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Oral History Interview of Jerry Jordan
Conducted by Robert L. Hetzel
December 19, 1996

Jerry Jordan: I’m Jerry Jordan. My doctorate is from UCLA. I was a graduate
student there, 1963 to ’67. I was a research assistant to Karl Brunner. And during that period
of time, two accidents happened. One was Milton Friedman took a sabbatical leave from
University of Chicago and spent a quarter at UCLA and conducted his famous mini workshop
at a time when I was at the dissertation proposal stage. And Homer Jones, the director of
research at the St. Louis Fed, who had been both a teacher of Friedman’s and a student of
Friedman’s, took a sabbatical from the St. Louis Fed and spent two months at UCLA so that
he could also attend that workshop. So I became acquainted with Homer Jones, and as a result
of that, my first job was at the St. Louis Fed in 1967.
Robert L. Hetzel: It must have been interesting to listen to the dialogue back-andforth between Friedman and Jones at that point, since Jones had had so much experience in
Washington in policy.
Jerry Jordan: Yeah. Homer was an agnostic about most economic theory, in fact,
agnostic about most things, and constantly questioning, never quite satisfied with either the
theoretical foundations of an argument or with the empirical evidence. And Milton in that
sense was much more disciplined and willing to go with what the evidence suggested at the
moment. It was also an interesting period in that Brunner and Meltzer were conducting their
investigation [unintelligible 01:51] outgrowth of their targets and indicator conferences. And
this was a period of time when the Friedman, Meiselman, Ando, Modigliani, Hester, Mayer,
when debates were all taking place over the role of money and economic activity.
The St. Louis Fed was at that time already publishing money supply statistics that the
Board of Governors was still refusing to do. So for a period of time in there, the only source
of money supply data was the St. Louis Fed publications, which they collected the raw
numbers and did the seasonal adjustments themselves until the Board of Governors finally
developed a parallel series.
Robert L. Hetzel: So St. Louis sort of shamed the board into doing it right.


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Jerry Jordan: That’s right. And then the same thing later happened with the
monetary base. So when I got to St. Louis in 1967, my task, in addition to finishing a
dissertation, was to continue this Friedman/Meiselman-type debate over the empirical
evidence about the relationship between money and economic activity, and also to develop
the concept of the monetary base as the way of thinking about the thrust of central bank
actions and economic activity.
Robert L. Hetzel: So the Andersen-Jordan model, its intellectual heritage was the
Friedman-Meiselman regressions of…
Jerry Jordan: Yeah. We viewed it as simply using the latest techniques—the Almon
lag regression techniques that had been felt at that time—better computer powers to
empirically test a Friedman/Meiselman-type relationship which became known as reduced
form tests.
Robert L. Hetzel: But you put in the deficit, that was the big thing, and it caused a
consternation. You must have been astounded at how much attention your regressions got.
Jerry Jordan: We were pure empiricists at that time in that we would have a parade
of visitors coming through and we would ask them what measures they looked at to
summarize the thrust of both monetary and fiscal policies in economic activity, and they
would cite various measures of government spending or tax receipts or deficits, sometimes
first differences, sometimes growth rates and similarly for monetary measures. And we
catalogued these plus statements that were in the public record by members of the Open
Market Committee, governors and presidents, as to what indicators they looked at to indicate
whether policies were expansionary or contractionary. And we simply would punch it into the
cards and send it off to the computer to see whether there was any statistical basis for the kind
of conception that they claimed that they had when they actually were conducting policy, but
included both real policymakers at the time and very well-known members of the
profession—Otto Eckstein, Jim Tobin, a lot of people that Karl Brunner later labeled the
fiscalists, had all told us what their favorite summary measures were, and we simply tested it.
[00:05:18]
Robert L. Hetzel: Did Andersen have a quantity theory background? Or did he come
at that after you’d done this work? Leonall Andersen.
Jerry Jordan: Oh, Andy Andersen had had a fair amount of exposure to monetary
analysis by that time, partly because he worked for Homer Jones in St. Louis. But he was a
Minnesota student. He had good price theory from Os Brownlee, but his macroeconomics was
Walter Heller. So he had not…
Robert L. Hetzel: Hmm, I didn’t know that.
Jerry Jordan: …before that time really thought of himself as being a monetarist. But
he was a pure empiricist. Andy was willing to simply torture the data and see what it


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confessed. And he became persuaded by the work that we did then in ’67 and ’68 and
subsequently published.
Robert L. Hetzel: Would you be willing to comment on Homer Jones’s quantity
theory ideas? Did he go back to Irving Fisher and then he just picked up Clark Warburton and
his experience in Washington and he said empirical bent in an intellectual curiosity and he
sort of mixed all these things together? I mean, can you classify him as a particular kind of
quantity theorist?
Jerry Jordan: Well, he was. Though, again, it was the power of the evidence in
Homer’s mind. He was always still skeptical about any discretionary activist approach to
conducting monetary policy to alter outcomes—a very healthy skepticism. He was based on
the teachings of not only Irving Fisher but Herb Simon, Frank H. Knight—he had been a
student of Friedman’s in his later years—and to some extent also of George Stigler, though
that didn’t relate as directly to his views on money. Warburton did have a lot of influence on
him at that time.
He, in the fifties, had not had much success in getting a voice, and it was only after he
got to the St. Louis Fed and was starting to attract a staff to really do the work and training a
couple of presidents that he was able to find a voice and get some recognition for making a
contribution on the way we even thought about monetary policy. It still was in the Bretton
Woods gold standard world, and so it was constrained, but Homer saw that the kind of things
that were being done in the way of free reserves and these other conceptions of tone and feel,
fine tuning kind of notions, were unscientific, and Homer if anything was a scientist.
Robert L. Hetzel: The bank presidents, Delos Johns and then Darryl Francis, they
were not economists. The criticisms…
Jerry Jordan: Well, Darryl was. He has a master’s degree in ag econ from the
University of Missouri, and he’s from St. Joseph, Missouri. He had pretty good economic
theory. Coming from ag econ, he understood price theory. And in that period of time
especially, ag econ departments preserved a lot of what we would call microeconomics or
relative price theory as a basic part of what they taught. And then the second thing about
Darryl Francis was he was essentially a Harry Truman of the Federal Reserve. He was very
much a show-me kind of a person. And if you would demonstrate to him, especially some
empirical relationships, he was very willing to adopt it and to work with it as this framework.
Robert L. Hetzel: So he obviously developed a good working relationship with the
staff. What about Delos Johns? Did he work primarily with Homer Jones and…
Jerry Jordan: Johns was before my time. Darryl was the president by the time I got
there in ’67. I didn’t know Johns at all. And there was another in between. Harry Shuford was
in between the two of them for two and a half or three years.
Robert L. Hetzel: Okay, that I didn’t know. So when did you go to the Council on
Economic Advisers?


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[00:09:53]
Jerry Jordan: I was the macro member in Reagan’s first two years, ’81 and ’82.
Robert L. Hetzel: Right. But weren’t you involved with some staff work in the early
seventies at the Council?
Jerry Jordan: Oh, well, that was a loan kind of thing. Andy did more than I did. But
at the time that Nixon took office in January of ’69, of course they inherited Lyndon
Johnson’s economic staff, and they appointed Paul McCracken, Herb Stein and Henry
Houthakker as the economists, but they didn’t have any staff to work with. So Andy Andersen
and Elaine Goldstein from our staff went down there pretty much full time for six months.
And I did some shuttling back-and-forth, as did some other members of the staff—Michael
Keran on international, Keith Carlson on fiscal, developing high employment budget deficit
kind of measures—to try and provide them with some transition support until they could
recruit their own staff.
Robert L. Hetzel: Did you get involved at all in the forecasting exercises that the
Council was involved in?
Jerry Jordan: I had quite a few discussions with them at that time because they
didn’t have any ability on their own to—I would call them more projections than forecasts—
but to set a policy framework in terms of money. We principally used M2 because Paul
McCracken was more of an M2-type person—probably still is—than a narrow money person
and didn’t have too much confidence or understanding of the monetary base. And by then
Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz had so popularized M2 and its velocity in relationship to
nominal GDP that everybody was most comfortable working with that. And so we provided
them with a time path out into the future—I don’t remember what the horizon was—of what
M2 growth should be consistent with, what kind of a nominal GDP growth, and, therefore,
inflation and output.
Robert L. Hetzel: So both McCracken and Stein were sympathetic to your ideas. But
you wouldn’t call either one a quantity theorist, would you? McCracken was more of a
business economist, and Stein had sort of made his fame writing the book on fiscal policy…
Jerry Jordan: Yeah.
Robert L. Hetzel: ...and advising the CED. So neither of them came out of the
Friedman school, but they were…
Jerry Jordan: But Herb was not hostile to monetary analysis, and Paul was fairly
sympathetic. I think that that was partly the environment of the time with George Schultz at
the OMB, with—well, let’s see, at that point he was probably at Labor.
Robert L. Hetzel: Right.


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Jerry Jordan: He was in and around there.
Robert L. Hetzel: He went to OMB in the summer of 1970.
Jerry Jordan: Yeah. And then Milton Friedman had a good relationship with
President Nixon. Arthur Burns was a counselor in the White House. So there was a lot of
influence of Chicago school, and neither Herb, Paul or for that matter Houthakker, none of
them were at all hostile to Chicago school kind of thinking in monetary and fiscal matters.
Robert L. Hetzel: At this point, the St. Louis model also provided a way of breaking
nominal output growth down into real output growth and inflation and then through an
Okun’s Law going from real output growth to the unemployment rate, so you offered that
forecast also?
Jerry Jordan: Well, that was mostly Andersen and Carlson and definitely reflected
their underlying Keynesian framework and Minnesota school influence that I think continued.
They never did quite escape from that way of thinking about things but broke down, as you
say, through an Okun’s Law kind of a relationship. Not only the nominal spending—nominal
spending came from money growth and the money demand philosophy relationship—and
also, they would use the Fisher equation to break down the nominal interest rates into a real
and inflation premium component.
Those kind of things, I’m not sure now looking back on it, how constructive they
were. What happened inadvertently was that we wound up giving what I now think of some
fairly naïve policymakers what they thought was an alternative handle for conducting shortrun discretionary, highly activist monetary policies. And once they started jiggling those
levers and didn’t get the kinds of engineering precision that they were all hoping for, then
they became disillusioned with what they thought of as being monetarism. Somebody at the
time, I think Henry Kaufman, had labeled it pragmatic monetarism or something. We had a
couple more bouts later of pragmatic monetarism too.
Robert L. Hetzel: Yeah, I think that’s a good way to summarize it. Were you
involved at all in the 1065 forecast in 1970 with Arthur Laffer?
Jerry Jordan: No. Art did that on his own because he was an OMB staff at that time.
Robert L. Hetzel: Right.
Jerry Jordan: And that was a part of what’s called the Troika process, putting
together a set of numbers. Art now likes to point to the fact that after many, many revisions
many years later, it turns out he was right.
[00:16:11]
Robert L. Hetzel: So the trips you made to Washington, when were they? Were
those in ’69 then?


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Jerry Jordan: Sixty-nine.
Robert L. Hetzel: I see. So you weren’t involved in the forecast for 1971?
Jerry Jordan: No. By the end of ’69 I was in exile from research, running data
processing, planning, accounting, data systems stuff for the St. Louis Bank for a couple years
with a couple years in operations, and I had nothing to do with really putting what became
known as the Andersen-Carlson model or those forecasting exercises. The St. Louis Fed for a
couple of years there even put out alternative forecasts, they were called, in their publications,
They weren’t forecasts because all they were were extrapolations of the implications of a
framework given steady-state money growth. And they usually would have three
alternatives—a three percent, six percent or nine percent narrow money growth—and holding
all else constant, here’s what kind of nominal GDP would be associated with that. But it
tended to be portrayed in the press as though these were forecasts in the same sense as to what
the econometric modeling firms and private business forecasters and others were putting out,
and they compared very poorly with those, so ultimately abandoned because they were being
misunderstood.
Robert L. Hetzel: So starting in 1970, there were several years where you were not
involved in the regular working of the research department.
Jerry Jordan: Yes. Because when I finished my tour up in operations, I was only
back in the research department a few months and I went off to Germany to work for the
Bundesbank for a while. And so I wasn’t active in the department until the summer of ’72. By
then Homer was retired, and Andy was the director of research and I was the number two in
research.
Robert L. Hetzel: When were you at the Bundesbank?
Jerry Jordan: I went there in the fall of ’71 and back in the summer of ’72.
Robert L. Hetzel: This is just slightly off the subject, but I want to ask since you
were there. At that point, had it become clear from the top down at the Bundesbank, the
monetary consequences of pegging to the dollar, absorbing dollars, letting the German money
growth expand in inflation, and were they thinking in terms of monetary control and somehow
debating how to reconcile Bretton Woods with control of domestic inflation? Or was there
still a lot of intellectual confusion about what they were doing at the time?
Jerry Jordan: Well, there was certainly a lot of intellectual confusion so there was
an opportunity to have an influence. The reason I was invited was because they did recognize
that they were importing US inflation. Their revaluation upwards of the Deutschemark in
1969 was a reflection of their dissatisfaction with US economic policies. And by that point
they were already using the term—they and the Swiss and a few others—that the United
States was exporting its inflation as a result of the Great Society Vietnam programs. That
caused a breakdown of the German’s, what they called free liquid quotas—free liquid


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reserves and liquidity quotas which is analogous to free reserves that we had had also in the
Bretton Woods period.
I arrived there shortly after Nixon had floated the dollar and closed the gold window,
and I was there during the period that the so-called Smithsonian Agreement was negotiated to
try to re-establish a Bretton Woods system. But the Germans were particularly interested in
what they later labeled central bank money. We were calling it the monetary base. Milton
Friedman had called it high-powered money. Tobin had called it demand debit, the
government sector. Brunner and Meltzer had called it the source base, extended base. It had a
lot of different names over time. And we gave it the name monetary base, and the Germans,
we helped them develop the balance sheets so that they could construct and develop data
series and do some empirical research with what they called central bank money.
[00:21:08]
Robert L. Hetzel: In terms of the origin of terms, what’s the origin of the term,
monetarism? That came out of the St. Louis Fed in…?
Jerry Jordan: July 1968. Karl Brunner used it in a paper where he talked about two
rival conceptions of how government policies influence the macroeconomy, and we used the
labels monetarist and fiscalist to summarize those two frameworks.
Robert L. Hetzel: Did you maintain close relations with Andy Andersen through this
period that you were not in the research department? Or did you…
Jerry Jordan: I had very little contact with research then because I was an operations
officer and had very little time to think about economics, except attend occasional seminars.
And most of what he did with Berger, Carlson, oh, half the staff probably, of articles that he
worked on during that period of time—Michael Keran—I was not involved in.
Robert L. Hetzel: Can I ask you about the meeting that Andersen attended, later
there was the flap with Fortune Magazine and whether Arthur Burns called the White House?
Did you have any involvement with the briefings on that meeting or discussions, or you were
just…
Jerry Jordan: If it occurred at all, it happened in ’72 while I was in Germany. But
later, well, I do recall from the time, Arthurs Burns said something along the line of, it never
happened and I’m going to find out who leaked. Which is an interesting pairing of phrases.
Robert L. Hetzel: Yeah.
Jerry Jordan: And he did have an FBI investigation and there were a lot of people
interviewed who were attending meetings or briefings around that period of time. Andy wrote
later, either said or wrote, that there was no single source, that the origins of the story came
from, I think it was a Boston Fed conference, one of the ones they were running at either Bald
Peak or Nantucket. And there was a dozen or two dozen Fed people attending the


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conferences—or frequently are—and he was able to piece together a story that characterized a
situation. And I don’t recall now whether he in this article used quote marks or claimed that
there was the infamous phone call or anything like that, but rather the idea that White House
concerns were very much a factor in policy in ’71 and ’72 during the controls period (Tape
skips 00:24:04) vote, so that all 12 presidents could participate for the record as well as the
seven governors.
Robert L. Hetzel: This would have been the final directive? This would have been
the meeting in, what, March of 1976? Is that the timeframe? Or was it earlier?
Jerry Jordan: No, it was earlier than that because I was gone by ’76. And by ’76 we
already had Concurrent Resolution 133, so this was well before that. And it was the 19—
There were four alternatives that were being debated by the committee. One of them was a
flat-out reserve aggregate money linkage of open market operations to economic activity.
Robert L. Hetzel: This was probably in March of 1972 then.
Jerry Jordan: Yeah, about that. Well, it couldn’t have been March ’72 because I was
in Germany. And then there were three essentially money market conceptions that were put
forward. So you had four alternatives and three of them were some variation of working on
the price axis and only one of them working on the quantity axis. And the vote came down
to—indication of preference came down to seven people in favor of the one that operated on
the quantity axis, and four, four and four of the three alternatives that operated on the price
axis. So Arthur Burns declared that clearly 12 people were opposed to the one operating on
the quantity axis even though it had a plurality. And so he ruled it as having been eliminated,
and only the others would be considered. And all the rest of the discussion from that point
was only on price axis approaches [unintelligible 25:56] on any monetary policy.
One of the people I’m pretty sure was at that meeting was Mark Willis, representing
Philadelphia Fed at that time. He may have been substituting for Eastburn at that time. But I
do remember Mark—if I’ve got the right meeting in mind—being at that meeting.
Robert L. Hetzel: So the operating variable ruled out probably would have been
reserves available to support private deposits?
Jerry Jordan: No, it was the total—I’m not sure we were that precise. Because RPDs
was actually a subterfuge all along. We never had the data to compute the damn thing for
three weeks afterwards. But for about a year and a half, Arthur liked to play this game of
saying we were using reserves available for private deposits as an instrument of monetary
policy. But it never was true and couldn’t be true because under lagged reserve accounting
framework, we didn’t have any ability to control the thing.
Robert L. Hetzel: Right.
Jerry Jordan: But it gave the press something to chew on and took attention away
from whatever it was they were really doing and tried to have the appearance of making it all


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coherent more so than it was. I think that the directive, I think that this may have been the
Morris effort. And it was just a straightforward total reserves to money to a reservable money,
probably a narrow money. I don’t think at that time they were still willing to talk about or
include the monetary base. And so I think it was the total reserves to M1 to nominal GDP
kind of a linkage.
Robert L. Hetzel: Well, okay, was that meeting—There were several reports on the
subcommittee on the directive. Was this before you went to Germany or after that…?
Jerry Jordan: I don’t remember that.
Robert L. Hetzel: Okay. Well, I can probably figure it out from the minutes.
Jerry Jordan: If you don’t find the Morris briefing…


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