population at all, we must make things move
in the immediate future, and certain as I am that African labor, with
every improvement we can make will not be sufficient to supply our
wants in the early future, I think we must call in the aid of the
Asiatics. I look upon this as a temporary expedient, but for the
time essential.”
Late in August, 1903, when the shortage of labor became more
and more serious, Lord Milner again wrote:
It is sincerely to be hoped that the Chinese, since they are now our only hope, may
come and come quickly. The mines have exhausted tneir efforts, b y higher wages,
better recruiting, and much better arrangements on the mines in every respect—food,
clothing, sanitation, etc.— to get natives, but though they have got some thousands
more, there are not nearly enough. The fact is they do not exist, not in these numbers.

In the meantime the Witwatersrand Native Labor Association had
clearly seen the impossibility of recruiting labor from any other
source and was looking into the labor situation on the continent of
Asia. Consequently Mr. Ross Skinner was sent by the association in
February, 1903, to California and the Far East with the purpose of
inquiring into: (1) The conditions under which the indentured
Chinese laborers should be employed in the mines of The Rand;
(2) the possibility of obtaining such labor; and (3) its suitability to
supplement the inadequate Kaffir supply.i2* In his report to the
association, dated September 22, 1903, Mr. Skinner summarized
labor conditions in California, Canada, Korea, Japan, and China and
made suggestions and recommendations, many of which agreed in
principle with legal instructions drawn afterwards, such as the
Transvaal labor importation ordinance of 1904, regulations, contract
of service,8 and the convention of 1904 between Great Britain and
China.4
Regarding Chinese laborers Mr. Skinner observed:
In m y opinion the better class of coolies from both southern and northern China
will be suitable to supplement the Kaffir labor supply. They are docile, law-abiding,
and industrious people, and will carry out whatever contracts they enter into and
perform the tasks assigned to them.5 * * * The Chinese are, as a race, most
easily led, if matters are fully explained to them. On the other hand, they will prove
most stubborn if it is attempted to thrust new ideas or methods on them without due
explanation through the headman.6*

Finally, an ordinance was drafted and sent to Hon. Alfred Lyttel
ton, secretary of state for the colonies, who approved it on January
16, 1904. On Februaiy 4, 1904, the draft ordinance was sent to the
Chinese minister in London for his consideration. The Peking

i Worsfold, W. Basil: The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under Lord Milner. London, 1913.
Vol. I, p. 303.
* Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to the affairs of the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony, 1904, p. 76. (Cd. 1895.)
* See Appendix to Chapter VIII, A and B, pp. 198 to 206.
«See Appendix to Chapter I, B, pp. 168 to 171.
6 Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to the affairs of the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony, 1904, vol. 61, p. 81. (Cd. 1895.)
6 Idem, p. 86.

130

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

Government, through the Chinese minister in London, raised five
important points,7 one of which was in regard to the appointment of
a Chinese consul, and after some discussion the appointment of a
consul was stipulated in article 6 of the convention.
RECRUITMENT OF LABOR.8
U n d er the regulations issued in accordance w ith section 29 of the
ordinance of 1904, the T ran svaal em igration agent, stationed at each
of the ports of em barkation, together w ith the Chinese inspector,
m ad e know n b y proclam ation and b y m eans of the Chinese press the
te x t of the contract of service, and an y particulars in regard to which
the Chinese inspector considered it essential th at the em igrant should
be inform ed concerning the T ran svaal and its laws.
R ecruiters were
then licensed b y the T ran svaal em igration agent, who had to satisfy
h im self th at th ey were fit and proper persons, and th a t im proper
m ean s of recruiting were n ot used.

Every assistance was given by the recruiter to the intending
emigrants. An advance of money was often made at his risk to
enable the coolie to pay any debts and to leave a small sum with his
family, and traveling expenses to the port of embarkation were paid
by him. When the coolie arrived at the depot and signed the contract
of service he received an advance from the employer the amount of
which was certified to by the Transvaal emigration agent. Out of
this money he was able to repay the recruiter for any cash advanced
to him and to make further provision for his family or relatives.
Prior to admission into the depot each coolie was medically ex
amined and given a certificate to that effect. The contract of service
was then explained to him by the Transvaal emigration agent, and
on his accepting the terms the coolie was admitted to the depot.
E v e r y intending em igrant was required to rem ain at the depot for
at least 48 hours (unless, of course, he refused to sign the co n tr a c t),
during w hich he h ad every opportu nity of stu dyin g the contract and
discussing it.
Copies in Chinese were distributed am ong the m en in
the depot and posted in conspicuous places.
T h e y were then asked
individually if th ey wished to em igrate to S ou th A frica.
T h e con
tracts were thereupon prepared and carefully explained, in the
presence of the T ran svaal agent, to each laborer, and signed b y all
who expressed their willingness to proceed.
T h e T ran svaal em igra
tion agent su bsequ en tly signed the certificate required under section
8 of the ordinance.

Before finally signing the contract of service and embarking, each
laborer was given a second medical examination; he was then given a
metal badge with his shipping or contract number imprinted thereon.
The contracts were signed in triplicate; one copy was given to the
employer’s agent and another forwarded to the Transvaal super
intendent of foreign labor, through the master of the ship in which
the laborers sailed. A copy was also kept by the Transvaal emigra
tion agent. A copy of the contract in Chinese and in English was
also given to each laborer.
No person was allowed to sign a contract as agent for any employer
in the Transvaal until the superintendent of foreign labor had notified*
* For the other four see Great Britain, Parliament. Further correspondence regarding the Transvaal
labor question, 1904, vol. 61, p. 3 et seq. (Cd. 1986.)
s For regulations of recruitment see Appendix to Chapter V III, A , pp. 165 to 167.

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.

131

the Transvaal emigration agent of the execution of the necessary
power of attorney.
W h e n possible every laborer was vaccinated prior to em barkation,
b u t if it was fou nd im possible to do this before departure it was done
during the voyage b y the sh ip’s doctor.
A photograph of each laborer, w ith an attached description givin g
full particulars of m arks, scars, etc., was forwarded to the superintend
ent b y the sam e ship in which the laborer em barked.
A duplicate
copy was kep,t b y the T ran svaal em igration agent.
T h e nam es and
addresses of the parents, wife, and children (if any) under 10 years
of age of each laborer were also recorded.90
1
T he introduction and w ithdraw al of the Chinese in the W itw a tersrand district in 1904 to 1910, w ith the num ber of whites and natives,
is shown in the table b elow :
T able 2 3 .—N U M B E R OF CHINESE LA B O R E R S IN T H E T R A N S V A A L , 1904 TO 1910.
[Source: Transvaal Chamber of Mines.

Annual report, 1911, p. 341.]
Number of miners.

Year.

1904............. .................................
1905................................................
1906................................................
1907................................................
1908...............................................
1909...............................................
1910................................................

White.

Colored.

Chinese.

13,027
16,227
17,210
16,775
17,593
20,625
23,651

68,438
91,084
84,897
105,915
139, 893
161,795
183,613

9,668
39,952
51,427
49,302
21,027
6,516
305

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT .10
A s ju st show n, the Chinese laborers began to arrive in D u rban (70)
in M arch, 1904, and two years later their m a x im u m num ber was
reached.
*
T he laborers were placed under the supervision of the T ran svaal
govern m ent from their recruitm ent to their repatriation.
T o give
effect to this principle the ordinance of 1904 provided for the appoint
m en t of a superintendent of laborers and a staff of inspectors.

The laborers undertook, by the terms of their contract, not to
leave without a permit the area of the particular mine on which they
were employed.
The Chinese were to be returned without delay, and at the expense
of the importer, to their ports of embarkation in China at the end
of their three years’ term of service, or, in the event of reengagement,
at the end of the new term. During their residence in the Transvaal
they were not permitted to trade, or to acquire a lease or hold land,
either directly or indirectly through an agent or trustee. Nor was
any person allowed to employ them on any work other than “ un
skilled labor in the exploitation of minerals within the Witwatersrand
district.” Any infraction of the ordinance in these respects either
by the laborers themselves or by any employer, or by any person
aiding or abetting the laborers, rendered the offender liable to heavy
penalties.
9 Transvaal. Foreign Labor Department. Annual report, 1904-5. Pretoria, 1906 p. 4, et. seq.
10 Worsfold, W . Basil: The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under Lord Milner. London, 1913,
Vol. I, pp. 360-366. For details, see Appendix to Chapter V III, pp. 198 to 206.

132

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

Provision was made for the comfort of the laborers both at the
mines and during their journey to and from the Transvaal, for the
suitability of their food and its preparation, their medical attendance
and hospital accommodation, the due observances and festivals
of the Chinese new year, the precise amount of wages to which they
were to be entitled, and their right to be accompanied by their
wives and children if they so desired.
Each mine had a white doctor, and Chinese medical associates and
hospital attendants were frequently employed. The chamber of
mines labor importation agency also engaged the services of a special
medical adviser, and the Department oi Foreign Labor paid the
district medical officer for the Rand area a retaining fee in order that
the services of the government doctor might be available whenever
required. .
Inspections of the hospital were made periodically by the Depart
ment of Foreign Labor, and the mine managers were required to
submit every month a detailed sickness return which was compiled,
for the Rand area, by the district medical health officer. An analysis
of sickness among the Chinese laborers at the Rand mines shows that
for the year ending June 30, 1906, common ailments of the Chinese
included malaria, dysentery, pneumonia, diarrhea, rheumatism, and
venereal and skin diseases. Most of these diseases are fairly prevalent
in China, with the exception of the skin diseases, which are probably
due to the climate in the Transvaal to which the laborers were not
accustomed.
During the first year of their employment, beriberi was rather
>revalent among the Cantonese. Out of the total number of 1,167
aborers repatriated during the year owing to permanent incapacity
for work on account of physical infirmity or disease, 600 were suffer
ing from beriberi, and of the total number of deaths (541 in South
Africa), 128 were due to this cause. The prevalence of the disease
appreciably decreased, however, in the later years of their employment.
The death rate among the Chinese compared very favorably with
that of the white mine employees, as the following table will show.
It is particularly significant to remember the fact that no less than
393 out of the 935 deaths among the Chinese for the year ending June
30, 1906, were due to homicide, suicide, and accidents. It is there
fore safe to conclude that the percentage of deaths from natural
causes must be considerably lower than that of the white miners.
Some causes of death which are prevalent in China were also preva
lent among the Chinese laborers in the Witwatersrand district.
Thus, for the year ending June 30, 1906, among 935 cases of deaths,
there were recorded 47 cases of pneumonia, 59 cases of phthisis, 40
cases of ailments of the circulatory system, and 117 cases resulting
from the use of opium.
The table following shows by causes the number of cases of sickness
and of death and the rates per 1,000 employees, the rates being based
on the average monthly number of 47,595 employees.

}

133

CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.

T able 2 4 .—CAUSES O F SICKNESS A N D D E A T H AM ON G CH IN ESE M INE E M P L O Y E E S OF
W IT W A T E R S R A N D D IS T R IC T , Y E A R E N D IN G JUNE 30, 1906.
[Source: Great Britain. Parliament. Annual report of Foreign Labor Department, 1905-06.
burg, 1907, vol. 57, appendixes 5 and 6. (Cd. 3338.)!

Cases of sickness.

Johannes

. Deaths.

Caust.
Number.

169
1,637
6
1,360
236
234
305
2,728
6
167
34
6,230
792
76
65
2,901

Rate per
1,000.

Number.

Rate per
1,000.

Enteric diseases.......................................................................
Malaria.....................................................................................
Scarlet fever.............................................................................
Dysentery................................................................................
Erysipelas................................................................................
Pneumonia..............................................................................
Phthisis....................................................................................
Other respiratory diseases.....................................................
Meningitis................................................................................
Diseases of nervous system...................................................
Diseases of liver......................................................................
Diarrhea...................................................................................
Other digestive diseases........................................................
Tuberculosis............................................................................
Scurvy......................................................................................
Rheumatism............................................................................
Cancer.......................................................................................
Diseases of circulatory system .............................................
Diseases of urinary system...................................................
Venereal diseases.....................................................................
Beriberi.....................................................................................
Skin diseases............................................................................
Influenza..................................................................................
Opium habit............................................................................
D ebility1..................................................................................
A ccident...................................................................................
H om icide.................................................................................
Suicide......................................................................................
Simple ailments and minor injuries...................................
Ill defined and other causes.......................... ......................

205
80
1,341
333
1,806
1,854
717
414
1,479

3.55
34.39
.13
28.57
4.96
4.92
6.41
57.32
.13
3.51
.71
130.90
16.64
1.60
1.37
60.95
.02
4.31
1.68
28.18
7.00
37.95
38.95
15.06
8.70
31.07

27,671
5,101

581.38
107.18

1.37

T otal..............................................................................

57,948

1,217. 52

935

19.64

19
1

0.40
.02

28
9
47
59
15
6
12
8
25
17
34
1
2
3
40
10
6
18

.59
.19
.99
1.24
.32
.13
.25
.17
.53
.36
.71
.02
.04
.06
.84
.21
.13
.38

117

2.46

300
44
49

6.30
.92
1.03

i Data are for March to June, inclusive.

LODGING, FOOD, AND MEDICAL CARE.

Tlie Chinese laborers were restricted to the mine compounds
which were constructed especially for them. At least 250 cubic
feet of air space were required for each coolie. The coolie could
not leave the compound without a permit issued on demand by the
inspectors of the compound. Those leaving without it were subject
to punishment.
The laborers received daily rations free of charge. A special
staff of laborers was provided to do the cooking, and kitchen facili
ties and the supply of food were periodically inspected by officials
of the department of foreign labor of the Transvaal Government
Several mines erected dining rooms, but the coolies often preferred
to eat in their own quarters. The laborers could buy at stores near
the compounds other articles of food to supplement the daily ration.
The ration per day for each person was as follows: 1.5 pounds of
rice; 0.5 pound of dried or fresh fish or meat; 0.5 pound of vegetables;
0.5 ounce of tea; 0.5 ounce of nut oil; salt, or approved substitutes,
at the discretion of the superintendent.
On each ship there was a medical officer (who had to be a British
subject and a qualified medical practitioner), two Chinese medical
associates, and two Chinese hospital attendants for each 1,000
laborers on board.

134

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

Regulation 21, issued under the ordinance of 1904, required everj
employer to provide his laborers (and their wives) residing on his
premises with medicine and medical attendance during illness, and
made him liable to a penalty not exceeding 50 pounds ($243.33, par)
for every case of negligence. Hospitals were erected by employers
at every mine where Chinese laborers were employed.
WAGES, AND REMITTANCES TO CHINA.

It appears that before the final drafting of the labor importation
ordinance of 1904, the mine owners of The Rand were in favor of
lower wages for Chinese employees than were paid to the natives.
A t the first intimation of this Mr. Lyttelton raised objections on the
ground that to attempt to do so would lower the plane of living of
the proletariat in South Africa, which in turn would invite “ thorny
criticism and violent attack” from political enemies in England.
Writing to Viscount Milner on April 13, 1904, he said:
I really can not defend an arrangement by which Chinese would be used to lower
Kaffir wages current now and before the war. Having regard to the fact that the
minimum rate of 15 Mexican dollars now proposed is actually less than that to which
the mines endeavored to lower Kaffir wages after the war, the proposed minimum
would arouse much opposition among reasonable critics, and on this ground, as well
as looking to the possible effect upon Kaffir labor and feeling, a lowering of wages
as the initial result of the introduction of Chinese is to be deprecated.11

On April 19 he again wrote:
The difficulty of position will be greatly increased if contract contains, even as a
minimum, the rate of wages to which the mines endeavored to reduce natives after
termination of war and if the wage which an average laborer may expect to earn by
piecework is at all less than the 50 shillings [$12.17, par], which represents present
native average. If, as I gather from your telegram, the contract gives a guaranty of
piecework, why not omit reference to daywork and minimum wage and make con
tract provide only for piecework at such rates for the different kinds of work as will
enable average workers to earn 50s. [$12.17, par] for 30 days, working 10 hour shifts.1
12

Afterward Viscount Milner offered a compromise on wages by saying:
If it is impossible to accept the minimum of £1 10s. [$7.30, par] for 30 days, may I
suggest the compromise: The mines are willing to raise the minimum day’s pay from
Is. to Is. 6d. [24.3 cents to 36.5 cents, par] if within six months the average coolie’s
pay does not equal £ 2 10s. [$12.17, par] for 30 days. This is more than Kaffir wages
before the war.13

To which Mr. Lyttelton answered:
The compromise maintains the essential principle that the introduction of Chinese
labor is to supplement the present deficiency of Kaffir labor, and not to lower by
competition the wages paid to Kaffirs. It was further merited that the Chinese as a
body will have no ground for dissatisfaction, seeing that all of them will at once have
the opportunity of earning far more than the minimum rate, thus insuring that they
will earn wages at least as high as those of Kaffir laborers, according to class of work
and capacity.14

But Viscount Milner, in further elucidating the compromise said,
on May 2, that “ 60 per cent of laborers will be offered piecework
at once and this percentage will be steadily increased.” To this
Mr. Lyttelton immediately replied: “ My acceptance of the com
promise was entirely conditional on piecework being at la bored
option. Unless this condition is accepted without reserve, I shall

11 Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to the Transvaal labor importation
ordinance, 1904, vol. 61, pp. 37-38. .(Cd. 2026.)
U Idem, pp. 42,43.
» Idem, p. 45.
14idem, p. 46.

FIG. 4.— S O R T I N G

GOLD

ORE

IN T H E

T RANS VAAL,

S OUTH

AFRI CA.

CRIME, OFFENSES, AND DESERTIONS.

135

h ave no alternative b u t to revert to Is. 6d. (36.5 cents, par) a day
as m in im u m rate of p a y to be inserted in the c o n t r a c t /715 T hu s,
finally, in articles 5 and 6 of the contract of service, no m in im u m
w age was specified, b u t the laborer was given the option to do “ piece
work at sucn rate as m a y be m u tu a lly agreed upon betw een the laborer
and the em ployer b u t only the actual days em ployed on such piece
work shall be reckoned in the service.77
Laborers on tim e-w ork basis were paid, to begin w ith, at the rate of
Is. (24.3 cents, par) for each w orkin g-day of 10 hours.
T hose em
ployed at jo b s to which piecework was n o t applicable were paid for
the work on which th ey were em ployed, at the rates detailed b y the
cham ber of m ines schedule of n ative p a y , M a y , 1897, restored Jan
uary, 1903, which is set forth in the second schedule to the contract
of service.
If, how ever, w ithin six m on th s from the date of ihe
laborers7 arrival in the R a n d district, the average p a y of the laborer
did n ot equal 2 pounds 10s. ($ 1 2 .1 7 , par) for 30 days of 10 hours,
the rate was increased from Is. to Is. 6d. (24.3 cents to 3 6 .5 cents,
par) for each w ork in g-day.
T h e occupations of the Chinese laborers who were em ployed at the
W itw atersran d m ines were specified in the “ second schedule to the
co n tr a ct.7716 A m o n g them were the crushers whose daily w age was
Is. 4d. (32.4 cents, p ar).
A fte r the gold ore h ad been crushed, the
pieces were run through troughs and sorted, as shown in Figure 4.
C losely connected w ith wages was the question of rem ittances and
savings.
In addition to article 10 of the convention of 1904 between
G reat B ritain and China which provided th at during the sojourn of
the em igrant in the colony in which he was em ployed, all possible
postal facilities should be afforded him , a special arrangem ent was
m ade w hereby he could, if he chose, allot a portion of his wages to
his fa m ily in China.
T h e portion so allotted was entered in the con
tract of service, was paid m o n th ly in China, and was deducted from
his m o n th ly earnings on T he R a n d .
F or such allotm ents, the laborer
received, on application, a passbook containing, as & rule, 34 m o n th ly
coupons of 10s. ($ 2 .4 3 , par) each.
This he gave to those to w hom he
wished to m ak e the allotm en t, and the latter presented it for p a y
m en t every m o n th at the office of the local T ran svaal em igrant agent.
B u t beyon d m o n th ly allotm ents, the laborers appeared to h ave
saved n oth in g, apparently for two reasons: (1) T h e m a jo rity of the
laborers were illiterate and did n o t know h ow to write letters and
send m o n e y through the p ost office or the b a n k ; and (2) a great deal
of their earnings was lo st in the gam bling, to which, h avin g no other
m eans of recreation, th ey resorted, in order to pass their spare tim e.
N o t until late in 1906 was provision m ad e for the establishm ent
of a savings ban k specifically for the benefit of the Chinese laborers.
CRIME, OFFENSES, AND DESERTIONS.

In the Annual Report of the Foreign Labor Department, Johannes
burg, (71) for 1 9 0 5 -6 , the statement was made (pp. 10, 1 1 ) :
On the whole the large army of Chinese coolies employed on the Witwatersrand is
law abiding. The Chinese have undoubtedly been guilty of acts, involving serious1
5
15 Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to the Transvaal labor importation
ordinance, 1904, vol. 61, p. 46. (Cd. 2026.)
Transvaal. Lieutenant Governor's Office. Handbook of ordinances, proclamations, regulations and
instructions connected with the importation of foreign labor into the Transvaal. Pretoria, 1906.

136

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

loss of life, calculated to cause righteous indignation and alarm. Still, in the case of
white residents, robbery, not murder, has been his motive, and it was only when
resistance on the part of the irate householder was offered that the latter came to an
untimely end, and it should be particularly noted that not a single case of outrage on
women has ever been proved. Deliberate murder of his countrymen, however,
under aggravated circumstances of cruelty, is a charge of which he can not be acquitted.

On the causes of crime, the report further stated:
The great predisposing cause of all Chinese crimes at the mines is gambling and its
resultant debt, to a lesser degree supplemented by illicit traffic in opium. The opium
habit is fostered and kept alive by certain unprincipled “ whites.” The price of
opium sold illicitly, which is largely adulterated prior to sale, being so much above the
coolie’s means, he borrows heavily to obtain it and finding no means of paying such
or other debts, he is compelled to desert, and after days of wandering becomes "desperate
through starvation and robs in order to live.

Also the fact must not be concealed that certain storekeepers along
the reef made a practice of overcharging and swindling coolies dealing
with them, and that a desire to pay off old scores was often at the
bottom of armed attacks on their persons or property.
The character of the crimes and offenses committed by the Chinese
laborers is shown in the table following, the average number of laborers
in the service during the year being 47,594.
T able

2 5 .—CONVICTIONS A N D SEN TEN CES OF C H IN E SE L A B O R E R S IN T H E T R A N S
V A A L D U R IN G Y E A R E N D IN G JU N E 30. 1906.

[Source: Great Britain.

Parliament. Annual report of the Foreign Labor Department, 1905-6.
nesburg, 1907, vol. 57, p. 49. (Cd. 3338.)]

Crime or offense.

Violation of arms and ammunition ordi
nance .............................................................
Escaping from custody..................................
Public violence................................................
Possession of dangerous weapons................
Assault.............................. mi.......................... .
Murder and hom icide................................... .
Attem pted m urder.........................................
Forgery............................................................ .
Malicious injury to property....................... .
Theft and robbery..........................................
Housebreaking............................................... .
Public indecency...........................................

Num
ber of
convic
tions
and
sen
tences.
3

89
40
709
28
7
307
24
234
210

Crime or offense.

Johan

N um
ber of
convic
tions
and
sen
tences.

Violation of mines, works, and machinery
regulations.....................................................
Possession of liqu or.........................................
Violation of municipal ordinances...............
Violation of gaming law s...............................
Violation of gold law s.....................................
Trespassing......................................................
Grass burnm g...................................................
Inciting to rio t.................................................
Violation of labor importation ordinance..

3
4
11,651

Total........................................................

13,429

6
30
1

The average number of laborers employed during the year 1905-6
was 47,594, and the total number convicted was 13,429. Of these,
11,651 were convicted of offenses against the regulations made under
the labor importation ordinance, most of them being of a very trivial
nature, such as absence without leave or refusal to work. In addi
tion, there were reported in the same period a little over 1,500 cases
of desertion. Furthermore, the relatively more serious offenses, as
specified in the table, included 245 cases in which the offenders were
convicted before a judge and jury, 28 of murder and homicide, 7 of
attempted murder, and 210 of housebreaking. The remainder, being
ordinary offenses against the common law, were dealt with by the
resident magistrates.
Discontent among the workers grew. Those who refused to work
frequently deserted. Said Lord Selbourne, “ Worse still is the man
who has gambled away all his wages in advance in the mine com
pounds. He has no further inducement to work; everything he

GENERAL SOCIAL CONDITIONS.

137

earns goes to those to w hom he has lost m on ey, so he deserts in des
peration .” 17 T he com m ittee appointed b y the governor to inquire
into the causes of desertion reported as follow s: “ M uch of the leakage
from the miners into the surrounding country, w ith the inevitable
sequel of outrages and robbery, was due to the fact th at the laborers
had incurred h ea v y gam bling debts in the mines and were su bject
to undue pressure from their creditors.” 18
T he great m a jo rity , how ever, of the so-called deserters h ad no
wish to desert, b u t were actuated sim p ly b y curiosity as to their
surroundings, and frequently, when th ey had gone a little distance
from the com pound, lost their w ay.
A large num ber also left the
m ine in order to visit their friends at neighboring m ines or to m ake
purchases and neglected to obtain the necessary pass.
GENERAL SOCIAL CONDITIONS.
Social conditions am ong the Chinese in the m ine com pounds were
unusually unsatisfactory.
T h ou gh regulation 33 allowed them to
take their w ives, and although this fact was w idely advertised in the
com pounds, m arried Chinese laborers (who num bered fu lly 22 per
cent of the total) rarely availed them selves of this privilege.
One
reason was th at th ey w anted to save as m u ch m o n ey as th ey could
out of their sm all earnings while serving the three-year contract in
the m ines at T he R a n d .
B u t an im p ortan t reason m u st be sought
in the race p sych ology of the Chinese people.
T he Chinese h ave a
deep affection for the hom e and the soil.
W it h them , particularly
w ith the w om en, it is no slight m atter to leave the birthplace of their
forefathers.
In those days, also, the cu stom of Chinese society
strongly favored the confinem ent of w om en to the households.
T he
operation of these social forces alm ost entirely prevented fem ale
em igration.
O n ly 26 children and 2 w om en accom panied the 4 7 ,9 1 7
laborers who reached the T ran svaal up to the end of 1905 (the first
year of em igration to th at c o lo n y ).19 U p to June 30, 1906, an addi
tional 15,108 laborers arrived; am ong them were 3 w om en and 5
children.
M eantim e 1 w om an and 2 children h ad returned to
China.20 In spite of this overw helm ing m asculine predom inance
am ong the Chinese population in the T ran svaal, crimes of a sexual
nature were n ot com m on, as was pointed out in the reports of the
foreign labor departm en t.
W h e n off d u ty , the Chinese h abitu ally spent their tim e in m ost
unprofitable w ays— gossiping, quarreling, and gam bling.
N o ade
quate facilities of recreation were provided and the secluded life in
the m ine com pounds was m onotonous beyon d hum an endurance.

Though cultural advantages were denied them, religious influence
was not lacking. Among the laborers were Roman Catholics,
Protestants of various denominations, Buddhists, and a small num
ber of Mohammedans. Before embarkation various religious
organizations in China distributed religious literature, including the
Bible, among the emigrants. Occasionally services were held in the
compounds, especially on Sundays, Good Friday, and Christmas.
” Great Britain. Parliament. Annual report of the Foreign Labor Department, 1905-6. Johannesburg,
1907, vol. 57, p. 5. (Cd. 3338.)
is Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to labor in the Transvaal mines, 1905,
vol. 80, p. 40. (Cd. 2786.)
is Transvaal. Foreign Labor Department. Annual report, 1904-5. Pretoria, 1906, p. 23.
Great Britain. Parliament. Annual report of the Foreign Labor Department, 1905-6 Johannesburg,
1907, vol. 57, p. 31. (Cd. 3338.)

138

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

Late in 1905 the South African Baptist Missionary Society, the
Salvation Army, and the Interior Mission, with the consent and coop
eration of the superintendent of foreign labor, began to conduct
frequent services and have personal conferences with the laborers.
OPPOSITION TO CHINESE LABOR.

Opposition grew simultaneously with the agitation for the importa
tion of Chinese labor into the Transvaal. Natal had had the expe
rience of introducing indentured Indians who afterwards became
threatening competitors of the whites in commercial and mechanical
occupations. A considerable portion of the white population in
South Africa believed that the Natal experience would be repeated
by the introduction of the Chinese, since the plane of living of the
Chinese was about the same as that of the Indians, the industry and
perspicacity of the Chinese being even greater. Furthermore, the
general economic prosperity of Chinese immigrants in other British
colonies, such as the Federated Malay States and Australia, amply
demonstrated the “ Asiatic problem” in its economic aspects. Sir
Harry Parkes’s warning to Australia might be. applied to the Transvaal
with equal force, since economic conditions of these two colonies
were in many respects similar:
They [the Chinese] are a superior lot of people. We know the beautiful result of
many of their handicrafts; we know how wonderful are their powers of imagination,
their endurance, and their patient labor. It is for these qualities I do not want
them to come here. The influx of a few millions of Chinese here would entirely
change the character of the young Australian Commonwealth. It is because I believe
the Chinese to be a powerful race, capable of taking a great hold upon the country,
and because I wish to preserve the type of my own nation in these fair countries,
that I am and always have been opposed to the influx of the Chinese.

Local opposition in the Transvaal assumed formidable form at a
mass meeting of the White Labor League, held at Johannesburg,
April 1, 1903. Out of 5,000 persons present at the meeting, only
two were bold enough to favor the ordinance for the importation of
Chinese labor then before the Transvaal Legislative Council. The
importation of Chinese labor was opposed on the three following
grounds: (1) It was unnecessary, since African labor could be obtained
from countries north of the Zambezi, if not from South Africa itself;
(2) the Chinese would displace European skilled labor and settle in
the country permanently; and (3) they would be an undesirable
and an unprofitable population.21
But what troubled the minds of the opponents of Asiatic labor
was not the alleged nonassimilability of the Chinese but the fear of
their economic domination. One speaker at tjie mass meeting of
the White Labor League, above referred to, declared:
I make bold to say that at the end of the first 12 months there will not be a white
man working underground, unless it is a few shift bosses, and not many overground
either. It is absurd to say the Chinese will be employed only in unskilled labor
Once they are imported, they will be employed in skilled labor, if they become
proficient. The sealed compounds will be China towns, and the Chinese will be
living better than the white people. We shall have 300,000 Chinese, as many as
the whole white population put together. Sir George, you will remember, has a
long list of callings or occupations, some 39 in number, in which he says it will be
penal to employ these unskilled Asiatics. The list begins with carpenters and ends
with the holders of explosive certificates. Sir George Farrar makes a great point
that the introduction of Asiatics should be accompanied by such prohibitions as3
1

31 For arguments pro and con, see Great Britain, Parliament, Further Qorrespondence relative to the
affairs of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 1904, vol. 61 (Cd. 1895).

PROBLEMS OF LABOR ADMINISTRATION.

139

these. It is simply absurd to suppose that we are going to have Asiatics in this
country and be able to prevent them from following any trade.22

Commenting on the opposition, E. George Payne says:
But this does not mean that the Chinese work for smaller wages than those demanded
b y the whites. The fact is that the Chinese are not cheap laborers; they demand
the current wages and refuse to work for less. It is due to this very fact that many
of the difficulties arose in the Transvaal mines. Thanks to the endurance, the
laborious patience, the thrift, and adaptability of the Chinese, they can displace
the whites at the same wages.23

Political
'*
' ''
11
a the Transvaal also
developed
election of 1906 the
repatriatioi
x
by the new party in
power and was immediately undertaken.242
5 The last group o f Chinese
miners left the Witwatersrand district in March, 1910.
PROBLEMS OF LABOR ADMINISTRATION-

Three main difficulties confronted the Transvaal government and
the failure to overcome them lent weight to opposition in England.
First, the government had failed to employ competent men to
control the Chinese laborers. Planning originally to recruit laborers
in Kwangtung, the Government, with the assistance of the mining
corporations, had provided a force conversant with the language and
customs of southern China. But the Russo-Japanese War had
opened up to northern Chinese opportunities for migration to Man
churia and to foreign countries. Consequently, the Chinese who
came to the Transvaal were, with the exception of 900 Cantonese
from Chefoo, Chinwangtao, and Weihaiwei, inhabitants of Chihli,
Shantung and Manchuria. Their racial idiosyncrasies, social usages,
and mode of living were materially different from those of the Can
tonese.35 These circumstances being unforeseen, the Transvaal gov
ernment had to pick up within a short time interpreters and inspectors
“ who could smatter but a few words of Chinese,” but on whom the
entire economic and social welfare of not less than 50,000 Chinese
depended. Much of the maltreatment of the laborers, and of the
injustice to them, was due to this lack of a medium of communication
between the workers and their governing agencies and to the obvious
lack of preparation of the latter.36
22 Worsfold, W . Basil: The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under Lord Milner. London, 1913,
Vol. I, p. 306.
28 Payne, E. George: A n Experiment in Alien Labor. Chicago, 1912, p. 33.
24 See Great Britain, Parliament, Further correspondence relating to labor in the Transvaal mines, 1905,
vol. 80, pp. 44, 45 (Cd. 2786); The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under the Lord Milner, b y W . Basil
Worsfold, London, 1913, Vol. II, pp. 363, 364; Transvaal Problems, b y Sir Lionel Phillips, Chapters V II,
V III; and letter b y Arthur James Balfour, in Mining Journal, London, vol. 78, 1905, pp. 581, 582.
25 For details, see Chapter II.
» The treatment received b y the Chinese in lawsuits is an example. “ If he (the Chinese laborer) be
a defendant he m ay be quite in the dark as to the nature of the offense of which he stands accused, and
if a complainant, he m ay be unable to make good his case against trained pleading on the other side, or
even to make it clear to counsel should he engage such to act for him . This is particularly noticeable in
suits against white men for assault. The probabilities are that the unsupported evidence of a coolie will
not be accepted against that of a white man. though, unfortunately, ‘ ‘ hard swearing” is not confined to
the former. (Great Britain, Parliament, Annual Report of the Foreign Labor Department, 1905-6,
Johannesburg, 1907, vol. 57, pp. 4, 5. (Cd. 3338.)
Occasionally the court convicted the innocent and acquitted the guilty. Thus, the cousin of a coolie
murdered b y other coolies under circumstances of aggravated brutality at a certain mine, was so incensed
at the acquittal of the persons whom most of their compatriots knew to be the actual murderers, that he
raised a subscription amongst his friends to purchase his discharge and enable him to institute a suit in
China. On his return he carefully watched the arrival of each immigrant ship from the Transvaal and
had tw o accessories to the murder arrested on debarkation. He was also clever enough to have the neces
sary witnesses subpoenaed as they came back and the result was that the tw o men concerned were even
tually sentenced to death ifl Tientsin. (Idem ., p . 5.)

41986°— 23------10

140

CHINESE IN THE TRANSVAAL, SOUTH AFRICA.

The mine compounds where the laborers lived were governed by
inspectors and policemen, and bribery and collusion between the in
spectors and the men is reported to have been frequent.
Ill treatment and extortion on the part of the Chinese police were frequent grounds
of complaint, and these sometimes posed as intermediaries and endeavored to stop
access to any higher authority. The individual, finding no legitimate outlet for his
grievances, real or fancied, harbored a feeling of sullen resentment and not infre
quently took the law into his own hands. Likewise, the rough handling that men
received at the hands of some white miners who did not maintain the honorable tra
ditions of their class was a constant source of friction between the whites and the
Chinese. The Chinese is an adept, and after having gauged the character of the
white inspector with whom he is brought in contact, he treats him accordingly.
Collusion and corruption were thus common.27

Second, the arbitrary enforcement of the restrictions imposed upon
the Chinese by the labor importation ordinance frequently resulted
in friction between the employers and the employees and in the
mistreatment of the latter. At The Rand, the Chinese were confined
to the compounds and could not leave unless a permit was secured
from the superintendent. During the period oi the contract they
were not permitted to engage in trade or commerce for their own
profit. They were further restricted to performing only unskilled la
bor, and no freedom of choice in the matter of employment was given
them. These conditions limited their personal liberty and lowered
their zest for work. Violations of one kind and another occurred.
With permits, they absented themselves from the compounds within
the 48-hour limit and sought economic opportunities to better them
selves or to cause annoyance to communities in the vicinity. Some
times they fled from their living quarters, and when arrested they
were fined or flogged. A general lack of enthusiasm for work pre
vailed, as they could save little from their wages and were not al
lowed to enter trades in the colony after the expiration of the contract.28
Third, the contract of service was in many respects nonenforceable. Not infrequently, the court fixed a fine for a certain offense
committed by a laborer. But rarely, if ever, was the fine paid by
him. For a serious crime he might be imprisoned or sent back to
China. But in either case it meant a loss of time and money to the
employer. In view of these facts, the laborers were really in a more
advantageous position than their employers regarding the enforcement
of their contract. Says E. George Payne:
Working under it, they [the laborers] soon saw that they could make their labor
unprofitable to the employers. They knew also that in case a new contract was drawn
they would be in a much better place to demand terms that would be more satis
factory to them than they had been in the first instance. The knowledge that the
Chinese had of their superior position with reference to their employers, and the
inability of the employers to find a scheme under the ordinance whereby they could
force the laborers to fulfill the contract lay at the very bottom of the failure of the
experiment with the Chinese labor in the Transvaal.29
SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF THE EXPERIMENT.

Inasmuch as the introduction of Chinese coolies to work in the
mines of The Rand was the “ cardinal act of Lord Milner’s recon
27 Transvaal. Foreign Labor Department. Annual report, 1904-05. Pretoria, 1906, p . 15
28 In contrast, the position of Chinese indentured laborers in the Malay Peninsula should be mentioned.
Their success there is mainly due to 3 conditions: (1) The possibility of acquiring personal and real
property; (2) the prospect of entering trade or commerce in the colony after the term of indenture; and
(3) chances for speculation. (Great Britain, Parliament, Further correspondence relative to the affairs
of the Transvaal and Orange P iver Colony, 1904, vol. 61, pp. 80-81. (Cd. 1895.) See also, Chapter III
of the Asiatic Dangers in the Colonies, b y L. E. Neame, New York, 1907.
22 Payne, E . George: A n experiment in Alien Labor. Chicago, 1912, p . 65.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF THE EXPERIMENT.

141

struction of the new colonies,” the economic benefits of this measure
should be briefly summarized.
At the end of March, 1904, the number of Chinese at work on the
Witwatersrand gold mines was nil; at the end of March, 1905, when
Lord Milner left South Africa, it was 34,335. At the former date
the number of British workmen employed in the same industry was
10,240; at the latter date it was 13,255; so the Chinese did not seem
to displace the British workers but rather to open up new positions in
the development of the industry. Again, at the former date, the
number of African natives employed was (April) 78,825; at the latter
date it was 105,184. The importation of Chinese, so far from dis
placing the native, produced a directly opposite effect. With the
appearance of the Chinese, the natives, seeing that they themselves
were no longer indispensable, began to offer their services to the white
men with increased readiness.
During April, 1904, gold was produced to the value of £1,305,431
($6,352,880, par), or at an annual rate of production of £15,500,000
($75,430,750, par); during the month of March, 1905, to the value of
£1,699,991 ($8,273,006, par), or at an annual rate of production of
£20,000,000 ($97,330,000, par).30
In March, 1904, it was very doubtful whether the Transvaal
government would not have to seek financial aid from the United
Kingdom to enable it to meet the expenditures of the current financial
year, which ended in June, 1904. On June 30, 1905, when the next
financial year ended, the treasurer announced a surplus of £347,000
($1,688,676, par).31
The effect of the increase in the supply of unskilled labor through
the importation of Chinese was to encourage Europeans to enter the
Transvaal and to engage in industries. Thus between April 13, 1904
(the date of the census), and the end of 1905 it was estimated that
the adult white males of The Rand alone increased from 43,000 to
56,000. The census of 1911 showed that the white population of
the colony had increased by 123,554 since the date of the 1904 census,
i. e., 41.56 per cent for the seven years.
On the other hand little benefit was received by the Chinese them
selves. The incompetency of the Chinese officials to whom was
intrusted the important duty of “ watching over interests and well
being” of the workers was admittedly deplorable. Most British
overseers did not speak the Chinese language and were in many cases
unable to appreciate the viewpoints of the laborers, to know their
needs, or to settle satisfactorily disputes between laborers them
selves and between laborers and their officers. Frequently, the
workmen appealed to their own consular representatives, but rarely
were they accorded sympathetic cooperation or protection.
The Chinese laborers, after several years’ hard work, had saved
little. They had had the benefit of neither social welfare work nor
education while in the Transvaal. Lacking proper recreation or even
ing classes at which to spend their spare time profitably, an appall
ingly large number of them succumbed to various kinds of vice, includ
ing gambling, and when at the expiration of the contract they were
sent back to China, their economic status was as wretched as before.
80 Worsfold, W . Basil: The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under Lord Milner, London, 1913, V ol. I,
pp. 366-368.
31 Great Britain. Parliament. Further correspondence relating to the affairs of the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony, 1905, vol. 55, p. 66. (Cd. 2563.)

Chapter IX.— CHINESE IN FRANCE.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY.

The experiment with Chinese labor in France during the European
War illustrates concretely the contract labor system with govern
mental supervision, but differs from that in the Transvaal in two
respects: In this case there was more successful governmental super
vision of labor, and the laborers in France have received compara
tively more material benefits, especially in wages, education, and
social welfare work.
Aside from these, it must be pointed out that this Chinese migration
was of greater magnitude and was to meet the emergencies in agri
culture and industries which had arisen from the World War. The
socio-economic status of the laborers was defined and restricted by
laws, contracts, and regulations which were promulgated by the
Governments,of France, Great Britain, and China.
LABOR RECRUITMENT.

The heavy drain on man power during the World War impelled
France and England to recruit alien laborers from several countries,
including China. Negotiations between China and the two belligerent
nations were completed early in 1916, and regulations to cover the
recruitment of labor were drawn up. The Hui Min syndicate, under
Chinese control and management, submitted a model contract
mainly for the use of the French Government.1
The Chinese Emigration Bureau, which was especially created, had
nine branches in the Provinces of Chihli, Kiangsu, and Kwangtung,
where most of the recruiting was done. The chief French recruiting
agencies were located at Tangku, Tsingtau, Shanghai, and Pukow,
although a few French corporations in Shameen, Kwangtung, and in
Shanghai also made contracts with China to recruit coolies. Great
Britain’s main recruiting center was atWeihaiwei, Shantung Province,
under the control of the British Labor Bureau. There were also
recruiters and equipping depots at other places.
The first steps in recruiting were intrusted to Chinese agents of a
certain branch office of the emigration bureau. Each agent went to
communities from which large numbers of emigrants had heretofore
been drawn to foreign countries. In addition to newspaper pub
licity and posters the agent distributed announcements in simple
Chinese at tea houses and public places, and posted them in front
of temples and at fair grounds. Often, also, he held personal inter
views with local men, who were prospective gang leaders. He
designated a tea house to meet recruits, where he or local leaders
explained conditions of employment. Those who reacted favorably
to them were sent to Weihaiwei in gangs under the direction of
gang leaders.
3See A ppendix to Chapter I X , A , pp. 207-210.

142

DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE LABOR CORPS IN FRANCE.

143

From this point the British procedure was as follow The recruits
were received at a “ godown” near the wharf of Wemaiwei, which
was one of the buildings erected for recruiting laborers for the Witwatersrand gold mines in the Transvaal but was never used for that
purpose. Here they were required to pass a medical examination as
rigid as that given to British soldiers. Those who passed the exami
nations successfully were men of sound constitution, strong body,
and general physical fitness. The recruit might be rejected for any
one of 21 maladies or physical defects, from phthisis, bronchitis, and
venereal disease to chronic inflammation of the eyes (trachoma),
malaria, or bad teeth. Each successful recruit was assigned a number
by which he was identified and by which he was paid in France
throughout the period of his engagement. The number was entered
with the owner’s name in Chinese and English upon an identification
tag which was placed upon the recruit’s wrist in the form of a light brass
bracelet, riveted together with a small studlike nail. This identifi
cation paper gave the recruit’s age, height, date of appointment,
home address, and that of his next kin, the party to whom he wished
his monthly allotment to be sent, and the address of the allottee;
also the recruit’s knowledge of English and of his former occupation
as shown by test, was recorded on this paper. A thumb print was
taken both on the identification paper and on the contract. By
means of the thumb print he was identified immediately on arriving
in France and also before going to work for his company. Asmaany
were illiterate, this identification method was found most useful, and
it was also used for preventing substitution.
According to the contract, the recruit was entitled to a family
allowance in addition to his daily wage. This allowance was re
mitted monthly through the Chinese post office in money orders
payable at the cashing office nearest to the allottee’s address. A
notice was posted a few days before the money fell due, and unless
the coolie m his thumb-printed letter changed the allotment to
some other person, none but the original allottee who had been iden
tified at the paying office by shop guaranties could draw the money.2
Several routes were used in sending the recruits to France. The
first 8,000 men were sent through the Cape of Good Hope, which
took about three months. The insufficiency of fresh vegetables on
the voyage caused much sickness among the laborers, and on account
of the protest of the Chinese labor commissioner in Paris, the use of
this route was abandoned. Before Germany declared unlimited sub
marine warfare, British steamers carried Chinese workers from Pukow
to the Mediterranean. Afterwards they changed the route, sailing
from Weihaiwei by way of the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean
to reach the British headquarters in northern France. Many French
convoys used the same routes but landed at Marseille.
DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE LABOR CORPS IN FRANCE.

Chinese workers in French employ were scattered along the coast
from Brest (75) to Marseille (78), inland from Rouen to Le Creusot,*
* Far Eastern Review, Shanghai, April, 1918, p. 125 et seq.

144

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

and along the battle front from Arras to Verdun. The highest num
ber reached was approximately 40,000.3
The 100,000 Chinese laborers with the British Expeditionary
Forces were divided between the base area, including all the seaports
on the Flanders coast from Havre (74) to Dunkirk, and the army
areas, including all the battle fields between Cambrai and Ypres.
The American Expeditionary Force borrowed about 10,000 Chinese
from the French in 1917 but returned most of them shortly after the
armistice. They were employed under terms similar to those speci
fied in the Hui Min contract which was signed between the Govern
ments of France and China. Most of the Chinese so borrowed were
stationed in the Service of Supply region, though a considerable num
ber were used at the embarkation points for loading and unloading
food and military supplies.
The number of workers per camp varied greatly. Thus, seven
British camps had more -than 3,000 men per camp, while many
camps had from 100 to 1,000. On the whole, French camps were
smaller in size than those of the British Government, but they were
scattered over wider areas. It was not uncommon to find groups of
25 or 50, though important French camps had about 2,000 at each
place. The principal American camps had about 1,500 each. The
remaining camps were considerably smaller in size.
The accompanying map (fig. 5) shows the distribution of Chinese
under the employ of the tnree Governments at the end of 1918, when
the maximum number of Chinese workers was about reached. Many
labor corps changed from place to place, and those after 1918 are
therefore not shown on the map. A general plan in numbering the
labor corps from west to east and from north to south of France is
adopted in this map.
A list of Chinese labor corps in the French and American employ
was submitted by the French Ministry of War to the Chinese Emigra
tion Bureau in November, 1918, and is shown in the table following.
The numerals in parentheses indicate the chronological order in whidi
the labor “ groupements ” were placed. For the sake of convenience
the labor “ groupements ” of all the three Governments have here been
rearranged and renumbered according to their geographical location
as shown on the map. The data shown as to the labor corps under
the British control were obtained mainly from the reports of the
American and British Y. M. C. A. They are, however, not nearly so
complete as those shown for the other two Governments.
Many labor “ groupements ” were stationed in small French ham
lets of about 200 inhabitants. In identifying the labor camps
Didot-Bottin’s Annuaire du Commerce for 1918, Etat-major de Tarmee
(revised maps, 1898) and P. Joanne’s Dictionnaire g6ographiqUe et
administratii de la France (1899) have been used.*
* In a memorandum from the French Ministry of W ar to the U . S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, dated
A pr. 26, 1922, the following particulars are given: Laborers from northern China, 31,409; laborers from
southern China, 4,024; special workers from Shanghai, 1,066; special workers from Hongkong, 442; total,
36,941.

DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE LABOR CORPS IN FRANCE.

F ig . 5.

41986°—23.

(Face page 144.)

DISTRIBUTION OF CHINESE LABOR CORPS IN FRANCE.
T a b l e 2 6 . — L IST

145

OF CHIN ESE L A B O R CO R PS IN F R A N C E , O C T O B E R 16, 1918.
IN F R E N C H EM PLO Y .

No.
P(21)
1(15)
2(71)
3(16)
4(59)
5(93)

Commune.

Group.

Arm.ee Am£ricaine a .................................................................

6(74}
7(17)
8(33)
9(51)
10(7)
11(46)
12(63)
13(60)
14(19)
15(18)
16(10)
17(42)
18(77)
19(43)
20(14)
21(47)
22(83)
23(28)
24(48)
25(72)
26(23)
27(35)
28(36)
29(75)
30 (1)
31(80)
32(82)
33(37)
34(81)
35(100)
36(99)

Acieries d e ___ ~.........................................................................
Service du Port Maritime d e ...
.................
Poudrerie Nationale..................
......................................
Compavnie des Chemins do For dn Nord a
Mines de Maries a .................
......................................
Acieries et Forges de Firmin, Usine des...............................
Compagnie des Chemins de Fer du Nord a ..........................
Service de PArm em ent...........................................................
....... d o ...........................................................................................

37(98)
38(20)
39(24)
40(73)

Artillerio d ’assent A . S. 201
.........
.........
Roci At.fi des Forges et Chan tiers de la Fournaise
__
_
............. .
Papeterie de la Seine
_
Exploitation du port fluvial...................................................

41(25)
42(52)
43(53)

Union des Gaz de Rueil, usine d e ........................................
Etablissements Louis Bl^riot
......................................
Etablissements Louis Clement...............................................

44(9)
45(69)
46(50)
47(58)
48(66)
49(67)
50(57)
51(4)
52(62)
53(64)
54(65)
55(61)
56(18)
57(39)
58(76)
59(101)
& 102)
60(6)
61(54)
62(22)
63(31)

Poudrerie nationale d u ............................................................
Intendance du C. R . P .............................................................
RoeietA dn Gaz de Paris, 42 qnai de Passy ......................
Centre de construction du G4nie ..........................................
2me Section de C. O. A ..............................................................
Entrepot d ’effets.......................................................................
Centre de construction du Genie ........................................
Manufacture d ’ Armes d e .........................................................
Station-magasin
...................................................................
Tntendance de la 5e Region .................... _..........................
Entrepot d ’diets
.................................................................
Station-magasin de .........
..........................................
EntrepOt de reserves genOrales de . . .
.........................
SociOte Commentry-Fonrchombault et D ecazeville.........
Houilleres de Decize a ..............................................................
Service de PArmement, Grand Quartier Genera l(8a
A rm ee)............................ .......................................................
Poudrerie nationale d e.............................................................
Qentre d ’ Aviation d e ................................................................
Etablissements Schneider et.Cie ........................................
d o .........................................................................................

64(56)
65(12)
66(26)
67(34)
68(55)
69(68)
70(5)
71(11)
72(29)
73(2)
74(3)

Centre de construction du GOnie............................................
Arsenal Militaire de ................................................................
SociOtO Chimique des Usines du R h on e...............................
Municipality de L yon ...............................................................
Centre de stockage de bois du Gfinie.....................................
Station-magasin........................................................................
Poudrerie nouvelle d e ..............................................................
Poudrerie ancienne Picard......................................................
Usines de St Gobain .
......................................
Atelier de Construction de Perrache.....................................
Atelier de Construction de La Mouche.................................

Society d ’ entreprises et de Constructions.............................
Compagnie de t*aris Orleans a ........................................ i ___
......................................
Poudrerie nationale de.....
Societe M6tallurgique du Perigord........................................
Arsenal maritime de.................................................................
Service du Port Maritime de..................................................
Societe Normande de Metallurgie..........................................
Etablissements Schneider et Cie.................

................

Department.

Paris....................
Brest................... Finistere.
Do.
....... d o ..................
Lorient............... Morbihan.
Do.
Coetquidan........
Montoir de Bre Loire-Inferieure.
tagne.
Do.
Nantes.................
Do.
Indre...................
La Rochelle........ Charente-Inferieure.
Floirac................. Gironde.
Do.
Bassens...............
Do.
B ordeaux...........
Do.
....... d o ..................
Do.
Captieux.............
Labouheyre........ Landes.
Perigueux.......... Dordogne.
Do.
Bergerac.............
Fum el................. Lot-et-Garonne.
Capdenac............ Aveyron.
Saint Malo......... Ille-et-Vilaine.
Cherbourg.......... Manche.
Do.
....... d o ..................
Do.
....... d o ..................
Caen.................... Calvados.
Le H avre............ Seine-Inferieure.
Do.
....... d o ..................
Do.
Harfleur.............
Do.
Grainville...........
Do.
Grand Couronne.
Do.
R ouen.................
Do.
Oissel..................
R ue...................... Somme.
Maries................. Pas-de-Calais.
Dunes................. Nord.
N arluis( Neuilly ?) Oise.
Cramoisy............ Oise.
Do.
St.- L e u -d ’ Esserent.
Do.
Saint-Denis........ Seine (—Paris.)
Do.
Nanterre.............
C o n f l a n s - fin- Seine-et-Oise.
d ’ Oise.
Nanterre............. Seine (= P aris.)
Do.
Suresnes.............
Do.
Boulogne - sur Seine.
B ouchet.............. Seine-et-Oise.
Aubervilliers___ Seine (= P aris.)
Paris....................
Alengon............... Ome.
Le Mans............. Sarthe.
Do.
....... d o ..................
T ours.................. Indre-et-Loire.
Vienne.
Chatellerault___
Les Aubrais....... Loiret.
Do.
Orleans...............
Do.
___ d o ..................
Loir-et-Cher.
Saldris................
Bourges............... Cher.
Im ph y................ Nievre.
Do.
La Machine.......
(R am pont........... ^Meuse.
(Zone des Armees
Vonges................ Cdte-d’ Or.
Do.
L ongw ic.............
Le Creusot......... Sa6ne-et-Loire
D o.
C h & lo n -s u r Sa6ne.
Salins................... Jura.
R oanne............... Loire.
Saint F ons......... Rh6ne.
L v o n ...................
Do.
A m bron ay......... Ain.
Do.
....... d o ..................
Saint F ons......... Rhdne.
Do.
....... d o ..................
D o.
........d o ..................
Do.
L yon
...................
j

Do.

146

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

T able 26.—L IS T O F C H IN E S E L A B O R CO R PS IN F R A N C E , O C T O B E R 16, 1918—Con.
IN F R E N C H E M P L O Y —Concluded.
No.

Group.

75(38)
76(27)

Soci6t6 des Moteurs " L a Chal6assi6re” ................................
Soci&d Chimique des Usines du R hone...............................

Department.

Commune.

77(30)

Soci£t6 des grands travaux de Marseille...............................

78(45)
79(41)
80(44)
81(49)
82(8)

Soci6t6 Horme et Buire............................................................
Papeterie Bergfes........................................................- ..............
Etablissements Keller et Leleux............................................
Soci6t6 des grands travaux de Marseille..............................
Poudrerie rationale de.............................................................

83(103)

D6p6t de Marseille....................................................................

84(40)
85(32)
86(13)
87(70)

Soci6t£ d ’ Energie Electrique du Littoral...........................
Soci6t6 des Forges et Chantiers de la Mediterran6e............
Arsenal maritime de.................................................................
Compagnie du P. L . M ............................................................

Saint-Etienne...
Peage-du-Roussillon.
Beaumant-Monteux.
Le Pouzat...........
Lancey................
L ivet...................
Manosque...........
P ort-St.-Louisdu-R h6ne.
L e-P rado-M arseille.
St. Geniez...........
La Seyne............
Toulon................
Camoules............

Loire.
Isere.
Drdme.
Ardfeche.
Is&re.
Do.
Basses-Aljpes.
Bouches-du-Rh6ne.
D o.
D o.
Var.
D o.
Do.

IN A M E R IC A N E M PLO Y .
1;
2(93) Armee Americaine &.................................................................
3(86)
4(84)

........d o .........................................................................................
Service du G6nie Am6ricain k ...............................................

5
6(97)
7(66
& 67)
8 (90)

Service du Genie Americain, Camp d u ...............................
2rae Section d eC . O. A ..............................................................
Entrepot d'effets.......................................................................
ArmOe Americaine £t...............................................................

9 (92)
10(89)
U(87)
12

Aviation AmOricaine k ............................................................
Service du GOnie Americain &...............................................
Arm4ft Americaine, Camp d e.................................................

13(88)
14(91)
15(79)
16
17(85)
18(94)
19(96)
20(95)
21(101

Aviation Americaine, Camp d e .............................................
Service du G<5nie Americain &...............................................
Compagnie de Paris Orleans &...............................................

& 102)
22(32)

Grand Quartier General (8e Arm ee)......................................
Societe des Forges et Chantiers de la Mediterranee............

Aviation Americaine k ............................................................
Armee Americaine it.................................................................
Service du Genie A m ericain............................................. .
Armee Americaine a .................................................................
Service de P Armament,............................................................

St. Nazaire......... Loire-Inferieure.
Do.
Montoir de Bre
tagne.
D o.
Nantes................
Aigrefeuille......... C h a re n te -In fd rieure.
La Rochelle 1___
Do.
Beau Desert....... Gironde.
Le Mans1........... Sarthe.
....... do.1................
Do.
N o t r e - D a m e - Indre-et-Loire.
d ’ Oe.
Do.
Tours...................
Gievres................ Loir-et-Cher.
Do.
Pruniers.............
M o n to ire -s u rDo.
Loir.
Issoudun............. Indre.
Mehun................ Cher.
Bourges...............
Do.
A vion.................. Pas-de-Calais.
Aulnat................. Puy-de-D6me.
Beaune................ C6te-d’ Or.
Latrecey............. Haute-Marne.
Liffol-le-Grand. . Vosges.
Do.
B a z o ille s -s u rMeuse.2
........do.2...............
Do.
La S eyne1.......... Var.

a A short distance from a French camp.

1 In same locality as a French camp.

IN B R IT IS H E M PLO Y .
N o. Commune.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7

Department.

Le H a vre.. S e in e -I n fe r ieure.
Do.
D ie p p e .. . .
Abancourt. Oise.
Do.
Verderonne
A bb ev ille.. Somme.
Do.
N oyelles...
Do.
Nesle..........

No.
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15

Department.

No.

H a m .......... Somme.
E rin........... Pas-de-Calais.
Etaples___
Do.
Dannes___
Do.
Do.
H ardelot...
Do.
B oulogn e..
W imereux.
Do.
Calais.........
Do.

16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Commune.

Department.

A ud ruicq.. Pas-de-Calais.
Toumehem
Do.
Do.
Seninghem
Do.
St. O m e r..
Do.
H oudain...
Dunkerque N ord.
Do.
Bourbourg.
Do.
Borre.........

ORGANIZATION OF CHINESE LABOR COMPANIES.

The Chinese laborers in the employ of the British Government
during the war were organized into labor companies under strict
military discipline. In fact, the British-employed Chinese were sub
ject to military law under section 176(9) of the army act. The

WORK DONE BY CHINESE.

147

organization of the Chinese labor companies under the British Expe
ditionary Forces was as follows: The company was under the control
of a major or captain. It consisted 01 a headquarters and four
platoons, each under a subaltern. Each platoon had two sections,
each under a sergeant. There were 476 Chinese in a company,
including 1 head ganger, 31 gangers, 5 batmen, one or more interpre
ters, and 438 coolies.
Chinese laborers under the French control, though also organized
into military companies, were not subject to strict military discipline.
The workers went to the factories like ordinary workers in peace time,
there being no marching in military formation. After working hours
there was no restriction whatever. On holidays they went about as
they pleased. The only restriction was that they could not travel
on railways to other cities without a military permit.
This difference in discipline was commented on by T. F. Tsiang,
Y. M. C. A. secretary for Le Creusot, 1918-19, as follows:
From my observation the Chinese laborers with the French were more contented
than those with the British. Besides discipline, the difference in the attitude of the
officers toward the laborers was also an important factor. The French officers were
much less race-conscious. They were more democratic in their manners and took a
more paternalistic interest in the laborers. The British stood on dignity as officers,
and perhaps as white men, most of the tim e.4
WORK DONE BY CHINESE.

When France and China signed the Hui Min contract for recruiting
Chinese laborers, China was a neutral power and therefore specified
in the first article of the contract that no Chinese laborer was to be
employed in any kind of military operations. As soon as China
declared war on Germany, on August 14, 1917, there was no insistence
by either contracting party on the strict observance of this condition.
In the Soissons region and after the armistice, in the devastated
quarters in general, Chinese workers in the French employ were
mostly engaged in exhuming and reburying the dead of the war.
Under the original contract Chinese laborers under British control
were placed at work on roads, railways, mines, factories, fields,
forests, ordnance and tank workshops, ammunition dumps, forage
stores, and at docks. When China declared war on Germany, Great
Britain, as well as France, was under no obligation to limit the use
of Chinese workers to industries and agriculture, and transferred a
large number of them to the army areas in Arras and Cambrai to
work for the British army.
The chief occupations of the Chinese under the American Expedi
tionary Forces were the loading and unloading of food materials,
the repairing of roads, and working at factories.
The work at which the Chinese in French and American employ
were engaged is shown in the classification following. The numbers
following the class of work indicate the labor group so engaged and
correspond with those in the map facing page 144. The groups under
American direction are indicated by asterisks.
Manufacture of airplanes: 42, 43.
Manufacture of arms, guns, and gun materials: 8, 26, 35, 36, 51, 59, 62, 63.
Chemical laboratories: 66, 72, 76.
Coal mines and gas works: A, 32, 41, 46, 58.
4 Letter to the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Oct. 16, 1922.

148

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

Building and construction: 14, 77, 81.
Engineering corps, huts, and lumber depots: 4, 5, 47, 50, 64, 68, 2*, 3*, 4* 6*, 7*,
8*, 10*, 11*, 14*, 19*, 20*.
Food, clothing, and military supply stations: 12, 45, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 69.
Forges and foundries: 33, 38.
Iron and steel works: 17, 23, 28, 57, 78, 80.
Docks: 2, 6, 22, 25, 29, 40.
Navy yards and arsenals: 1, 3, 7, 20, 65, 86.
Manufacture of paper: 29, 39.
Manufacture of powder: 10, 16, 30, 44, 60, 70, 71, 82.
Railways: 15,18, 31, 34, 87, 15*.

As shown in the above list, the Chinese were employed in various
industries. Among them were a considerable number of carpenters
who had been recruited from Shanghai and were used in constructing
army barracks, huts, and other buildings for military use. The type
of construction work they did at Labouheyre, Landes, is shown in
Figure 6.
WAGES AND CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT.
UNDER THE FRENCH.

The French employed the Chinese according to the terms of the
Hui Min contract, article 3 of which specified that the daily wage of
a common laborer should be 5 francs (96.5 cents, par), out of which
he had to pay 1.75 francs (33.8 cents, par) for board, 0.25 franc (4.8
cents, par) for lodging, 0.25 franc for clothing, and 0.25 franc for
expenses in case of sickness. His net pay per day was thus reduced
to 2.50 francs (48.3 cents, par). Wages for Sundays and holidays
were paid as follows: Common laborers, whole day, 7.70 francs
($1.49, par), half day, 3.85 francs (74.3 cents, par); munition work
ers, whole day, 8 francs ($1.54, par), half day, 4 francs (77.2 cents,
par); and skilled workers, whole day, 8.2 francs ($1.58, par), half
day, 4.1 francs (79.1 cents, par). In addition to the wages, inter
preters, and labor captains received a bonus of 1 franc (19.3 cents,
par), head laborers of 0.5 franc (9.7 cents, par), and No. 1 laborers
of 0.25 franc (4.8 cents, par) per day. Workers in hazardous occu
pations were entitled to the same bonuses as were paid to French
workers similarly engaged. Thus workers engaged in the manufac
ture of munitions received a bonus of 50 centimes (9.7 cents, par)
per day, those exposed to danger from acid, 15 centimes (2.9 cents,
par) an hour, and those exposed to dust hazard, 12 centimes (2.3
cents, par) an hour.5
Other conditions of employment included a free passage to and
from the port of embarkation in China to the worker’s destination
in France, Algeria, or Morocco; a periodical supply of clothing by
the employer; free meals, lodging, and medical care; compensation
in case of death during the employment; and a guaranty of all lib
erties, including religious liberty; an equality of pay and bonus with
French workers in the same occupations; and a promise on the part
of the employer not to maltreat the Chinese and to see that they were
not annoyed by French citizens in the neighborhood of Chinese labor
camps.®
* Shortly after the arrival of the Chinese in France, increases of wages were granted b y m any French
companies. Thus, on July 1,1918, upon the demand of the Chinese labor commissioner in Paris, a powder
works near L yon increased the wages of its Chinese employees as follows: Common laborer, 3.70 francs
(71.4 cents, par); m unition manufacturers, 4 francs (77.2 cents, par); and skilled workers, 4.2 francs (81.1
cents, par).
• For details see A ppendix to Chapter IX , A, pp. 207-210.

FIG . 6.— T Y P E

CONSTRUCTION

WORK

DONE

THE

CHINESE

FRANCE.

WAGES AND CONDITIONS OE EMPLOYMENT.

149

The wages of skilled workers varied with their specialty. For
instance, the machinists of Shanghai who were recruited from the
Kiangnan dockyards and the Shanghai-Nanking railway had a
separate contract with French employers specifying that the contract
should run two years and be renewable at the request of the employer
and consent of the laborer; that the daily wage of a head machinist
should be 8.25 francs ($1.59, par), and that of a machinist, 5.50 francs
($1.06, par), out of which the worker was to pay 1 franc (19.3 cents,
par) a day for traveling and a certain sum for board and lodging;
and that the minimum food allowance per day should include:7 Seven
hundred grams of rice, 200 grams of meat or fresh fish, 100 grams of
salt fish, 230 grams of fresh vegetables, 60 grams of dried beans, 15
grams of tea, 15 grams of lard, and 15 grams of salt.
UNDER THE BRITISH.8

Chinese laborers in the British employ worked under different
terms, as the following table will show:
T able 27.—D A IL Y

W A G E S A N D M O N T H L Y A L L O W A N C E S OF CHINESE
IN B R IT IS H E M P L O Y IN FR AN C E.

Position.

Unskilled:
Coolies (laborers)...................................................................................................
Undergangers (in charge of section of 14 m en)................................................
Gangers (in charge of 4 sections of 14 men each)............................................
English-speaking foremen (in charge of four gangers)..................................
Skilled:
Blacksmiths...........................................................................................................
Fitters' mates........................................................................................................
Marine engineers...................................................................................................
Motor-boat drivers................................................................................................
Ship carpenters.....................................................................................................
Skilled fitters.........................................................................................................
Skilled smiths........................................................................................................
Interpreters and hospital attendants:3
Interpreters, Class I .................. / .........................................................................
Interpreters, Class I I .................1.........................................................................
Field interpreters (gangers)................................................................................
Hospital attendants, Class I ...............................................................................
Hospital attendants, Class I I .............................................................................
Hospital attendants, Class II I ............................................................................

Daily wage
(in francs).1

LABORERS

Monthly
allowance.8

1.00
1.25
1.50
2.00

$10.00
10.00
15.00
20.00

1.50
1.50
2.00
2.00
1.50
2.50
2.00

13.00
13.00
20.00
20.00
13.00
30.00
20.00

5.00
2.50
1.50
3.00
2.00
1.25

60.00
30.00
15.00
30.00
20.00
12.00

» Paid in France. One franc at par equals 19.3 cents.
* Mexican dollars, paid in China. One Mexican dollar at par equals 54.04 cents, United States money.
8Great Britain. [War Office.] Directorate of Labor. Appendix to notes for officers of labor companies—
Chinese labor. General Headquarters, October, 1917.

In addition the British contract specified that the worker was
entitled to a free passage to and from the port of embarkation to
his destination; that he should receive free food, lodging, fuel, light,
and medical care; that he must serve a term of three years, the Brit
ish Government having the option of terminating the contract any
time after the end of the first year by giving a clear notice six months
in advance; that during sickness he should receive no pay except
food and lodging and his monthly allowance to his family in China,
which was to continue up to six weeks’ sickness, the payment to
stop after that time; and that compensation was to be paid for death
or injury arising out of the employment.9
7 See Appendix to Chapter I X , A , article 6, p. 208.
8 Far Eastern Review, April, 1918, p. 125 et seq. “ W ork of Chinese labor corps in France.’
8For details see A ppendix to Chapter I X , B, p. 210.

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

150

STRIKES AND INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

On the whole the Chinese workers caused little trouble to the
military authorities of the Allies, though during their service of
several years a few strikes and cases of industrial disturbance occurred
which were due to the nonenforcement of provisions of contract,
rough treatment, rigid military control, or severe punishment for
small offenses.
About 2,000 Chinese who had been working at airplane factories
for more than two years were suddenly transferred to an iron and
steel works. After this transfer, many received lower wages and
poorer food and lodging. A strike was declared, and since no satis
factory settlement could be reached by the employers and employees,
the case was referred to the Marseille headquarters for arbitration.101
German airplanes frequently threw bombs near the living quarters
of Chinese workers at Dunkirk. On September 2, 1917, air raids
were specially menacing. As their lives were in jeopardy, the Chinese
workers went on strike the following day. French armed guards
entered their “ groupements” and drove them to work. The Chinese
resisted, using the bricks and tools that were at hand, and in the
struggle that ensued, two Chinese were killed, and several on both
sides were wounded. The case was settled by the two Governments
concerned.11
During April, 1920, when the French gas workers in Paris struck
for higher wages, the French metropolis suffered a shortage of gas.
The French Government ordered Chinese workers in neighboring
towns to take the positions vacated by the strikers. To avoid acci
dents, the French Government placed armed guards at the entrances
of the factories where the Chinese were used to break the strike.
The working hours were increased from 10 to 12. This situation
lasted for 10 days, when the strike was finally settled.12
The action of the Chinese workers in this case was repaid in kind by
the French workers a little later. Chinese workers had been employed
at Caen for three years, but they were forced out of employment in
July, 1921, ostensibly because of the extensive unemployment in the
community. French workers out of employment persuaded their
French fellow workers in the same establishment to strike, demanding
the dismissal of alien laborers, including the Chinese.13
The strikes and disturbances among the Chinese workers in French
factories between November, 1916, and July, 1918, are shown in the
table below:14
10 China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Report N o. 7, September,
1919, pp. 27, 28.
11 Correspondence from Chinese labor commissioner to the French Bureau of Colonial Labor, Sept. 12,
1917.
» International Committee of the Y . M. C. A . of North America. Report for Paris, b y P . C. Fugh,
May, 1920.
13 Idem. Report b y M. H . Wheeler, August, 1921.
m China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Report N o. 5, April, 1919, pp.
23-25, and Report No. 3, December, 1918, pp. 29-31. (From notes of inspection trips of the Chinese labor
commissioner in Paris.)

COMPENSATION FOE ACCIDENTS.

151

T able 2 8 .— S T R IK E S A N D IN D U S T R IA L D ISTU R B A N C E S AM ONG CH INESE L A B O R E R S
IN FR A N C E , 1916 TO 1918.

Company and location.

Nature of disturbance.

1916.
N ov. 8

Poudrerie nationale d ’ Oissel..................................

N ov. —

Arsenal militaire de Roanne..................................

W hole Chinese labor
corps in riot.
Strike............................. .

N ov. 13

Poudrerie nationale de Bergerac............................

Date.

Fighting among labor
ers.

Outcome.

Arbitration.
Dissolution of Chi
nese labor corps.
Reduction of la
borers.

1917.
Jan. —

Poudrerie nationale de St. Fons............................ Violation of com pany’s Arbitration.
regulation.
Tan. —
Strike.................................
Do.
........d
o ................................
Do.
Poudrerie nouvelle de St. F ons.............................
July July 12 ....... d o ........................................................................... Conspiracy against com Dissolution of la
pany.
bor corps.
Arbitration.
Aug. — Service du G&iie Am6ricain k Aigrefeuille......... Strike.............................
Do.
Sept. 9 Aci6ries, D unkirk..................................................... ....... d o ................................
D o.
Sept. 9 Soci^te des Forges de Firm iny, Dunkirk............ ....... d o ................................
Do.
Sept. — Acifiries de Grand Couronne.................................. Violation of com pany’s
regulation.
N ov. 17 ___ d o ............................................................................. Strike................................
Do.
N ov. 19 Society des Chantiers et Ateliers, Toulon............. ....... d o ................................
Do.
Dec. 16 Centre d e v ia t io n de Clermont.............................. Agitation and dissatis Conciliation.
faction.
Dec. 28 Centre de Construction du Genie, Alengon......... Strike................................. Arbitration.
1918.
Jan. 22 Service du port maritime de R ouen..................... Fighting among labor Dissolution of la
bor corps. ers.
Feb. 19 Service du transit maritime militaire de B rest... Conspiracy against com- Arbitration.
Feb. 28
Mar. 6
Mar. 28
Apr. 28
May —
May 18
July

July 24

Centre de Construction du G€nie, Salins............. Violation of com pany’s
regulations.
Station-magasin, A m bronay.................................. R io t ...................................
Intendance de la 18e Region, Bordeaux............. Strike.................................
Soci6t6 des Grands Travaux de Marseille, Beau- R io t...................................
mont-Monteux.
Station-magasin de Salbris..................................... Strike......................... .. ...
Soci6t6 des Forges et Chantiers de la Mediter- .. . . '. d o ................................
rain6e, Gravilie.
Soci6t6 des Forges et Chantiers de la “ Mediterran6e Foum aise” St.-Denis.
Entrepdt de reserves gengrales Leym ent............. R io t...................................

Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
D o.
Do.
D o.
Do.

COMPENSATION FOR ACCIDENTS.

In case a laborer in the French employ was killed in an accident
his family was entitled to compensation at the following rates: If the
death occurred within six months from the signing of the contract,
the compensation was 135 francs ($26.06, par), and if after a period
of six months and before the expiration of the contract the compensa
tion was 270 francs ($52.11, par). The same rates applied to cases
where death was due not to accident but to natural causes during
the period of contract. If the death was caused by an accident when
the worker was on his way home, his family was entitled to a comensation of 270 francs ($52.11, par). In case the death was caused
y a maritime war risk when the laborer was going to France, the
compensation was 135 francs ($26.06, par). But if the worker died
of natural causes after the expiration of the contract there was no
compensation. The Hui Min contract contained no provision con
cerning compensation for injuries arising out of the employment.
With the British Government different rates of compensation pre
vailed. For death or permanent total disability a sum of $150 was
paid; for partial disability a sum of $75.
Among Chinese laborers in the British employ in the region of
Isbergues and Noyon, 65 were killed between May and September,

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

152

1918, by bombs thrown from German airplanes.15 Between August
4, 1918, and April 30, 1919, 95 suffered death from the same cause
while working for the British army around Dunkirk and Calais.16
Between April and August, 1919, 47 wrrkers died en route to China,
when the ships on which they had taken passage were sunk by Ger
man submarines. Between September 17, 1916, and May 1, 1918,
543 Chinese laborers and 209 Chinese sailors met accidental deaths
on the high seas between France and China.17 While on their way
home between June 16, 1919, and February 13, 1920, 47 persons died
of disease.18
About 3,000 Chinese laborers in the British employ who were killed
by German bombs while working in the vicinity of Calais were buried
in a special cemetery, side by side with the British dead, by orders
of the British Government.
t
The French Government buried the deceased Chinese workers at
various places among the French dead soldiers, according to local
customs, as provided in article 12 of the Hui Min contract.
INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS.

The presence of these large numbers of Chinese laborers in France
led to the formation of various organizations to carry on their con
certed activities. Some of these were started by the laborers them
selves, while others were initiated by their well-wishers, primarily for
their social and economic needs.
Among these organizations was the employment bureau which gave
free information about opportunities for work, working conditions in
French factories, wages, and hours of work. It provided housing
accommodations for new arrivals from China and recommended them
for em
ment.
The
ico-Chinese Trading Co. was the outgrowth of a consumers’
cooperative store started by the workers themselves in order to pro
vide themselves with sauce, vegetables, oils, sesamum, etc., which are
important items of Chinese diet and which they had hitherto been
forced to buy at high prices from Chinese retailers in France. The
company became one of the large importing and exporting houses of
the Freneh-Chinese trade.
The Chinese Laborers’ Society was an organization formed by the
amalgamation of the Labor Union, the Workers’ Society, and certain
savings clubs. Its program embodied social reforms, elementary and
vocational education for the proletariat, and social intercourse with
industrial organizations of other nations.19 In a general way many
labor organizations in China to-day adopt this program as a basis of
their own activities.
The principal social institution among the Chinese laborers in
France was the Chinese Federation, a superorganization having juris
diction over half a dozen Chinese societies formed during the war.
Its general functions were those of liaison between the French Gov
ernment and the Chinese laborers in industrial and social relation
ships, the promotion of Freneh-Chinese friendship, the provision of
15 China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Report No. 6, July, 1919,
pp. 23-30.
18 Idem. Report No. 4, January, 1919, p p. 1-10.
17 Idem . Report No. 2, December, 1918, p p . 1-4.
18 Idem . Miscellaneous report, November, 1920, section on research, pp . 43-48.
A ppendix to Chapter I X , C, p p. 210,211.

MSee

WELFARE WORK AMONG CHINESE LABORERS IN FRANCE.

153

employment, and the filling of the various needs of Chinese students
in France, especially those who went there during the World War.
When a Chinese student arrived in Paris he was accommodated by
the federation, which charged him a little more than 3 francs (58
cents, par) a day for board and lodging. The federation had an
arrangement by which he might be sent to a school at relatively
cheaper rates than were usually charged. In the quarters of the
federation cultural organizations and overseas commercial and in
dustrial clubs frequently met for discussion.
The federation maintained the Chung Hua Publishing House,
which printed all the Chinese documents for the Chinese delegation
at the Paris conference. A Chinese weekly devoted to the socio
economic welfare of the Chinese laborers also received financial help
from the federation.
Among the organizations initiated by the laborers themselves were
the company to cultivate waste land in China, formed in September,
1920, by a number of Chinese laborers at Souilly, who contributed
1,000 francs ($193, par) each; and the Poo Yar Co. (for manufac
turing noodles), capitalized at 30,000 francs ($5,790, par) and organ
ized in October, 1921, by 50 workers at Marseille, most of whom
were students of the Y. M. C. A. evening schools of that city. In
addition there was a considerable number of savings clubs, reading
circles, self-government clubs, and antigambling clubs which were
usually organized by small groups of laborers. These clubs were
very informal, had few regulations, to d met irregularly.
WELFARE WORK AMONG CHINESE LABORERS IN FRANCE.

Never before in the history of Chinese labor abroad had the social
welfare of the workers been so well looked after as was done in France.
This work was done chiefly under the direction of the Y. M. C. A.,
many of whose workers among the Chinese were themselves Chinese,
mainly graduates from American universities, who were especially
valuable because of their knowledge of the language and customs of
the laborers. Much of the money to carry on the work was raised in
China itself.20
The work done by the Y. M. C. A. among the Chinese was along
social, recreational, and educational lines. Canteens were estab
lished at many of the more important camps. Recreation in the form
of moving pictures, concerts, theatricals, games, athletics, etc., was
provided. Many of the Y. M. C. A. workers showed a personal interest
m the men, visiting them when they were sick, advising them in
trouble, writing letters for them, etc. A Chinese weekly was issued;
this was later made a biweekly publication and was finally dis
continued in 1921.
Evening classes were formed in a variety of subjects, including
writing by the phonetic system, arithmetic, hygiene, history, geog
raphy, advanced Chinese, letter writing, elementary French, and
singing. Pupils successfully completing the Y. M. C. A. educational
course were awarded diplomas.
so China’s subscription to the United War W ork Campaign amounted to $1,416,000, 59 per cent of which
was spent on Y . M. C. A . work among the Chinese laborers in France and was sufficient to cover all the
expenses up to the end of 1920.

154

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

When the Chinese first arrived in France, only about 20 per cent
were literate, but toward the end of 1921, when the educational work
had been going on for over two years, this figure had risen to about
38 per cent.
SAVINGS.

Efforts were made to counteract the Chinese bent for gambling, not
only by providing profitable employment for the laborers’ spare time,
but by encouraging the formation of savings clubs. Those who
saved the most had their names posted on a bulletin board.
In a telegram to the President of the Chinese Kepublic, dated May
26, 1919, Dr. Sao-ke Alfred Sze, Chinese Minister to London, stated
that 51,000,000 francs ($9,843,000, par) had been deposited in French
banks by Chinese laborers. This sum might be taken to represent
savings of 130,000 workers in 19 months, or an average saving of
20.65 francs ($3.99, par) per person per month. Out of this total,
probably over 35,000,000 francs ($6,755,000, par) came from the
savings of the British-employed Chinese, as they were said to have
an average saying of about 25 francs ($4.83, par) per month. This
could be explained by two facts, namely, that they were stationed in
northwestern France where the cost of living was relatively lower and
that the system of monthly allowance to be sent to China, which was
instituted by the British, greatly stimulated their desire to save.
If beginning with June, 1919, when there were still about 30,000
Chinese in France, the rate of repatriation was taken to be about
1,000 men per month and the average monthly saving 15 francs
($2.90, par) per person, the additional savings up to the end of
October, 1921, when there were only about 6,000 men in France,
would have amounted to about 8,000,000 francs ($1,544,000, par).
FRENCH-CHINESE MARRIAGES.

As a number of Chinese laborers married French girls during their stay
in France, the question received considerable attention from French
and Chinese authorities. On January 1, 1919, the Chinese Emigra
tion Bureau promulgated a marriage law stipulating that each in
tended marriage must first be permitted by the laborer’s family.
Such permission must be submitted by his family to the Chinese
Ministry of the Interior, thence communicated to the Chinese lega
tion, or the nearest consulate where the laborer was employed. The
Chinese legation or consulate would then issue a marriage license.
The aim of this law was to prevent cases of bigamy, as many laborers
were married before they went to France.
Shortly afterwards the French Ministry of the Interior prohibited
marriages between French girls and Chinese workers. The French
press gave wide publicity to the subject. Dr. V. K. Wellington Koo
was inclined to agree with the French Ministry, while Prof. S. T. Li
and Mr. Li Tchun, Chinese labor commissioner in France, contended
that marriage was on the basis of personal relationship and should
therefore be free from legislative interference of any description.
However, they all indorsed the view of the Chinese Ministry of the
Interior that bigamy should be prevented.

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

155

PROBLEMS OF LABOR CONTROL.

As the Chinese were induced to go to France by the invitation of
the French Government, administrative policies of the French Gov
ernment were inclined to be lenient. A circular from the French
Ministry of War to all army officers, dated June 9, 1917, states:
Offenses of the Chinese laborers at French munition factories should be punished
by the same laws to which French soldiers are subject. But as Chinese laborers are
undoubtedly ignorant of French laws, allowance should be made whenever proper.
Thus, refusal to obey orders may be regarded by the Chinese as a small offense, but
every French citizen knows that this is a grave and serious matter. If a Chinese
laborer commits an offense, it should be inquired whether or not he knows the law
before he is convicted. Although leniency is desirable, it is not wise to show dis
crimination in their favor, so as to invite criticism of the Government by French
laborers. Also, we should so act as not to give a good cause to German propagandists
in China who are working to obstruct our recruiting of Chinese laborers there. It is
also your duty to inform the French public that the Chinese have come not through
coercion, but by their own free will, and that they have come to help us in industry.21

But problems arising from a multitude of causes complicated the
Chinese labor situation in France during the war.
In the first place, the violation of contractual provisions presented
difficulties to the labor administrators. The length of employment,
as specified in the British contract, was three years; but the British
Government, as before noted, reserved the right to terminate it any
time after the first year if a notice to this effect was given six months
in advance. In some cases laborers were sent back before the expi
ration of their contract without giving them notice, as required.
The workers were then compensated by pay for six months.
In addition to its contract with the Hui Min syndicate, the French
Government also had agreements with a French company at Shameen,
Kwangtung, which carried a provision that the employer or laborer
might terminate the contract at any time, and the recruiting agent
had the right to recover the repatriation fee for the laborer from his
employer if the contract was repudiated before its expiration.
In some contracts made between the French and Chinese labor
contractors a provision was made that if the employer could not
continue to employ the laborer and the laborer found himself thus
out of employment without fault of his own, he was entitled to .1
franc (19.3 cents, par) a day in addition to his board and lodging.
Under the two conditions last mentioned, certain difficulties arose.
At one time in 1919, more than 3,000 workers were sent*
*to Marseille
before the expiration of their contract, through no fault of the
laborers. Many of them were contracted for by private companies,
but very few succeeded in getting the repatriation fee to which their
contract entitled them, and they failed to receive the 1 franc bonus
per day while they were waiting for passage at Marseille.
The Hui Min contract required that the Chinese workers be given
new clothes at the end of September each year. The failure of many
employers to comply with this provision promptly, and dissatisfac
tion with the clothing furnished, caused many complaints.22
In some French factories Chinese skilled laborers were given no
opportunity to make use of their special skill, and in consequence
» China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Report No. 1, N ov. 1918,
p. 10.
*2 Correspondence from Chinese labor commissioner to the French Bureau of Colonial Labor, Nov. 6,1917.

41986°— 23------11

156

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

were paid the wages of common laborers. This gave rise to general
discontent.
In the second place, administrative problems constituted a source
of friction between the employers and the employees. On March 1,
1919, Chinese laborers at Arras complained to the Chinese labor com
missioner at Paris that they had been paid only up to the latter
half of January, that because their employers did not provide them
adequate living quarters they were forced to go to tne forests to
gather wood with which to make beds, and for so doing they had
been sued by French citizens, and that because of the lack of foremen
for supervision, they could not work efficiently and were occa
sionally hurt by the explosion of bombs uncovered in the work of
cleaning away the debris of war.23
In some instances, conditions were beyond the employers7 control.
Thus, munition factories in the Arras region had to be closed down
occasionally when threatened by German bombers. When Chinese
workers were thus out of employment they were paid 1 franc (19.3
cents, par) a day in addition to their board and lodging. During
rainy seasons many Chinese laborers at Arras had to stay at their
living quarters for lack of raincoats. As raincoats are considered
a part of the laborers7 equipment,24 they demanded that the em
ployers provide them with these, so that they could work in the
rain. This was granted in some cases.
AVhen the supply of beef in France was running short, French
factories at Dunkirk used horse meat as a substitute to feed their
Chinese employees, a procedure which led to considerable discontent
among the rank and file. The matter was promptly brought to the
attention of the French Government and the practice was discon
tinued.25
The inability to communicate ideas by means of a common lan
guage was a cause of misunderstanding. Attempting to hurry
the workers, an American Army officer spoke thus: “ Come on, let7s
g o ,77 emphasizing the word “ g o.77 As that word sounds like the
Chinese word “ kou,77 meaning “ dog,77 the Chinese considered that
they were being reviled and refused to work.
v Lastly, many Chinese workers found it difficult to adapt themselves
to the new environment and its different customs. At home, for
instance, they were used to taking 10 or 15 minutes off for tea each
afternoon. 'At work under the command of French army officers
this habit was absolutely prohibited.
THE REPATRIATION.

As the British Government contracted to employ most of the
Chinese laborers for only three years, their repatriation began in the
fall of 1919 and was completed on April 6, 1920. The French con
tract was for five years, with the option of terminating it by the
French Government at the end of the third year; so, although their
repatriation began almost simultaneously with that of the Chinese
working for the British, the work was not ended until March, 1922.
S3 Correspondence from Chinese labor commissioner in France to the French Bureau of Colonial Labor,
Mar. 1, 1919.
24 See A ppen dix to Chapter I, H, (p p . 177 to 179), especially article 21 (a ).
25 Correspondence from Chinese labor commissioner in France to the French Bureau of Colonial Labor,
Sept. 12,1917.

CONDITION OF RETURNED LABORERS IN CHINA.

157

The 1,850 Chinese workers who are still in France have signed new
contracts and are free from former contractual obligations.
Because of the cases of hardship to the returning Chinese that arose
in the course of repatriation, due to language difficulties, inadequate
transport facilities, and blunders in routing, the Chinese Emigration
Bureau promulgated five regulations regarding repatriation:
1. Before repatriation, the Government of the country of employment shall submit
to the Chinese legation there a list of returning laborers.
2. After receiving such list, the Chinese legation shall cable to the Chinese Emi
gration Bureau, specifying the number of laborers, the steamship, date of departure,
and date and port of arrival.
3. When the number of laborers exceeds 500, the Chinese legation or consulate shall
appoint a special agent to accompany them.
4. Without a legitimate cause, no laborer shall receive maltreatment on board the
ship. The special agent shall be responsible for the punishment of their offenses, if
any. When an offense is committed the offender shall be judged by legal process
ana not by any private agencies.
5. When a steamer arrives at a port, the emigration bureau shall notify its nearest
branch or appoint a special agent to count the number of the returning laborers, etc.,
before it acts concurrently with local authorities to disperse the laborers.

The French and British Governments were, under the contract,
responsible for sending laborers to the port of embarkation, but not
for sending them home. From the port of embarkation to the
laborer^ home the work of dispersion was done by the Chinese
Emigration Bureau or its branches or special agents. In many cases
the laborers had saved nothing. Thus, from September 13, 1919, to
May 25, 1920, seven groups of laborers returned to China, among
whom 3,001 were found penniless. Their traveling expenses home
were paid by the Pukow branch of the emigration bureau.2*
CONDITION OF RETURNED LABORERS IN CHINA.

Those laborers who have returned to Chihli and Shantung are
mostly engaged in farming and are fairlv prosperous. With their
savings they have bought farms ranging from 5 to 20 acres to grow
rice, wheat, or millet. Before their trip to France most of them were
without occupation or property. Now a number of them appear to
be in comfortable circumstances. Those who have returned to
Shanghai and Canton have reentered industry, but, owing to the social
and industrial unrest in recent years and the extensive unemploy
ment, the majority of them have not been getting on well. Besides,
their needs are greater, and they have acquired a taste for greater
luxuries than their fellow workers in the same occupations are ac
customed to; they have therefore insisted on shorter hours and higher
pay, which frequently put them under a disadvantage in securing
jobs.
While the laborers were in France, social conditions in China
changed rapidly, and these workmen have found it difficult success
fully to readjust themselves to the home environment. Mr. L. T.
Cben, of the Shanghai Y. M. C. A., who had worked among the
Chinese laborers in France, in a communication to the writer dated
June 12, 1922, summarized this point clearly:
On the whole, the returned laborers have all been absorbed into their former life,
so that it is hardly noticeable at all that they have been abroad. They are not ill
favor of being considered as a special class, and any attempt to group them together*•

*• China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Miscellaneous report, Novem
ber, 1920, section on research, pp. 91-93.

158

CHINESE IN FRANCE.

often occasions resentment. To start with, they resent the application of Hua Kung
[Chinese laborers]. They feel that there is no necessity of still calling them by that
name since they are back at home and are not different from other laborers. If one
were to draw any conclusion at all, one would be more inclined to think that their
stay abroad has done them more harm than good. They lived in abnormal conditions
in France and had a comparatively easy life. On coming home they generally look
for the kind of work that requires less exertion and yields greater profit. This, of
course, is not easily found, and consequently they are a dissatisfied lot. True, their
eyes were opened to newer things and their needs were enlarged, but their ability
did not grow proportionately. Lately they have addressed an appeal to the directory
of the rehabilitation of Shantung asking for employment in the work of that Province.
It is hoped that some provision will be made for them so that these men will be pro
vided for somehow.

In the present labor movement some of the returned laborers are .
laving an active part. In addition to their common struggle for
igher wages, they particularly stress the need of abstaining from
ambling, drinking, and opium smoking, and they have formed the
Returned Laborers7 Union of Shanghai, whose aim is to cooperate
with the workers in order to strengthen collective bargaining and to
increase a common knowledge through frequent association.27
Since the repatriation began, the Chinese Government has devised
means of employing the returned laborers.28 The San Man Wan
district in Chekiang Province, chosen to be a model city in municipal
government, was the first to consider possible the absorbing of a
large number of these men in agriculture, industry, road bu lding,
ana in the construction of the harbors, docks, power plants, and
factories. A wealthy Chinese, a long resident of Singapore and an
experienced promoter of industries, petitioned the Chinese Ministry
of the Interior and the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce for a
charter to utilize the labor supply for the industrial development of
the district. On June 16, 1920, this was granted,29 but recent
political developments have hindered any material progress in this
project.

S
S

27 Monthly Labor Review of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, August, 1921, p . 24.
28 For regulations see A ppendix I X , E, p . 211.
29 China. Emigration Bureau. Conditions of Chinese laborers ill France. Miscellaneous report,
November, 1920, section of official correspondence, pp. 41, 42.

Chapter X.— CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS.
T o recapitulate, the specific problem s of this investigation are
found in the follow ing queries: H istorically, w hat h ave been the
relations betw een China and other nations to w hich a considerable
num ber of Chinese h ave gon e?
W h a t have been the antecedents
and consequences of various econom ic, social, and som etim es political
conflicts w hich have arisen from the contacts brought about b y these
em igrants ? E co n om ically , w hat r6le have the overseas Chinese
played in com m erce, labor, industries, and professions?
In w hat
w ays have th ey benefited them selves, their fatherland, and their
adopted countries?
Socially, w hat has been the degree of their
adaptability w ith special reference to education, self-governm en t,
m arriage, and custom s and manners ? W h a t special social problem s
have presented them selves and in h ow far have adequate adjust
m ents been m ade ?
In answering these questions the data available in som e cases are
fairly satisfactory, while in regard to others th ey are disappointing.
H ow ever, on the basis of the data hereinafter sum m arized the writer
subm its certain considerations concerning China’s policies, especially
concerning em igration and population.
These m a y be stated under
four m ain headings— viz, (1) the foreign governm ents under whose
jurisdiction the Chinese reside, (2) the Chinese them selves, (3) China,
and (4) China’s future policies on em igration and popu lation .
CONCLUSIONS RELATING TO FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS.
(1) In countries where the Chinese h ave settled for a n um ber of
years and have becom e an integral part of the population, th ey h ave
gone into trades and industries and helped to increase the econom ic
w ealth of these countries.
Som e of these industries were initiated
b y the Chinese, others being developed m ain ly through their aid in
labor or capital.
T hu s, the retail trade in a num ber of countries
studied in this m onograph is controlled or dom inated b y the Chinese,
particularly in Jav a and the Philippines.
In the latter country over
30 per cent of the Chinese population belongs to the m erchant class,
which controls fro m 70 to 80 per cent of the trade in the islands.
Furtherm ore, in each country under su rvey, the Chinese h ave helped
to build up particular industries, such as tea culture in Form osa,
pineapple growing and canning in Singapore, and tin m ining in
B a n k a and B illiton.
(2) W h en foreign governm ents h ave directly or indirectly engaged
Chinese to develop industries b y signing a contract w ith th em , the
experim ents have been financially successful to the em ployers, as,
for instance, in the gold mines at T he R a n d in the T ran svaal and
the war industries in France during the European war.
(3) In countries where the Chinese population is considerable, the
G overnm en t derives m u ch revenue from the Chinese com m u n ity.
T h u s, in the Philippines over 65 per cent o f the internal revenue

159

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS.

160

taxes is paid b y the Chinese, and the G overn m en t o f the Straits
S ettlem en ts receives from 40 to 50 per cent or m ore o f its revenues
from the State m on o p o ly of o p iu m ,1 the opium b ein g alm ost entirely
consum ed b y the Chinese in the colony.
(4) In the pioneer days o f E u rop ean colonization influential Chi
nese were co m m o n ly em ployed as interm ediaries betw een the colonial
govern m ents and the n atives over w h om th ey ruled.
D u e to their
early trade relations and a bility to speak n ative dialects, the service
o f the Chinese proved indispensable to the colonial govern m ents.
(5) O n the question of governing the Chinese the foreign govern
m en ts h ave encountered innum erable difficulties.
T hese arise m a in ly
through their in a bility to appreciate Chinese m anners and custom s
and their failure to suppress vice and social evils.
In recent years
the form er difficulty has been p artia lly solved b y encouraging selfgovern m en t of the Chinese under their own leaders, such as the
“ Captain C h in a ” sy stem in the D u tc h E a st In dies and the Chinese
advisory boards in the Straits Settlem en ts.
T he latter is y e t a v e x
ing problem to the colonial govern m ents, particularly regarding such
evils as gam bling, opiu m , and secret societies.
CONCLUSIONS RELATING TO CHINESE EMIGRANTS.
(1) O n the w hole the socio-econom ic statu s of the Chinese em igrants
has been m a teria lly im p roved over th at of their preem igration d ays
or over th a t o f their brethren in the sam e social class in China.
A
v ery sm a ll n um ber o f th em h ave am assed fortunes, while a great
m a jo r ity have a higher scale of wages and higher plane o f livin g th an
their friends and relatives at h om e.
(2) M arriages betw een the Chinese and m em bers o f other races
h ave been rather frequent.
T his racial fusion seems to have pro
duced com m endable eugenic effects u pon the offspring, although in
som e cases u n w orth y traits are also in evidence.
Shou ld interm ar
riage becom e sufficiently co m m o n , new lig h t m ig h t be thrown on the
question o f desirability or u ndesirability of racial am algam ation .
(3) T h e little evidence available show s th a t Chinese em igian ts of
the first generation h ave show n little ca p a city for social adaptation,
as m o st of th em h ave been too m u ch occupied in m akin g a living in new
lands and have h ad little opp ortu n ity for self-im provem en t.
The
process of assim ilation u sually begins slow ly, w ith the second genera
tion.
(4) T h e life o f the Chinese in foreign countries is n ot pleasant.
T o a great ex ten t, th e y h ave been legally discrim inated against,
socially ostracized, and occasionally h um iliated.
In recent social or
econom ic conflicts w ith other racial groups, th ey h ave h ad to cope
w ith the situation b y deliberate and tactfu l action m a in ly b y their
own leaders, little protection being afforded b y the G overn m en t of
China.
CONCLUSIONS RELATING TO CHINA.
(1) In the processes o f m odernizing China, the part played b y
the overseas Chinese, th ou gh sm all, should n ot be overlooked.
T hey
h ave given a loyal and unfailing support to the tw o leading organiza
1 Since 1898, as shown in the Blue Books for the Straits Settlements, the revenue derived from the sale of
opium has ranged from 41.8 to 59.1 per cent of the total revenue.

RELATIVE TO CHINA'S POLICY OF EMIGRATION.

161

tions of Young China which brought about the Republic of 1911 and
are committed to the social and political regeneration of the nation.
(2) The Chinese emigrants are usually interested in the welfare of
their mother country and of their compatriots. Frequently, they
have shown generosity in contributing money for educational and
cultural institutions, for charity, famine relief, and other noteworthy
mrposes in China.2 Of late, numerous industrial enterprises on a
arge scale have been undertaken by Chinese emigrants in coopera
tion with their friends in China to develop the natural resources, in
crease the wealth of the country, and give employment to a countless
number of poor people.

(3)
B u t considered in its larger aspects, Chinese em igration during
the last few centuries has not m aterially relieved the pressure of the
hom e popu lation .
I t has been estim ated th at the to ta l num ber of
Chinese now residing abroad hardly exceeds 8 ,1 7 9 ,5 8 2 .
T his is a
tru ly insignificant num ber, as the total population of China is now
estim ated to be 3 7 5 ,3 7 7 ,0 0 0 persons, exclusive of the P rovince of
Szechwan.
(4)
In recent years the relations betw een China and other nations
h ave been com plicated b y the em igration question, w hich has resulted
in the enactm en t of Chinese exclusion laws and im m igration acts
prohibiting the free entry of the Chinese into certain Caucasian
countries and their colonies or dependencies.
SUGGESTIONS RELATING TO CHINA’S POLICIES ON EMIGRATION AND
POPULATION.
In stead of discussing the question of the equ ity or in equ ity of
these discrim inatory laws, consideration is here given to the m ethods
suggested for China to m eet the situation in a practical m anner.
A m o n g the im m ediate measures that m igh t appropriately engage
C h in a’s serious attention is, first, governm ental supervision of emigra
tion.
P rivate em igration com panies, w hich are prim arily concerned
w ith profits, do not often hesitate to exploit helpless em igrants
M u ch of the vice and inhum ane treatm ent form erly associated
w ith the slave trade from M acao to Cuba and Peru still exists in
the em igration to British M alakka, the E a st Indies, and the Philip
pines.
Cases are on record of em igrants being induced to go to these
countries through fraud and coercion.
In fa ct, the em igrants to
these places are som etim es known as “ h o g s ” and the em igrant brokers
as “ hog dealers.”
T h e findings of the Chinese com m issioner concern
ing recent conditions in the D u tch colonies as shown in C hapter I V
(p. 64) are appalling. A ll these facts point to the urgent need of
G overn m en t intervention to prevent the com m ercial agencies from
inflicting further injustice and cruelty on the poverty-stricken em i
grants.
2 Thus, when the Washington conference decided to le ‘China redeem the Shantung railway from
Japan b y paying her the cost of the line, $28,600,000, Mexican ($15,455,440, par), was at once pledged toward
the redemption fund by the Chinese in the following places:
Samarang................................................................................................................................... $6,000,000
San Francisco.......................................................................................................................... 8,000,000
Borneo...................................................................................................................................... 1,600,000
Java....................................................................................................................
2,000,000
Philippine Islands.................................................................................................................. 2,000,000
Siam............................................................................................................................................ 2,000,000
Mexico...................................................................................................................................... 3,000,000
Singapore................................................................................................................................. 4,000,000
The data are from the North China Herald, Shanghai, weekly edition, Mar. 25, 1922.

162

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS.

Second, there is urgent need of revision of the treaties regarding
em igration.
B y som e o f the existing treaties, such as the tre a ty of
1860, signed betw een G reat Britain and China, China obligates her
self to furnish laborers upon the dem and of som e foreign govern m ents.
T here is no consideration or quid pro quo offered to China for her
prom ise to send em igrants.3 T he experim ent in em igrant labor dur
ing the last half century has brought enorm ous benefits to foreign
countries, b u t yields little gain to China and only slight im p rove
m en t to the em igrants them selves.
Therefore, the revision o f con
v entions and treaties on the lines of m u tu al benefit to the contract
ing parties and the cessation of exploitation of h um an labor should
be undertaken b v China at the first appropriate m om en t.
In the third place, a m odel contract for em igrant labor should be
adopted.
Since 1860, Chinese laborers abroad have been used b y
foreign em ployers and governm ents m ain ly to enrich th em selves.
T h e Chinese contract to w ork for a certain period at a certain rate of
p a y and are n ot perm itted to engage in an y independent u ndertaking
during the term of the contract.
W h e n the contract expires th ey
are sent back to China.
T hu s the savings from their wages con
stitu te their sole consideration.
Y e t experience has show n th a t these
savings have am ounted to very insignificant sum s.

An effective way of improving this situation would be the enuncia
tion and maintenance on the part of China of a guiding principle—
namely, the social and economic elevation of the emigrants.
R ecen t laws of the Chinese E m igration Bureau, as discussed in
Chapter I and reproduced in the appendix to Chapter I, perhaps h ave
th is objective in view .
B u t to protect the em igrants in m ore prac
tical w ays a labor contract should include the follow ing provisions,
som e of which agree in principle w ith the principal contents of the
agreem ent on the em p loym en t of Chinese laborers prom ulgated b y
the Chinese E m igration B ureau in 1 9 1 8 : (a) N o laborer should be
p erm itted to leave C hina unless the wage offered is at least 50 per
cent higher than th at prevailing at h o m e; ( b) a part of the laborer’s
w age should be rem itted m o n th ly to his fa m ily w ithou t fa il; (c) as
far as practicable the wages of Chinese workers and those of other
nationalities in the sam e occupations should be the sa m e; (d) there
should be adequate provision for the workers’ education and am ple
and wholesom e recreation; ( e ) there should be free passage to and
from the port of em barkation , free m eals, lodging, and m edical atten d
ance; and (f) in addition to wages and bonuses there should be a
certain inducem ent to the workers, such as the privilege of engaging
in com m erce and trade in the country of em p loym en t after the term
of contract.
Should this condition be in conflict w ith the law s of the
country, other inducem ents should be offered.

In addition to these proposed measures some more fundamental
considerations should be outlined. China’s emigration problem as
set forth in these pages clearly arises from the pressure of population.
Effective efforts toward solving that problem must therefore lie
chiefly in the improvement of social and economic conditions in the
home country. Certain suggestions along these lines are here
offered:
8See A ppendix to Chapter I, B, pp. 168 and 171.

RELATIVE TO CHINA *S POLICY ON EMIGRATION.

163

(1) A n interprovincial m igration on a large scale w ould tend to
equalize the density of population and relieve the congestion in som e
P rovinces.
T h u s, M anchuria w ith an area of 3 6 3 ,7 0 0 square m iles
supports 1 3 ,7 0 1 ,8 1 9 individuals, or 37 persons to the square m ile.
T he Province of K a n su has an area of 125,483 square m iles and a
opulation of 5 ,9 2 7 ,9 9 7 , or a density of 47 persons to the square m ile.4
n southw estern China, Y u n n a n Province has an area of 146,714
square m iles and within its boundaries live 9 ,8 3 9 ,1 8 0 persons, or
67 persons to the square m ile.
These regions represent the lowest
densities in the country.
A m ore even distribution would be ob
tained if the inhabitants of the m ore crowded Provinces should go
there, particularly from the Provinces of A n h w ei (density, 3 3 7 );
Chekiang (density, 6 0 0 ); Chihli (density, 2 9 4 ); Fukien (density, 2 8 4 );
H o n an (density, 4 5 4 ) ; H u n a n (density, 3 4 1 ) ; H u p eh (density, 3 8 0 );
K ian gsi (density, 3 5 3 ); K ian gsu (density, 8 7 5 ); K w a n g tu n g (density,
3 7 3 ); and Shan tun g (density, 5 5 0 ).
M oreover, M anchuria, K a n su ,
and Y u n n a n have proportionately larger areas of arable unused lands
th an have other P rovinces, as already show n in T able 4 (page 8).
In addition, Sinkiang, M ongolia, and T ibet, whose densities are n ot
know n, are believed to be less densely populated than the Y a n g tze
V a lle y and the coast regions o f the country.
These regions have
excellent farm s and pastures.
Y o u n g and adventurous Chinese
should be encouraged to m ake hom es there.
(2) E co n om ic opportunities should be created in order to raise the
plane of living of the wage earners.
A b o u t one-fourth of the Chinese
population is propertyless and m u st m ake a living through skilled
or unskilled labor.
W h en the dem and for labor is slack in the coun
try, m a n y of th em em igrate to seek a livelihood beyon d the seas.
E m p lo y m e n t could be created for m illions of them b y the develop
m en t of industries, m ines, and factories along lines already sta rted .5
In a sm all w ay, the creation of em p loym en t was successfully tried
ou t during the N o rth China fam ine of 1921. A b o u t 1,000 miles of
h ighw ays were built in the Provinces of Shansi, Chihli, and Shantung
b y em p loyin g fam ine sufferers. These were given a daily ration plus
a n om inal allowance to the m em bers of their fam ilies. A s a result
the fam ine sufferers and their fam ilies escaped starvation and new
roads were bu ilt for the convenient transportation of agricultural
p rodu cts.
W h a t has been done as an experim ent in this instance
m a y be done on a large scale, and the m u ltitu de of people who yearly
go out to Singapore, M u n tok , and T an ju n g P andan as indentured
laborers m a y be used to good advantage at hom e if im p ortan t indus
tries are sufficiently well developed to m eet the increasing industrial
needs of the coun try.
(3) T he food su pp ly of the coun try could be increased in three
racticable w ays.
First, the food-produ cing area could be extended
y the cu ltivation of arable lands in other Provinces than those in
M anchuria, K a n su , and Y u n n a n in T ab le 4, above referred to.

Second, the acreage of cultivated land of China, which according
to the report of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce is 1 ,5 7 4 ,8 8 9 ,8 3 6 m o w (2 6 2 ,4 8 1 ,6 3 9 acres)6 could be increased by at least 10 per
4 This and the succeeding figures concerning density of population are estimates of the Chinese Postoffice Department made in 1920.
6 Tyan, M. T . Z.: China Awakened. New York, 1922, Chapter X I I .
6 See Table 3, p . 7.

164

CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS.

cent by diminishing, consolidating, and abolishing extensive grave
yards, which are so common in most villages and usually occupy very
fertile fields.
Third, an improved system of transportation would greatly facili
tate the transportation of food articles from the food-producing dis
tricts to other Provinces for consumption or to seaports for export.
This would insure a rise in prices and would give farmers an incentive
to increase their output of farm products. An almost parallel instance
is found in the United States. During the World War, the annual
production of food in the United States was increased about 10 per
cent over that of the pre-war period because of two circumstances:
First, favorable crop conditions in the first two years of the war; and,
second, heavy export demand and consequent high prices which led
the farmers to plant larger acreages.7
(4)
In spite of u n satisfactory social and econom ic conditions in
recent years, the p op u lation of China appears to h ave increased
g reatly , as rou gh ly indicated in Chapter I (p. 5 ).
T his large increase
o f p opu lation has fu rther pressed upon the land su pp ly of the n ation .
In ten sive cu ltivation has been resorted to in m a n y parts of the coun
try , and the econom ic law of dim inishing returns is generally in active
operation.
B ecause the soil is con stan tly used and because little
relief is given to it, there seem s am ple evidence of soil exhau stion and
d ep letio n .8-

As immigration is almost nil, this increase of population is almost
entirely due to the excess of births over deaths during the last decade.
Although reliable vital statistics for the entire country are not
available, the indications are that the birth rate is high, as are also
the death rate and infant mortality.9
Cultural advancement presupposes leisure. But, due partly to
this pressure of population, in China, to-day, an immense number of
people are busily engaged in making a bare living, and there is little
opportunity for self-improvment. The struggle for existence is severe,
and the struggle for achievement among the general populace is
almost negligible. Livelihood for the wage-earning classes is on the
verge of minimum subsistence, and little surplus energy is available
for seeking anything higher. Advance in civilization is therefore
hindered.
When education reaches the great masses and fundamental laws
of population are generally understood, families will be smaller and
the material wants of the people can be satisfied with proportion
ately less effort, so that poverty may be diminished and the cultural
level substantially raised; the needy may no longer be forced to
emigrate in large numbers; and the socio-economic welfare of the
people will be materially improved.
7 Pearl, Raymond: The Nation’s Food. Philadelphia, 1920, p. 78. ,
8 Lee, Mabel P inghua: The Economic History of China. Studies in History, Economics, and Public
Law. Columbia University, 1921.
•In The Changing Chinese, E. A. Ross has given estimates for some Chinese cities.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER L
A.— CONVENTION TO REGULATE THE ENGAGEMENT OF CHINESE EMI
GRANTS BY BRITISH AND FRENCH SUBJECTS, MARCH 5, 1866.1
The Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China having requested that, in
accordance with the terms of the conventions signed at Peking the 24th and 25th of
October, 1860, a set of regulations should be framed to secure to Chinese emigrants
those safeguards which are requested for their moral and physical well-being, the
following after due discussion and deliberation to the Yamen of Foreign Affairs have
been adopted by the undersigned and will henceforth be in force:
A r t i c l e I . Any person desiring to open an emigration agency in any port in China
must make an application in writing to that effect to his consul inclosing at the same
time copy of the rules which he proposes to observe in his establishment, copy of the
contract which he offers to emigrants, together with necessary proofs that he has
complied with all the conditions imposed by the laws of his country regulating emi
gration.
A r t . II. The consul, after having assured himself of the solvency and respecta
bility of the applicant, and having examined and approved the copies of the rules
and contracts, shall communicate them to the Chinese authorities and shall request
them to issue the license necessary for opening an emigration agency.
The license, together with the rules and contracts as approved by the Chinese
authorities, will be registered at the consulate.
A r t . III. No license to open an emigration agency shall be withdrawn except
upon sufficient grounds, and then only with the sanction of the consul. In such a
case the emigration agent shall have no claim to compensation for the closing of his
establishment and the suspension of his operations.
A r t . IV. No modification of the rules and contracts, when once approved b y the
consul and by the Chinese authorities, shall be made without their express consent;
and in order that no emigrant may be ignorant of them, the said rules and contracts
shall in all cases be posted up on the door of the emigration agency and in the quarters
of the emigrants.
The emigration agents shall be allowed to circulate and make generally known in
the towns and villages of the Province copies of these rules and contracts, which must
in all cases bear the seals of the Chinese authorities and of the consulate.
A r t . V. Every emigration agent shall be held responsible, under the laws of his
country, for the due execution of the clauses of the contract signed by him, until its
expiration.
A r t . V I. Every Chinese employed by the emigration agent to find him emigrants
shall be provided with a special license from the Chinese authorities, and he alone
will be responsible for any act done by him in the above capacity that may be, whether
intentionally or unintentionally, in contravention of the laws of the Empire.
A r t . V II. Every Chinese wishing to emigrate under an engagement shall cause his
name to be entered in a register kept for that purpose, in the presence of the emigra
tion agent and of an inspector deputed by the Chinese Government. He will then
be at liberty to return to his home or to remain in the emigration depot to wait the
departure of the ship which is to carry him to his destination.
A r t . V III. The contracts shall specify—
1st. The place of destination or the length of the engagement.
2d. The right of the emigrant to be conveyed back to his own country, and the sum
which shall be paid at the expiration of his contract to cover the expense of his voyage
home and that of his family should they accompany him.
3d. The number of working-days in the year and the length of each day’s work.
4th. The wages, rations, clothing, and otner advantages promised to the emigrant.
5th. Gratuitous medical attendance.i
i This Convention was signed at Peking, in English, Chinese, and French, Mar. 5, 1866. Ratification
was refused b y the British and French Governments. The present text is not taken direct from the
official originals. See China: Inspectorate General of Customs: Treaties between China and foreign
States, Vol. 1, pp. 467-477, 2d edition, 1917, Shanghai.

165

166

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— A.

6th. The sum which the emigrant agrees to set aside out of his monthly wages for
the benefit of persons to be named by him, should he desire to appropriate any sum
to such a purpose.
7th. Copy of Articles V III, IX , X , X IV and X X II of these regulations.
Any clause which shall purport to render invalid any of the provisions of this
regulation is null and void.
A rt . IX . The term of each emigrant’s engagement shall not exceed five years, at
the expiration of which the sum stipulated in the contract shall be paid for him to
cover the expense of his return to his country. In the event of his obtaining per
mission to remain without an engagement in the colony, this sum will be placed in
his own hands.
It shall always be at the option of the emigrant to enter into a second engagement of
five years, for which he shall be paid a minimum equivalent to one-half the cost of
his return to China. In such a case, the sum destined to cover the expense of his
return home shall not be paid until the expiration of his second engagement.
Every emigrant who may become invalided and incapable of working shall be
allowed, without waiting for the expiration of his contract, to claim before the legal
courts of the colony or territory where he may be, payment on his behalf of the sum
destined to cover the expense of his return to China.
A rt . X . The emigrant shall in no case be forced to work more than six days out of
seven nor more than nine hours and a half in the day.
The emigrant shall be free to arrange with his employer the conditions of work by
the piece or job and all of extra labor undertaken during days and hours set apart for
rest.
The obligation on holidays to attend to cattle or to do such service as the necessity
of daily life may demand shall not be considered as labor.
A rt . X I. No engagement to emigrate entered into by any Chinese subject under 20
years of age will be valid unless he produce a certificate from the proper Chinese author
ities stating that he has been authorized to contract such engagement by his parents or,
in default of his parents, by the magistrate of the port at which he is to embark.
A rt . X II. Every four days, but not less, from the date of the entry of emigrant’s
name on the register of the agency, the officer deputed by the Chinese Government
being present, the contract shall be read to the emigrant, and he shall be asked whether
he agrees to it, and having answered in the affirmative he shall then and there append
his signature thereto.
A rt . X III. The contract once signed, the emigrant is at the disposal of the agent
and must not absent himself from the depot without the permission of the agent.
Before embarking, every emigrant shall be called before the officer deputed by the
Chinese authorities to ratify his contract which shall be registered at the consulate.
Twenty-four hours before the sailing of the ship the emigrants shall be mustered
on board before the consul and the inspector of the customs, or their deputies, and the
list shall be finally closed for signature and registration by the consul and the inspector.
Any individual refusing to proceed after this muster shall be bound to repay the
expenses of his maintenance in the emigration depot at the rate of one hundred cash
(one-tenth of a tael) per diem; in default of payment he shall be handed over to the
Chinese magistrate, to be punished according to the laws.
A rt . X IV . Any sum handed over to the emigrant before his departure shall only
be regarded in the light of a premium upon his engagement; all advances upon his
future wages are formally forbidden, except in the case of their being appropriated to
the use of his family, and the consul will take especial pains to provide against their
being employed in any other way. Such advances shall not exceed six months’ wages,
and shall be covered by a stoppage of one dollar per month until the entire debt
shall have been paid.
It is strictly forbidden, whether on the voyage or during the emigrant’s stay in the
colony or territory in which he may be employed, to make any advances to him in
money or kind payable after the expiration of his engagement. Any agreement of this
nature shall be null and void and shall give the creditor no power to oppose the return
of the emigrant to his country at the time fixed by the contract.
A rt . X V . The emigrant during his stay in the depot shall be bound to conform to
the regulations adopted for its internal economy by the consul and the Chinese author
ities.
A rt . X V I. Any emigrant who may be riotous or guilty of any misconduct shall be
immediately locked up until the arrival of the officers deputed by the Chinese author
ities to whom he will be handed over to be punished in conformity with the laws of
the Empire, the officers of the agency being in no case authorized to take the law into
their own hands and inflict any punishment.
*

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— A.

167

A rt . X V II. The deputies of the consul and of the Chinese authorities shall at all
times be empowered to demand admittance to the agency, and to summon the emi
grants before them for purposes of interrogation.
They will be present at the signing of the contracts and at the embarkation of the
coolies.
They will see to the maintenance of order, to the healthfulness and cleanliness of
the rooms destined to receive the emigrants, to the separation of families and women,
and to the arrangements on board the transport ships.
They may at any time demand that experts or medical officers shall be called in
order to verify any defects which they may have remarked; they may suspend the
embarkation of emigrants in ships the arrangements on board of which may seem
to them defective, and they may reject coolies afflicted with contagious diseases.
A rt . X V III. The emigration agent shall be bound to pay into the customs bank
the sum of $3 for every male adult entered on the list of coolies embarked to meet the
expenses of inspection.
A rt . X IX . Any emigrant claimed by the Chinese Government as an offender
against the law shall be handed over to the authorities without opposition through the
consul; and in such case the whole sum expended for the maintenance of the emigrant
in the agency or on board ship shall be repaid immediately to the emigration agent,
at the rate of one hundred cash (one-tenth of a tael) per diem. The sum of the pre
mium, advances, clothes, etc., entered in the agency register against such emigrant
shall in like manner be repaid by the Chinese Government.
A rt . X X . The emigration agent shall not be at liberty to embark emigrants on
board any ship which shall not have satisfied the consul that, in respect of its internal
economy, stores, and sanitary arrangements, all the conditions required by the laws
of the country to which the said ship may belong are fulfilled.
Should the Chinese authorities, upon the reports of the officers deputed by them,
conceive it their duty to protest against the embarkation of a body of emigrants in
a ship approved by the consul, it shall be in the power of the customs to suspend the
granting of the ship's port clearance until further information shall have been
obtained and until the final decision of the legation of the country to which the
suspected ship belongs shall have been pronounced.
A rt . X X I. On arrival of the ship at her destination the duplicate of the list of
emigrants shall be presented by the captain to be visaed by his consul and by the
local authorities.
In the margin and opposite to the name of each emigrant note shall be made of
deaths, births, and diseases during the voyage, and of the destination assigned to each
emigrant in the colony or territory in which he is to be employed.
This document shail be sent by the emigration agent to the consul at the port at
which the emigrants embarked, and by him delivered to the Chinese authorities.
A rt . X X II. In the distribution of the emigrants as laborers, the husband shall
not be separated from his wife, nor shall parents be separated from their children
being under 15 years of age.
No laborer shall be bound to change his employer without his consent, except in
the event of the factory or plantation upon which he is employed changing hands.

His Imperial Highness the Prince of Rung has further declared in the name of the
Government of His Majesty the Emperor of China:
1st. That the Chinese Government throws no obstacle in the way of free emigration;
that is to say, to the departure of Chinese subjects embarking of their own See will
and at their own expense for foreign countries; but that all attempts to bring Chinese
under engagement to emigrate, otherwise than as the present regulations provide, are
formally forbidden, and will be prosecuted with the extreme rigor of the law.
2d. That a law of the Empire punishes by death those who, by fraud or by force,
may kidnap Chinese subjects for the purpose of sending them abroad against their will.
3d. That whereas the operations of emigration agents, with a view to the supply of
coolie labor abroad, are authorized at all the open ports when conducted in conformity
with these regulations, and under the joint supervision of the consuls and the Chinese
authorities, it follows that where this joint supervision can not be exercised such
operations are formally forbidden.
These declarations are here placed on record, in or^er that they may have the same
force and validity as the regulations contained in the 22 articles foregoing.

168

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I.

B.— CONVENTION BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY AND HIS MAJESTY
THE EMPEROR OF CHINA, MAY 13, 1904.
Whereas a convention between Her Majesty Queen Victoria and His Majesty the
Emperor of China was signed at Peking on the 24th October, 1860, by Article V of
which His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of China consented to allow Chinese subjects,
wishing to take service in British colonies or other parts beyond the seas, to enter into
engagements with British subjects, and to ship themselves and their families on
board of British vessels at the open ports of China in conformity with regulations to
be drawn up between the two Governments for the protection of such emigrants; and
Whereas the aforesaid regulations have not hitherto been framed, His Majesty the
King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions
beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of China have
accordingly appointed the following as their respective plenipotentiaries, that is to
say:
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of
the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, the Most Honorable Henry
Charles Keith Petty-Fitzmaurice, Marquess of Lansdowne, His Majesty’s Principal
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and
His Majesty the Emperor of China, Chang Teh-Yih, Brevet Lieutenant General of
the Chinese Imperial Forces, His Imperial Majesty’s Envoy Extraordinary and Minis
ter Plenipotentiary at the Court of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor
of India.
And the said plenipotentiaries having met and communicated to each other their
respective full powers, and found them m good and due form, have agreed upon andconcluded the following articles:
A r t i c l e I. As the regulations to be framed under the above-mentioned treaty were
intended to be of a general character, it is hereby agreed that on each occasion when
indentured emigrants are required for a particular British colony or protectorate beyond
the seas, His Britannic Majesty’s minister in Peking shall notify the Chinese Govern
ment, stating the name of the particular colony or protectorate for which the emigrants
are required, the name of the treaty port at which it is intended to embark them, and
the terms and conditions on which they are to be engaged ; the Chinese Government
shall thereupon, without requiring further formalities, immediately instruct the
local authorities at the specified treaty port to take all the steps necessary to facilitate
emigration. The notification herein referred to shall only be required once in the
case of each colony or protectorate, except when emigration under indenture to that
colony or protectorate from the specified treaty port has not taken place during the
preceding three years.
A r t i c l e II. On receipt of the instructions above referred to the taotai at the
port shall at once appoint an officer, to be called the Chinese inspector, who, together
with the British consular officer at the port or his delegate, shall make known b y
proclamation and by means of the native press the text of the indenture which the
emigrant will have to sign and any particulars of which the Chinese officer considers
it essential that the emigrant shall be informed respecting the country to which the
emigrant is to proceed and respecting its laws.
A r t i c l e III. The British consular officer at the port or his delegate shall confer
with the Chinese inspector as to the location and installation of the offices and other
necessary buildings, hereinafter called the emigration agency, which shall be erected
or fitted up by the British Government and at their expense for the purpose of
carrying on the business of the engagement and shipment of the emigrants and in
which the Chinese inspector and his staff shall have suitable accommodation for
carrying on their duties.
A r t i c l e IV. 1. There shall be posted up in conspicuous places throughout the
emigration agency, and more especially in that part of it called the depdt, destined
for the reception of intending emigrants, copies of the indenture to be entered into
with the emigrant, drawn up in the Chinese and English languages, together with
copies of the special ordinance, if any, relating to immigration into the particular
colony or protectorate for which the emigrants are required.
2. There shall be kept a register in Chinese and in English, in which the names
of intending indentured emigrants shall be inscribed, and in this register there shall
not be inscribed the name of an^ person who is under 20 years of age, unless he shall
have produced proof of his having obtained the consent of his parents or other lawful
guardians to emigrate, or, in default of these, of the magistrate of the district to which
he belongs. After signature of the indenture according to the Chinese manner the
epaigrant shall not be permitted to leave the depot previously to his embarkation

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— B.

169

without a pass signed by the Chinese inspector and countersigned by the British
consular officer or his delegate, unless he shall have, through the Chinese inspector,
renounced his agreement and withdrawn his name from the register of emigrants.
3. Before the- sailing of the ship each emigrant shall be carefully examined by a
qualified medical officer nominated by the British consular officer or his delegate.
The emigrants shall be paraded before the British consular officer or his delegate
and the Chinese inspector or his delegate and questioned with a view to ascertain
their understanding of the indenture.
A rticle V. All ships employed in the conveyance of indentured emigrants from
China under this convention shall engage and embark them only at a treaty port
and shall comply with the regulations contained in the schedule hereto annexed and
forming part of the convention.
A rticle V I. For the better protection of the emigrant and of any other Chinese
subject who may happen to be residing in the colony or protectorate to which the
emigration is to take place, it shall be competent to the Emperor of China to appoint
a consul or vice consul to watch over their interests and well-being, and such consul
or vice consul shall have all the rights and privileges accorded to the consuls of other
nations.
A rticle V II. Every indenture entered into under the present articles shall
clearly specify the name of the country for which the laborer is required, the dura
tion of the engagement, and, if renewable, on what terms, the number of hours of
labor per working-day, the nature of the work, the rate of wages and mode of pay
ment, the rations, clothing, the grant of a free passage out, and, where such is pro
vided for therein, a free passage back to the port of embarkation in China for himself
and family, right to free medical attendance and medicines, whether in the colony
or protectorate or on the voyage from and to the port of embarkation in China, ana
any other advantages to which the emigrant shall be entitled. The indenture may
also provide that the emigrant shall, if considered necessary by the medical authori
ties, be vaccinated on his arrival at the dep6t and, in the event of such vaccination
being unsuccessful, revaccinated on board ship.
A rticle V III. The indenture shall be signed or, in cases of illiteracy, marked
by the emigrant after the Chinese manner, in the presence of the Chinese inspector
or his delegate and of the British consular officer or his delegate, who shall be respon
sible to their respective governments for its provisions having been clearly and fully
explained to the emigrant previous to signature. To each emigrant there shall be
presented a copy of the indenture drawn up in Chinese and English. Such indenture
shall not be considered as definitive or irrevocable until after the embarkation of the
emigrant.
A rticle IX . In every British colony or protectorate to which indentured Chinese
emigrants proceed an officer or officers shall be appointed whose duty it shall be to
insure that the emigrant shall have free access to the, courts of justice to obtain the
redress for injuries to his person and property which is secured to all persons, irre
spective of race, by the local law.
A rticle X . During the sojourn of the emigrant in the colony or protectorate in
which he is employed all possible postal facilities shall be afforded to him for com
municating with his native country and for making remittances to his family.
A rticle X I. With regard to the repatriation of the emigrant and his family, whether
on the expiration of the indenture or from any legal cause, or in the event of his having
been invalided from sickness or disablement, it is understood that this shall always
be to the port of shipment in China, and that in no case shall it take place by any
other means than actual conveyance by ship, and payment of money to the return
ing emigrant in lieu of passage shall not be admissible.
A rticle X II. Nothing in any indenture framed under these articles shall con
stitute on the part of the employer a right to transfer the emigrant to another em
ployer of labor without the emigrant’s free consent and the approval of his consul
or vice consul; and should any such transfer or assignment take place, it shall not
in any way invalidate any of the rights or privileges of the emigrant under the
indenture.
A rticle X III. It is agreed that a fee on each indentured emigrant shipped under
the terms of this convention shall be paid to the Chinese Government for expenses
of inspection, but no payment of any kind shall be made to the Chinese inspector
or any other official of the Chinese Government at the port of embarkation. The
above fee shall be paid into the customs bank previous to the clearance of the ship,
and shall be calculated at the following rate: 3 Mexican dollars per head for any
number of emigrants not exceeding 10,000, and 2 dollars per heaa for any number
in excess thereof, provided they are shipped at the same treaty port, and that not
more than 12 months have elapsed since the date of the last shipment.

170

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— B,

Should the port of embarkation have been changed, or a space of more than 12
months have elapsed since the date of the last shipment, inspection charges shall
be paid as in the first instance.
A kticle X IV . The English and Chinese text of the present convention have been
carefully compared, but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between
them, the sense as expressed in the English text shall be held to be the correct sense.
A rticle X V . The present convention shall come into force on the date of its
signature and remain m force for four years from that date, and after such period of
four year* it shall be terminable by either of the high contracting parties on giving
one year’s notice.
r
Schedule .
R egulations .

Ships employed in the transport of indentured emigrants from China under this
convention must be seaworthy, clean, and properly ventilated, and, with regard
to the following matters, shall comply with conditions as far as possible equivalent
to those in force in British India with reference to the emigration of natives from
India:
Accommodation required on board (vide sec. 57 of “ The Indian emigration act,
1883” ).
Sleeping accommodation, consisting of wooden sheathing to the decks or sleeping
platforms (vide rule regarding “ iron decks,” as amended the 16th August, 1902, in
Schedule “ A ” to the rules under “ The Indian emigration act, 1883” ).
Buies as to space on board (vide sec. 58 of “ The Indian emigration act, 1883” ).
Carriage of qualified surgeon, with necessary medical stores.
Storage of drinking water (vide rule 113, as amended the 24th February, 1903,
under “ The Indian emigration act, 1883” ).
Provision of adequate distilling apparatus (vide schedule “ 0 ” to the rules under
“ The Indian emigration act, 1883” ).
The dietary for each indentured emigrant on board ship shall be as follows per day:
N ot less than—

Rice, not less than 11 pounds, or flour or breadstuffs..........................pounds.. 1£
Fish (dried or salt) ormeat (fresh or preserved).................................do___
|
Fresh vegetables of suitable kinds........................................................do___ l|
Salt......................................................................................................... ounces.. 1
Sugar...........................................................................................................do----- 1J
Chinese tea................................................................................................ do----|
Chinese condiments in sufficient quantities.
Water for drinking and cooking.........................................................gallon.. 1
or such other articles of food as may be substituted for any of the articles enumerated
in the foregoing scale as being in the opinion of the doctor on board equivalent thereto.

F oreign Office ,
M ay 13 , 1904.
Si r : By Article V I of the convention about to be concluded between Great Britain
and China with regard to Chinese subjects leaving the treaty ports of China under
indenture for service in British colonies or protectorates it is provided that:
“ For the better protection of the emigrant and of any other Chinese subject who
may happen to be residing in the colony or protectorate to which the emigration is to
take place, it shall be competent to the Emperor of China to appoint a consul or vice
consul to watch over their interests and well-being, and such consul or vice consul
shall have all the rights and privileges accorded to the consuls of other nations.”
His Majesty’s Government consider it specially important that the persons appointed
to occupy, for the purpose named, the position of consul or vice consul should be
experienced officers of Chinese nationality, that they should be exclusively in the
service of the Emperor of China, and that in each case the name of the person selected
should be communicated to His Majesty’s Government, and their agreement to the
appointment obtained.
1 have the honor to inquire whether the Chinese Government are prepared to meet
the wishes of His Majesty’s Government in the matter. If so, and it you will inform
me accordingly, this note and your reply might be attached to the convention in order
to place on formal record the arrangement concluded.

171

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— C<
C h in e s e L e g a t io n ,

May IS , 1904.

M y L ord M a r q u ess:

In reply to your Lordship's note of this date, I have the honor to state that the
Chinese Government are in entire accord with His Britannic Majesty's Government
as to the great importance they attach to the consuls and vice consuls to be appointed
under Article V I of the convention about to be concluded between the two Govern
ments being men of great experience, and will consider it a duty which they owe to
the emigrant to confine the selection of these officers to such as in all respects conform
to the requirements specified in the note above referred to, which, together with the
present one, it has been mutually agreed shall, in proof of this understanding, be
appended to the said convention.
C.— TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA, CONCERNING
IMMIGRATION, NOVEMBER 17, 1880.2
[22 Stat. L . 826.]

Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858, a treaty of peace
and friendship was concluded between the United States of America and China,
and to which were added, in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868,
certain supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties, which supplementary
articles were to be perpetually observed and obeyed; and
Whereas, the Government of the United States, because of the constantly increasing
immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United States, and the embar
rassments consequent upon such immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification
of the existing treaties which shall not be in direct contravention of their spirit;
Now, therefore, the President of the United States of America has appointed James
B. Angell, of Michigan, John F. Swift, of California, and William Henry Trescot, of
South Carolina, as his Commissioners Plenipotentiary; and His Imperial Majesty,
the Emperor of China, has appointed Pao Chun, a member of His Imperial Majesty's
Privy Council, and Superintendent of the Board of Civil Office; ana Li Hungtsao,
a member of His Imperial Majesty’s Privy Council, as his Commissioners Plenipo
tentiary; and the said Commissioners Plenipotentiary, having conjointly examined
their full powers, and having discussed the points of possible modification in existing
treaties, have agreed upon the following articles in modification:
A r t i c l e I. Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States the
coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, affects or
threatens to affect the interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of the
said country or of any locality within the territory thereof, the Government of China
agrees that the Government of the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such
coming or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it.3 The limitation or suspen
sion shall be reasonable, and shall apply only to Chinese who may go to the United
States as laborers, other classes not being included in the limitations Legislation
taken in regard to Chinese laborers will be of such a character only as is necessary to
enforce the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and immigrants
shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or abuse.
A r t . II. Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as teachers,
students, merchants, or from curiosity, together with their body and household
servants, and Chinese laborers who are now in the United States shall be allowed to go
and come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights,
privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and
subjects of the most favored nation.
A r t . III. If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either permanently
or temporarily residing in the territory of the United States, meet with illtreatment
at the Hands of any other persons, the Government of the United States will exert
all its power to devise measures for their protection and to secure to them the same
rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions as may be enjoyed b y the citizens or
subjects of the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled b y treaty.
A r t . IV. The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing articles,
whenever the Government of the United States shall adopt legislative measures in
accordance therewith, such measures will be communicated to the Government of
* Concluded N ov. 17,1880; ratification advised b y the Senate May 5,1881; ratified b y the President May 9,
1881; ratification exchanged July 19,1881; proclaimed Oct. 5,1881.
* Affected b y various provisions of law, prohibiting the admission of Chinese laborers to the United
States.

-----12

41986°—23

172

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— D,

China. If the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the subjects of
China, the Chinese minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of the
Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider the subject with him;
and the Chinese Foreign ©Sice may also bring the matter to the notice of the United
States minister at Peking and consider the subject with him, to the end that mutual
and unqualified benefit may result.
In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed the fore
going at Peking, in English and Chinese being three originals of each text of even
tenor and date, the ratifications of which shall be exchanged at Peking within one
year from date of its execution.
D — EMIGRATION TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AND CHINA, MARCH 17, 1894.
Whereas, on the 17th day of November, A. D. 1880, and of Kwang Hsu, the sixth
year, tenth moon, fifteenth day, a treaty was concluded between the United States
and China for the purpose of regulating, limiting, or suspending the coming of Chinese
laborers to, and their residence in, the United States;
And whereas the Government of China, in view of the antagonism and much depre
cated and serious disorders to which the presence of Chinese laborers has given rise
in certain parts of the United States, desires to prohibit the emigration of such laborers
from China to the United States;
And whereas the two Governments desire to cooperate in prohibiting such emigra
tion and to strengthen in other ways the bonds of friendship between the two
countries;
And whereas the two Governments are desirous of adopting reciprocal measures for
the better protection of the citizens or subjects of each within the jurisdiction of the
other:
Now, therefore, the President of the United States has appointed Walter Q. Gresham,
Secretary of State of the United States, as his plenipotentiary, and his Imperial
Majesty the Emperor of China has appointed Yang Yu, officer of the second rank,
subdirector of the Court of Sacrificial Worship, and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary to the United States of America, as his plenipotentiary; and the said
plenipotentiaries, having exhibited their respective full powers found to be in due
and good form, have agreed upon the following articles:
A r t i c l e I. The high contracting parties agree that for a period of 10 years, begin
ning with the date of exchange of the ratifications of this convention, the coming,
except under the conditions hereinafter specified, of Chinese laborers to the United
States shall be absolutely prohibited.
A r t . II. The preceding article shall not apply to the return to the United States
of any registered Chinese laborer who has a lawful wife, child, or parent in the United
States, or property therein of the value of $1,000, or debts of like amount due him
and pending settlement. Nevertheless, every such Chinese laborer shall, before leav
ing the United States, deposit, as a condition of his return, with the collector of cus
toms of the district from which he departs a full description in writing of his family,
or property or debts, as aforesaid, and shall be furnished by said collector with such
certificate of his right to return under this treaty as the laws of the United States may
now or hereafter prescribe and not inconsistent with the provisions of this treaty;
and should the written description aforesaid be proved to be false, the right of return
thereunder or of continued residence after return shall in each case be forfeited.
And such right of return to the United States shall be exercised within one year from
the date of leaving the United States; but such right of return to the United States
may be extended for an additional period not to exceed one year in cases where b y
reason of sickness or other cause of disability beyond his control such Chinese laborer
shall be rendered unable sooner to return, which facts shall be fully reported to the
Chinese consul at the port of departure, and b y him certified, to the satisfaction of the
collector of the port at which such Chinese subject shaU land in the United States;
and no such Chinese laborer shall be permitted to enter the United States b y land or
sea without producing to the proper officer of the customs the return certificate herein
required.
A rt . III. The provisions of this convention shall not affect the right at present
enjoyed, of Chinese subjects, being officials, teachers, students, merchants, or travelers
for curiosity or pleasure, but not laborers, of coming to the United States and residing
therein. To entitle such Chinese subjects as are above described to admission into
the United States, they may produce a certificate from their Government or the gov
ernment where they last resided visaed b y the diplomatic or consular representative
of the United States in the country or port from whence they depart.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— E.

173

It is also agreed that Chinese laborers shall continue to enjoy the privilege of transit
across the territory of the United States in the course of their journey to and from other
countries, subject to such regulations b y the Government of the United States as may
be necessary to prevent said privilege of transit from being abused.
A r t . IV . In pursuance of Article III of the immigration treaty between the United
States and China, signed at Peking on the 17th day of November, 1880 (Hie fifteenth day
of the tenth moon of Kwang Hsu, sixth year), it is hereby understood and agreed that
Chinese laborers or Chinese of any other class, either permanent or temporary residing
in the United States, shall have for the protection of their persons and property all
rights that are given b y the laws of the United States to citizens of the most favored
nation, except the right to become naturalized citizens. And the Government of the
United States reaffirms its obligation, as stated in said Article III, to exert all its power
to secure protection to the persons and property of all Chinese subjects in the United
States.
A r t . V . The Government of the United States, having b y an act of the Congress
approved May 5, 1892, as amended b y an act approved November 3,1893, required all
Chinese laborers lawfully within the limits of the United States before the passage of
the first-named act to be registered as in said acts provided, with a view of affording
them better protection, the Chinese Government will not object to the enforcement
of such acts, and reciprocally the Government of the United States recognizes the right
of the Government of China to enact and enforce similar laws or regulations for the
registration, free of charge, of all laborers, skilled or unskilled (not merchants as de
fined b y said acts of Congress), citizens of the United States in China, whether resid
ing within or without the treaty ports.
And the Government of the United States agrees that within 12 months from the
date of the exchange of ratifications of this convention and annually thereafter it will
furnish to the Government of China registers or reports showing the full name, age, oc
cupation, and number or place of residence of all other citizens of the United States,
including missionaries residing both within and without the treaty ports of China,
not including, howeyer, diplomatic and other officers of the United States residing or
traveling in China upon official business, together with their body and household
servants.
A r t . Y I. This convention shall remain in force for a period of 10 years beginning
with the date of the exchange of ratifications, and if six months before the expiration
of the said period of 10 years neither Government shall have formally given notice
of its final termination to the other, it shall remain in force for another like period of
10 years.
E.— AN ACT TO PROHIBIT THE “ COOLIE TRADE” BY AMERICAN CITIZENS
IN AMERICAN VESSELS, 1862.*
No citizen or citizens of the United States or foreigner coming into or residing within
the same shall, for himself or for any other person whatsoever, either aa master, factor,
owner, or otherwise, build, equip, load, or otherwise prepare any ship or vessel, on
any steamship or steam vessel, registered, enrolled, or licensed, in the United States,
or any port within the same, for the purpose of procuring from China or from any port
or place therein or from any other port or place the inhabitants or subjects of China,
known as coolies, to be transported to any foreign country, port, or place whatever,
to be disposed of, or sold, or transferred, for any term of years or for any time whatever,
as servants or apprentices or to be held to service or labor. And if any ship or vessel,
steamship or steam vessel, belonging in whole or in part to citizens of the United States,
and registered, enrolled, or otherwise licensed as aforesaid, shall be employed for the
said purposes or in the “ coolie trade^’ so called, or shall be caused to procure or carry
from China or elsewhere, as aforesaid, any subjects of the Government of China for
the purpose of transporting or disposing of them as aforesaid, every such ship or vessel,
steamship, or steam vessel, her tackle, apparel, furniture, and other appurtenances,
shall be forfeited to the United States, and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted,
and condemned in any of the circuit courts or district courts of the United States for
the district where the said ship or vessel, steamship or steam vessel, may be found,
seized, or carried.
S ec. 2. Every person who shall so build, fit out, equip, load, or otherwise prepare,
or who shall send to sea or navigate, as owner, master, factor, agent, or otherwise, any
ship or vessel, steamship, or steam vessel, belonging in whole or in part to citizens of
the United States, or registered, enrolled, or licensed within the same, or at any port

4United States Statutes at Large, Treaties and Proclamations of the United States of America, from
D ec. 5, 1859, to Mar. 3,1863. Edited b y George P . Sanger. Boston, Little, Brown & Co., 1863, V ol. 12,
pp. 340,341.

174

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— F,

thereof knowing or intending that the same shall be employed in that trade or busi
ness aforesaid, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, or in any wise
aiding or abetting therein, shall be severally liable to be indicted therefor, and on
conviction thereof shall be liable to a fine not exceeding $2,000 and be imprisoned
not exceeding one ^ear.
S ec . 3. If any^ citizen or citizens of the United States shall, contrary to the true
intent and meaning of this act, take on board of any vessel or receive or transport any
such persons as are above described in this act for the purpose of disposing of them
as aforesaid, he or they shall be liable to be indicted therefor and on conviction thereof
shall be liable to a fine not exceeding $2,000 and be imprisoned not exceeding one
year.
S ec. 4. Nothing in this act hereinbefore contained shall be deemed or construed
to apply to or affect any free and voluntary emigration of any Chinese subject, or to
any vessel carrying such person as passenger on board the same: Provided, however,
That a permit or certificate shall be prepared and signed b y the consul or consular
agent of the United States residing at the port from which such vessel may take her
departure, containing the name of such person and setting forth the fact of his vol
untary emigration from such port or place, which certificate shall be given to the
master of such vessel; but the same shall not be given until such consul or consular
agent shall be first personally satisfied by evidence produced of the truth of the facts
therein contained.
Sec. 5. All the provisions of the act of Congress approved February 22, 1847, en
titled “ An act to regulate the carriage of passengers in merchant vessels,” and all the
provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1849, entitled, “ An act to extend
the provisions of all laws now in force relating to the carriage of passengers in mer
chant vessels and the regulation thereof,” shall be extended and shall apply to all
vessels owned in whole or in part b y citizens of the United States, and registered,
enrolled, or licensed within the United States, propelled b y wind or by steam, and
to all masters thereof, carrying passengers or intending to carry passengers from any
foreign port or place without the United States to any other foreign port or place
without the United States; and that all penalties and forfeitures provided for in said
act shall apply to vessels and masters last aforesaid.
S ec . 6. The President of the United States shall be, and he is hereby, authorized
and empowered, in such way and at such time as he shall judge proper to the end that
the provisions of this act may be enforced according to the true intent and meaning
thereof to direct and order the vessels of the United States and the masters and com
manders thereof, to examine all vessels navigated or owned in whole or in part by
citizens of the United States and registered, enrolled, or licensed under the laws of
the United States, wherever they may be, whenever, in the judgment of such master
or commanding officer thereof, reasonable cause shall exist to believe that such vessel
has on board, m violation of the provisions of this act, any subjects of China known
as “ coolies,” for the purpose of transportation; and upon sufficient proof that such
vessel is employed in violation of the provisions of this act to cause such vessel to be
carried, with her officers and crew into any port or district within the United States,
and delivered to the marshal of such district, to be held and disposed of according
to the provisions of this act.
Sec. 7. This act shall take effect from and after six months from the day of its
passage.
Approved, February 19, 1862.
F.— LABOR EMIGRATION LAW OF CHINA (PROMULGATED APR. 21, 1918.)‘
A rticle 1. All citizens of the Republic of China, who are laboring in foreign
countries, shall be called emigrant laborers.
A rt . 2. Emigrant laborers shall be limited to the following classes: (a) Those
selected and sent abroad by the Government; (6) those directly recruited by agencies;
(c) those recruited by contractors.
A rt . 3. An emigrant laborer at the time of the employment shall be required to
fulfill the following conditions: (a) Age from 20 to 40; (6) sound and healthy body;
(c) free from contagious diseases; (d) possessing no bad habits; (e) good conduct and
having committed no criminal offenses.
A rt . 4. The emigration of these laborers under class (b) of article 2 shall be reported
to and approved by the Chinese Government emigration bureau.*
* Official translation. A somewhat different translation of the same law appears in Hearings on Labor
Problems in Hawaii before the House Committee on Immigration and -Naturalization, Sixty-seventh
Congress, first session, 1921, Serial 7, Part II, pages 930-935. B ut regarding all differences between these
tw o versions, the sense expressed in the translation here given should be followed.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— G,

175

A rt . 5. Petitions to the emigration bureau regarding the emigration of laborers
under class (b) of article 2 shall give the following information: (a) Name of the coun
try and its specific locality in which the laborers are to work; (b) Name of the agency
by which they are recruited; (c) the nature of work for which they are to be employea.
A rt . 6. Without a special permit from the emigration bureau, no contractors shall
be permitted to recruit laborers.
A rt . 7. The recruiting of laborers shall be undertaken according to the labor
recruiting agency regulations.
A rt . 8. All contracts for Chinese labor, except those made b y the Government,
shall be referred to the emigration bureau for its approval. These contracts shall be
made in accordance with the labor contract regulations.
The labor contract regulations shall be promulgated b y the emigration bureau.
A rt. 9. All laborers going abroad shall be required to provide themselves with
passports, issued by the emigration bureau. All the passports, heretofore issued by
the various organs to emigrant laborers, shall be canceled after the promulgation of
the law.
A rt. 10. At least 20 per cent of the wages of an emigrant laborer shall be set apart
for his family. This sum shall be deducted from his wages b y his employer every
month and remitted to the director of the emigration bureau of the cabinet. It will
be forwarded through a bank in China designated b y the director of the emigration
bureau to the laborer’s family, and if the laborer has no family, the money shall be
deposited in the bank and returned to himself upon his return home. (Such money
shall be handed to either the Chinese legation or the Chinese consulate at the locality,
b y the employer, for remittance to China.)
A rt . 11. No one shall be allowed to act as interpreter for emigrant laborers without
being approved b y the emigration bureau and without being given a permit.
A rt . 12. Should there be any specific provision in treaties concerning Chinese
emigrant laborers, such provision shall be observed.
A rt . 13. Fees to be paid to the Government b y laborers, prior to their going abroad
in accordance with usual practice, shall be collected b y the emigration bureau or its
branch bureau in localities in which laborers are recruited.
A rt . 14. If circumstances warrant, emigration commissioners shall be appointed
to be stationed in the countries or specific places in which Chinese laborers are work
ing. Such commissioners shall be appointed b y the prime minister upon the recom
mendation of the emigration bureau. Members of the Chinese legations or consulates
near the places where there are Chinese laborers may be authorized to act in such
capacity.
A rt . 15. Local authorities who assist in the recruiting of laborers shall be required
to submit reports of their doings through the highest official of the locality to the
emigration bureau.
A rt . 16. This law shall take effect on the day of its promulgation.
G.— LABOR RECRUITING AGENCY REGULATIONS OF CHINA (PROMUL
GATED APR. 21, 1918).6
A rticle 1. All persons engaged in recruiting Chinese labor, either individuals or
companies, shall be called labor recruiting agents.
A rt . 2. Those who wish to be labor recruiting agents shall be required to make
applications to the emigration bureau through its subbureau of the locality or its
local representatives. Such applications shall embody the following details:
1. Name, age, native place, present address, and personal record of the applicant.
2. The location of the office or suboffice of the agency.
3. The total amount of capital for the undertaking.
4. The organization and nature of the company and all requirements as enumerated
in articles 10, 82, 98, or 232 of the corporation law.
A rt . 3. Those who come under any of the following classifications shall not be
allowed to be labor recruiting agents:
1. Having been deprived of their civil rights and not yet given back.
2. Having been declared bankrupt and such order having not yet been annulled.
3. Having been declared unqualified to administer property, or such declaration
still being in force.
4. Having been punished for violation of these regulations and during the three
years following the punishment.*
* Official translation. A somewhat different translation of the same law appears in Hearings on Labor
Problems in Hawaii before the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, Sixty-seventh
Congress, first session, 1921, serial 7, Part II, pages 930-935. But regarding all differences between these
tw o versions, the sense expressed in the translation here given should be followed.

176

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I----G.

5.
Agency having been dissolved by this law and within the year after the
dissolution.
A rt . 4. If an agent fails to commence his business one year after the approval of
his application, such approval shall be considered null and void.
A rt . 5. Every time labor is recruited the agent shall be required to make appli
cation for permission to recruit to the emigration bureau through its sub bureau or
its representatives. The application shall contain the following information:
1. Name of the applicant, individual or company.
2. The place in which the recruiting shall take place.
3. Names of the countries and their specific places for which labor is recruited.
4. The kind of labor to be recruited.
5. The number of laborers to be recruited.
6. A copy of the contract signed between the foreign employer and the recruiting
agent.
7. A copy of the contract signed between employers and employees. The contract
referred to in clause 6 shall not violate Article V III of the emigration law. If it is
written in a foreign language, the text shall be accompanied b y a Chinese translation.
A rt . 6. No agent shall be allowed to recruit labor outside the areas assigned to him
by the emigration bureau.
A rt . 7. The assembling and departure of recruited laborers shall be reported to
the local emigration subbureau or representatives of the head bureau so that officials
may be sent for supervision.
A rt . 8. Any agent, when obtaining the permission of the emigration bureau to
recruit in accordance with article 2, shall be required to give a security for the under
taking and shall be, in accordance with article 5, required to pay a license fee. If
an agent fails to pay the security or the license fee either wholly or partially he shall
forfeit the right to recruit laborers. The license fee shall be $10,000, and the mini
mum security for the undertaking shall be $5,000. The sums may be increased by
the emigration bureau when the number of recruits is over 2,500.
A rt . 9. National bonds or Government certificates may be used for the securities,
but their sum shall not exceed 30 per cent of the total amount.
A rt . 10. The agent shall apply to the emigration bureau for the return of the
security for the undertaking one year after the expiration of the labor contract. The
security shall be returned when the agent applies for the cancellation of his license
and is approved b y the emigration bureau.
A rt . 11. Besides compensations and expenses provided for in the contract, no
other commission shall be demanded by agents from laborers.
A rt . 12. The date of departure of laborers shall be announced to them at the time
of recruiting. If the departure is delayed, not by unavoidable circumstances such as
heavenly acts beyond human control, the laborers shall receive from the agents
compensation for whatever damage that may accrue to them.
A rt . 13. When any agent fails to comply with the terms of a contract, the laborers
concerned shall be allowed to petition to the local emigration subbureau or the head
bureau’s representatives for assistance. Any expenses incurred therewith, after
having been ascertained by the bureau chief, shall be defrayed out of the agent’s
security funds for the undertaking.
A rt . 14. If any agent is guilty of the following misdemeanors his business permit
shall be canceled and his license withdrawn: (1) Violation of these regulations,
(2) disturbance of public order and peace, (3) ill-treatment of laborers.
In the last case loss sustained by the laborers through the cancellation of the
business permit shall be indemnified by the agent concerned.
The amount of damage thus incurred shall be ascertained and made good by the
agent’s security funds for the undertaking by -the emigration bureau.
A rt . 15. If any agent is found recruiting laborers by dishonest means, in addition
to the cancellation of his business permit he shall be punished with life imprison
ment or imprisonment of the second grade, and his security shall be confiscated.
A rt . 16. Any agent who wishes to carry on any business having direct connection
with the emigrant laborers shall be required to make application to the emigration
bureau, stating the following: (1) The kind of trade and the place, (2) the amount of
capital, (3) the plan for the business.
A rt . 17. Any agent who, in violation of the regulations, recruits labor secretly
shall be punished with imprisonment of the fifth grade, with hard labor, or fined not
more than $1,000 nor less than $100.
A rt . 18. All agencies which have been established with the permission of the
proper authorities may continue their business, but shall, in conformity with these
regulations, apply for licenses at the emigration bureau.

177

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— H,

A rt. 19. All agencies which have been established without the permission of the
proper authorities before the promulgation of these regulations shall be required to
apply to the emigration bureau for licenses within three months after the promul
gation of these regulations.
A rt . 20. These regulations shall take effect on the day of their promulgation.
H .— PRINCIPAL

CONTENTS OP AGREEMENT ON
CHINESE LABORERS, 1918.7

EMPLOYMENT

A rticle 1. It shall be stated in the contract that the contractor has received a
permit from the emigration bureau to recruit laborers and has paid a certain amount
of money as security.
A rt . 2. The contract shall state that the employer has obtained the sanction of
his own Government to entitle the Chinese Government to instruct the labor com
missioner resident in that country to supervise, accord protection, and send members
of his staff to the place of work for investigation relative to the treatment of laborers
and similar matters.
A rt . 3. The name of the country to which the laborers are sent and the name of
the area where they work, the kind of work—all these shall be specified.
A rt . 4. The name, age, and nationality of the agent of the employer and the
address of his recruiting agency shall be fixed beforehand.
A rt . 5. The total number of recruited laborers shall be definitely fixed beforehand.
A rt . 6. The term for laborers shall be stipulated. Beginning from the day on
which they commence work, all the absences on account of private affairs or without
good reasons, with the exception of sickness, shall be made up at the expiration of
the term.
A rt . 7. The number of working hours is 10 at most. Should the law of the land
prohibit a laborer from working 10 hours, it also applies to Chinese laborers.
A rt . 8. The pay for Chinese laborers shall be the same as that for natives doing
the same kind of work. Should any of them have special training or be able to do
their work better, they shall be paid more in proportion to the degree of their skill
fulness. After one year, all the laborers who have shown efficiency or improvement
shall be rewarded by their employer in the form of increased wages.
A rt . 9. Before the termination of the contract, should the employer propose to
transfer the work to a third party or change its nature at variance with the provisions
in the contract, he must secure the consent of the labor commissioner. Should the
factory stop work and should there be no work for the laborers, besides giving to the
latter the full amount of traveling expenses back home, it shall properly indemnify
them for any loss sustained therefrom.
A rt . 10. The employer shall undertake to guarantee that the Chinese laborers
will be treated as equals of Europeans or Americans in the country in which they
are to work. They shall also enjoy rewards, and any form of encouragement such
as bonus, etc., none of which shall be withheld from them, or not paid fully.
A rt . 11. On Sundays, the Chinese national holidays, the national holidays of the
country in which they work, and the days when they are sick, they shall be allowed
by the employer to stop work, and must not be coerced to labor. With the exception
of the Chinese national holidays, those who are willing to work can do so, but they
should receive the consent of the laborers.
A rt . 12. The Chinese laborers shall receive extra pay either b y day or by hours
should the working hours be more than what has been fixed, and such an increase of
working hours shall receive the consent of the laborers concerned.
A rt . 13. The employer shall give food allowance and necessary daily expenses on
holidays or when the laborers are sick or are traveling, although they may not receive
their regular pay. If it is the custom of the country concerned that no deduction
of wages is made on holidays or when the laborers are sick or traveling, the Chinese
laborers shall enjoy the same privilege.
A rt . 14. The employer shall give to the Chinese laborer a contract signed by him,
which is written bom in Chinese and in a foreign language, in which all the privileges
the latter is to enjoy are stipulated.
A rt . 15. The Chinese laborer shall give to the employer a statement giving his
name, age, address (his home city), the regulations to be observed, and the duty to
be performed by himself.*
* Official translation. A somewhat different translation of the same law appears in Hearings on Labor
Problems in Hawaii before the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 67th Congress
1st session, 1921, Serial 7, Part II, p p. 930-935. B ut regarding all differences between these tw o versions,
the sense expressed in the translation here given should be followed.

178

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— H,

A rt . 16. The employer shall be responsible for all expenses involved in the
physical examination of the laborer, his photographing, his permit, his equipment
and traveling, and must not deduct them from his wages.
Regarding the physical examination and photographing of the laborer, the employer
and a deputy from the emigration bureau will together attend to these matters at the
time when the laborers are about to start for their destination. If any laborers are
found sickly or are incapacitated, they can be rejected. After they have left the
port, they are considered as qualified laborers, and can not be rejected.
A rt . 17. The port of embarkation for the laborers shall be stipulated beforehand.
A rt . 18. After the arrival of the laborers at the country concerned, the employer
shall give to the resident deputy or the commissioner of the emigration bureau their
list and inform him of the date on which they are to commence work and the places
where they are to be sent. A t the expiration of the agreement, when the laborers
are to be sent back to their own country, the resident deputy shall likewise be
informed.
A rt . 19. Provisions shall be made in the agreement for the amount of money to be
given to the family of each laborer, and that money is not to be deducted from his
wages. Furthermore, the employer shall give to his contractor family expenses for
the laborers at the time of their departure. An officer will be sent by either the
emigration bureau or its branch bureau to inspect the giving of such expenses to the
families of the laborers.
A rt . 20. In the contract the amount of wages for the laborer shall be stipulated.
At least 20 per cent of his wages shall be retained for the use of his family. The
method of their payment is mentioned in article 10 of the labor recruiting agency
regulations.
A rt . 21. The employer shall furnish clothing, boarding, and lodging to the laborers
and deduct from their wages whatever expenses are incurred according to the follow
ing regulations:
(а) Clothing.—At the time of their departure the laborers shall receive for the
season: Socks, hats, coats, pants, cotton clothes, leather boots, overcoats, rain equip
ment and luggage, etc. If they are to work in a cold climate, woolen or other heavy
clothing shall be added to the above list. Every six months they are to receive
clothing. The qualities of the materials, the number of pieces, and all the shapes of
clothing must be stipulated.
(б) Food.— Only tea and coffee are served for drinking. As to food, besides what is
suitable to their constitution, the laborers shall have that which contains starch,
albumin, fat, and other nourishing elements. Its quantity shall be fixed beforehand,
and utensils shall be sufficient for the purpose.
(c) Lodging.—The lodging shall be as near to the working places as possible, and
must be sanitary. Provisions shall be made for the extent of space to be occupied
b y each laborer. All the equipment, such as beds, mats, tables, chairs, lamps, stoves,
etc., shall be furnished.
A rt . 22. For the life insurance of the laborers, fees shall be deducted from their
wages. Should they be required to do the kind of work which involves risks, the
employer shall take out insurance policies for accidents and pay for them, and can
not deduct such fees from their wages. All the insurance policies and receipts shall
be given to the deputy of the emigration bureau for safe-keeping.
A rt . 23. The amount of money to be deducted as provided for in the preceding
two articles must not exceed one-third of the wages of the laborers.
A rt . 24. At the expiration of the contract, the laborers shall enjoy the privilege
of returning to their own country at the expense of the employer, who must send
them back to the places where they were formerly recruited. Those who do not
return home at the time can still enjoy the same privilege when they later return.
Should the term of their contract be extended after having received the approval
of the laborers, the employer shall consult the deputy of the emigration bureau so
that the latter can attend to the matter.
A rt . 25. In case of sickness, all medical expenses shall be paid b y the employer,
and can not be deducted from the wages of the laborers. After a lengthy time, if the
sick are still not recovered, they shall be sent back to their own country. First of
all, they shall be examined by a doctor and then given a medical certificate, but
before their transportation back to the place where they were recruited, permission
must be secured from the deputy of the emigration bureau. Their transportation
expenses must be met by the employer.
A rt . 26. The employer shall give pennons for those laborers who die of sickness
on account of work or are disabled or meet with accidental death. The amount of
such pensions shall be decided according to the law of the country concerned or what
is customary to pay liberally in such cases. With the exception of the pensions for

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I— H.

179

the wounded, who shall receive their own pensions, all the other pensions and the
sums insured, etc., shall be given to the deputy of the emigration bureau for remittance
to China, and they shall be handed to the right parties according to article 10 of the
labor recruiting agency regulations.
Family expenses, pensions, and sums insured shall be paid to the person designated
b y the laborer beforehand. Such recipient may be changed from time to time b y a
petition from the laborer to the deputy of the emigration bureau.
A rt . 27. After his death the laborer shall be buried according to the current cus
tom of the domiciling country. The burial expenses shall be paid by the employer,
who shall report to the deputy of the emigration bureau the cause and the time of the
death of the laborer and the place where he was buried for communication to the
contractor, so that the latter can convey this information to the family of the deceased.
A rt . 28. The employer shall pay all taxes, such as poll tax, etc., now or in future
collected in the domiciling country, and can not deduct them from their wages.
A rt . 29. The laborers shall enjoy all the legal rights, especially religious freedom,
of the domiciling country. Regarding them the employer shall not undertake to bind
them privately b y any agreement.
A rt . 30. Interpreters shall be engaged in the place where the Chinese laborers are
working. Expenses for their employment shall be paid b y the employer. The quali
fications of the interpreters shall be such as provided for in article 11 of the labor
recruiting agency regulations.
A rt . 31. Should the natives of the country try to exclude and expel the Chinese
laborer, the employer shall assume the whole responsibility and attend to the matter.
Should legal action be taken in such cases, the employer shall pay all expenses in
curred therewith. A n y loss sustained b y the laborer shall be indemnified b y the
employer.
A rt . 32. The employer can report to the deputy of the emigration bureau any
misconduct or repeated offenses of the laborers, so that they may be able to consult
together and punish the guilty. Should any laborer repeat his offenses irrespective
of warnings, or commit serious offenses, he shall be dismissed. In such cases, after
having received permission from the deputy of the emigration bureau, the employer
can send him back to the original port of embarkation, but must, however, pay all the
traveling expenses for him.
A rt . 33. The resident minister in China of the country which recruited laborers
shall undertake to guarantee the carrying out of all the provisions in the contract.
A rt . 34. On account of the difference of distances to various foreign countries and
of the value of coins, wages for the Chinese laborers can not necessarily be the same.
Therefore they shall be defined and stipulated at the time the contract is made.
A rt . 35. The contract shall state tnat without the approval of the emigration
bureau, of the cabinet in Peking, it will have no effect.
S u pplem en ts.

1. The Chinese laborers can not be employed on any work in connection with
military operations.
2. Should the laborers work in places near the fighting line, the deputy of the
emigration bureau can urge the employer to remove them therefrom. After their
removal from the fighting line, should there be no other work for them to do or should
the emigration deputy still consider the working places not suitable, the employer
shall give them three months’ pay and the entire traveling expenses, and send them
back to China to the port of embarkation.
3. In case the place where the laborers are working is not far from the fighting line,
the emigration deputy in consultation with the employer shall devise means of de
fense for their protection.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V.
A.— GENERAL FORM OF CONTRACT (PERAK).1
It is this day mutually agreed between the em ployer,------ , his attorney, heirs, or
assigns, and — -, Chinese laborer, bom a t ------ , and ag ed ------ years, as follows:
1. That the said laborer is willing to proceed t o ------ and be employed there as a ------f o r ------ a t --------wages of I--------, subject to the following conditions, viz: That the
said laborer receives an advance of $------ , which shall be deducted b y installments
b y the employer at the rate of I— — per month.
2. That the expenses for conveying the laborer from any port in the Straits Settle
ments to his destination shall be borne by the employer.
3. That the said employer shall furnish the laborer with a suitable house, for which
the latter w ill not be required to pay rent.
4; That the said employer shall provide the laborer with his daily food, consisting
of rice with vegetables, salt fish, or other condiment, and also furnish him with one
’acket, two pairs short trousers, one mosquito curtain, two bathing cloths, one sun
lat, and a pair of clogs.
5.
In the event of the laborer falling ill from natural causes, the employer shall
furnish him with medicine and a place for his medical treatment until recovery;
or send him in due time and by proper conveyance to the government hospital,
where such is established, and, if the days of illness do not exceed 30 days, the loss
of time shall be borne b y the employer, and the laborer will not be required to make
up for it; but should the illness of the laborer exceed 30 days during one year, or
should he fall sick from his own fault, or contract any venereal disease, he shall, on
recovery, or after the termination of his agreement, make good the days of his illness,
and shall also pay to the said em ployer------ cents as cost of food for each day’s absence.
Should the laborer desert and be captured, all expenses actually incurred shall be
repaid by him.
6.
Should the laborer be unable to work on account of venereal disease, or stop
work through laziness, the number of days of such absence, together with any advances
he may have received, shall be indorsed on the contract.
7.
Where b y a written contract of service a laborer is bound to repay to the employer
the specified amount of certain advances already made to him or on his behalf, and
such amount shall not have been repaid at the expiration of the period for which the
contract is made, such period shall be deemed to be extended and the contract to
be in force until such time as the whole of such amount shall have been repaid.
In every such case the employer shall, at the expiration of the original period of
service, indorse on the contract the amount remaining due, and shall within one
month thereafter give notice thereof in writing to the protector.
8.
Ten hours shall constitute a day’s work, but in case of emergency the laborer
shall work beyond the specified time; such overtime shall be placed to the credit of
the laborer, at the rate of wages mentioned in this contract.
9. The customary Chinese festivals will be considered as holidays.
The above nine articles having been clearly explained to both parties b y the pro
tector of Chinese, they have agreed to all of them, and have signed this contract with
the understanding that they shall hereafter observe all the articles mentioned therein:

Name in
English of
employee.

Age.

Name in
Chinese.

Original
Country.

Advance.

Signature or
mark of
employee.

Office of Protector of Chinese,
--------- , 189-.
Employer.
-, Protector o f Chinese.
1 Under part 3 of Order in Council No. 4 of 1895, “ The Labor Code.”

180

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V,

181

B .-S IN K H E H CONTRACT FOR TIN M INERS (PERAK).1
This contract, made t h e ------ day o f ------- , 189-, between the Chinese persons here
under named and described, and each and all of them, hereinafter called the laborers
of the one part, a n d ------ o f ------- , his executors, administrators, and assigns, herein
after called the employer, of the other part, witnesseth that it is hereby agreed b y
and between the said parties as follows:
1. The laborer w ill labor for the employer as a tin miner i n ------ kongsi (mining
establishment) a t ----- , Perak, or in any other kongsi or place within the State which
the employer may desire.
2. The laborer w ill complete an aggregate number of 360 days7work. Eight hours
shall constitute a day’s work.
3. The laborer w ill repay to the employer the sum hereunder entered against his
name, being moneys advanced to him or expended on his behalf, and the employer
may deduct the same from any wages due to the laborer.
4. The employer w ill pay to the laborer wages calculated at the rate of $42 for 360
days’ work.
5. The employer w ill furnish the laborer, free of charge, with suitable house
accommodations, and with two suits of clothing, one mosquito curtain, one sun hat,
two bathing cloths, and one pair of clogs.
6. The employer w ill provide the laborer, free of charge, with a sufficient supply
of food of good quality.
7. The employer w ill convey the laborer to the place or places where his contract
is to be fulfilled free of charge.
8. (a) If the laborer shall fail to complete 24 days’ work in any month, he shall be
liable to pay the employer 10 cents in respect of each day on which he may have been
absent from work during such month for any cause other than bona fide sickness, and
the employer may deduct the amount of such payment from any wages due to the
laborer.
(6) If on the completion of 360 days’ work the amount so deducted shall ex ceed ----(here enter the amount of wages, less the amount of advance), this contract shall be
deemed to be extended until the laborer shall have repaid the employer all moneys
in excess of that sum. Wages during such period of extension shall be payable at
the rate of 20 cents for each day’s work.
(c) No laborer shall be detained under this contract for a longer period than two
years.
9. If the laborer shall abscond and be arrested, he shall be liable to pay to the em
ployer such expenses of his arrest as the protector or a magistrate may deem reasonable.
C.— SHAP-TSAU-YAT SHAP-TSAN-YI CONTRACT.**
Contract betw een------ , advancer, a n d ------ , who undertake to work a m in e ------ .
The mine belongs t o ------ , is situated a t ------ , and registered under N o .------ . The
owner has provided the kongsi house, the various water courses, and th e ------ pumps.
It is now agreed between------ , who acts as advancer, an d ------ , who acts as contractor
for the supply of coolies, to op an a mining kongsi on th e ------ system, under the name
o f ------ , and that the provisions, opium, and other articles used in the kongsi shall be
supplied b y the advancer.
The following conditions have been agreed upon b y the two contracting parties, viz:
1. All the tin ore produced from the mine may, after weighing, be taken away and
smelted b y the advancer, and the price for the same shall be according to current
market rates.
If the advancer does not want to smelt the ore himself, but allows the tin ore to be
sold, the full amount realized b y the sale shall be handed over to the advancer and
entered into the account books.
The advancer shall then pay the tithe to the mipe owner, refund the expenses for
opening the mine, if any, and deduct the amount expended for provisions b y him, etc.
The balance, if any, shall then belong to the kongsi.
2. The coolies of the kongsi shall receive seven-tenths of their wages or earnings for
any kind of work done in the eighth month, after the necessary deduction of the tithe
to the owner, the expenditure in opening the mine, of the amount due to the advancer
for provisions, etc., has been made; at the end of the twelfth month the balance due
to mem, if any, shall be paid in full.
If in tiie eighth month there is no balance due to the kongsi, only one settlement of
accounts in full shall be made at the end of the year. If the mine is worked out

i Under part 3 of Order in Council No. 4 of 1895, “The Labor Code.**
* Contract to work mine on cooperative system.

182

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V— D«

before the eighth month, all accounts shall be settled as soon as the remaining tin ore,
if any, has been sold.
3. If there should be any clandestine sale of tin ore, the advancer shall, on the dis
covery, hand the parties concerned over to the authorities for punishment. If the
advancer allows the kongsi people to dispose of the tin ore themselves, he shall be
informed of the time when the weighing takes place, so that he may enter the correct
weight in his books. If they fail to inform the advancer, a fine of $100 shall be charged,
one-half to the advancer, one-half to the kongsi.
4. The contractor shall supply the mine w ith ------ coolies.
If any contract coolies are used for stripping land, the advancer’s instructions in
regard to measurement and digging shall be agreed to by the kongsi people. If a
new engine or pump or a new platform has to be brought to the mine and erected
there, the kongsi coolies, under the direction of their headmen, shall assist in doing
the work. If the water courses require repairs, the work connected therewith shall
be done by the kongsi coolies.
5. The coolies of the kongsi shall work in harmony with each other. Any man
creating a disturbance and lifting his hand to strike another shall pay a fine of $5
[$2.84, par, U. S. money]; if the party attacked strikes back he shall be fined $3
[$1.70, par, U. S. money]. For a general disturbance among the coolies the whole
kongsi is liable to a fine of $25 [$14.20, par, U. S. money], the amount for such fines
to be used at the end of the year for a general entertainment; but if the disturbance
shall have been such as to have attracted the attention of the police or threatened the
disturbance of the peace outside of the mines the matter can be dealt with only by
the court in the usual manner.
6. Neither landlord nor advancer shall be responsible for any debts contracted b y
the kongsi coolies, either inside or outside of the kongsi, nor shall they be responsible
for the payment of wages to carpenters, basket makers, blacksmiths, or others.
7. The implements used in the mine shall be handed over b y the landlord to the
kongsi, and a list of them shall be attached to this contract. Any other implements or
utensils than those named above, the kongsi shall supply itself. The cost of such
implements shall have nothing to do with the owner or the advancer. The imple
ments handed over for use^ by the landlord shall be returned to him when the mine
stops working. Any deficiency in the number of them shall be made good b y the
kongsi.
8. The kongsi coolies shall not be allowed to sell the rations supplied to them by
the advancer to anybody outside of the kongsi. The rations supplied shall consist
of a sufficient quantity of rice, not less than 1J catties [I f pounds] per day; vegetables,
1 cent [0.57 cent, par, U. S. money] per day; salt fish, 4 catties [5.3 pounds] per month;
beans, every day in sufficient quantity if the coolies desire it; ground nut oil, onehalf catty [f pound] per month.
9. The working hours of coolies on the cooperative system shall be as follows: From
5.30 a. m. to 9.30 a. m. and from 12.30 p. m. to 4.30 p. m.
10. The agreement has been made for a term o f ------ years.
11. Should any of the parties fail to conform to the above stipulations the case
shall be laid before the secretary for Chinese affairs, his deputy, or the local authori
ties. The rations of the coolies must not be stopped b y the advancer before the secre
tary for Chinese affairs, his deputy, or the local authorities have been communicated
with.
If the rations are stopped on account of the kongsi failing to comply with the terms
of the contract the mine reverts to the landlord, who may take other people to work it,
and the present agreement is considered null and void.
In proof of the agreement made four copies of the contract shall be drawn up, one
to be held by the advancer, one by the headman of the kongsi, one to be posted in the
kongsi, and one to be filed in the Chinese secretariat.
The agreement shall be registered in the office of the secretary for Chinese affairs
or, if outside of Larut, in the branch department, and shall take effect from ------ .
D .—AGREEMENT OF STRAITS SUGAR CO. WITH CONTRACTOR.
Articles of agreement made this —— day o f ------ , 190-, betw een ------ , for and on
behalf of the Straits Sugar Co. (hereinafter called “ the em ployer” ), of the one part,
a n d ------ , planter (hereinafter called “ the contractor” ), of the other part:
1. The employer hereby agrees to permit the contractor to cu ltiv a te------ orlongs
(1J acres) of land in field N o .------ , situated a t ------ , with sugar cane for period, of five
years from the date hereof.
2. The contractor hereby agrees and undertakes to cultivate the same and to grow
* three crops of sugar cane thereon in the said five years.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V— D.

183

3. The employer shall clean and deepen all existing drains and draining trenches
and shall dig such new drains as shall, in the opinion of the employer, he necessary
for the proper drainage of the land during the first year of this agreement, after which
period the contractor shall clean and keep in ordfer all such drains.
4. The contractor shall keep the land in good heart and condition during his occupa
tion thereof and shall deliver the same in like condition to the employer on the
expiration or sooner determination of this agreement.
5. The contractor shall not sell his canes to any other person than the employer,
and in the event of his selling to any other person the contractor shall pay to the
employer by way of liquidated damages the sum of $20 [$11.36 par U. S. money]
for each and every picul [133 J pounds] of canes so sold by him.
6. The contractor shall pay to the employer the sum of $5 [$2.84 par U. S. money]
upon the transfer of his rights under this agreement to any other person.
7. The employer shall advance to the contractor the sum of $—— per month for
12 consecutive months during the cultivation of each crop and the further sum of
$1 [56.8 cents, par, U. S. money] on each of the contractor’s feast days, such feast
days not to exceed eight in number in any one year.
8. When the canes shall, in the opinion of the employer, be ripe for cutting, the
employer shall cut them and shall deduct the cost of doing so from the amount to be
paid by him to the contractor as provided for in the next clause.
9. The employer shall pay to the contractor for the juice extracted from the cane
at the following rates: One and three-quarter cents [1 cent, par, U. S. money] per
imperial gallon [1.2 gallons, U. S.].
10. The employer shall be entitled to deduct from the amount payable by him to
the contractor under the last preceding clause the amount of all advances made by
him to the contractor under the last preceding clause, the amount of all advances
made by him to the contractor under clauses 5 and 8 hereof, all expenses incurred
b y him under clause 9 hereof, and a further sum equal to 5 per cent upon the net
profits of the contractor, such net profits to be reckoned as the difference between
the amount advanced by the employer and the sum payable for the price of the canes
without any deductions. The last-mentioned sum shall be so deducted as com
pensation for the employment of tindals, watchmen, and other servants by the
employer for supervising the work of the contractor.
11. In the event of the contractor neglecting to clear, prepare for cultivation, or
cultivate any portion of the land which he hereby undertakes to cultivate, the
employer shall be entitled to discontinue all advances he is liable to make under
clauses 5 and 8 hereof until the land shall have been cleared, prepared, or cultivated
to his satisfaction.
12. In the event of the contractor leaving the said land or neglecting to clear and
trash his canes or attend to the proper cultivation thereof for a longer period than
three months from any cause whatsoever except death, the canes shall become the
absolute property of the employer, and this agreement shall terminate.
13. The employer shall provide the contractor with a book in which shall be entered
all the advances made by the employer at the time of making such advance, and
such book shall be presented to the employer on the first day of every month for
inspection.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VL

A.— LAW

RELATING TO RETURN OF CHINESE TO TH E PH ILIPPIN ES.

(Acts of Philippine Commission, No. 317, Dec. 13,1901.)
S ection 1. No Chinaman who left the Philippine Islands before the 19th day of

August, 1898, and has remained outside of the islands until the present time, and
who would be excluded but for the orders heretofore issued by the military governor
of the Philippine Islands extending the time within which the Chinaman might be
permitted to return, shall be permitted to enter the islands.
S ec . 2. Chinamen who have left the Philippine Islands since the 13th day of
August, 1898, or who may leave in the future, shall be permitted to land only upon
the production of a certificate of the collector of customs of the port of the Philippine
Islands from which they departed, issued at the time of their departure. The period
in which such legal return can be made after their departure from the islands is hereby
limited to one and one-half years, which period shall be stated in the certificate to
be issued by the collector of customs at the time of departure, and no extension of
that period shall be granted for illness, or for any other cause, by any authority.
S ec . 3. All laws, regulations, and orders heretofore issued are hereby repealed
in so far as the same are inconsistent with the provisions of this act.
B.— CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT.

(U. S. Statutes at Large, ch. 641.)
All laws now in force prohibiting and regulating the coming of Chinese persons,
and persons of Chinese descent, and the residence of such persons therein, including
sections 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, and 14 of the act entitled “ An act to prohibit the
coming of the Chinese laborers into the United States” approved September 13,
1898, be, and the same are hereby reenacted, and extended, and continued so far as
the same are not inconsistent with treaty obligations, until otherwise provided by
law, and said laws shall also apply to the island territory under the jurisdiction of
the United States, and prohibit the immigration of Chinese laborers, not citizens
of the United States, from such island territory to the mainland territory of the
United States whether in such island territory at the time of cession or not, and from
one portion of the said island territory of the United States to another portion of said
island territory: Provided , however, That said laws shall not apply to the transit of
Chinese laborers from one island to another island of the same group; and any islands
within the jurisdiction of any State or the District of Alaska shall be considered a
part of the mainland under this section. * * *
S ec . 4. That it shall be the duty of every Chinese laborer other than a citizen,
rightfully in, and entitled to remain in any of the insular territory of the United
States (Hawaii excepted) at the time of the passage of this act, to obtain within one
year thereafter a certificate of residence in the insular territory wherein he resides,
which certificate shall entitle him to residence therein, and upon failure to obtain
such certificate as herein provided, he shall be deported from such insular territory;
and the Philippine Commission is authorized ana required to make all regulations
and provisions necessary for the enforcement of this section in the Philippine Islands,
including the form and substance of the certificate of residence so that the same
shall clearly and sufficiently identify the holder thereof and enable officials to pre
vent fraud in the transfer of the same: Provided , however, That if said Philippine
Commission shall find that it is impossible to complete the registration herein pro
vided for within one year from the passage of the act, said commission is hereby
authorized and empowered to extend the time to a further period not exceeding
one year.
Approved April 29, 1902.
C.— CHINESE RESTRICTION ACT.

S ection

(Acts of Philippine Commission, No. 702, Mar. 27,1903.)

1 The collector of customs for the Philippine Archipelago is hereby

authorized and directed to make the registration of all Chinese laborers in the Philip
pine Islands as required and prescribed by section 4 of the act of Congress approved
184

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI— C.

185

April 29,1902, entitled “ An act to prohibit the coming into and to regulate the resi
dence withm the United States, its Territories, and all territory under its jurisdiction,
and the District of Columbia, of Chinese and persons of Chinese descent,” and to
employ for that purpose the personnel of the Philippine Customs Service, the pro
vincial and military officers hereinafter provided, and such other persons as may be
necessary.
Sec . 2. The insular collector of customs shall make such rules and regulations as
may be necessary for the efficient execution of this act, prescribing the form of cer
tificates of registration required hereby, and making such provisions that certificates
may be procured in localities convenient to the applicants.
Sec . 3. Each certificate of registration shall contain the name, age, date, and place
of birth, registry of birth, if any, local residence, occupation, and photograph of the
person therein described, and such other data in respect to him as snail be prescribed
by the insular collector of customs, and shall be issued by the proper officer upon
payment to him of a fee of 50 cents, United States currency, said fee to be accom
panied by a true photograph of the applicant in triplicate to the satisfaction of such
officer.
Sec. 4. Any Chinese laborer within the limits of the Philippine Islands who shall
neglect, fail, or refuse to obtain within the time prescribed by section 4 of the act of
Congress of the United States, referred to in section 1 of this act, the certificate of
registration by this act provided to be issued^ and who shall be found within the Philipine Islands without such certificate of registration after such time has elapsed, may
e arrested upon warrant issued by the court of first instance of the Province or by the
justice’s court of the municipality returnable before said court of first instance, by any
customs official, police, constabulary, or other peace officer of the Philippine Islands
and brought before any judge of a court of first instance in the islands, whose duty it
shall be to order that such Chinese laborer be deported from the Philippine Islands,
either to China or the country from whence he came unless he shall affirmatively
establish clearly and to the satisfaction of such judge, by at least one credible witness
other than Chinese, that although lawfully in the Philippine Islands at and ever
since the passage of this act he has been unable by reason of accident, sickness, or
other unavoidable cause to procure the certificate within the time prescribed by
law, in which case the court shall order and adjudge that he procure the proper cer
tificate within a reasonable time, and such Chinese laborer shall bear and pay the costs
of the proceeding: Provided , however, That any Chinese laborer failing for any reason
to secure the certificate required under this law within two years from the date of
its passage shall be deported from the islands. If it appears that such Chinese laborer
has procured a certificate in due time but that the same has been lost or destroyed, he
shall be allowed a reasonable time to procure a duplicate from the insular collector
of customs or from the officer granting the original certificate, and upon the production
of such duplicate such Chinese laborer shall be discharged from custody upon payment
of costs.
Any Chinese person having procured a certificate of registration, and the same
having been lost or destroyed, shall have a right to procure a duplicate thereof under
such regulations as may be prescribed by the insular collector of customs upon the
payment of double the fee exacted for the original certificate and the presentation of
his true photograph in triplicate.
No Chinese person heretofore convicted in any court of the States or Territories of
the United States or the Philippine Islands of a felony shall be permitted to register
under the provisions of this act without special authority from the civil governor.
Sec. 5. Every Chinese person having a right to be and remain in the Philippine
Islands shall obtain the certificate of registration specified in section 3 of this act as
evidence of such right and shall pay the fee and furnish his photograph in triplicate
as in said section prescribed; and eVfery Chinese person found without such certificate
within the Philippine Islands after the expiration of the time limited by law for reg
istration shall be presumed, in the absence of satisfactory proof to the contrary, to be a
Chinese laborer and shall be subject to deportation as provided in section 4 of this
act. Every Chinese person shall on demand of any customs official, police, con
stabulary, or other peace officer exhibit his certificate, and on his refusal to do so may
be arrested and tried as provided in section 4 of this act.
Sec. 6 Any person who shall knowingly and falsely alter or substitute any name
for the name written in any certificate of registration or forge such certificate, or know
ingly utter any forged or fraudulent certificate, or falsely personate the person to
whom said certificate was originally issued, or who shall falsely present any such cer
tificate shall be punished by a fine not to exceed $1,000 and imprisoned for a term not
to exceed five years.
Sec. 7. Every Chinese person who may be entitled to come into the Philippine
Islands shall, upon landing, if he so requests, be given by the collector of customs of

186

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI— D,

the port at which he lands a certificate containing his name, age, photograph, occupa
tion, place of last residence, the date on which he landed, and such other data in
respect to him as may be prescribed by the insular collector of customs, and such cer
tificate shall be issued upon payment to the proper officer of 50 cents, United States
currency, accompanied by a true photograph of the applicant in triplicate to the
satisfaction of such officer.
S ec. 8. Each certificate issued under this act shall be made out in triplicate, and
to each of the triplicate copies shall be attached a true photograph of the person to
whom issued. One of such triplicate certificates shall be delivered to the applicant,
one filed in the office of the registrar of Chinese for the district within which tne appli
cation is made, and the third transmitted to the insular collector of customs for per
manent record and file.
S ec. 12. The word “ laborer” or “ laborers” wherever used in this act shall be con
strued to mean both skilled and unskilled manual laborers, including Chinese laundrymen and Chinese employed in mining, fishing, huckstering, peddling, or taking,
drying, or otherwise preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or exporta
tion.
The term “ merchant” as employed in this act signifies a person engaged in buying
and selling merchandise at a fixed place of business, which business is conducted in
his name, and who during the time he claims to be engaged as a merchant does not
engage in the performance of any manual labor except such as is necessary in the con
duct of his business as such merchant. The definition of “ laborer” and “ merchant”
set out in this section shall receive the same construction as that given to it by the Fed
eral courts of the United States and the rulings and regulations of the Treasury De
partment of the United States.
D .-D A T A RE BOOKKEEPING LAW (ACT NO. 2972 OF PH ILIPPIN E LEGIS
LATU RE).

S tatem ent b y th e H o n . J aim e C. d e V e y r a , P h ilippine C om m issio ner ,
C o n g r e ss , S eptem ber 28, 1922.1

U. S**

It will be generally conceded that it is a sovereign right for a country to enact laws
to protect the well-being of its citizens. Considered in that light, the Philippine
Legislature has exercised its proper authoritv and paramount duty to pass the Act
No. 2972, popularly known as the bookkeeping law, in the interests of the Filipino
people.
Undoubtedly, the Philippine legislators are anxious to have account books in the
country kept in systematic ways, as far as present conditions warrant. It is reported
that through irregularities of books of Chinese firms which are written in their own
language and which are not intelligible to our revenue collectors, a loss of from
1,500,000 to 2,000,000 pesos [$750,000 to $1,000,000, par] per year is sustained by our
Government. It is believed that by virtue of the new law the collection of revenues
will be facilitated and losses diminished.
I believe, however, that the act can be improved upon by specifying certain limi
tations. For example, the small retail merchants whose busmess does not require
regular bookkeeping are generally exempted from the sales or income tax. I think
the legislature does not intend to bring this class of merchants under the operation
of this law, but to avoid ambiguity this condition should be clearly stated in the act.
Furthermore, much misunderstanding would have been avoided if before the
passage of this law the legislature could have found time to grant a hearing so that
the Chinese could have freely expressed their views and clearly understood the true
intent of the legislation.

L etter b y Ch in e s e Ch a m b e r op C ommerce , P hilippine I sl a n d s , to G o verno r
G e n e r a l op t h e P h ilippin es , F e b r u a r y 15, 1921.2
The Chinese Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands, in mass meeting
assembled on the evening of February 12, 1921, at the meeting rooms of the chamber
in the city of Manila, after full discussion and consideration of the subject, unani
mously adopted the following resolutions relative to the measure recently passed by
the legislature, known as Act No. 2972, and now pending executive approval, the
same being a proposed law making it incumbent upon the Chinese merchants in the
Philippine Islands on and after a certain date therein mentioned, to keep all of their
commercial records and books of account in the English or Spanish language or in
one of the native dialects:

i In letter to author, Sept. 30,1922.
* From memorandum by the Chinese merchants of the Philippines to the United States Senate, a copy
of which may be obtained from the United States Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D. C.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI— D.

187

Whereas, on the last day of its session just closed the Legislature of the Philippine
Islands passed a law known as A ct No. 2972, the purport and tenor of which are to
require all commercial transactions and accounts o f commercial firms and individuals
in the Philippine Islands from a date therein named to be kept in the English
language, in the Spanish language, or in one of the native dialects of this country;
and
Whereas the Chinese people are the only considerable population in the Philippines
engaged in commercial pursuits that do not speak as their native tongue one of the
languages or dialects aforesaid; and
Whereas this proposed law therefore protects all English-speaking, Spanish, and
native merchants and places onerous burdens upon the Chinese people which it is
sincerely believed it will be impracticable, if not impossible, for them to bear,
regardless of their entire willingness and desire to do so; and
Whereas from every point of view the proposed legislation must be regarded as
highly prejudicial and unfriendly to the Chinese people of the Philippine Islands
and, in effect, destructive of their commercial and property interests, vested and
otherwise, and is of extremely doubtful validity; therefore be it
Resolved, That the said measure known as A ct No. 2972 will be highly detrimental
to the members of this chamber in their capacity as merchants, ana most earnestly
urge His Excellency the Governor General to give the matter his most earnest con
sideration, which will result, we are fully assured, in his declining to allow the bill
in question to have his official sanction and approval. And be it further
Resolved, That the following points are particularly brought to the attention of
His Excellency as cogent reasons in our judgment why the said measure should not
become a law:
1. The Chinese people are numerically a considerable element of the population
of the Philippine Islands, and from the standpoint of merchants and taxpayers are
a more considerable element and have been for centuries predominant in tne com
mercial development and progress of this country; that they are entitled to the equal
protection of the laws under the organic act of government.
2. In the United States and its possessions, also in the Dutch East Indies, Feder
ated Malay States, Straits Settlements, French Indo-China, British Colony of Hong
kong, and hitherto in the Philippine Islands, the universal custom has been, m
matters of this nature, for the Government itself to provide necessary translators or
interpreters for all inspection of records of Chinese merchants and for such incidental
legislation as comes under the police power, and that this universal usage has worked
out satisfactorily up to the present time, obviating friction and misunderstanding
and enabling Chinese retail merchants to pursue their lawful occupations without
being made the special objects of discriminatory legislation such as the present bill
proposes.
3. That in judicial procedures before any court in civilization it is likewise regarded
as one of the proper functions of the Government to provide interpreters or trans
lators not only for Chinese subjects, but for other foreign residents who do not happen
to understand or speak the local language; that this custom prevails in public offices
generally and upon the railways and transportation lines, in hotels and similar public
places, it being generally regarded as one of the legitimate functions of government
to make such provision for foreign peoples domiciled within their borders and
engaged in lawful pursuits therein.
4. The Government, especially in view of the large number of English and Spanish
speaking Chinese residents in Manila, can easily provide for all needed inspection
of commercial records and accounts of Chinese firms b y the employment of a few
capable servants qualified to speak and translate Chinese into English and Spanish,
while it will be physically impossible for small Chinese merchants to provide thou
sands of English, Spanish, or Filipino clerks to keep their books and records in one
of these languages. Even were it possible to employ such personnel, it would still be
impossible to comply with this law, because the Chinese retail merchants do not
understand these languages and hence can not communicate or converse with such
clerks in their ordinary business intercourse, and vice versa. Only skilled trans
lators, with the requisite knowledge of accounting in addition, will be of any utility
in enabling the Chinese to comply with this law.
5. This law will introduce the greatest confusion among Chinese retail merchants
because they have been for centuries keeping their books of account in their own
language, not only in Hie Philippine Islands but throughout the Orient. The large

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41986°—23

188

APPENDIX TO CHAPTEB VII— D,

commercial firms, which only constitute a small percentage numerically of the Chinese
population in the Philippine Islands, would be less affected because they are
financially able to employ the requisite personnel and, as a matter of fact, have
already done so. At least 90 per cent of the Chinese retail merchants are of the small
tienda-keeper class. They will be directly and disastrously affected by this measure,
owing to the fact that practically none of them read or write English, Spanish, or
local dialect, and it is likewise impossible for them to make themselves understood
in talking with the bookkeepers and translators which the law would make necessary
concerning the items of account to be entered or posted in their books of account.
6. The additional expense which this personnel would place upon the small mer
chants would also entail numerous errors, due to constant misunderstandings which
would develop when the merchant would attempt to give directions for entry to an
employee who does not understand Chinese. These errors would in the aggregate be
far more numerous than can possibly happen under the present system, and the
Chinese merchant would be penalized for infractions of the law in countless instances
in which the fault would entirely be the mistake of such employees.
7. It would be practically impossible for these retail merchants to avoid keeping a
duplicate set of records and accounts, one in Chinese for their own information and
convenience, and the other in one of the languages mentioned, in order to comply
with the onerous provisions of this law. This additional expense they wouId naturally
have to add to the selling price of the commodities in which they deal, and would
undoubtedly have to be borne by the consumers and patrons of their establishments
and would hence immediately increase the cost of living of the people generally,
especially as these merchants deal largely in the indispensable necessities of life,
such as foodstuffs, clothing, etc. To increase the burdens of living in times like the
present would be calamitous not only to the merchants but to the people in general
throughout the small communities of the islands.
8. That for purposes of examination of books of accounts of Chinese merchants
the bureau of internal revenue, under existing laws, has always been able to employ
agents who can readily translate the records in question and experience no difficulty
in obtaining the necessary information required by that bureau in collecting the public
revenue; and under the existing laws, if tney detect an error in those books of account,
the Chinese merchant is heavily penalized.
9. That if the measure were so framed as to provide for a semiannual or annual
report in one of the languages mentioned, from each Chinese merchant, covering his
commercial dealings for such a period, it would offer possibilities of compliance,
though even this would be a great hardship and to some extent a discrimination
against Chinese merchants; but to require all transactions to be so recorded and kept
will be manifestly impossible of performance, serving only the purpose of compelling
these merchants to go out of business and retire in course of time to other lands where
no discriminations of the sort exist and where it will be possible for them to pursue
the various forms of lawful business in which they have been heretofore engaged in
the Philippines for long periods of time, as already indicated.
10. That a law which practically deprives an individual of the only means within
his power to earn his living in peaceable and lawful channels of trade is hardly in
keeping with the spirit of free and enlightened institutions.
11. That as the object of this measure is assumed to be to facilitate the collection of
public revenues, we respectfully submit that it is an attempted unlawful exercise
of that right, since taxes may only be imposed and collected under uniform laws, and
a measure of taxation which specifically exempts persons speaking a certain language
from one of the most onerous provisions and requires large additional expenditures
from a considerable portion of the population affected by the legislation, is clearly
unlawful and must of necessity be so considered when it is demonstrable that by the
terms of the law it will be physically impossible of performance by said ratepayers
and can only have in operation the unlawful effect of driving them out of business
or exposing them at once to the heavy penalties which this measure provides.
Finally, that the additional labor and inconvenience winch this law will occasion
the Chinese retail merchant is highly unwarranted and unjust discrimination against
a class of local residents who have been undeniably a very great factor up to this time
in facilitating collection of all forms of internal revenue and general taxation in the
Philippine Islands. To a far greater degree we respectfully submit that this measure
will prove injurious to the public economy of the country, since the withdrawal in
considerable numbers of this class of industrious and experienced merchants to their
nearby native country, which is now offering considerable inducements for their
return, or their emigration to adjoining Oriental countries, in none of which such
restrictive legislation exists, must greatly retard the commercial progress and
advancement of the Philippine Islands; and be it further

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI— D.

189

Resolved, That these resolutions be transmitted through the Honorable the Chinese
Consul General to his Excellency the Governor General of the Philippine Islands,
with the earnest hope that executive action will show that same spirit of fairness and
consideration for Chinese interests which have happily characterized the public
service of Governor General Harrison up to this time.
In accordance with the foregoing resolutions, the same are respectfully transmitted
to His Excellency the Governor General.

P etition of O v e r se a Ch in e se A ssociation to P r e sid e n t , Ca b in e t , a n d Ministry
of F oreign A ffairs of Ch in a .2
We beg to bring to your attention the bookkeeping bill, as recently passed b y the
Philippine Legislature, which requires the sole use of English, Spanish, and the Philip
pine language for business bookkeeping and its strict and immediate enforcement.
Inasmuch as we are accustomed to the use of our mother language in business trans
actions and bookkeeping, which has given no obstacle, we feel that the sudden change
into foreign languageswill necessitate the employment of foreign cashiers, accountants,
and clerks, which will greatly inconvenience the small merchants, if not the large
companies and firms. Moreover, the owners or proprietors are not acquainted with
English or Spanish, which will make them unable to inspect the accounts, and work
great harm to the interests of their business. In fact this bill virtually puts all the
Chinese out of business and drives them out of the territory of the Philippines.
We beseech you, therefore, to negotiate this matter witn the American minister at
Peking and the Governor General of the Philippines in order to repeal or amend the
bill so that the traditional friendship between China and America shall be maintained.

R esolution of A m erican Ch a m b e r of C ommerce , S h ang h ai , A pril

12, 1921.

Whereas, the Legislature of the Philippine Islands has passed a law, known as A ct
No. 2972, making it illegal after November 1, 1921, for any person, company, firm, or
corporation engaged in business in the Philippine Islands to keep their books of account
in languages other than English, Spanish, or a Philippine dialect, and providing heavy
penalties for violation of the law; and
Whereas the Chinese merchants of the Philippines have to no small extent been
instrumental in the growth and development of insular commerce, and have provided
a most important part of the machinery for distribution of merchandise throughout
the islands; and
Whereas many and probably the greater part of these industrious Chinese merchants
would find it impracticable to conform to the regulations of the above law, which would
doubtless make it impossible for many to continue in business in the Philippines,
thus inflicting upon them undeserved hardship; therefore, be it unanimously
Resolved, That we, the American Chamber of Commerce of China, give our support
to the attached protest of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce, Shanghai, in
the belief that the omission of the Chinese language from the above-mentioned law
is an unfortunate oversight, and that either this omission should be promptly remedied
by amendment or the law repealed.

L etter F rom M r . V icente V illam in , D irector of P hilippine -A m erican Ch am ber
of Commerce , N ew Y ork City , to G e n . F r a n k M cI nt y r e , B u r e a u of I n sular
A ffa ir s , J u n e 23, 1921.2
I have just received copy of A ct 2972 of the Philippine Legislature, generally known
as the bookkeeping law, requiring under penal sanction that all books of account be
kept either in English, Spanish, or any native dialect, approved February 21,1921.
If I recollect rightly, m 1914 injunction proceedings were brought restraining the
collector of internal revenue from enforcing an administrative circular requiring
substantially what the present law provides, and the Supreme Court of the Philip
pines decided that the circular was null and void, as there was no law authorizing it.
A t various times since then the subject matter of the law was more or less brought
prominently to public attention. No legislative action, however, has been taken
until the present law was enacted during the last days of the session. I understand
that there was no time for a public hearing on the bill.
The law becomes operative from November 1, 1921. The question now raised is
whether the law is wise or not—-to be abrogated or let stand?
2

From memorandum of Chinese merchants to United States Senate.

190

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI— D.

After considering the case on its merits, taking into consideration the prevailing
conditions in the country and unharassed by local controversies, I express the
opinion that the law is inexpedient and impracticable and should be revoked.
At the very outset let me say that the question is a Filipino question, to be decided
on by the Filipinos in the way best calculated to serve the interests of the Philippines.
It is not a question between the Filipinos and the Chinese, as some miserable persons
would like to reduce it. It is whether a certain measure is good or bad, on which every
one is entitled to express an opinion as a matter of civic duty.
Fair-minded men will concede to the Philippine Legislature the credit that in this
instance it was actuated by the plausible purpose of facilitating the verification of
sales tax by revenue collectors and the examination of books in proper cases. The
cardinal intent of the legislature can not be assailed in this respect. Confronted,
however, with a condition and not with a theory, the legislator, in his patriotic zeal
to promote public welfare and to harmonize the different elements in his cosmopolitan
ana polyglot constituency, should not be unmindful that of the 75,000 merchants in
lie country, 15,000 are Chinese nationals who do not possess either the English,
Spanish, or native dialects sufficiently to enable them to comply with the law and keep
a record of their affairs straight at the same time. It may be stated parenthetically
that Filipino merchants do not keep their books in native dialect.
The Chinese youths in the Philippines are now learning English and Spanish in the
schools. When these eventually step into the shoes of their fathers in the management
of their business, this language question will solve itself automatically. If I am
informed rightly, the Chinese firms who have English or Spanish speaking bookkeepers
do keep their books in either language.
Chinese merchants have their own system of bookkeeping, handed down to them by
their forefathers from time immemorial, and it would be tantamount to oppression to
force on them a new system, which will happen if they are compelled to employ
modem bookkeepers. I do not mean to say that the Government should not prescribe
what books to keep and lay down general principles for proper necessary regulation.
It should, however, avoid to work hardships on anyone if that can be helped without
subverting the law of the land.
I fear we do not have enough bookkeepers and interpreters to help Chinese mer
chants comply with the law. I heard it suggested that one bookkeeper may act for
a number of firms. This is, to say the least, preposterous and conducive to many
complications. A merchant wouldn’t care, whether he is an American, Filipino, or
whatnot, to have his competitors know his inside affairs. A premium will be placed
on infidelity and the bookkeepers will be subjected to strong temptations. For the
sake of business stability wo do not want to see that happen in our country. If the
law is intended to prevent the Government from being defrauded of its lawful revenue,
any thinking man will at once see that it will not only fail of its purpose, but it will
serve to facilitate the committing of fraud. In the case of the Chinese merchants,
for instance, the books kept in their own language are intended to be their permanent
record, whereas the books kept in either English or Spanish are for the revenue
examiners and collectors only, and I would give more faith and reliance on the first
set of books.
Dishonesty can be committed in any language. It seems to be the better part
of policy to have satisfied, rather than dissatisfied, merchants who would pay willingly
their dues in a spirit of cooperation and duty.
Sixty-five per cent or more of the internal revenue collections in the entire country
are paid by the Chinese merchants. Considering their relative number, it would
seem clear that they are discharging splendidly their obligations to the Government.
As a people they are honest and punctilious in their duty.
The Government, without the law in question, is possessed of full and complete
power to go through the books of any merchant for good cause, and the existing
criminal laws can properly take care of violators of the revenue laws. It would be
a sad commentary on the administration of our laws if we can not provide instru
mentalities with which to cope with the situation without resorting to thick-skulled
legislation.
At present the Government has in its employ competent interpreters, and they
have rendered satisfactory service. I understand that m Java and other neighboring
countries Chinese merchants are permitted to keep their books in Chinese, and we
claim to be a more liberal country.
When the law goes into effect November 1, 1921, all merchants in the country
who, through no fll intent on their part, will be compelled to commit misfeasance;
will be driven into the two horns of the dilemma; criminal prosecution or suspension
of business. The first involves the penalizing of innocence and ignorance, and the
second will operate as confiscatory of propertv.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER YI— D.

191

Filipino sense of sportsmanship will not tolerate either one or the other to come
about. And yet, if we do not prime public opinion, we shall likely give a world
exhibition from November that m the Philippines justice, even in its most relative
sense, is a meaningless hue and cry even as we ask it for ourselves. I do not, there
fore, hear from the Chinese community an appeal for charity. What I hear is a call
for fair play.
Some folks would say: “ If the Chinese or anybody else can not put up with such
a law, let them shut up; and if they do not want to shut up, let them go back where
they belong.” This is irresponsible patter, expressed by people who have a monopoly
on poltroonery. The Chinese grew with the country from its earliest days, and helped
in its development. They are modest, law-abiding, and hard-working. Many of
them became very successful and amassed big fortunes, which remain in the country
from generation to generation. Very little goes to China. The Chinese are possessed
of a peculiar knack for cordial conviviality with Filipinos. Many of our best citizens
are of Chinese extraction. Can we forgive ourselves if we now, without provocation,
deliver this lethal blow on our Chinese community b y the enforcement of A ct 2972
as enacted?
There are other considerations relating to this matter. Our Government is com
mitted, I understand, to the policy of inviting foreign capital. Are we prepared to
give the future investor indubitable proofs of our insincerity and inconsistency by
starting to surround foreign capital with shackles and unnecessary encumbrances?
None too timorous investors are already seeing causes why capital should not go to
the Philippines, without us legislating one cause more into existence.
China is a good market for many of our raw materials. I claim to have some
acquaintance with that field, and I say most emphatically that it is worth our good
while to cultivate a closer economic rapprochement with it. It is good business and
sound policy to be on the friendliest terms with China. The Chinese wail against
the bookkeeping law will reverberate in China, and this, together with the poor
showing of the Philippine National Bank in Shanghai, will make the Chinese, as well
as other people, lose as much esteem as respect for us.
Add the commotion and controversy engendered b y the law to the acute economic
crisis through which we are now passing, and you will have a picture of chaos and
calamity too sad to contemplate.
I would be grieved to know if some people should see in my argument against the
law as weakening the hands of the Government b y making concessions inimical to
its prestige and power. I honestly believe that the controversy in hand is one which
can be solved to the satisfaction of all concerned, compatibly with the dignity and
policy of the Government.
The matter is one which should be dispassionately considered b y persons directly
interested in it. I am strongly of the opinion that it is making matters worse and
rendering solution increasingly difficult to take the question to places and entities
which have but the most remote interest in it, and could not be expected to appreciate
fully the issues involved.
In considering the amendment or repeal of A ct 2972,1 hope I am not too pretentious
to suggest that the following subjects be considered: (1) Severer laws for violators
of the revenue laws; (2) a requirement of a semiannual or annual r£sum6 of business
transactions in the official language; (3) preparation of more interpreters for service
in the country and for business with China; and (4) effective administration of
the law.
In conclusion, I wish to express the hope that when the legislature convenes in
October, public hearings be held in Manila to properly gauge public opinion on
the law.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VH
A.— LAWS AND REGULATIONS RESTRICTING CHINESE IMMIGRATION TO
THE HAWAIIAN ISLAN D S.1
Chap. L X X X .
Section 1. No Chinese, except women who have relatives b y marriage or blood
residing in this kingdom, children under 10 years of age who have parents or guardians
residing in this kingdom, clergymen, teachers, and merchants heretofore residing
and doing business in this kingdom, except as hereinafter provided, shall be allowed
to enter this kingdom unless upon condition that while here he will engage in no trad
ing or mechanical occupation other than domestic service or agricultural labor in the
field or sugar or rice mills, and that he will, whenever he shall cease to follow his voca
tion as agricultural laborer in the field or in sugar or rice mills, or as domestic servant,
leave this kingdom; and that for every breach of such condition he shall, upon any
conviction by any police or district justice, be liable to a fine of $100.
Sec. 2. Conditional permits to enter this kingdom may be granted b y the minister
of foreign affairs for such Chinese, not exceeding 5,000 in number, as shall be recom
mended by the board of immigration, upon the application of the employers of do
mestic, agricultural, or mill labor, which said permits shall contain the condition,
printed in both the English language and in Chinese characters, that the bearer is al
lowed to enter this kingdom solely on condition that while here he will engage in no
trading or mechanical occupation other than domestic service or agricultural labor
in the field or in sugar or rice mills, and that he will, whenever he shall cease to follow
his vocation as agricultural laborer in the field or in sugar or rice mills, or as domestic
servant, leave this kingdom; and that for every breach of such condition, he
shall, upon conviction of any police or district justice, be liable to a fine of $100.
Permits to enter this kingdom may also be granted by the minister of foreign affairs
for any Chinese resident m this kingdom at the date of the passage of this act: Pro
vided, That such person shall have resided within the kingdom for two years imme
diately preceding such passage; and also to such other persons as may wish to sojourn
temporarily in the kingdom as travelers, or as merchants having business interests in
this kingdom: Provided, That such sojourn shall not exceed six months: And pro
vided, Such person so permitted to enter shall give a bond to said minister in the sum
of $500, liquidated damages, conditioned that he will leave the kingdom within six
months, and if he shall be found within the kingdom after the expiration of six months
he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall upon conviction be imprisoned
at hard labor for a term not to exceed six months. For each permit granted under
this section the minister of foreign affairs shall be paid a fee of $5.
Sec. 3. The master of any vessel in which any Chinese for whom such permit shall
not have been granted other than teachers, clergymen, or merchants formerly residing
or doing business in this kingdom, shall be brought into this kingdom and landed
here, shall be liable to a fine of $100 for every Chinese so illegally brought into this
kingdom, upon conviction thereof by any police or district justice, and such fine
shall be a lien upon the vessel in which the Chinese shall have been brought into this
kingdom, and shall be enforced by proceeding in admiralty.
Supplementary act, approved May 3, 1894.
Section 2. The board of immigration shall keep proper accounts with each laborer
of the amounts deposited b y him under this act. At the heading of each account shall
be pasted the laborer’s photograph and be written in his name and the number of his
certificate. All moneys thus deposited by the laborers shall be invested by the board
of immigration in the postal savings bank, and the interest shall be credited to each
laborer’s account at the same rate and in the manner as is being done by the savings
bank.
Sec. 3. For the purpose of properly identifying the laborer he shall upon arrival
in this country furnish the board of immigration with two three-fourth face photo1Published b y Chinese Bureau, Department of Foreign Affairs, June 30, 1896.

192

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII— B.

193

graphs, one of which is to be retained b y the board of immigration, and the other is to
be attached to the laborer’s certificate of identification.
S e c . 4. When the laborer shall cease to follow his avocation as an agricultural
laborer in the field, or as a laborer in sugar or rice mills, and shall depart from the
Hawaiian Islands, the amount to his credit shall be used as follows: The board of
immigration shall apply so much thereof as may be necessary for the payment of his
passage and pay the remainder to him.
B.—PEONAGE STATUTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
(Revised Statutes, sec. 1990.)
S e c t i o n 1990. The holding of any person to service or labor under the system
known as peonage is abolished and forever prohibited in the Territory of New Mexico
or in any other Territory or State of the United States, and all acts, laws, resolutions,
orders, regulations, or usages of the Territory of New Mexico, or in any other Ter
ritory or State, which have heretofore established, maintained, or enforced, or by
virtue of which any attempt shall hereafter be made to establish, maintain, or enforce
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S ec. 5526. Every person who holds, arrests, returns, or causes to be held, arrested,
or returned, or in any manner aids in the arrest or return of any person to a condition
of peonage, shall be punished b y a fine of not le3S than $1,000 nor more than $5,000
or b y imprisonment not less than one year nor more than five years, or both.
In the peonage cases (123 Fed. 673) Jones, district judge, says: “ What is meant
b y the phrase holding or returning a person to ‘ a condition of peonage,’ as used in
the Revised Statutes? At the time of the passage of the act of Congress (Rev. Stat.
1990 and 5526) a system of service, popularly called ‘ peonage,’ existed in New Mexico,
though not so termed in the laws of the Territory, which spoke of the relation as that
of master and servant. It derived the institution from Mexico, which in turn inherited
it from Spain. Peonage was not slavery as it formerly existed in this country. The
peon was not a slave. He was a freeman, with political as well as civil rights. He
entered into the relation from choice for a definite period as the result of. mutual
contract. The relation was not confined to any race. The child of a peon did not
become a peon, and the father could not contract away the services of his minor
child, except in rare cases. The peon, male or female, agreed with the master upon
the nature of the service, the length of its duration, and compensation. * * * The
courts of the Territory (New Mexico), after the passage of the thirteenth amendment,
holding that it destroyed the right formerly existing under the territorial laws to
hold to service, released peons from compulsory service on writs of habeas corpus
wherever applied to. * * * The right, privilege, or immunity of a citizen of the
United States to be free from slavery, or involuntary servitude of any kind, except
upon due conviction of crime, being given or secured by the Constitution of the
United States to every citizen of the United States, Congress, under the authority
vested in it by the thirteenth amendment, had power not only to strike down and
annul laws which supported the system of peonage in New Mexico, but by direct
and primary legislation of its own to punish criminally individuals who in any part
of the United States violate the rights of citizens of the United States in this regard
by lawlessly subjecting them to the results and evils, ‘ the conditions,’ of the forbidden
system.”
The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution provides: “ Neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall
have been duly convicted shall exist in the United States or any place subject to
their jurisdiction. ’ ’
No citizen of the United States, or foreigner, coming into or residing within the
same shall, for himself or for any other person, either as master, factor, owner, or
otherwise, build, equip, load, or otherwise prepare any vessel, registered, enrolled,
or licensed in the United States, for the purpose of procuring from any port or place
the subjects of China, Japan, or of any other oriental country known as “ coolies,”
to be transported to any foreign port or place to be disposed of, or sold, or transferred
for any time, as servants or apprentices, or to be held in service or labor.
If any vessel, belonging in whole or in part to a citizen of the United States, and
registered, enrolled, or otherwise licensed therein be employed in the “ coolie trade,”
so called, contrary to the provisions of the preceding section, such vessel, her tackle,
apparel, furniture, and other appurtenances, shall be forfeited to the United States,
and shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted, and condemned in any of the circuit
courts or district courts of the United States for the district where the vessel may be
found, seized, or carried.

194

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII.

C.— LAWS AND ACTS AFFECTING CHINESE IMMIGRATION IN HAWAII.2
(1) Entry into United States from Hawaii.— There shall be no further immigration
of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or may
hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; no Chinese, b y reason of any
thing contained in the joint resolution providing for annexing the Hawaiian Islands
approved July 7, 1898, shall be allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian
Islands. (30 Stat. 751.)
(2) Chinese exclusion act without limitation.— The general Chinese act excludes
Chinese persons or persons of Chinese descent from coming into the United States
or any of its Territories. (32 Stat. 176; 33 Stat. 428.)
(3) Coolie trade prohibited.—There is a law relating to the coolie trade, and which
prohibits the same, and there is one relating to the exclusion of Chinese under the
general immigration laws, and those laws would be affected.
The Revised Statutes of the United States, 2158 and following, and also Eighteenth
Statutes, 477, prohibit coolie trade and contracting to supply coolie labor, and make
a violation of the law a crime punishable b y fine and imprisonment.
(4) Exclusion o f aliens under general immigration law.—The resolution seeks to admit
“ such aliens otherwise inadmissible.” This conflicts with the general exclusion of
aliens under the immigration law and would permit all classes of criminals, anarchists,
and the like to be admitted to Hawaii unless the rules and regulations adopted by
the Labor Department specifically excluded them.
(5) Literacy test.— Section 3 of the immigration law prohibits the landing of “ all
aliens over 16 years of age, physically capable of reading, who can not read the Eng
lish language or some other language or dialect, including Hebrew or Y iddish.”
(6) Contract labor in Hawaii.—The enabling act of the Territory of Hawaii (23 Stat.
332; 31 Stat. 143) specifically prohibits contract labor.
(a) All contracts made since August 12, 1898, by which persons are held for service
for a definite term are declared null and void and terminated, and no law shall be
passed to enforce said contracts in any way, and it shall be the duty of the United
States marshal to at once notify such persons so held of the termination of their
contracts.
(b) Importation of foreigners and aliens under contract or agreement to perform
labor in the United States, or its Territories, is prohibited.
(7) Contract labor in the United States.— The law of the United States prohibits the
admission, under section 2 of the immigration law, of “ persons hereafter called con
tract laborers who have been induced, assisted, or encouraged to migrate to this
country by offers or promises of employment, whether such offers or promises are
true or false, or in consequence of agreements, oral, written, or printed, express or
implied, to perform labor in this country of any kind, skilled or unskilled.”
All contracts or agreements, express or implied, parol or special, which may be
made between any person or company and any foreigner or alien to perform labor or
service in the United States or its Territories, previous to the migration or importa
tion of the person whose labor or service is contracted for, shall be void. (23 Stat.
332.)
The laws of the United States even provide that any informer giving original infor
mation that the contract labor laws have been violated shall be entitled to a portion
of the penalties recovered from the person violating the law.
They have gone so far as to give anyJinformer who assists the Government in the
prosecution of the case half of the penalty^ recovered.
(8) Head tax.— The head tax provision is affected by this resolution. Section 2 of
the immigration law provides: “ There shall be levied, collected, and paid a tax of
$8 for every alien, including alien seamen regularly admitted, as provided in this
act, entering the United States.” (29 Stat. 875.)
(9) Three per cent immigration law.—The 3 per cent provision of the immigration
law would be repealed, so far as Hawaii is concerned. That is the law we just passed
at this session of Congress.
The Sixty-seventh Congress has just passed a law limiting immigrants coming to
this country or its Territories to 3 per cent of the number of that particular nation
ality who resided in the United States according to the census of 1910.
(10) Peonage laws.— Peonage is a crime in the United States and has been defined
thus:
“ Peonage is a status or condition of compulsory service based upon the indebted
ness of the peon to the master. The basic fact is indebtedness.” (Clyatt v. United
States, 197 U. S. 207.)*
* From the testimony of H on. John L . Cable, in Hearings on Labor Problems in Hawaii before House
Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, 67th Cong., 1st sess., serial 7, Pt. II, pp. 788-790

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII— D.

195

Peonage is a crime in the United States. Section 269 of the Criminal Code provides:
“ Whoever holds, arrests, or returns, or causes to be held, arrested, or returned, or
in any manner aids in the arrest or return of any person to a condition of peonage
shall be fined not more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.”
In section 3944, United States Compiled Statutes, 1918, the law provides that
peonage is abolished.
“ The holding of any person to service or labor under the system known as peonage
is abolished and forever prohibited in the Territory of New Mexico, or in any other
Territory or State of the United States; and all acts, laws, and resolutions, orders,
regulations of the Territory of New Mexico, or any other Territory or State, which
have heretofore established, maintained, or enforced, or by virtue of which any at
tempt shall hereafter be made to establish, maintain, or enforce, directly or indi
rectly, the voluntary or involuntary service of labor of any persons as peons in liqui
dation of any debt or obligation or otherwise, be, and the same is hereby, declared
null and void .”
It will be noted that the crime of peonage is complete when a person holds any
person to a condition of peonage; that is, according to the above definition, in a con
dition of compulsory service based on indebtedness.
Under the resolution as drawn a Chinese not being able to pay his passage would
be indebted to someone when he took work in the islands of Hawaii. He would be
compelled to continue work of an agricultural nature, because if he left the plantation
and went into the city he could be arrested and deported. Debt therefore holds him
to work.
So far as those 10 provisions are concerned, in my opinion, this resolution would
suspend them so far as Hawaii is concerned. Of course, Congress would have the
lawful right to do that, but so far as constitutional provisions being violated is con
cerned the resolution could not do that.
(11)
Bringing within the United States any person from any foreign country to be held
for service or labor.— The law provides in substance that whoever brings within the
United States any person to be held in service or labor shall be fined not more than
$10,000. The section is found in Thirty-fifth Statutes, 1139, and reads as follows:
“ B ringing S laves into U nited States .—Whoever brings within the jurisdiction
of the United States, in any manner whatsoever, any person from any foreign king
dom or country or from sea, or holds, sells, or otherwise disposes of any person so brought
in, as a slave, or to hold to service or labor, shall be fined not more than $10,000, onehalf to the use of the United States and the other half to the use of the party who
prosecutes the indictment to effect, and, moreover, shall be imprisoned not more than
seven years.”
The section was no doubt reenacted as the result of the thirteenth amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, which provides:
“ Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime,
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States
or any place subject to their jurisdiction.”
D .— CO N TR ACT OF SUGAR-CANE W ORKERS.3
This agreement, made and entered into this 9th day of March, A. D. 1921, by and
between the Oahu Sugar Co. (Ltd.), a corporation organized and existing under and
by virtue of the law of the Territory of Hawaii, party of first part, hereinafter called
the “ company,” and the several contractors subscribing their names hereto, parties
of the second part, hereinafter called the “ contractors,”
Witnesseth, that the said company for and in consideration of the promises and
agreements to be kept by the said contractors, hereby covenants and agrees as follows,
to wit:
1. To permit the said contractors to enter into and occupy for the purpose of culti
vation of sugar cane, on the system hereinafter set forth, that section of land described
in the company’s maps as field No. 20, covering in all about 158.50 acres, now planted
with sugar cane by the said company, and standing debited therefor on the books of
the company with the sum of $483.79.
2. To loan and advance for the term of said contract, for the living expenses of said
contractors, money at the rate of $26 for men and $19.50 for women per month of
26 days’ service of 10 hours each day, performed by each of said contractors, while
said contractors faithfully perform the terms, conditions, and covenants herein set
» Hearings on Labor Problems in Hawaii before House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization,
67th Cong., 1st sess., serial 7, Pt. II, pp. 723-725. Compare U . S. Commissioner of Labor Report for 1902,
pp. 65-67. Also for sample o f “ Penal Labor Contract'" in force in Hawaii until Annexation see same re
port, p. 14 note

196

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII— 1>.

forth b y them to be kept and performed. Any work on Sundays to be computed at
the rate of time and a half.
3. To furnish without charge lodgings sufficient for contractors’ use and to keep the
same in ordinary repair, on contractors’ careful and proper use thereof.
4. To furnish fuel for the domestic use of the contractors, to be cut and gathered
b y the contractors at such place or places as the company shall designate.
5. To furnish tools, in the first instance, for irrigating purposes.
6. To furnish water in main plantation ditches for irrigation purposes.
7. To furnish such fertilizer as the said company may deem necessary to be used
on the said premises.
8. To pay within one month after the termination of this contract the sum of $1.12
for each ton of 2,000 pounds of clean cane, grown and cultivated as herein set forth,
on said premises, and should said contractors also cut and load said cane by direction
of the company, then the further sum of 46 cents per ton on 2,000 pounds of clean
cane grown, cultivated, and cut on said premises and loaded on railroad cars or other
means of transportation, and each of said contractors shall be entitled to receive as
his share for all services by said contractors done and performed hereunder, such
proportionate part as his labor bears to the entire amount of labor and services rendered
on said clean cane to be determined by the weight thereof as delivered at the mill of
said company.
And the contractors, for and in consideration of the promises and agreements to be
kept and performed by the said company as herein set forth, do hereby covenant,
promise, and agree to and with the said company as follows, to wit:
I. That they will cultivate thoroughly and well and properly irrigate the cane
growing and to be grown during the term hereof on the section of land mentioned
herein until said cane shall be matured and ripe, and until the said cane shall be cut
and harvested; the said term of cultivation, however, shall not exceed the term of
18 months from the date of beginning work under this contract, to wit, July 15, 1920.
II. To conduct to and throughout the cane fields the water furnished by said com
pany, and there carefully and economically to use the same for the purpose of irrigating
said cane.
III. To clean and strip the said cane along the side of all roads and railroads for a
distance of 30 feet, and along both sides of all main ditches, level ditches, and water
courses for a space of 5 feet.
IY . To keep the edge of said premises, the field itself, and all roads and ditches on
said premises, clean and free from weeds, and to keep at all times all watercourses
clean and free from leaves.
V. To carefully apply such fertilizers as may be furnished for said premises in the
manner directed b y the said company.
V I. To keep in repair or replace all tools and ladders furnished by the company to
the contractors, and to return the same at the termination of this contract.
'VII. To permit said company to deduct and said company is hereby authorized
and empowered to deduct from the amount due the contractors, under the terms
hereof, all loans and advances made to the said contractors for living expenses.
V III. To permit said company to deduct, and the said company is hereby author
ized and empowered to deduct, from the amount due the contractors, under the terms
hereof, the sum debited against said premises on books of the company at the time of
the execution of this contract, and the actual cost of all labor procured and furnished
by the company under the terms hereof, in order to well and properly cultivate and
irrigate said cane, when said labor shall have been procured and furnished b y the
company.
IX . To cut and load on cars or place in flumes or other sufficient means of trans
portation furnished by the company the sugar cane grown on said section of land
whenever said company shall direct contractors so to do.
It is mutually agreed by and between the parties hereto as follows, to wit:
A. That all work, labor, and service to be performed by the contractors under
this agreement shall be subject to the supervision of the company in all cases; that the
company shall have the right at any and all times to direct in what manner the same
shall be performed and employ extra labor to do any of the work herein specified;
that the cost of the employment of such labor shall be charged to and deducted from
the contractors’ share.
B. That the right is hereby reserved to the company to enter upon said premises,
or any part thereof, at any and all times for any purposes.
C. That the company shall have the right, in its discretion, to burn off the field to
facilitate harvesting, before cutting the cane, but any field so burned shall be cut
and ground with the least possible delay.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII— D.

197

D. That this agreement may be terminated at any time by the company for failure
on the part of the contractors to carry out any of the terms hereof, or upon such inter
ference b y the said contractors with the work on said premises as shall prevent the
proper and efficient cultivating or harvesting of said cane, and by the contractors upon
giving two months’ notice to the company. When this agreement shall have been
thus terminated the contractors shall be entitled to wages at the rate of $20 to Novem
ber 1, 1920, and $30 from November 1, 1920, for men and $15 to November 1, 1920,
and $22.50 from November 1, 1920, for women per month of 26 days’ labor actually
performed, less all advances made under the provisions hereof.
E. No contractor or contractors shall have the right to transfer or assign his share to
any other without the written consent of the company, and in case of any such transfer
it shall not be recognized, and all settlements shall be made with the original contrac
tor, his heirs or legal representatives in case of death.
F. The contractors shall agree on the appointment of a representative who shall have
the right to inspect the weighing of cane grown on said premises, and the cleaning and
reweighing of the cane and refuse from all sample cars hereinafter referred to.
G. The company shall in no way be held liable for damages to said crop or any
portion thereof by fire, storm, or unavoidable delays in the mill, pumps, or for de
lays caused by strikes of workmen on plantation, or from any accidents or delays
which are beyond the control of the company.
H. In case of the death of a contractor during the term of this agreement, the estate
of said contractor shall be entitled to immediate settlement at the rate of $20 to Novem
ber 1, 1920, and $30 from November 1, 1920, for men and $15 to November 1, 1920,
and $22.50 from November 1, 1920, for women per month of 26 days of labor actually
performed, deducting advances as aforesaid, or settlement may then be given said
contractor hereunder. In case of accident to or sickness of said contractor, whereby
said contractor is prevented from performing the labor under this agreement, said
contractor may, with the consent of the company, supply the labor in place of his own,
failing to do which the company may supply labor in place of said contractor, and re
ceive and deduct such proportion of the entire amount due said contractor as the labor
substituted by the company and performed in the place of said contractor shall bear
to the entire amount of labor performed hereunder and according to the terms hereof.
I. It is agreed that for the purpose of this contract, the term “ clean cane” shall be
understood to be the actual net wTeight of the cane after all refuse, including green
and dry leaves, dead and rotten cane, shall have been removed from the said cane;
and to ascertain this an average sample car shall be cleaned and weighed each day
at the expense of the company, and the percentage of refuse from such sample car shall
be accepted as the basis for the deduction to be made from the gross weight of all cane
from the said premises weighed each day at the mill of the company.
J. This agreement, in so far as cultivation is concerned, shall terminate and be
considered at an end 18 months from the date of beginning work under this contract
and in so far as harvesting is concerned, it shall terminate and be at an end when the
last cane upon the field shall have been placed upon cars and weighed. Settlement
shall be made not later than one month thereafter. It is also agreed that should the
company desire it, the contractors shall perform any necessary work in the field herein
before mentioned before the field is harvested and affer the termination of their con
tract for cultivation, and receive remuneration therefor at ruling rates of pay for the
work they may be called upon to perform.
K. It is agreed that in all cases where the company is concerned its manager, or
such person as by him may be designated, shall be its representative and shall be so
recognized and treated b y the contractors.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VHI.1
A.— REGULATIONS REGARDING EMPLOYMENT OF CHINESE LABORERS
IN THE TRANSVAAL.
(Issued under Sec. 29 of Labor Importation Ordinance, 1904.)

Recruiting.
1. No person shall recruit Chinese laborers for introduction into the Transvaal
unless he is in possession of a license to do so issued b y the official mentioned in
Regulation No. 2.
Such license shall be issued on such conditions as the said official may impose in
accordance with instructions given to him b y the lieutenant governor.
All instructions issued to the said official shall be published in the Gazette.
Contract o f service.
2. Every contract of service entered into under the labor importation ordinance,
1904, shall be signed by the laborers to be bound thereby, in the presence of an official
styled “ Transvaal emigrant agent,” representing the Transvaal Government, and
stationed at such ports of embarkation as may be notified in the Gazette. Notice
shall be given in the Gazette of the name and residence of each of the said officials.
3. The official mentioned in the preceding regulations shall, before any contract
is signed b y the laborers, explain to them in their own language the provisions thereof,
and also the clauses set forth in the first schedule attached to the contract, and
shall certify at the foot of the said contract that he has done so, and that the laborers
who signed the contract did so voluntarily, and without any undue pressure or
misrepresentation.
No contract shall be registered at the office of the superintendent not certified as
aforesaid.
4. Every contract of service shall be signed b y the parties thereto in duplicate
original in the presence of the official mentioned in the preceding regulations, and
shall be as nearly as possible in the form set forth in Form No. 1, so these regulations
and a certified copy of such contract translated into the Chinese language shall be
delivered to each laborer b y the said official. One duplicate original of the said
contract shall be delivered b y the said official to the importer or his agent who signed
the said contract, and the other duplicate original shall be forwarded b y the said
official to the superintendent.
5. No such contract shall be signed by laborers until they have been examined by
a qualified medical practitioner, and certified to as being mentally and bodily sound.
6. It shall be competent for any laborer to terminate his contract of service at any
time without assigning any reason on tendering to his importer the expenses incurred
in introducing him and his wife and children (if any) into the Transvaal, together
with a sum sufficient to defray the expenditure necessary in returning them to the
port at which they embarked.
Notice of the termination of any contract by the laborer shall be forthwith given by
the employer to the superintendent.
Renewal o f contracts.
7. Every renewal of a contract of service shall be in writing, and shall be signed
by the employer and the laborers to be bound thereby in the presence of the super
intendent, who shall explain to them the nature and effect of such renewal.
The said renewal shall be, as far as possible, in the same form as the original contract,
and shall be registered at the office of the superintendent.
i Great Britain Parliament.
vol. 62, pp. 3-9. (Cd. 2183.)

198

Further correspondence relating to labor in the Transvaal mines, 1905,

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— A.

199

A pplication s fo r licenses.

8. A ny person desirous of obtaining a license to introduce laborers shall make
application therefor to the superintendent, stating the number of laborers proposed to
be introduced b y him, and the mine or mines where they are intended to be employed.
Every application shall as nearly as possible be in the Form No. 2.
9. Every such application received b y the superintendent shall be forwarded by
him to the lieutenant governor, but no license shall be granted to the applicant unless
and until the superintendent certifies to the lieutenant governor: (1) That suitable
accommodation for the housing of the laborers and suitable hospital accommodation
and medical attendance at the mines where the laborers are to be employed will be
ready on their arrival; (2) that the bond and security mentioned in section 22 of the
said ordinance have been given b y the applicant.
Licenses.

10.
tions.

Every license to introduce laborers shall be in the Form No. 3 to these regula
Transfer o f laborers.

11. (1) Every agreement for the transfer of the services of a laborer shall be in the
Form No. 4 of these regulations, and shall after such transfer has been approved of
b y the consul or vice-consul for the Chinese Government in this colony (in case such
appointment has been made) be signed by the transferor, the transferee, and the
laborer in the presence of, and attested by, the superintendent, who shall, before
attestation, explain the full meaning and effect of such agreement to the laborer.
(2) No laborer shall leave the transferor’s employment until the agreement for trans
fer, or a certified copy thereof, shall be registered at the office of the superintendent.
(3) Every laborer whose services have been transferred shall, before entering the
employment of the transferee, deliver up to the superintendent his passport, ana the
superintendent shall thereupon issue to him another passport, on which shall be
impressed the number given to the laborer in the register of the superintendent,
the name of the transferee and of the mine or mines at which the laborer is to be
employed.
(4) Such passport shall be issued without any fee for the unexpired portion of the
period for winch the passport delivered up by the laborer to the superintendent held
good.
12. The sanction of the lieutenant governor to the transfer of the services of a laborer
under section 11 of the said ordinance shall be given in writing, but only on the
production of: (1) A certificate signed b y the superintendent that the agreement of
transfer has been explained to the laborer, and that he consents thereto, and has
signed the same; and (2) the approval in writing to such transfer signed b y the consul
or vice-consul for the Chinese Government in this colony, if there be such an officer.
13. In the transfer of laborers, as far as may be possible, members of the same family
and neighbors from the same village and persons who may agree in representing
themselves to be friends and associates shall not be separated from each other.
Passage o f laborers to South A frica.

14.
Every laborer who lias signed a contract of service shall be carried from the port
of embarkation in China or Hongkong to the port of Durban, in Natal, in a ship whose
master holds a certificate from the official mentioned in Regulation No. 2, stationed at
such port of embarkation. Such certificate shall be granted in accordance with
instructions issued to such official and published in the Gazette.
A rrival o f laborers at D urban.

15.
(1) On arrival of such ship at Durban, the said laborers, and their wives and
children accompanying them, shall land and be medically examined in accordance
with such laws and regulations as may be in force in Natal.
(2) The superintendent, or any inspector authorized by him, shall meet all laborers
arriving at Durban, and make arrangements with the proper authorities for the con
veyance of such laborers with their wives and children to the Witwatersrand district.
(3) No laborer arriving at Durban in a ship other than one whose master has obtained
the certificate mentioned in regulation No. 14 shall be introduced into the Transvaal.
Before any laborers are allowed to land the master of such ship must produce Ms
certificate to such official as may be appointed to proceed on board and demand it.

200

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— A.

(4) The superintendent, or any inspector authorized thereto by him, shall satisfy
himself that every laborer arriving at Durban for introduction into the Transvaal
signed his contract of service in accordance with the requirements of regulation No. 3.
(5) If the superintendent or inspector is satisfied with regard to any laborer that
his contract does not comply with the requirements of regulation No. 3, and that, after
understanding the said conditions and provisions as aforesaid, he is unwilling to pro
ceed to the Transvaal under his contract, the said laborer with his wife and children
(if any) shall be returned to the port at which he embarked, at the expense of his
importer, and the superintendent or inspector, as the case may be, shall make the
necessary arrangements for such return.
Vaccination.
16. Every laborer and every woman and child accompanying a laborer shall be
vaccinated by a medical officer appointed by the emigration agent, either before
embarkation or during the voyage from such port to Durban, in accordance with the
instructions issued to such agent and published in the Gazette.
No laborer, woman, or child shall be allowed to enter the Transvaal unless and
until the said medical officer shall have certified in writing that this regulation in
respect of laborer, woman, or child has been complied wdth, and such certificate shall
be given by the said medical officer to the superintendent or some person acting for
him at Durban.
Depot.
17. (1) The superintendent may establish at some convenient place within the
Witwatersrand district a depot under the control of the superintendent to which all
laborers on arrival in the Transvaal with their wives and children shall, if required by
the superintendent, be taken and kept until handed over to their employers.
(2) No laborer shall leave the said depot until he is in possession oi a passport and
has complied with such requirements for the purposes of identification as the super
intendent may demand.
(3) Any laborer contravening this regulation shall be liable to a fine not exceeding
£5 [$24.33, par], and in default of payment to imprisonment for a period not exceeding
one month.
(4) Any person who in any way aids or assists any laborer in leaving such depot as
aforesaid in contravention of this regulation shall be liable to a fine not exceeding
£100 [$486.65, par], and in default of payment to imprisonment not exceeding 12
months, and (in case such person holds a license for the introduction of laborers) to
forfeiture of his license.
Register kept by importer.
18. The register required to be kept by the importer under section 16 of the labor
importation ordinance shall be in the Form No. 5; and the monthly returns from such
register made to the superintendent shall be in the Form No. 6.
Register kept by superintendent.
19. The superintendent shall keep a general register of laborers, and shall insert
therein the name of every laborer introduced under the said ordinance, and shall in
every year number each laborer by a particular number, proceeding by regular
numerical progression, and shall distinguish therein under different heads the number,
name, and age of every laborer, the surname of his father, and the village and district
from which he has been imported, the name of the importer by whom such laborer
was introduced, and of the person to whom the services of such laborer may have
been transferred, the period for which such laborer is bound, the date from which such
period commences, and such other particulars as may from time to time be given to
the superintendent under sections 16 and 17 of the said ordinance.
Passports.
20. Every laborer shall carry a passport, which shall be issued to him by the super
intendent. The passport shall be a tin ticket, on which shall be clearly imprinted
the registered number of the laborer and the name of his employer.
There shall be paid by the employer on the issue or renewal of such passport a
sum at the rate of 2s. [48.7 cents, par] for every month from the date of its issue or
renewal until the 31st day of December of the year in which it was issued or renewed.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— A .

201

Care and treatment o f laborers when sick.

21.
Every employer shall provide his laborers and their wives and children residing
on his premises with medicine and medical attendance during illness, and any em
ployer who neglects to do so shall for every such offense be liable to a penalty not
exceeding £50 [$243.33, par], and in default of pavriient to imprisonment for a period
not exceeding three months, and shall further be liable to pay any reasonable expense
incurred b y the superintendent in providing such medicine and medical attendance.
W ork.

22. Every employer shall be bound to give work to every laborer for six days in
every week, except on the days mentioned in the next succeeding regulation and on
days when it is impossible for work to be done b y reason of bad weather or other cause;
and if any laborer willing and able to work has no work given to him to do on any
working day he shall be entitled to his full day’s wages for every day so lost to him;
provided always that b y mutual consent one or more days’ leave may be given and
taken without wages.
23. Every laborer, in the absence of any express agreement to the contrary, and
except in the case of sickness or of such bad weather or such other good cause beyond
his control as prevents his working, shall be bound to work in the service of his em
ployer for 10 hours in every 24 b y day or night except Sundays, Christmas Bays, and
Good Fridays, and days of Chinese festivals specified in the contract.
Wages.

24. The wages of every laborer shall be paid monthly in current coin of the realm
in accordance with his contract, and no payment of wages to a laborer shall be of any
force or effect unless the same has been made as aforesaid.
25. No employer shall deduct any sum from the wages of a laborer in respect of
moneys paid during his term of service save and except such sum as may have been
advanced to the laborer before arrival in the Transvaal and certified to b y the official
before whom the contract of service is signed, unless such moneys have been paid
with the consent in writing of an inspector or magistrate.
26. No employer of a laborer shall charge him with the payment of any moneys on
account of stores supplied to such laborer, or deduct any sum in respect thereof from
the wa
due to him.
27. 1
e wages of a laborer are due, an inspector may demand payment of same
from the employer; and if such wages remain unpaid for a period of 14 days after
demand has been made the inspector may sue for, and recover, the same on behalf of
the laborer in any competent court.
28. In the event of a laborer dying during his time of service the employer shall
pay to the nearest inspector, or to the superintendent, the whole of the wages which
would have been payable to such laborer up to the date of his death; and the super
intendent shall deal with such wages in manner provided b y any law or regulations
in force in this colony relating to the administration of the estates of deceased persons.
Piecew ork.

29. Any laborer instead of working for day wages may, if desired both b y himself
and his employer, do piecework at such rate as may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and his employer. Any laborer may make any bargain he pleases with his
employer for working at any time extra hours.
30. Every employer shall provide and keep at such mine at which he employs
laborers a book to be called a paybook showing the daily earnings of such laborers.
The paybook shall be in such form as the superintendent may require, and shall at
all times be open for inspection by the superintendent.
31. Any employer neglecting to keep such book as aforesaid shall be liable to a
fine not exceeding £100 [$486.65, par], and in default of payment to imprisonment
for a period not exceeding six months.
Inspection o f laborers.

32.
Every employer once in every year on receiving 48 hours’ notice in writing,
signed b y the superintendent, and also at all times on receiving a like notice signed

202

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— A*

by the lieutenant governor, shall muster and produce before the superintendent or
other officer named in such notice, at or near their respective places of employment,
all laborers employed b y him.
>
Any employer contravening this regulation shall be liable to a fine not exceeding
£100 [$486.65, par], and in default of payment to imprisonment for a period not ex
ceeding three months.
Women and children .

33. Every laborer shall be entitled to be accompanied b y his wife and children
under the age of 10 years at the expense of the importer; and every laborer who, after
being introduced into this colony, desires his wife and children under the age of 10
years to join him in the Transvaal may, provided that before or at the signing of his
contract such laborer shall have registered with the official before whom the contract
is signed the names and residence of his wife and children and the respective ages of
the children, require his employer to introduce them at his (the employer’s) expense,
and on the employer refusing to do so the laborer shall be entitled to terminate his
contract and thereupon shall be returned to the port at which he embarked in pur
suance of his contract at the expense of the importer.
34. In any case in which the services of a laborer are transferred b y fjie importer
to some other person who holds a license to import laborers, the wife and children of
such laborer shall not be separated from him, but the transferee shall provide proper
accommodation for such wife and children on the premises on which the laborer is
employed, and shall be liable for the expense incurred in returning the wife and
children of such laborer to the port at which they embarked in case such laborer dies
while in the service of such transferee as aforesaid, or any of the events happen during
such service which render such laborer liable under the ordinance to be returned to
his country of origin.
Before such transfer is sanctioned b y the lieutenant governor, the superintendent
shall certify that the transferee has complied with the conditions (1) and (2) in the
next succeeding regulation.
35. The wives and children of laborers shall not be introduced into the Transvaal
except b y a duly licensed importer, who shall before such introduction obtain a license
therefor from the lieutenant governor in the Form No. 11, but no such license shall be
issued until the superintendent certifies to the lieutenant governor:
(1) That suitable accommodation for the housing of such wives and children on the
premises on which the laborers to whom they belong are employed will be ready on
their arrival;
(2) That a bond with proper security has been entered into b y the importer for the
return of such wives ana children to the port at which they embarked in accordance
with the provisions of the ordinance.
36. Every importer shall keep a register of the wives and children of laborers residing
on his premises m the Form No. 8, and shall enter therein all births and deaths occur
ring among them, and shall cause a return in the form No. 9 to be made to the superin
tendent once every month of the number of such women and children on his premises,
and the number of births and deaths during the preceding month; and in the case of
the death of any woman or child he shall forthwith forward to the superintendent a
medical certificate as to the cause of death.
A ny contravention of this regulation by the importer shall be punishable with a fine
not exceeding £100 ($486.65 par), and in default of payment to imprisonment for a
period not exceeding six months.
37. (1) The superintendent shall issue to every woman introduced under the said
ordinance on her arrival a passport free of charge, which shall be in form similar to the
passport issued to a laborer, and shall have imprinted thereon the registered number
of the holder, the premises on which she resides, and the registered number of the
laborer of whom she is the wife.
(2) Every woman shall be liable to the penalties imposed under sections 19 and 20
of the said ordinance for being without her passport, or being away from the premises
on which she resides without a permit granted to her b y the owner of such premises,
or b y some person authorized thereto b y the owner. Such permit shall authorize the
woman to whom it is issued to be absent from such premises lor a period not exceeding
48 hours from the time it was issued, and shall be in the Form No. 7.
(3) On the transfer of the services of any laborer, the wife of such laborer shall deliver
up her passport to the superintendent, wno shall thereupon issue to her a new passport,
having imprinted thereon the name of the transferee and the premises on which such
woman is to reside.
(4) The provisions of section 28 of the said ordinance shall, mutatis mutandis, apply
to every woman introduced thereunder.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— B,

203

Return o f laborers to China.
38. Every laborer, on the expiration of his contract of service, or on the happening
of any of the events which under the said ordinance or under these regulations render
a laborer liable' or entitled to be returned to his country of origin, shall, subject to
such directions as the superintendent may give, be sent to the depot by his employer,
and there kept at the expense of such employer until he can be returned through
Durban, Natal, to the port at which he embarked.
39. Every laborer in being returned to China shall be returned only in a ship the
master of which is in possession of a certificate authorizing him to carry laborers.
40. The said certificate shall be issued by an official authorized thereto, and stationed
at Durban, on the conditions, as far as possible, required for the granting of a certi
ficate to the master of a ship carrying laborers from China to Durban.
Access o f laborer to superintendent or court o f law.
41. (1) Every laborer shall be entitled to a permit under section 19 of the ordinance
in Form 7 to enable him to proceed to the office of the superintendent for the purpose
of making a complaint against his employer, or to enable him to have access to a court
of law, in order to obtain redress for any injury to his person or property, or in order to
attend as a party to, or witness in, any civil or criminal proceedings in such court
when duly summoned to do so.
(2) A ny laborer obtaining a permit as aforesaid and making a complaint which, in
the opinion of the superintendent to whom it is made, is frivolous, shall be liable to be
fined by the superintendent to an amount not exceeding £2 ($9.73 par), which may be
deducted from his wages and paid into the colonial treasury.
(3) Any employer refusing to give a laborer a permit for the purposes mentioned in
subsection (1) of this regulation shall be liable to a fine not exceeding £10 ($48.67 par),
and in default of payment to imprisonment for a period not exceeding one month.
Interpretation o f terms.
42. In the above regulations and in the said ordinance the term “ premises” shall
include the mine at which the laborer is employed and the whole of the land adjacent
thereto held under mining title for purposes in connection therewith.
B .—FORM NO. 1-C O N TR AC T OF SERVICE.
It is this day agreed between A. B., acting for and on behalf of C. D., carrying on
business within the Witwatersrand district, Transvaal, South Africa, and the laborers
who are signatories to this contract in the presence of E. F., Transvaal emigration
agent a t ------ and representing the Government of the Transvaal as follows:
The said laborer shall proceed at the expense of the said C. D. to the said Witwaters
rand district and shall there work for the said C. D. on any of the following mines,
------ or for any person to whom the said C. D. may with the consent of the said laborers
assign his rights under this contract in accordance with the provisions of the labor
importation ordinance, 1904, and any regulations made thereunder for a period of
three years to commence from the date of the arrival of the said laborers in the Wit
watersrand district, subject to the following conditions:
1.
Each of the aforesaid laborers, so long as he remains in the Transvaal, shall be
employed only in unskilled labor (meaning thereby such labor as is usually performed
in mines in the Witwatersrand district b y persons belonging to the aboriginal races or
tribes of Africa south of the Equator) in the exploitation of minerals within the Wit
watersrand district and in particular he shall not be employed in any of the trades or
occupations following except for unskilled labor therein, to wit:
Amalgamator.
Assayer.
Banksman.
Blacksmith.
Boiler maker.
Brass finisher.
Brass molder.
Bricklayer.
Brickmaker overseer.
Carpenter.
41986°— 23------14

Clerk
Coppersmith.
Cyanide shiftman.
Drill sharpener.
Driver of air or steam winch.
Driver of mechanical or electrical machin
ery.
Electrician.
Engine driver.
Engineer.

204

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— B«

Fireman overseer.
Fitter.
Ganger.
Iron molder.
Joiner.
Machine rock driller.
Machine sawyer.
Machinist.
Mason.
Mechanic.
Miller.
Millwright.
Mine carpenter.
Mine storeman.
Mine overseer.
Onsetter.
Overseer, in any capacity other than the
management and control of laborers.
Painter.

Pattern maker.
Pipeman.
Plasterer.
Plate layer.
Plumber.
Pumpman.
Quarryman overseer#
Rigger.
Sampler.
Signaller.
Skipman.
Stonecutter.
Timberman.
Timekeeper.
Tinsmith.
Turner.
Wire splicer.
Woodworking machinist.

2. Each of the said laborers shall for the period fixed in this contract only serve the
said C. D. or any person who has obtained a license under the labor importation
ordinance to introduce laborers and to whom the rights of the said C. D. under this
contract may have been duly transferred with the consent of such laborer.
3. Each of the said laborers shall on the determination of this contract b y effluxion
of time or otherwise be returned without delay at the expense of the said C. D. to
(here state port at which laborer embarked).
4. Each of the said laborers shall so long as he remains in the'Transvaal be subject
to the provisions contained in the labor importation ordinance and the regulations
made tnereunder and more especially to such of the said provisions as are substantially
set forth in the first schedule to this contract.
5. The laborers shall be paid at the rate of Is. [24.3 cents, par] for each working-day
of 10 hours, payable on the completion of every 30 days’ work, in the currency of the
Transvaal, to commence from the arrival of the laborers on the premises of the
said C. D.
6. Any laborer instead of working for day wages may if desired both b y himself and
the said C. D. do piecework at such rate as may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and the said C. D., but only the actual days employed on such piecework shall
be reckoned in the period of service.
Any laborer employed at labor to which piecework is not applicable shall be paid for
the work on which he is employed at the rates detailed in chamber of mines, schedule
of native pay, May, 1897, restored January, 1903, which is as set forth in the second
schedule to this contract.
If, however, within six months from the date of the said laborers’ arrival in the
Witwatersrand district the average pay of the laborers employed b y the said 0. D.
under the said ordinance does not equal 50s. [$12.17, par] for 30 working-days the
rate shall be increased from Is. to Is. 6d. [36.5 cents, par] for each working-day of 10
hours.
7. The laborers shall be provided free of any charge with housing, water, fuel,
medical attendance, and with daily rations on the following scale: One and one-half
pounds of rice; one-half pound dried or fresh fish or meat; one-half pound vegetables;
one-half ounce of tea; one-half ounce of nut oil; salt; or approved substitutes at dis
cretion of superintendent.
8. The said C. D. shall be bound to give work to each of the said laborers for six
days in every week except on Sundays, Christmas Days, Good Fridays, and on the
days of Chinese festivals mentioned in paragraph 16 and on days when it is impossible
for work to be done b y reason of bad weather or other cause; and if any laborer willing
< and able to work has no work given to him to do on any day not included in the aforesaid
exceptions he shall be entitled to his full day’s working wages for every day so lost to
him; provided always that b y mutual consent one or more days’ leave may be given
and taken without wages. /
9. Each of the said laborers, in the absence of any express agreement to the contrary
and except in the case of sickness or of such bad weather or other good cause beyond
his control, as prevents his working, shall be bound to work for 10 hours in every 24,
b v day or night, save on Sundays, Christmas Days, Good Fridays, and on the days
of Chinese festivals mentioned in paragraph 16.
10. The said C. D. shall not make any deduction from the wages of any of the said
laborers in respect of moneys paid to him during his term of service save and except

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— B.

205

such sum as has been advanced to such laborer b y the said C. D. and set opposite
his signature to this contract unless such moneys have been paid with the consent
in writing of an inspector or magistrate.
11.
There shall not be reckoned in any laborer’s term of service any period of
imprisonment, desertion, or unlawful absence from work, nor shall any laborer be
entitled to any wages for any day during which he has been absent from work through
sickness or other cause.
32. Each laborer acknowledges to have received from the said C. D. an advance of
the amount set opposite to Ms signature, wMch shall be deducted b y installments
from Ms pay at the rate of
13. In the event of any laborer being killed or permanently injured in the course
of his employment, compensation w ill be paid b y the said 0. D. to him or to his
next of kin, as the case may be, at the following rates:
In the case of death, £10 [$48.67, par].
In the case of permanent total disablement, £10.
In the case of permanent partial disablement, £5 [$24.33, par],
14. Any laborer may at any time terminate this contract without assigning any
reason, on tendering to the said C. D. the expenses incurred in introducing him and his
wife and cMldren into the Transvaal, together with a sum sufficient to defray the
expenditure necessary in returning them to (here state port at wMch laborer
embarked).
15. Every laborer shall be entitled to be accompanied b y Ms wife and cMldren
under the age of 10 years at the expense of the said C. D ., and every laborer who after
being introduced into tMs colony desires Ms wife and children under the age of 10
years to join Mm in the Transvaal may, provided that before or at the sigrnng of Ms
contract such laborer shall have registered with the official before whom this contract
is signed the name and residence of Ms wife and cMldren and the respective ages of
the cMldren, require the said 0. D. to introduce them at his (the said 0. D .’s) expense,
and on the said 0. D. refusing to do so the laborer shall be entitled to terminate Ms
contract and thereupon shall be returned to (state port of embarkation) in pursuance
of his contract at the expense of the said C. D .; provided always that the wife and cMl
dren of a laborer shall be maintained at his own expense after nis arrival at the premises
of the said C. D. where he is to be employed.
16. Sundays, Christmas Days, Good Fridays, and the following CMnese festivals
shall be holidays: Chinese New Year (three days); Dragon Boat Festival (one day);
Full Moon Festival (one day); Winter Solstice (one day).
17. With the consent of both parties thereto this contract may be, on the expiration
thereof, renewed on the same terms and conditions as aforesaid for a further period
or periods not exceeding in all three years.
18. Each of the aforesaid laborers undertake to permit himself, Ms wife, and cMl
dren, if any, accompanying Mm to be vaccinated either in the depot in CMna or on
board sMp at the discretion of the surgeon superintendent.
(Signed)
A. B. on behalf of C. D.
(Each laborer must sign here his name or m ake his mark.)

A t ------ on this th e ------- day o f ------- .
CERTIFICATE.
I,
the undersigned, do hereby certify that the above contract was entered into
in my presence and that I carefully explained to the laborers bound thereby in
their own language and prior to their signing the said contract the provision thereof
and of the schedules attached thereto.
I further certify that the said laborers voluntarily signed the said contract, and
I am not aware 'of any undue pressure or misrepresentation b y wMch they were
induced to sign.
I further certify that the amounts set opposite the respective signatures of the
laborers were acknowledged b y them in my presence to have been received by
them.
( S i g n e d ) -------------------(Description of official position.)

F irst Schedule

Contract.

No liquor, mining, trading, general dealer’s, importer’s, hawker’s, or other license
whatever shall be granted to any laborer or to any person on behalf of or as agent or
trustee for any laborer; nor shall it be lawful for any laborer to acquire lease or hold

206

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII— B.

either directly or indirectly any house, land, building, or fixed property, or any
mynpacht claim, stand, or any right whatever to minerals or precious stones either
in his own name or in the name of any person on behalf of or as agent or trustee for him.
Every laborer shall always carry a passport which his employer shall obtain for him
from the superintendent.
No laborer after being introduced into the Transvaal shall leave the premises on
which he is employed without a permit signed by some person authorized thereto by
his employer; and no such permit shall authorize the absence of the laborer to whom
it is issued from the premises on which he is employed for more than 48 hours from
the time it was issued; nor shall any such permit authorize the laborer to go outside
the Witwatersrand district.
Any person leaving the premises on which he is employed without such permit
or having received such permit remains absent from such premises more than 48 hours
or goes outside the Witwatersrand district shall be liable on conviction to a fine not
exceeding <£10 [$48.67, par], and in default of payment, to imprisonment for a period
not exceeding one month.
(1) Any inspector appointed under the labor importation ordinance and any police
officer may demand from a laborer the production of his passport, and if he is absent
from the premises on which he is employed the permit mentioned in the last preceding
paragraph.
(2) Any laborer who fails to produce his passport or permit (in case he is absent
from the premises on which he is employed) wnen asked to do so may be arrested
and on conviction for being without such passport or permit, as the case may be, he
shall be liable to a fine not exceeding £10 [$48.67, par], and in default of payment to
imprisonment for a period not exceeding one montn.
(3) On payment of such fine or expiration of such sentence of imprisonment as
may be imposed under the last preceding paragraph the laborer may be sent back
to his employer, and in case his employer can not be found and he refuses to be engaged
to any other person authorized to employ laborers imported under the labor importa
tion ordinance he may be forcibly sent back to China.
In reckoning the term of service for which a laborer is bound under his contract
for the purpose of ascertaining when such term expires all periods shall be excluded
during which the laborer has been absent from his work owing to any of the following
causes: (a) Imprisonment after conviction of any offense; (b) desertion from service;
(c) unlawful absence from work duly certified as such by the superintendent.
If a laborer who has contracted to serve in the Transvaal shall after his arrival there
refuse without good and sufficient reason to proceed to the place where his service
is to be performed or to perform such service he may in addition to any other penalty
to w hich he may be liable be ordered to be returned to China.
In the case of every laborer who under the conditions of his contract or the provisions
of the labor importation ordinance is required to be returned to China the superintend
ent shall take all necessary steps for ms return at the expense of the importer; pro
vided that where any laborer is ordered to be returned on account of any offense
committed b y him the importer shall be entitled to deduct the cost of so returning
him from any wages then due to him.
(1) Any laborer liable to be returned to China who refuses to return may be arrested
without warrant and brought before a magistrate and shall upon conviction be liable
to a fine not exceeding £10 [$48.67, par], and in default of payment to imprisonment
for a period not exceeding three months.
(2) If any laborer sentenced to pay a fine or suffer imprisonment under the last
preceding paragraph shall after the payment of such fine or expiration of the term of
imprisonment, as the case may be, refuse to return to China he may be forcibly sent
back to such country by the superintendent.
Any laborer who enters the Transvaal unless he previously enters into a contract
of service shall be" liable on conviction to the penalties mentioned in paragraph 4
of this schedule.
Any laborer who shall desert from the service of his importer or shall refuse to work
for him when required to do so or who shall unlawfully absent himself from work
or who shall perform any work or carry on any business other than that of unskilled
labor in the exploitation of minerals or who shall enter the service of any person
other than that of the person importing him or of the person to whom his contract has
been lawfully transferred under the labor importation ordinance shall be liable to a
fine not exceeding £25 [$121.66, par] and in default of payment, to imprisonment
for a period not exceeding two months.
Any laborer who shall have any interest, whether as partner or otherwise, in any
trade or business shall be liable to a fine not exceeding £50 [$243.33, par] and in
default of payment, to imprisonment for a period not exceeding three months.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX.
A .-H C I MIN CONTRACT FOR COMMON LABORER.1
(Promulgated b y the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and communicated to the French minister
at Peking, May 14,1916.)

I ------ age o f ------- an inhabitant o f ------- to w n ------- c o u n ty --------Province declare
that according to the regulations of labor as laid down by Mr. Tao-re-de,2 I agree to
be a common laborer for a period of five years, beginning with the date of embarka
tion. But any time after the three years, Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative has
the option of terminating the contract.
This contract is made according to the “ regulations of labor’’ and I agree to adhere
to them in all respects.
Two copies of this contract are made o n ------ d a y ------- m on th ,--------1917, a t ------place.
Signature of laborer, if able to sign.
His right thumb print.
His left thumb pnnt.
N ote .— I hereby declare that because I can not sign my name, I have made two
thumb prints before m y witnesses, which will testify my consent to observe all the
clauses of this contract.
Signature of witnesses.
T eems op

the

Contract.

1. No Chinese laborer is to be employed in any sort of military operations. He is
to be engaged only in industries and agriculture in France, Algeria, or Morocco.
[The French minister at Peking shall guarantee the vigorous observance of this
clause.]
2. The term of the contract is five years, beginning with the day he embarks, and
the date of embarkation shall be mentioned on each individual card, without, how
ever, including the time of his return trip home after the expiration of the contract.
Mr. Tao-re-de (Chinese name for M. Truptil with whom this contract is made) or his
representative, reserves the right to terminate the contract at the end of the third
year after the signing. If at m e end of five years, a laborer should wish to remain
in France, Algeria, or Morocco, he would not thereby forfeit the privilege of a free
return passage to China. [This is guaranteed b y the French minister in Peking in
the name of the French Government.]
3. (a) The wage for a working-day is 5 francs. Laborers receiving board shall get
3.25 francs a day. Those receiving both board and lodging shall get 3 francs a day.
On the other hand, the laborer must give from his daily wage 25 centimes for clothing
and shoes, and 25 centimes for expenses in case of sickness and insurance against
death.
In addition to the regular daily wage, the laborer shall receive bonuses for over
time work, for assiduity, and for economy, as allowed to French laborers doing the
same work.
(b) The daily wage of 5 francs, above-mentioned, is only for common laborers.
Skilled workers should specify their special professions at the time of enlistment,
so that when they arrive in France they will be given a test to show their skill. If
proficient, their wage will be paid according to their special work.
(c) In case of sickness or of legal holidays when the laborer shall cease work, he
shall receive only board and lodging. [But, at all times, if he quits work without the
consent of his employer, he shall receive only his lodging.]
(d) At the request of the laborer, the employer shall arrange a convenient way for
remitting his money to his family in China. Furthermore, the employer shall*
1 In translating this contra?t into English, the Chinese original and the French version have been care
fully compared and their differences noted. W ords which appear in the French but not in the Chinese
text are given in brackets, and those which appear in the Chinese but not in the French text, in
parentheses.
* The Chinese translation of M. Truptil, who as representative of the French Government signed this
contract with China.

207

208

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX— A.

arrange a convenient way for depositing or using his money either in France or in
China. The manner in which the laborer may wish to deposit money or send it to
China shall be agreed upon between Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative and the
Hui Min syndicate or its representative. The employer must give a proper receipt
to the laborer for deposits or remittances.
4. Each laborer snail receive free transportation from the port of embarkation in
China to his destination in France, Algeria, or Morocco. At the expiration of this
contract, he shall be sent back to the same port of embarkation free of charge. On
the voyage, the laborer is entitled to a bonus of 1 franc a day, and a sum of 40 francs
must be advanced at the time of embarkation. This money he can spend at his
will. [When he is returning to China he shall get only food.] Imposts, contribu
tions of all kinds, as well as legal taxes, to which the Chinese laborer in France may
now or in the future be subject, shall be assumed b y his employer.
5. At the time of leaving China, each laborer shall receive a new outfit comprising
the following: 2 blue cotton shirts; 2 blue cotton trousers; 1 pair of cloth shoes;
1 hat; 2 pairs of Chinese socks; 1 padded garment; 1 pair padded trousers; 1 padded
quilt for traveling, with cooking utensils; 1 traveling bag; 1 pair woolen lined,
trousers; 1 straw mat.3
Upon reaching France each laborer shall receive the following: One pair of leather
shoes; one hat, according to the season.
,
Six months after the laborer’s arrival in France and in every six months thereafter
during the period of this contract, he shall receive clothing as follows: Two blue
shirts and trousers; one pair of leather shoes; one hat; one padded coat; one pair of
padded trousers; two pairs of socks.
In addition, one padded coat and one pair of padded trousers will be given him
annually, at the end of September of each year. Thus, for those laborers who want
to spend the year 1917-18 in France, these clothes will be given them at the end of
September, 1917.
6. According to the third article of this contract, laborers shall be given board and
lodging and clothing. The minimum daily ration for each laborer shall be as follows:

[1gram =0.03528 ounces.]
Gram.
Rice 4................- .......................................................................................
100
Wheat or kaffir corn 4...............................................................................1,000
Meat, salt or fresh fish.............................................................................
180
Salt fish 5....................................................................................................
100
Dried beans 5.............................................................................................
00
Fresh vegetables.......................................................................................
230
T ea...............................................................................................................
15
Lard or vegetable o il................................................................................
15
Salt......................................................................................................
15
Besides, the laborer shall receive necessary eating utensils; his lodging house which
he shares with other workers shall be as near his working place as possible. He shall
be provided with a bed or sleeping boards, with a straw mat and coverlet. Light and
fuel shall also be provided for him b y his employer.
7. It is agreed that each laborer’s family shall be given 30 francs at the time of his
embarkation, as a consolation to the family. This sum shall be remitted through a
bank decided upon b y the Hui Min syndicate.
8. The laborer must observe the regulations of the shipyard or factory where he is
employed: he shall do his work with celerity, zeal, and in a manner which does not
call for reproach on the part of the employer. On the other hand, the employer shall
treat him with kindness. The laborer shall have the same opportunities for rest and
vacation as enjoyed by French workers employed in the same establishments. In
addition, the Chinese laborers shall have a holiday on October 10, their national
holiday. Aside from the above exceptions, the laborer must be punctual in attending
to his work. (If at the wish of the employer, the laborer consents to work on holidays
for 10 hours a day, he is entitled to the regular wage plus a bonus of 1 franc.
Moreover, if at the wish of the employer and the consent of the worker, working hours
may be increased from 10 upward and each additional hour is paid at the rate of 50
centimes.)
The paragraph in parenthesis is the Chinese version, and its French equivalent
reads as follows: The daily wage mentioned in article 3 of this contract is for 10 hours.*
* The last three articles are omitted in some contracts.
* In the French contract rice and wheat or kaffir corn are combined.
* N ot in the Fren jh contract.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX— A.

209

Overtime work or work on holidays shall be paid at the rate of 50 centimes per hour
for manual laborers.
9. When sick, the laborer shall receive medical care free of charge. If the illness
exceeds six weeks, and if the attending doctor advises him to return to China, the
employer should inform Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative, who shall notify the
Chinese consul in Paris. Not later than eight days after receiving such notice, the
Chinese consul may independently engage a physician to examine the case. If
both doctors give the same advice, the laborer must be sent back to China, and every
clause of the contract shall be terminated without indemnity to either party. If the
two physicians do not agree, the case shall be submitted for consideration to a compe
tent court at the place where the worker was taken ill.
The employer shall be responsible for food and travel expenses in sending the
laborer home.
10. If the laborer dies within the period of the contract, his family is entitled to
compensation as follows:
(a) If the laborer dies a natural nona.ccidental death within six months after the
signing of the contract, the compensation shall be 135 francs [$26.06, par],
(b) If the death occurs six months after the signing of the contract and before the
expiration, the compensation shall be 270 francs [$52.11, pari. If a death is caused
by an accident when the laborer is returning home, his family is entitled to a com
pensation of 270 francs. In case of death from a war maritime risk during the voyage
to France, the worker’s family will be entitled to indemnity («), or 135 francs. But
if the laborer dies a natural nonaccidental death at the expiration of the contract,
there shall be no compensation.
11. The French law of April 9, 1919, respecting accidents, is applicable to Chinese
laborers. But the legal formalities have actually ruled that if a foreign worker dies
accidentally no indemnity is paid to his family if they are not residing in France.
It is now stipulated that in case of a death caused b y an accident during work, the
dispositions of article 10 above mentioned shall apply, namely, if the death is within
six months from the signing of the contract, the compensation shall be 135 francs
[$26.06, par]; and if it is after a period of six months and before the expiration of the
contract, the compensation shall be 270 francs [$52.11, par].
12. The dead shall be buried according to local customs of France and at the
expense of the employer. Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative shall inform the
Chinese consul of the death.
13. During his residence in France the laborer shall enjoy all the liberties, especially
religious liberty, as guaranteed by French laws to its citizens. On his part, the
laborer shall conform to the laws of France. The employer shall see to it that the
laborer is not subject to maltreatment by his fellow workers.
14. An office shall be established in Paris to have control of all matters pertaining
to Chinese laborers in France, Algeria, and Morocco. This office shall assume afl
responsibility for transmitting the laborer’s mail. The laborer’s mail to his family
ana friends shall be received by the Hui Min syndicate, sent through this office,
and delivered to the addressees. This office shall also receive home mail of the laborer
and deliver it to him.
15. During the period of this contract no laborer is permitted to undertake directly
any commercial enterprise. If the laborer is employed at a certain establishment or
factory, he shall not, before the expiration of that employment, seek another employer.
If for some reason his employer can not continue to employ him, Mr. Tao-re-de or his
representative shall find him a new employment, according to the terms of this
contract.
16. Idleness, inexecution of orders, all deeds which are contrary to discipline and
honesty, or persistent disregard of regulations of the shipyard or factory wheie the
laborer is employed shall constitute a cause of immediate repatriation, after due notice
is given to the Chinese consul in Paris. The laborer shall then be sent back by the
next boat sailing to China.
If the removal occurs at the end of the first year after the signing of this contract,
the Hui Min syndicate shall be responsible for the repatriation fee to the extent of
300 francs [$57.90, par], but the syndicate may exercise a right of recovery from the
laborer if it deems desirable.
17. Workers of the same trade or occupation shall be organized into groups of 25
men each, under a leader. The leader shall receive wages, board, and lodging equal
to those of any other laborer, but in addition he gets a bonus of 2§ centimes [0.48
cent, par] a day.
En route to France, each leader who performs his duties satisfactorily shall upon
his arrival in France receive a bonus of 10 francs [$1.93, par]. (An interpreter will be
assigned to groups in a proportion as large as possible.)

210

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX----C,

18. At the time of his enlistment the laborer shall have his picture taken, giving his
name, age, home, etc. Besides, there shall be a record made in the roll book of his
number, with his photograph. He must conform to the requirements of physical
examination and registration. Before landing he shall first be examined b y a doctor
appointed b y Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative and must be recognized as physically
efficient. All laborers shall be between the ages of 20 and 35.
19. When a laborer violates the contract before its expiration without a legitimate
cause, he must pay to Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative the sum of 600 francs [$115.80,
par] of traveling expense. Likewise the laborer forfeits his free passage home.
The Hui Min syndicate guarantees the execution of an obligation of 300 francs [$57.90,
par] per worker.
20. Mr. Tao-re-de or his representative reserves the right of subletting all or a part
of this contract to any responsible factory owner. After the subletting, the sublessee
shall receive and be governed b y the articles of this contract. Also Mr. Tao-re-de or
his representative shall guarantee that the laborer fulfills all the articles of this
contract.
21. All difficulties arising between the employer and the laborer which are not
amicably settled shall be submitted to French tribunals for examination at the place
where the worker is employed.
B.— SUMMARY OF BRITISH CONTRACT.6
B y the terms of this contract, dated th is------ day o f ------- year, I, the undersigned
coolie, recruited b y the Weihaiwei Labor Bureau, declare myself to be a willing laborer
under the following conditions regarding the nature of employment, which are
explained and made clear to me b y the Weihaiwei Labor Bureau, namely:
1. Kinds o f w ork.— On railways, roads, at factories, mines, dockyards, fields, forests,
etc., and not to be employed in military operations.
2. Rates o f pay.— Daily pay abroad: Laborer, 1 franc; gangs (60 men), 1.5 francs.
Monthly allowance to family in China: Laborer, $10 ($5.40, par, United States money);
gangs (60 men), $15 ($8.11, par, United States m oney).7
3. Bonus.—$20 ($10.81, par, United States money) to be given to each laborer at
embarkation.
4. Compensation.—For death or total disablement, $150 ($81.06, par, United States
money); for partial disablement, $75 ($40.53, par, United States money).
5. Passage, fo o d , lodging , etc.— Free passage to and from China under all circum
stances; free food, clothing, housing, fuel, light, and medical attendance.
6. Duration o f employment.—Three years, with option of employer to terminate it
any time after the first year of contract, providing a notice is given six months before,
or any time for misconduct or inefficiency on the part of a laborer. Free passage to
be given to worker back to Weihaiwei or a port north of Woosung.
7. Deductions.—No daily pay abroad during sickness, but food given. Monthly
pay in China continues up to six weeks**sickness; after six weeks* sickness no monthly
pay in China. No daily pay abroad for time lost owing to misconduct. In cases of
offenses involving loss of pay for 28 days or more deductions of monthly pay in China
w ill be made.
8. Hours o f w ork.— Obligation to work 10 hours a day, but a shorter or longer period
may be fixed b y the labor control on the basis of a daily average of 10 hours. Liability
of seven days a week, but due consideration will be given to Chinese festivals as to
which the labor control will decide.
C .- REGULATIONS OF CHINESE LABORERS* SOCIETY IN FRANCE.8
1. Aims.—The aims of the society are to encourage cooperation among Chinese
laborers, to broaden their knowledge, to promote their material and spiritual well
being, and to elevate >their plane of living. The society in no way functions as a
political party.
2. Program.—The society plans: (a) To cooperate with commercial and industrial
organizations in China in order to increase opportunities for employment of the
proletariat, (b) To disseminate industrial knowledge in order to help educate the
Chinese people, (c) To develop industries in order to increase economic wealth and
to insure social progress, (d) To advocate the establishment of evening schools
freely in order to provide special training for workers.
* Confidential report to International Committee of the Y . M. C. A . of North America, submitted b y
Dwight W . Edwards, 1918, which agrees in the m ain w ith a memorandum from the British W ar Office,
A pr. 26,1922, to the U nited States Bureau of Labor Statistics.
* For wages of skilled laborers see Table 27, p. 149.
* Abridged translation from Report of the Chinese Emigration Bureau, No. 7, p. 16 et seq.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX— C,

211

3. Resolutions.—Members of this society are resohred not to gamble, drink, smoke
opium, visit prostitutes, waste time in unprofitable ways, or disturb public peace.
Members shall give friendly warnings to those who violate any of the foregoing reso
lutions. If such warnings are not heeded, the offenders shall b y vote of the coun
sellors be expelled from the society.
4. Departments.— (a) The recording department takes charge of the minutes of
meetings and correspondence of the society. (b) The finance department receives
all moneys and incomes of the society and makes budgets and expenditures, (c) The
social relations department promotes friendship with Chinese industrial organiza
tions and those of other nations and also with local branches in France, (a) The
research department carries on social and industrial research of the society. \e) The
education department takes charge of educational publications of the society.
( /) The miscellaneous department takes charge of miscellaneous affairs of the society.
D.— RESOLUTIONS OF THE Y. M . C. A. VERSAILLES CONFERENCE, APRIL,
1919.
1. Resolved, That the conference request the Chinese department of the Y . M. C. A.
in France to arrange a series of lectures for the local camps, and recommend to all
hut secretaries to lay special emphasis on lecturing in the future.
2. Resolved, That the Chinese department of the Y . M. C. A. in France should at
once print the phonetic system as adopted b y the Chiao-yu-pu and the 600 character
books, and distribute the same by the quickest means when ready.
3. Resolved, That the Chinese department of the Y . M. C. A. in France be requested
to provide in money and in securing governmental permission for members of the
Chinese labor corps who wish to remain to study in France, England, or the United
States and who are qualified to do so.
4. Resolved, That the Chinese department of the Y . M. C. A. in France be requested
to petition the National Committee of China to devise immediately ways and means
to project the hut idea in France to China for the uplifting and educating of the
masses, and, in carrying out this resolution, recommend the following suggestions:
(a) To ship as soon as possible the equipment that is now being used in the different
huts in France and that later will be of use in hut work in China; (b) to start work
first in centers to which most of the laborers return; (c) to utilize temples (and other
public buildings) when available.
E.—REGULATIONS ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF RETURNED LABORERS.

(Promulgated by the Chinese Cabinet, Aug. 9,1919.)
1. The term ‘‘ returned laborer or laborers” as employed in these regulations
defines one who during the European war was employed at factories or in agriculture
abroad, or one who has similar training and experience.
2. Before the end of his service abroad, the laborer should, in person or through
the labor commissioner, request his employer to issue a certificate specifying ms
specialty and record.
3. When laborers are returning to China the labor commissioner shall report the
following to the emigration bureau: (a) The number of returned laborers; (6) the
kinds of their work; (c) the number of years they were abroad; (d) the name of the
vessel on which they return to China; (e) the port where the laborers now reside;
( /) the original home of the returned laborers.
4 4. When a group of laborers arrive at the port of embarkation, the branch office
of the emigration bureau or the commissioner of customs or the commissioner of
foreign affairs shall report their number to the emigration bureau.
5. Returned laborers who wish to work at factories should, after their landing in
China, report to the branch office of the emigration bureau or the commissioner of
customs or the commissioner of foreign affairs for recommendations.
6. When any large industry or factory in the country needs special workers, the
emigration bureau shall recommend competent workers among the returned laborers
who are qualified for the jobs.
7. Those laborers who worked in navy yards and munition factories abroad shall
be recommended to the ministry of army and navy and arsenals for employment.
8. Those laborers who worked in factories or in agriculture abroad shall be recom
mended to the ministry of agriculture and commerce for employment.
9. Those laborers who wish to go abroad again should apply at the emigration
bureau, and those who wish to go to South America should, preferably, take their
families with them.
10. Those laborers who had shown bad conduct abroad are not permitted to emigrate
again, and they also forfeit the privilege of recommendations for jobs.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER L
[Black-faced figures within parentheses preceding titles of books correspond to the numbers given in
the list of Chinese titles of books published in that language given on pp. 233-237.]
A ncient T rade op the E ast and I ndian A rchipelago .
Chinese and Japanese Repository, Yol. I l l , pp. 57-72, 113-128.
B raddell , T.
Trade of the Indian Archipelago in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Chinese and Japanese Repository, Yol. I l l , pp. 153-160, 241-248.
Ch ’ en , L un - kiung .
(1) Hai Kuo Wen Chien Luh (A Record of What I Saw and Heard in the Sea
Countries).
(In Vol. V II of Wu Sung-lan’s collection of the Y ee Hai Chu Chen, 1744.)
China (by imperial edict):
(2) Hu pu ch6 lih (Records of the Ministry of Revenue), the Tsing dynasty.
Peking, 1937. 60 vols.
(3) Ta Tsing Hui Tien (The Constitution of the Tsing Dynasty). Peking, 1899.
36 vols.
(4) Ta Tsing Tien Shih Lih (Cases of the Constitution of the Tsing dynasty).
Peking, 1899. 384 vols.
(5) T ’u Shu Tsi Cheng (Encyclopedia). Peking, 1885-1888. 2d edition. 1,410
vols.
(6) Wen Hsien T ’ung K ’ao—
7
Original work on the Sung dynasty b y Ma Tuan-lin. 1319. (Reprint, Pe
king, 1859. 81 vols.)
Supplement on the Ming dynasty, b y Wong Chih. 1747. (Reprint, Peking,
1859. 120 vols.).
Supplement on the Tsing dynasty or Huang Tsao Wen Hsien T ’ung K ’ao.
1771. (Reprint, Hangchow, 1905. 160 vols.)
Ch in a :
Bureau o f the N ational H istory.

(10) Twenty-one dynastic histories, compiled, edited, and revised under the
direction of Prince Hung Tsur, Grand Guardian' of the Heir Apparent,
Chang T ’ing-Yui, etc. Peking, 1747.

Extracts from the Han Records are used in this chapter
Em igration Bureau.

(7) Report on conditions of Chinese laborers in Banka. Peking, May, 1920.
(8) Report on conditions of Chinese laborers in Billiton. Peking, March,
1919.
(9) Conditions of Chinese laborers in France. Report No. 2, December, 1918.
Inspectorate General o f Customs.

Annual reports. Statistical series.
Treaties between China and foreign States.
2 vols.

Shanghai, K elly & Walsh, 1917.

M inistry o f A griculture and Commerce.

(11) Sixth annual report. Peking, 1920.
Chinese E xplorations op the I ndian Ocean during the F ifteenth Century .
China Review, Vol. II, pp. 603-610; Vol. I l l , pp. 219-225, 321-331.
Ch u , Shiu -p ’ u n .
(12) Tung Hua Luh (Supplement for the Reign of Kuang Hsu). Shanghai, Tsi
Cheng Co., 1909. 64 vols.
(13) Commercial G eography op China . Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1920.
Cordier , H e n ri .
Bibliotheca Sinica: Dictionnaire Bibliographique des Ouvrages relatifs k l ’Empire
Chmois. Paris, E. Guilmoto, 1904r-1908. 4 vols.

See particularly Vol. IV, pp. 2671-2710, on emigration.

Craw furd , J ohn .
History of the Indian Archipelago, Containing an Account of the Manners, Arts,
Languages, Religions, Institutions, and Commerce of its Inhabitants. Edin
burgh, A. Constable & Co., 1920. 3 vols.

See especially Vol. Ill, pp. 173-180, on Chinese junks.
212

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY----CHAPTER I«
Du

213

H a ld e ,

J. B.
Description de PEmpire de la Chine.

G il e s , L io n e l .

The Hague, H. Scheurleer, 1736.

A census of Tun-Huang.
(In T ’oung Pao, 1915, pp. 468-488.)
G ottwaldt , H.
Die Uberseeische Auswanderung der Chinesen und ihre Einwirkung auf die gelbe
und weisse Rasse. Bremen, Max Nossler, 1903.

G reat B r itain :

Parliament. Papers and reports. Bill to regulate Chinese passenger ships, 185455. (B. 208.)
-------------- Chinese, etc., emigrants—Papers relating to mortality in British ships,
1857-58, vol. 43. (Paper 521.)
•--------------Chinese passenger act (1855) amendment—Bill from the House of
Lords, 1857-58. (B. 193.)
-------------- Chinese passenger ships bill as amended b y the House of Lords, 1854-55.
(B. 293.)
---------------Correspondence on the subject of emigration from Hongkong, 1857-58,
vol. 43. (Paper 481.)
-------------- Correspondence relating to coolie emigration (Macao), 1871, vol. 47.
(C. 403.)
-------------- Correspondence relating to emigration from Canton, 1860, vol. 69.
(Paper 2714.)
-------------- Correspondence respecting Macao coolie trade, 1875, vol. 77. (C.

1212.)

------------- Correspondence respecting the emigration of Chinese coolies from
Macao, 1872, vol. 70. (C. 504.)
— -------Dispatches relating to Chinese immigration, 1852-53, vol. 68. (Paper
986.)
— -------Emigration from China, 1852-53, vol. 68. Correspondence with the
superintendent of British trade. (Paper 1586.)
-------------- Extracts from report of French labor laws commission bearing on coolie
immigration, 1875, vol. 54. (C. 1282.)
-------------- Papers relating to Chinese laborers, etc., 1846, vol. 27. (Paper 323.)
-------------- Papers relating to coolie emigration, 1867-68, vol. 48. (Paper 328.)
--------------Papers relating to coolie trade, 1867, vol. 49 (Paper 214); 1867, vol. 50
(Paper 124).
--------------Papers respecting mortality among Chinese emigrants, 1857, session 1,
vol. 10. (Paper 147.)
—•
--------- Regulations for the protection of coolies, 1843. (Paper 148.)
--------------Return respecting coolie trade, 1874, vol. 68. (C. 908.)
(J ournal A sia t iq u e , vol. 28 (1836), pp. 369-404, 448-474.

L a n d T e n u r e a n d R ural P opulation in Ch in a .

Royal Asiatic Society Journal (North China Branch), new series, V o l.X X III,
p. 76 et seq.
P a r k e r , E. H.
A note on some statistics regarding China.
Journal of Royal Statistical Society, London, vol. 62, Part I, pp. 150-156.
Population and revenue of China. Otia Merseiana, vol. for 1899-1904, p p .l -14.
P a y n e , E. G e o r g e .
An Experiment in Alien Labor. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1912.

P h ilippine I sl a n d s .

Oficina del Trabajo.

R atzel , F r ied r ic h .

Boletin Trimestral, Manila, 1919.

Die Chinesische Auswanderung. Breslau, J. U. Kern, 1876.
W.
Inquiry into the population of China.
(In Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 47, part 3, No. 1549.
ington, Smithsonian Institution, 1904.)
R oss, J o h n .
The Manchus. Paisley, Scotland, 1880.

R ockhill , W.

See especially Chapter XVII on population.
S ie h [H su e h ], F u -C h in g .

Chinese emigrants abroad.
China Review, Yol. X X I , pp. 138-141.

Wash

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY----CHAPTER I.

214

S m ith ,

G. E lliot .
Ships as Evidence of the Migrations of Early Culture.
University Press, 1917.

Manchester [England],

S traits S ettlem ents .
Blue Book.

S u n ., Y at S e n .

Singapore, Government Printing Office, 1919.

The International Development of China.
1922.

New York, G. P. Putnam’s Sons,

T e r r ie n de L a c o u per ie , A lbert E t ie n n e J e a n B aptiste .

Western Origins of the Chinese Civilization from 2300 B. C. to 200 A. D., or Chap
ters on the Elements Derived from the old .Civilizations of West Asia in the
Formation of the Ancient Chinese Culture. London, Asher & Co., 1894.
T r a n sv a a l . Lieutenant Governor's Office.
Handbook of ordinances, proclamations, regulations and instructions connected
with the importation of foreign labor into the Transvaal. Pretoria, 1906.
U n ited S ta tes . Department o f Labor. Bureau o f Labor Statistics.
Labor conditions in Hawaii. Washington, 1916. (S. Doc. No. 432, 64th Uong.,
1st sess.)

W e i, Y u a n .

(14) Hai Kuo T ’n Chih (Maps and Descriptions of Foreign Countries). Peking,
1900. 24 vols.
W illcox , W alter F.
The expansion of Europe in its influence on population.
(In Studies in Philosophy and Psychology, Garmon Memorial Volume,
Boston, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1906.)
Y u , Ch a n g - h u i .
(15) Fan Hai T ’si Yao. (A Short Discourse on the Sea Defense.) Hangchow,
1842. 12 vols.
Z a r k h a r o v , T.
Numerical Relations of Population of China during 4,000 years of its Historical
Existence. Translation b y the Rev. W. Lobschied. Hongkong, A. Shortrede
& Co., 1864. (Copy in New York Public Library, New York City, and Yale
Library, New Haven, Conn.)

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER H.
B lair , E mma H., and R o ber tso n , J am es A.
The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898.
55 vols.
Consult index, V ol. L IV .

B uckle , H e n r y T h o m as .

Cleveland, Arthur H. Clark Co., 1903-1909.

See various topics under title

History of Civilization of England.

Ch e k ia n g .

Chinese.”

New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1897.

2 vols.

(16) Ningpo Chih (Gazetteer of Ningpo). Ningpo, 1911. 16 vols.
(17) Tinhai Chih (Gazetteer of Tinhai). Hangchow, 1909. 10 vols.
, (18) Yukuan Chih (Gazetteer of Yukuan). Ningpo, 1899. 4 vols.

Ch ih li .

(19) Chee Fu T ’ung Chih (General Gazetteer of the Metropolis).
Printing Office, 1910. 240 vols.
Ch in a . Inspectorate General o f Custom s.
Decennial reports, 1st series.

Peking, Peyang

Ch in e se G u ild s a n d T h e ir R u l e s .
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215

216

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42 vols.
Su, S. G.
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*
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—

217

218

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F orm osa, R

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geographischen

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yon der

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English

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n c ie n t

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of th e

ast

I n d ia n A

and

r c h ip e l a g o .

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e w e g in g ,

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r it is h

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B

r u n i,

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onald

M a c l a in e .

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*
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220

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221

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222

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oung,

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER V.
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Y in Co., 1884.) ^
Ch in a . Bureau o f the National History.
(10) Twenty-one dynastic histories, compiled, edited, and revised under the
direction of Prince Hung Tsur, Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent, Chang'
T Jing-Yui, etc. Peking, 1747.
Extracts from the histories of the Liang, Sui, T’ang, Sung, and Ming dynasties are used in this
chapter. The history of the Ming dynasty is reprinted by the T’sung Wen Co., Wuchang, 1877.
Chinese E xplorations of the I ndian O cean D uring the F ifteenth Ce n tu r y .

China Review, Yol. II, pp. 603-610; Yol. I l l , pp. 219-225, 321-331.
Chinese Secret T riad S ociety

of the

T ien - ti-h u ih .

Royal Asiatic Society Journal (Great Britain and Ireland), Yol. VI, 120-158.
Ch u , J. G.
(46) Nan Yang Ch’iun T ’ao (The Malay Archipelago). Shanghai, Commercial
Press, 1920.
Cordier , H en r i .

Bibliotheca Sinica: Dictionnaire Bibliographique des Ouvragesrelatifsa l ’Empire
Chinois. Paris, E. Guilmoto, 1904-1908. 4 vols.
See particularly Vol. Ill, pp. 1894-1900, on secret societies; Vol. Ill, pp. 1900-1902, on pirates; and
Vol. IV, pp. 2693, 2694 on emigration to the Malay Peninsula.
Crawfurd , John .

History of the Indian Archipelago, Containing an Account of the Manners, Arts,
Languages, Religions, Institutions, and Commerce of its Inhabitants. Edin
burgh, A. Constable & Co., 1820. 3 vols.
See particularly Vol. Ill, pp. 154-210, Commerce with Asiatic Nations.

Journal of an Embassy from the Governor-General of India to the Courts of Siam
and Cochin China. London, H. Colburn & R . Bentley, 1830. 2 vols.
F a w n s , Sy d n e y .

Tin Deposits of the World.

London, The Mining Journal, 1916.

F e i , S in n .

(41) Hsin Ch’a Sheng Lan (A General Account of Peregrinations at Sea). 1436.
(In vol. 119 of T ’sao Y ung’s Collection of Hsueh Hai Lei Pien. Shanghai,
Commercial Press, 1920.)
G roeneveldt , W. P.
Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, Compiled from Chinese Sources.
(In Yerhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen, Deel X X X I X , Batavia, 1876.)
H offman , J.
Het Hemelaarde verbond. Een geheim genootschap in China en ouder de
Chinezen in Indie.
(In Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Yolkenkunde van NederlandschIndie, Deel I, pp. 260-290.)
H u a n g , Ch u n g .

(47) Hai Yiu (Words about the Sea). 1537.
(In vol. 19 of Wu Yuan-wei’s collection of Ling Nan.

Nan-hai, 1845.)

I nternational Opium Commission .

Report * * * Shanghai, China, February 1 to February 26,1909.
North China Daily News and Herald, 1909. 2 vols.

Shanghai,

223

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY— CHAPTER V,

224

The Hague, 1911-1912.
Summary of the minutes (unofficial). The Hague, National Printing Office, 1912.

I n t e r n a t io n a l O p iu m C o n f e r e n c e ,
L a M otte, E l le n .
L

The Opium Monopoly. New York, Macmillan Co., 1920.
J. It.
Antiquity of the Chinese Trade with India and the Indian Archipelago. Journal
of Indian Archipelago, Yol. II, pp. 603-610.
Notices of Chinese intercourse with Borneo proper prior to the establishment of
Singapore in 1819. Journal of Indian Archipelago, Yol. II, pp. 611-615.

ogan,

Ma , H uan .

(43) Yin Yai Sheng Lan (A General Account of the Shores of the Ocean). 1416.
(In vol. 144 of T ’ao Tsung-Yih’s collection of Shuo Fu. [Hangchow] 1647.)
M a k e p e a c e , W., B r o o k e , G. E., and B r a d d e l l , R. St. J.
One Hundred Years of Singapore. London, John Murray, 1921. 2 vols.
M a t h i e u , C.
Culture du Caoutchouc de Para: Hevea brasiliensis. Paris, Augustin Challomel,
1909.
M a x w e l l , W m . G.
A chronological list of the imperial acts applicable to the Straits Settlements;
of the Indian acts in force in the Straits Settlements; and of the ordinances
of the Straits Settlements together with the orders in council, rules, regulations,
and by-laws made thereunder and in force on December 31, 1909. Singa
pore, Government Printing Office, 1910.
M o r r is o n , R

obert.

A transcript in Roman characters, with a translation, of a manifesto in the Chinese
language, issued by the Triad Society.
Royal Asiatic Society Journal (Great Britain and Ireland), Yol. I, pp. 93-95.
N e w b o l d , T. J.
#
British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca. London, John Murray, 1839.
2 vols.
P i c k e r i n g , W. A.
Chai Mui (Hokkien Hoah Hoon).
Royal Asiatic Society Journal (Straits Branch), Yol. II, pp. 54-56.
Chinese secret societies.
Royal Asiatic Society Journal (Straits Branch), Yol. I, pp. 63-84; Yol. I l l ,
pp. 1-18.
P ir a c y

and

Slave T

rade.

Journal of Indian Archipelago, Vol. I l l , pp. 581-588, 629-636; Vol. IV , pp. 45-52,
144-162, 400-410, 617-628, 734-746; Yol. Y, pp. 374-382.
R

affles,

Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles. London,
John Murray, 1830.
e i n a u d , J o s e p h T.
Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans lTndie et h la Chine
dans le I X me Siecle. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1845.

S o p h ia .

osn y,

L eon

Les Peuples de l ’Archipel Indien Connus des Anciens Gbographes Chinois et
Japonais; Fragments Orientaux Traduits en Fran?ais. Paris, 1872.
R o t t g e r , E. H.
Thien-ti-hoih: Geschichte der Bruderschaft des Himmels und Erden der communistischen Propaganda Chinas. Berlin, 1852.
S c h l e g e l , G.
lets omtrent de betrekkingen der Chineezen met Java voor de komst der Europeanen aldaar. Batavia, 1870.
Thian ti hwui: The Hung League or Heaven-Earth League: A secret society with
the Chinese in China and India.
(In Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasda. Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Deel X X X I I . Batavia, 1866.)
S t r a it s S e t t l e m e n t s .

Annual departmental reports, 1875 to date.
Office.

Singapore, Government Printing

See chapter on trade and immigration in report of the Protector of Chinese, 1875 to date.

Blue Book, 1874 to date. Singapore, Government Printing Office.
Opium Commission. Proceedings of the opium commission appointed to inquire
into matters relating to the use of opium in the Straits Settlements and Feder
ated Malay States. London, Darling <& Son, 1909. 3 vols. (Y ol. I I was
printed in Singapore.)

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY— CHAPTER V.
F.
British Malaya.

225

SWETTENHAM,
U

n it e d

London, J. Lan$> 1907.

St a t e s:

Department o f Commerce. Bureau o f Foreign and Domestic Commerce.
Pineapple-canning industry of the world, by A. Alexis Shriver. Washington,
1915. Special agents series, No. 91.
War Department. Bureau o f Insular Affairs.
Certain economic questions in the English and Dutch Colonies in the Orient,
by J. W. Jenks. Washington, 1902.
---------- — Philippine Commission, 1900-1916. Opium Investigation Committee.
Report of the committee appointed * * * to investigate the use of opium
and the traffic therein and the rules, ordinances, and laws regulating such
use and traffic in Japan, Formosa, Shanghai, Hongkong, Saigon, Singapore,
Burmah, Java, and the Philippine Islands. Washington, 1905.
V a u g h a n , J. D.
Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements. 1879.
W

ang

T a -h a i.

(44) Hai Tao Y i Chi (Reminiscences about the Sea Countries).

1791.

Translated into English b y W . H. Medhurst, London, 1850; into Dutch b y R . Rrowne, The
Hague, 1858.
W

r ig h t ,

rnold.

Twentieth Century Impressions of British Malaya.
Britain Publishing Co., 1908.
Y

uan

, Y

London, L loyd’s Greater

u n g -s u n .

(48) Tsing Hai Fun Chi (A Record of the Pacification of the Seas). Translated
by Chas. Fried Neuman. London, Oriental Translation Fund, 1831.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER VL
A tkinson , F red W.
The Philippine Islands. Boston, Ginn & Co., 1905.
B lair , E mma EL, and R obertson , James A.
The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898. Cleveland, Arthur H . Clark Co., 1903-1909.
55 vols.
Consult index, V ol. L IV .

See various topics under title “ Chinese.”

B lumentritt , F.
Die Chinesen auf den Philippines Leitmeritz, 1879.
“ B ookkeeping law ,” Memorandum regarding Act No. 2792 of the Philippine Legis
lature known as the. Washington, D. C., 1921.
B row n , A rthur J.
The New Era in the Philippines. London, Fleming Revel A Co., 1904.
Can F ilipinos P rotect T hemselves ?
Asia, Vol. X V III, p. 69 et seq.
Ca re r i , John F rancis G emelli.
Voyage around the World: Part V , The Philippine Islands.
(In vol. 4 (pp. 401-477) of A. Churchill’s collection of Voyages and Travels
* * * . London, J. Walthoe, 1732. 6 vols.)
Chau , Ju - kua .
(49) Chu Fan Chi (A Record of Foreign Countries). 1214.
Translated into English b y Frederieh Hirth and W . W . RockhiU.
of the Imperial Academ y of Sciences, 1911.

St. Petersburg, Printing Office

Ch ’ en . L un -kiung .
(1) Hai Kuo Wen Chien Luh (A Record of What I Heard and Saw in the Sea
Countries).
(In vol. V II of Wu Sung-lan’s collection of the Yee Hai Chu Chen. 1744.)
China . Bureau o f the N ational H istory.
(10) Twenty-one dynastic histories, compiled, edited, and revised under the
direction of Prince Hung Tsur, Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent Chang
T ’ing-Yui, etc. Peking, Government Printing Office.
E xtracts from the histories of the Sung, Ming, and Tsing Dynasties are used in this chapter.

C ordier , H enri .
Bibliotheca Sinica: Dictionnaire Bibliographique des Ouvrages relatifs k l ’Empire Chinois. Paris, E. Guilmoto, 1904-1908.
See especially V ol. IV , p p . 2704, 2706, on emigration to the Philippine Islands.

Craig , A ustin (editor).
Feodor Jagor’s Travels in the Philippines (1875).
From the German text in “ The Former Philippines through Foreign Eyes.”
Education Co., 1916.

Manila, Philippine

E lliott, Chas . B.
The Philippines—To the end of the Military Regime. Indianapolis, The BobbsMerrill Co., 1917.
The Philippines—To the end of the Philippine Commission. Indianapolis, The
Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1917.
F orbes -L indsay , C. H.
The Philippines. Philadelphia, The John Winston Co., 1906.
F oreman , J ohn .
The Philippine Islands: A historical, geographical, ethnological, social, and com
mercial sketch of the Philippine Archipelago and its political dependencies.
London, Sampson Low, Marston & Co., 1899.
H uang , K ’ o-ch’ ui .
(50) Leu Sung Chih (Glimpses of Manila). 1790.
Jenks , J. W.
The labor problem in the Philippines.
The Independent, vol. 54, part 2, pp. 2625-2629*
226

227

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY— CHAPTER VI,

Juan de la Concepcion.
fH
Historia General de Philipinas. Conquistas espirituales y temporales de estos
espanoles dominios, establecimientos, progresos y decadencias * * K
Manila, A . de la Rosa y Balagtas, 1788-1792. 14 vols.
L aufer , B erthold.
Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines.
(In Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, pp. 248-284.)
L e R oy , James A.
Chinese exclusion in the Philippines.
The Independent, vol. 55, part 1, pp. 140-143.
Philippine Life in Town and Country.
New York, G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1905.
The Americans in the Philippines.
Boston, Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1914. 2 vols.
Miller , H ugo .
Economic Conditions in the Philippines. Boston, Ginn & Co., 1920.
Morga , A ntonio b e .
The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China at the
Close of the Sixteenth Century. Translated from the Spanish by the Hon.
Henry E. J. Stanley. London, Hakluyt Society, 1868.
N oyes , T heodore W.
Oriental America and its Problems. Washington, D. C., Judd & Detweiler, 1903.
O riental I mmigration .
(In Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. X X X IV ,
pp. 168-174.)
P hilippine I slands. Bureau o f Labor,
Annual reports, 1919-1921. Manila, Bureau of Printing.
Census of the Philippines, 1918. Vols. II and IV . Manila, Bureau of Printing,.
1920.
P hillips, G.
Early Spanish trade with Chin Cheo (Changchow).
China Review, Vol. X IX , pp. 243-255.
R atzel , F riedrich .
Die Chinesische Auswanderung. Breslau, J. U . Kern, 1876.
R obinson , A lbert G.
The Philippines: The War and the People. New York, McClure, Phillips & Co.,.
1902.
Salazar , D omingo de .
Carta-relacidn de las cosas de la China y de los chinos del Parian de Manila.
(I n Vol. I l l (pp. 47-80) of W . E. Retana y Gamboa’s Archivo del bibU6filo
filipino: Recopiliacidn de documentos histdricos, cientificos, literarios y
politicos, y estudios bibliogr&ficos. Madrid, 1895. 5 vols.)
U nited Spates :
D epartm ent o f Commerce and Labor,

Bureau o f Labor,

Labor conditions in the Philippines, Bui. No. 58, pp. 721-905.
1905.
Departm ent o f Commerce,

Washington,

Bureau o f the Census,

Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vols. I-IV .

Washington, 1905.

Special M ission on Investigation to the P h ilippin e Islands,

Report to the Secretary of War. Washington, 1921.
W ang , T a -h ai .
(44) Hai Tao Y i Chi (Reminiscences about the Sea Countries).

1791.

Translated into English b y W . H . Medhurst, London, 1850, and into D u tch b y R . Browne,.
The Hague, 1858.

W illiams, F rederick W .
The problem of Chinese immigration in further Asia.
(In Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1899, Vol. I*
pp. 171-204. Washington, 1900.)

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER VH.
W m . F.
The Making of Hawaii. New York, Macmillan Co., 1899.
C a m p b e l l , H. B.
General index to 28 volumes of Hawaiian Planters ’ Monthly, Honolulu, 1915.

lackm an,

C h in e s e C it iz e n s h ip

a w a ii.

The Outlook, Vol. L X X X I, pp. 985-990.
C h in e s e M is s io n W

ork

a w a ii.

Missionary Review of the World, Yol. X X X I I I , pp. 504-507.
C o m a n , K a t h e r in e .

History of contract labor in the Hawaiian Islands.
(In Publications of the American Economic Association, Yol. IV , No. 3.)
H

a w a ii.

Board o f Immigration, Labor, and Statistics.
Reports from 1911 to date. H onolulu.'
Bureau o f Immigration.
Report for 1886. Honolulu, 1886.
Department o f Foreign Affairs.
A statement on Chinese immigration submitted to the Hawaiian Legislature.
Honolulu, 1886.
------ Chinese Bureau.
Laws and regulations restricting Chinese immigration. Honolulu, 1893,1896.
Office o f Governor.
Annual reports to the United States Secretary of the Interior from 1899 to
date. Honolulu.
H

Laborers’ A

a w a ii

s s o c ia t io n .

Facts about the Strike on Sugar Plantations in Hawaii.
H

a w a ii,

E d u c a t io n a l P r o b l e m s

Honolulu, July 1, 1920.

in .

School and Society, Yol. IX , pp. 99-105.
W

here

Ch in e s e

are

Wanted.

The American Review of Reviews, Vol. X L V , pp. 106, 107.
N e a m e , L. E.
Asiatic Dangers in the Colonies. New York, E. P. Dutton & Co., 1907.
R

eece,

rn est

Race mingling in Hawaii.
American Journal of Sociology, Vol. X X , pp. 104-116.
T h r u m , T. G.
Hawaiian Almanac and Annual. Honolulu, 1875 to date.
T h u r s t o n , L o r r i n A.
The labor situation in Hawaii.
Honolulu, The Hawaiian Gazette Co., 1906.
Paper read before the Social Science Club of Honolulu.
U

n it e d

Sta te s.

Congress. House o f Representatives.
Committee on Immigration and Naturalization. Hearings on restriction of
immigration and admission of Chinese to Hawaii, September 5, 1916, on
petition b y United Chinese Society of Honolulu. Washington, 1916.
(64th Cong., 1st sess.)
--------------Labor problems in Hawaii. Hearings * * * on H. J. Res.
158 * * * and on H. J. Res. 171 * * *. Serial 7, Parts 1 and 2,
June 21 * * * [to] August 12, 1921. Washington, 1921. (67th Cong., 1st
—— Senate.
The Hawaiian labor question, reciprocity with Hawaii * * *. Letter
from Truman G. Palmer to Hon. Henry M. Teller, chairman of the Com
mittee on Private Land Claims. Washington, 1903. (S. Doc. 176, 57th
Cong., 2d sess.)
Department o f Agriculture. Office o f Experiment Stations.
Report on the agricultural resources and capabilities of Hawaii, b y Wm. C.
Stubbs, Ph. D. Washington, 1901. Bui. No. 95.
228

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY— CHAPTER VII,

229

U n it e d S t a t e s .

Department o f Commerce. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce.
Pineapple-canning industry of the world, by A. Alexis Shriver. Wash
ington, 1915. Special agents series, No. 91.
------------- The cane-sugar industry. Agricultural, manufacturing, and marketing
costs in Hawaii, Porto Rico, Louisiana, and Cuba. Washington, 1917.
Miscellaneous series, No. 53.
------ Bureau o f the Census.
Census of Hawaii for 1900, 1910, and 1920. In twelfth, thirteenth, and four
teenth censuses of the United States. Washington, 1902, 1913, 1921.
Department o f Labor. Bureau o f Labor Statistics.
Reports of the Commissioner of Labor on Hawaii, 1901, 1902, 1905, 1910,
1916. Washington.
Report for 1901— S. Doc. No. 169, 57th Cong., 1st sess.
Report for 1902— Department of Labor Bui. No. 47.
Report for 1905—Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 66.
Report for 1910—Bureau of Labor Bui. No. 94.
Report for 1916—S. Doc. No. 432, 64th Cong., 1st sess.
Immigration Commission.
Abstracts of reports * * * with conclusions and recommendations and
views of the minority. Washington, 1911. 2 vols. (S. Doc. No. 747, 61st
Cong., 3d sess.)

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER VHL
B

urton,

Sy d n e y .

The Transvaal Ordinance Analyzed. London, The Liberal Publication Depart
ment, 1904.
C o o k e , Sir C l e m e n t K i n l o c h .
Chinese Labor in the Transvaal, with introduction by the Rt. Hon. Arthur James
Balfour. London, Macmillan Co., 1906.
C o r d ie r , H

e n r i:

Bibliotheca Sinica: Dictionnaire Bibliographique des Ouvrages relatifs a Y Empire
Chinois. Paris, E. Guilmoto, 1904-1908. 4 vols.
See especially V ol. IV , pp. 2733, 2707, on emigration to South Africa.

F. H. P.
The Chinese Labor Question from Within.

Cresw ell,
G

reat

London, P. S. King & Son, 1905.

r it a in .

Parliament. Papers b y command. Annual report of the Foreign Labor Depart
ment, 1905-6. Johannesburg, 1907, vol. 57. (Cd. 3338.)
-------------- Convention between the United Kingdom and China regarding the
employment of Chinese labor, 1904, vol. 57. (Cd. 1956.)
--------------Convention between the United Kingdom and China regarding the
employment of Chinese laborers in British colonies and protectorates, 1904,
vol. 103. (Cd. 2246.)
-------------- Correspondence relating to conditions of native labor employed in the
Transvaal mines, 1904, vol. 62. (Cd. 2025.)
-------------- Correspondence relating to legislation affecting Asiatics in the Trans
vaal, 1907, vol. 57. (Cd. 3308.)
------------- Correspondence relating to the introduction of Chinese laborers into the
Transvaal in excess of licenses issued, 1907, vol. 57. (Cd. 3405.)
— --------Further correspondence relating to the affairs of the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony, 1904, vol. 61. (Cd. 1895.)
--------------------- 1905, vol. 55. (Cd. 2563.)
--------------Further correspondence regarding the Transvaal labor question, 1904,
vol. 61. (Cd. 1899.)
■
--------------------- (Cd. 1941.) .
— -------------- (Cd. 1986.)
--------------Further correspondence relating to the importation o f laborers into the
Transvaal, 1904, vol. 60. (Cd. 1945.) ^
—
---Further correspondence relating to the Transvaal labor importation
ordinance, 1904, vol. 61. (Cd. 2026.)
------ ------- Further correspondence relating to labor in the Transvaal mines, 1904.
vol. 62. (Cd. 2183.)
--------------------- 1905, vol. 55. (Cd. 2401.)
--------------------- 1905, vol. 80. (Cd. 2786.)
--------------Reports of the Transvaal Labor Commission, 1904, vol. 89. (Cd. 1894.)
--------------------- (Cd. 1896.)
--------------Telegraphic correpondence regarding the Transvaal labor question,
1904, vol. 61. (Cd. 18§8.)
(51) Letters and Illustrations from Chinese Laborers in South Africa. Tientsin,
Yee-huh-t’ang Co., 1905.
M u n r o , A. E.
The Transvaal (Chinese) Labor Problem. London, Henry J. Drane, 1905*
N e a m e , L. E.
The Asiatic Dangers in the Colonies. New York, E. P. Dutton & Co., 1907.
P a y n e , E. G e o r g e .
An Experiment in Alien Labor. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1912.
------ Die Einfuhrung der Chinesenarbeit in Sudafrika. Bonn, 1909.
P h i l l i p s , Sir L i o n e l .
Transvaal Problems. London, John Murray, 1905.
230

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY— CHAPTER VUL
T

231

ran svaal.

Foreign Labor Department.
Annual report, 1904-05. Pretoria, 1906.
Lieutenant Governor's Office.
Handbook of ordinances, proclamations, regulations, and instructions con
nected with the importation of foreign labor into the Transvaal. Pretoria,
Government Printing Office, 1906.
T r a n sv a a l Ch a m b e r

M in e s .

Twenty-second annual report for the year 1911.
W

o rspold,

Johannesburg, 1912.

W . B a s il .

The Reconstruction of the New Colonies under Lord Milner.
Trench, Triibner & Co., 1913. 2 vols.

London, K. Paul,

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY—CHAPTER IX.
Emigration Bureau.
(9) Conditions of Chinese laborers in France.
Report No. 1, Nov., 1918.
Report No. 2, Dec., 1918.
Report No. 3, Dec., 1918.
Report No. 4, Jan., 1919.
Report No. 5, Apr., 1919.
Report No. 6, July, 1919.
Report No. 7, Sept., 1919.
(52) Miscellaneous report, Nov., 1920.

Ch in a .

Ch in e s e L a b o r A

rm y,

P roblem

Peking.

op.

The Manufacturers’ Record, July 4, 1918, p. 78 et seq.
C h in e s e L a b o r C o r p s

F rance, W

ork

op.

Far Eastern Review, April, 1918, p. 125 et seq.
Ch in e s e L a b o r G r o u p s

F rance, A

m ong.

East and West, April, 1919, pp. 134-137.
C h in e s e L a b o r

rance.

The New Statesman, Jan. 13, 1917, p. 343.
C h in e s e St u d e n t s ’ A l l ia n c e

Chinese Students’ Monthly.
Ch in o is , U n Ca m p

the

U . S. A .

New York City.

Volumes for 1918, 1919, 1920.

de.

Revue de Paris, Nov. 1, 1919, pp. 146-162.
C o o l ie H

elped

the

, The.

The Literary Digest, Feb. 28, 1920, p. 50 et seq.
C o o l ie S h ip , T h e .

Asia, June, 1918, p. 459 et seq.
D ragon

E x il e , T h

The Living Age, Sept. 14, 1918, p. 684 et seq.
F rance :

Journal officiel de la republique frangaise. Lois et decrets. Decree relating to
recruiting and control of foreign and colonial manual labor in France. Apr. 22,
1917, pp. 3186-3188.
------ Chambre des Deputes. Documents parlementaires.
Colonial and foreign manual labor. Dec. 6, 1917, p. 1801.
Formalities relating to the introduction of alien labor into France. Oct. 24,
1919, p. 11799.
Placement of colonial and foreign labor. Dec. 6, 1917, pp. 1893-1899.
Status and conditions of foreign and colonial manual labor in France (annexe
No. 3917). Dec. 6, 1917, pp. 1900-1904.
Ministere du Travail et de la Prevoyance Sociale.
Bulletin * * * Vol. X X IV , sections *46-*50.
G i l c h r i e s e , H a r r y L.
Managing 200,000 coolies in France.
Current History Magazine, Vol. X I, pp. 522-526.
G r e a t B r i t a i n . [War Office.] Directorate o f Labor.
Appendix to notes for officers of labor companies— Chinese labor. General
Headquarters, Oct., 1917.
H

o dges,

G. Ch a s .

John Chinaman breaks through.
Sunset: The Pacific Monthly, vol. 41, pp. 24, 25.
Y

oung

M e n ’ s C h r is t ia n A
of.

s s o c ia t io n s o f

orth

m e r ic a ,

I n t e r n a t io n a l C o m

m it t e e

Monthly reports from the secretaries in France.
These reports were sent rather irregularly from the time Chinese laborers arrived in France to
the end of 1918, regularly from January, 1919, to March, 1922. They are unpublished and m ay be
obtained from the Young Men’s Christian Association, 347 Madison Avenue, New York City.

------ Summary of World War Work of the American Y . M. C. A .
tion Press, 1920.
Y o u n g M e n ’ s C h r i s t i a n A s s o c i a t i o n (American).
With the Chinese Labor Corps in France. Paris, 1919.
------ (British).
The Red Triangle. London. Volumes for 1918-1921.
------ (Chinese).
(53) Laborer’s Weekly. Paris. Volumes for 1918-1921.

232

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