View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.

DIARY

Book 73

June 15 - June 22, 1937

-ABook

Page

Appointments and Resignations
Wolfe, Joe:

Reappointment of Joe Wolfe as Collector of Internal
Revenue, St. Paul, Minnesota: FDR asks Attorney
General, Postmaster General, and HMJr to confer
once more - 6/18/37

LXXIII 310

-BBank for International Settlements
Cochran reports on meeting - 6/15/37
a) Main business that of studying requests of
National Bank of Hungary for three-year
extension of Bank for International Settlements
and Central Bank credits with 1% interest and
43% repayment

b) Genuinely pessimistic point of view on conditions
in France

c) Swiss situation discussed with Bachmann;
Cochran three times repeats HMJr's message,

making it clear this is official

d) Prior to sailing of Paul Van Zeeland for United
States, Marcel Van Zeeland asked Jacobsson to
prepare memorandum on gold situation; after

revision, Niemeyer will circulate to Central
Bank governors and Cochran is promised copy

1) Lowering price of gold is favored in
this memorandum

2) Cochran understands Marcel Van Zeeland

does not favor this; favors rather

increasing cash requirements of commercial
banks and increasing coverage requirements
of Central Banks

e) Cochran learns from within Bank of International
Settlements that Central Bank of Finland has been
largest seller of gold against dollars through
Bank for International Settlements
f) Governor Rooth, of Swedish Riksbank, sees no need
for Sweden's taking any immediate monetary action
g) Governor Norman feels that great care should be
exercised in accepting arguments put forward by

certain financial journals and writers, in London
particularly, against changing price of gold,
since direct interest in gold mining is held by
these journals; efforts to control production of
gold also opposed by Norman

h) Governor Norman's assistant, Cobbold, particularly
condemns Paul Einzig, of London Financial News,
as being unfair in comment

1

-CBook Page
China

For resume of conversations between HMJr and Chinese
delegation, see Book LXXVIII, page 190
American Embassy, London, reports on Chinese loan

negotiations with Great Britain - 6/21/37

Cocoanut Oil

LXXIII 347

See Philippine Islands

-EEinzig, Paul (London Financial News)
See Bank for International Settlements
-FFinland

See Bank for International Settlements

Foreign Capital: Restriction of Inflow
See Gold
France

See also Bank for International Settlements

" Stabilization

"

Blum Government falls - 6/21/37
Ambassador Bonnet calls to say goodbye - leaving for
France - 6/22/37

329
369

--GGold

See also Bank for International Settlements
Conference between Treasury and Federal Reserve; present:

HMJr, Taylor, Oliphant, Lochhead, White, Viner, Opper,
Bell; Eccles, Goldenweiser, Williams, Gardner, Harrison,
Knoke; Feis - 6/15/37

a) Matters to be discussed include sterilization,
handling of foreign deposits, question of taxing
aliens who invest in United States, et cetera;

reserves against foreign deposits to be discussed
this morning
(Ten questions to be discussed on page 115)

b) HMJr also tells group about visit of Sir Josiah Stamp
-H- Hungary

See Bank for International Settlements

85

-IBook Page

Italy
Annual report of Bank of Italy presented on 3/31/37
a) Cochran calls attention to comment on Tripartite
Agreement as "first honest attempt towards wide
international cooperation made since September,
1931" - 6/22/37

LXXIII 388

N-

Norman, Montagu (Governor, Bank of England)

See Bank for International Settlements

-PPhilippine Islands
HMJr asks War Department whether or not it has advised
Quezon in any way on excise tax on cocoanut oil
which the courts have decreed should be turned back

to the Islands - 6/15/37

35

a) Woodring out of town; Craig answers "no" War Department feels this is a matter for

State and Treasury Departments to handle
Conference with Quezon; present: HMJr, Taylor, Feis,
and Opper - 6/15/37

a) HMJr reports to Hull on conference; Feis present..

41

38

Poland

Ambassador and Counselor of Polish Legation call on
HMJr to introduce Sokolowski, here to arrange possible
commercial agreement with United States - 6/15/37

20

-R

Riefler, Winfield

To be Special Consultant with Treasury - 6/15/37

75

-SShafroth, Morrison
Resignation discussed by HMJr and Oliphant - 6/22/37

365

Smith Company, E. M.

E. M. Smith's offer to plead guilty to all counts in the
two indictments now pending, made on condition that
indictments against other defendants be dismissed,
approved by FDR and HMJr; Department of Justice so

notified - 6/16/37

Oliphant reports on sentence to HMJr: eighteen months

in penitentiary and $25,000 fine - 6/22/37

56

364

- S - (Continued)
Book

Page

Stabilization
See also Bank for International Settlements
France:

See Cochran resume 6/13/37-July, 1937 - Book LXXVI
Emergency bill authorizing Government up to 7/31/37

to take measures necessary for reconstruction on
public finances, laid before Chamber - 6/15/37
a) American Embassy, Paris, reports on
conversation with Blum concerning these
powers - 6/14/37

LXXIII

19

30

b) Bullitt reports on dramatic special session
of Chamber of Deputies and passage of bill
346-247 - 6/16/37
c) For text of emergency bill, see page 175

154

d) Crisis arises during consideration of bill
in Senate - 6/18/37

e) Blum Government falls - 6/21/37
Cochran reports continued heavy pressure on franc 6/15/37

304,308,321,
332,337
329
67

Meeting with regard to French crisis; present: HMJr,
Taylor, Bell, Oliphant, Lochhead, Opper, Upham,

Viner, and Riefler - 8:45 A.M., 6/16/37

117

knowing of it - 6/16/37

139

a) Conversations with Cochran
HMJr tells Hull of Montagu Norman's desire that Cochran
visit England without American Embassy in Paris

a) Hull advises clearing with FDR
b) FDR advises that British Ambassador be told
and Sir John Simon asked his wishes; HMJr so

informs Hull - 6/16/37

146

c) Conference with British Ambassador and Trentham;

Feis and Taylor present - 6/16/37

d) Montagu Norman's answer - 6/17/37

e) Hull's instructions to Cochran through American
Embassy, Paris, to proceed to London - 6/18/37
f) Cochran's report from London - 6/21/37

158
168
300
343

1) Fall, of Blum Government discussed
American Embassy, London, asks for information concerning
report under Washington date-line that France may be
forced to withdraw from Tripartite Agreement presumably

due to institution of a control system - 6/16/37
a) Hull told United States has had no intimation of

such intention
Second meeting on French crisis; present: HMJr, Taylor,
Opper, Viner, Riefler, White, Lochhead, Haas, and

Oliphant - 9 A.M., 6/18/37

(Possible actions by French Government on page 284)
a) Conversation with Cochran

b)
c.

d)

" Butterworth

" Knoke

" Hull

157
165

224
237

250

269,279
271

- S - (Continued)
Book

Page

Stabilization (Continued)
France (Continued) :

Ambassador Bonnet calls to say goodbye - leaving for

France - 6/22/37

LXXIII

Cochran reports on exchange market movements 6/22/37

Formation of Cabinet unfavorably impresses foreign
exchange market - 6/22/37
Switzerland:
Butterworth reports on Swiss transactions in London 6/15/37

369
372
386

64

Sir John Simon informs HMJr he is in complete sympathy
with stand on Switzerland - 6/18/37
Text of letter signed by Bachmann and Schnyder, of
Swiss National Bank, and by Meyer, Chief of Swiss
Department of Finance and Customs, transmitted by
Cochran to HMJr - 6/19/37
Stamp, Sir Josiah

301

317

See Gold

Statements by HMJr

Before Joint Committee on Tax Evasion and Avoidance 6/17/37

179

Sweden

See Bank for International Settlements

Switzerland

See Bank for International Settlements

" Stabilization

-

Tax Evasion

Oliphant's memorandum in response to FDR's request as to

possibility of Treasury Department conducting tax
investigation in disregard of Joint Resolution No. 155,

giving two possibilities - 6/16/37

50

-UU.S.S.R.

For resume of conferences on gold, 4/11/37-7/17/37,
see Book LXIV, page 79

Conference; present: HMJr, Troyanovsky, Taylor, and Feis 6/15/37

24

a) Russian Government wishes to know whether it's now
a question of a special agreement between two

countries with regard to gold market or merely
one about information for production of gold

1) HMJr replies merely exchange of information
now, possibly leading to agreement later on
State Department memorandum concerning Soviet participation

in international arrangements dealing with sale of Soviet
timber and sugar in world market - 6/15/37

76

-VBook

Van Zeeland

See Bank for International Settlements

-WWolfe, Joe
See Appointments and Resignations

Page

PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM: American Embassy, Paris, France
DATE:

June 15, 1937, 9 a.m.

NO.:

788

FROM COCHRAN.

This morning I returned from Basel where on Saturday(?) and Monday the BIS directors met.

The routine business for the most part consisted
of studying requests of the National Bank of Hungary for
extension for three years from the eighteenth of July
of BIS and Central Bank credits with one percent interest and four and three-quarters percent repayment.
The Governor of the Bank of France, Labeyrie was
not in Basel, and (?) Under Governor Fournier and French

director Brincard left Basel. Thus indirectly the French
bankers contributed to the uneasiness at Basel regarding

the situation in France. During Monday this uneasiness
was augmented by news that France had widened the dis-

count on the forward franc, as well as the news that
Stabilization
a very heavy day was had by the fabulous fund, and that
at noon the Council of the Bank of France had decided

to raise the discount rate to six percent (from the
previous 4 percent rate).
The Central bankers at Basel continue to be gen-

uinely pessimistic over the outlook for France, even should
Parliament give the Government a respite through approval
of a new tax program and arrangement in some way for
additional

2

-2additional funds to be made available from the Bank of
France. For several months these bankers have been convinced that a Blum Government with Communist support cannot

inspire the confidence necessary for recovery in France.

It is their belief that a continuation of this Government
in office will only make a more serious crash eventually.
The Central Bankers are particularly skeptical over

the efforts of Vincent Auriol to punish flight capital.
They think that fears of capitalists will only be aggravated by his endeavors.
Yesterday Quesnay, who is General Manager of the

BIS and who usually has some plan in mind, could make no

suggestion for a definite program which would alleviate

the present situation in France. The big necessity, he
realizes, is to get capital to return to France. However,
he said, it was under the Doumergue and Laval Governments

that much of the capital left France and capital would not
itself start back merely because of reformation or replacement of the present government.

At this meeting at Basel the gold question was unofficially discussed even more seriously than at meetings
held before. On Sunday morning at 10 o'clock I gave
orally to the Swiss National Bank President, Bachmann,
in

3

-3in the presence of Pferminger, his assistant, the verbatim
message from Secretary Morgenthau (and which was quoted
my

in/telegram No. 771 of June 12).

I was told by Bachmann

that he would get in touch with his two joint managers
Schnyder and Weber, and that on noon Monday he would give

me their reply.
I saw Baohmann and Pferminger at 12 o'clock on Monday,

and had a telephone conversation with Bachmann late in

the evening (Bachmann had returned to his bank in Zurich

in the middle of the afternoon) in order that one point
might be cleared up. I summarize below the explanation
given by Bachmann of their position. Bachmann will prepare immediately for the approval of his associates at
a meeting this coming Thursday, a letter to be addressed
to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States and
to be signed by Meyer, Minister of Finance, confirming
and expanding the explanations which were given to me.

I am to receive the letter by mail for forwarding in
the diplomatic pouch.
The Swiss National Bank, Bachmann said, had recently

definitely decided that
END SECTIONS ONE TO FOUR, INCLUSIVE.
BULLITT.
EA:LWW

4

PARAPHRASE OF SECTION FIVE OF TELEGRAM NO. 788 of

June 15, 1937, 10 a.m., from Paris.

the gold certificate holdings of the Bank should not
exceed 2,631,000,000 Swiss francs, which figure now appears

in its statement. They had fixed a price for purchasing
gold, he said, after the Swiss franc had actually left
the gold standard last Fall. He does not want to change
this price. The Bank furthermore does not intend to sell
any of the gold in the total indicated above. Therefore
it will not give any cause for uneasiness through allowing
its statement to show a decline in the amount of gold held.
The Bank believes that the amount mentioned above is

the maximum that it should hold because of the danger of

a European war, and the danger of the world price of gold
being lowered.

As of June 11, Bachmann said, the holdings of the

538 million Swiss franc stabilization fund were: Gold,
116 million francs;
END SECTION FIVE.

BULLITT.

EA: LWW

5

PARAPHRASE OF SECTION SIX OF TELEGRAM NO. 788 of

June 15, 1937, from Paris.

foreign exchange, 408 million france;

Swiss france, 14 million. Decision was reached that it would
be this bank's policy to convert this fund which was originally in gold entirely into foreign exchange, principally
dollars, and sterling to a slight extent. Such gold as
might be received from the public would pass through this
fund for conversion into foreign exchange without the
bank's statement showing the transaction. The Bank, with
this policy in mind, has been shipping gold to the United
States and that gold has been converted into dollars.
The program Bachmann had envisaged would be to send the

remaining 116,000,000 france gold (some 30,000 kilograms)

to the New York Federal Reserve for conversion into dollars
over a two or three months period.
Recently an attempt has been made by Bachmann to

influence the Swiss banks to sell directly on the London
market for their own account such gold as they or their
clients desire to dehoard without the Central Bank handling

it.
With regard to the gold being purchased by the Central
Bank, Bachmann said this comes in the form of bars held
in London by Swiss, or from domestic hoarding in coins.

In the future he will try to dispose of all of this gold
on this side of the ocean, at London for the most part.
He could not say how much gold the Swiss are still hoarding.

6

-2An attempt is being made by Bachmann to get some of

the excess of foreign capital out of Switzerland, and
to this end he had encouraged two foreign credits, one
to the Bostal System of Czechoslovakia in the sum of
50 million Swiss francs, and another in the same amount

to Italy by the Credit Suisse and the Swiss Banking Corporation.
During my conversations with Bachmann I repeated
three times the message from Secretary Morgenthau, and made

it definitely clear to him that this was an official
message which I had been asked to communicate to him.

Bachmann pressed me for my personal opinion. I told him
that he had been quite wrong in undertaking operations on

our friendly market without giving us an indication of
of

what he had in mind and without a previous basis/understand-

ing and possible exchange of views. I mentioned that after
the alignment of last autumn his Government had been the

most insistent for a definite return to the gold standard,
and that in fixing a buying and selling price for gold his
Government had taken somewhat of an initiative. I said
that I believed they were working definitely against the
idea of preserving the gold standard if they as a club
member, took steps which could be interpreted as meaning
that

--

7

that faith on their part in the future of gold was lacking.
The Federal Reserve's official statement, I mentioned,
shows the decline of earmarked gold deposits held by

central banks with us, and the already nervous situation
would be aggravated if observers in Europe and the United

States should learn that a club bank is heavily disposing
of gold. I also reminded him that the program which he
is following since May means that the sterilization of
Swiss gold is being financed by the United States Treasury.
The answer made by Bachmann to this was that according to

their figures the amount only
of gold per capita of population
in the United States was/286 Swiss francs, whereas the
amount per capita in Switzerland was 493 Swiss francs.

Officials told me at Basel - and they knew nothing
of my errand with Bachmann - that Bachmann had last week
through seven separate channels been endeavoring to dispose

of gold. No one doubts that the Swiss central bank, as
well as private banks, is nervous over the future gold
price.
During the forenoon on Monday I informed Governor Franck

of the National Bank of Belgium of the message which I
had delivered to Bachmann. Franck said that 80 far his
Bank had not been asked to take gold from Switzerland,
80 he had no ground for protest to Bachmann along the
line

8

-4line we took.
The Netherlands Bank President, Trip, was not in

Basel, 80 I talked with Dejong his substitute. Dejong is
the official of the Netherlands Bank who actually handles
dealings in exchange. I was informed by Dejong that his
Bank had taken only about ten million dollars in gold
from the Swiss National Bank when the latter had indicated
that dollars were what it needed.

END SECTIONS SIX TO ELEVEN, INCLUSIVE.

BULLITT.

EA:LWW

9

PARAPHRASE OF SEOTIONS TWELVE TO TWENTY-SIX OF

telegram No. 788 of June 15, 1937, from Paris.

In my discussi on with Dejong I spoke very frankly regarding

the Swiss situation. I intimated that there had been no
pressing need for dollars on the part of the Swiss, considering that they had ample resources in the United States.
Dejong promised that he would give Trip a complete picture
of the matter.
I should add that when Bachmann was explaining to me

his policy of granting credits to Czechoslovakia and Italy
he said that these transactions involved having dollars.
The loans themselves were in Swiss francs, but dollars were
needed by both borrowers and he preferred to provide the

dollars rather than let the borrowers dump on capital
markets large amounts of Swiss francs. I checked up on
the dates of the credits to Italy and Czechoslovakia, and
I am convinced that such dollars as Bachmann had needed for

this purpose had already been provided before the recent

important conversion took place of gold into dollars
left his(?) Federal Reserve Bank of New York.
Shortly before the meeting on Sunday, Schacht arrived

by plane. He went back to Berlin by air immediately after
the meeting on Monday morning so as to be present at the

dinner given for Chinese Minister of Finance Kung. I had
no private conversation with him, merely exchanging greetings. Schacht did not have much to say to anyone at Basel

this time. I had a talk with Hechler, his assistant, who
told

-2-

10

told me that as to the German domestic situation there was
nothing new but that recent developments in Soviet Russia
naturally were of much concern to the German people. He

told me
the reports had been entirely premature which
were
to that
the effect
MAIN that Schacht will come to Paris again toward the end of
the month to sign a Franco-German commercial treaty.

Prior to the sailing of Paul van Zeeland for the United
States his brother Marcel, who is still in the BIS, asked
that Jacobsson prepare a memorandum on the gold situation
for the Prime Minister. A fourteen-page memorandum was
prepared by Jacobsson which Marcel gave to Paul; Jacobsson
permitted me to read this memorandum. After Jacobsson

finishes revising it, it will be circulated confidentially
by Niemeyer to member central bank governors. The promise

was made that I should confidentially receive a copy.
Jacobson alone takes responsibility for the document, which

gives arguments in favor of first maintaining gold at its
present price, second controlling the production of gold,
and third, lowering the price of gold. The third alternative is definitely favored in the memorandum. The arguments advanced are that the price for gold established
during the crisis should be considered only an emergency

step, and that now as prosperity returns the various factors should be studied and a revision downward be made in

the price if the balance of evidence weighs in favor of
lowering the price. It would be envisaged that the original
parties to the tripartite agreement and other important

11

-3monetary states to make an announcement of reduction

simultaneously. Marcel van Zeeland himself, from what I

heard at Basel, is not in favor of changing the price for
gold. He thinks there are numerous steps which could be
taken toward alleviating the situation, such as increasing
the cash requirements of commercial banks and increasing
the coverage requirements of central banks.

It was also Quesnay's opinion that before taking such

a drastic step as lowering the gold price or controlling
production various measures should be tried out. Quesnay

believed that the rise in prices would eventually narrow
the profit margin between the cost of production and the
market price of gold to such an extent that production
would level off or might even start to fall off. We should
in the meantime work for a better distribution of gold
stocks. Reference was made by Quesnay to the plan which

he attributed to British origin of the United States and
possibly Great Britain making available by loan through
the BIS to France and other needy countries gold which

now has to be sterilized by the United States and Great
Britain. I questioned Quesnay as to whether such a
suggestion was being actively presented by anyone just

now, and he said that it was not.
I was told by President Beyen of the BIS that in the

past the best opinion of the world had almost invariably
been wrong on gold. He did not think we should at the
present time hasten to any decision that we have too much

12

-4gold on hand. In his mind it would not be feasible to have

international control of production. If our situation is
just artificial, he said, it would only be made more so
by resort to production control. He insisted that there is
still an acute si tuation arising from the gold scare.
He told me that with the exception of the Netherlands Na-

tional Bank, all of the small central bank clients of the
BIS had been through the BIS seeking dollars. I mentioned
that I understood gold had been shipped to the United
States by the BIS. These had been arbitrary transactions,
he said.

Beyen could not indicate to me which countries had

been selling gold against dollars through the BIS. However, I learned from within the Bank, in strictest confidence, that the largest seller had been the Central Bank
of Finland and that sales had also been made by the
Reichabank. [Note: I learned this morning at the Bank
of France that gold had been sold against dollars by the
Reichsbank to the Bank of France yesterday.]

Constant study of the gold situation is favored by
Beyen, but he counsels against haste in decision.
During one of the conversations I had with Dejong he
remarked that while dollars had been extensively bought
by the Netherlands Bank, which usually were quickly con-

verted into gold, recently they had held some dollars
without

13

-5without converting them into gold.
A week ago when I was in Amsterdam, Termeulen, a

private banker, complained to me that Dutch hoarders of

gold had to send their gold to London for sale or release
it on the (?) market at Amsterdam, since Trip did not feel
obliged to absorb gold directly but preferred to work into
gold through the dollar.
I had a talk with Governor Rooth of the Swedish Rikebank. He said that he could see no need for Sweden taking
any immediate monetary action. Should there be an important
rise in American and world prices before autumn, Sweden
would then have to take up the question of upward revalua-

tion of its crown, but before autumn no action will be taken.
By that time Rooth hopes that he will know whether any
action is to be taken by the Americans and the British.
He expressed the sincere hope that independent action upon

the gold price will not be taken by anyone. Important
amounts of dollars and sterling are constantly carried by
Governor Rooth.

Governor Rooth told me that Governor Ryti of the
Bank of Finland had said that for another year and a half

Finland could continue without upward revaluation of its
currency. Under present tendencies, Rooth said, he did
not believe Sweden could go that long. When either Sweden

or Finland acts, he thinks simultaneous action will be taken
by the other country. He emphasized that he believes it
is

14

-6is more important to maintain permanent the international
exchange relation between currencies than the gold price.
From his conversations with Governor Franck Rooth gained

the impression that Franck was trying to purchase as

little gold as he possibly could.
At the time I had a direct conversation with Governor
Franck, he asked whether I had seen fit to communicate to
our Secretary of the Treasury his views upon gold production control, and whether any reaction thereto had come

back to me. Franck remarked upon the diversity of opinion
among governors of central banks and staff members of the

BIS on the question of gold.
I had lunch today in Paris with Yangita, the Bank
of Japan representative at the BIS. He was en route to
London from Basel. Yangita told me that France and Japan

were having similar financial experiences. The main difference in their problems was that in France it was the
workers who are demanding excessive expenditures by the

Government, and in Japan it was the Army. Lowering the
gold price is favored by Yangita provided simultaneous

action is taken by all important nations.
This morning at the Bank of France I told Cariguel
of the message which I had delivered to Bachmann from
Secretary Morgenthau.
I

15

-7 I had several talks with Governor Norman. He told me

in the first conversation that as yet he had not found
occasion to discuss the gold problem with the new Chancellor

of the Exchequer Simon, so that it would be his purely
personal views he expressed, and not accepted British
policy. He told me that he was more worried than ever over
the gold question. He does not see that there will be an

early let-up in the flow of gold towards the United
States and to the London market. He had made attempts to
pass on some gold to central banks which needed it, and

$50 could not be got rid of. Most all central banks, he
said, are passing on gold, and as a result the two markets
which are equipped and feel obliged to take it must face
the problem of absorbing gold in large amounts. It is
his belief that the estimates in the press as to the proportion of gold that has come out of hoarding to date have
been exaggerated. In London and European centers, he said,

there is still a large quantity to be released, and of the
total amount of gold which India has absorbed during the
past 35 years, only one-third has come back out.
Norman told me that we should be very cautious about

accepting arguments which certain financial journals and

writers have put forward, in London particularly, against
changing the price of gold, since a direct interest in
gold mining is held by these journals and individuals.
Governor

16

-8Governor Norman could not see anything further that
the American and British could do in the way of making
statements to calm the present uneasiness over the price

of gold. Of course, he said, the situation would be quieted
if the United States and Great Britain would make a joint
statement that they would guarantee to accept during
the next five years at the prices now obtained all gold
that may be offered to them, but he, as Governor of the
Bank of England, certainly had no appetite for much more
gold, particularly at the price now prevailing. Without
any suggestion on my part he said that some people were
condemning Bachmann for disposing of his gold where he

could get rid of it. Norman said that if anyone felt
nervous about any gold they had, it was much better to

permit him to go ahead and get rid of it rather than try
to keep him from doing that. He expressed the opinion that
there must be a limit to the extent to which our country
will be willing, at the present price, to absorb gold.
He made favorable remarks about the degree to which the

American and British Stabilization Funds have cooperated

during this difficult period in their day to day operations. He regarded as particularly valuable the exchange
of information on public statements. He feels at the same
time that cooperative study of longer term problems is
needed.

17

-9I made an incidental remark to Norman on the importance

of the influence on American governmental opinion, as well

as public, that might result from our efforts to achieve
a trade treaty with the British. He said that at the
present time he did not think there was the slightest chance
that a treaty could be obtained.
Efforts to control production of gold are opposed

by Norman. It is his belief that a threat in the direction
of demonetization of gold is already developing through
the big movement of gold to the United States. He thinks
that the tendency toward demonetization would be increased

rather than lessened by artificial steps to control gold.
The world economic system, in his opinion, is 80 out of

balance that even if the United States should itself lend
a half billion dollars gold to each of a dozen needy central
banks, it would not help importantly to effectively distribute gold. The metal would be so distrusted by some
that they would sell it immediately. Such an unstable
situation prevails in other countries that they could not
hold the gold and it would move back towards our country.
I made mention to Norman of the criticism in the
press of the extent to which a discount had developed on

the price of gold in London. He insisted that such comment
was entirely foolish. There could certainly be no movement out of London if there were discount. He said that

it

18

- 10 it would not be fair to expect his bank to compete with
arbitrageurs to the extent of reducing the discount below
a figure which the arbitrageurs might consider as representative of the profit margin which in the circumstances
could be expected by them.

When the arbitrageurs did not want to take the gold,
he was willing that the Bank of England should take it,
but he did not favor competing with them for it.
I also had a conversation with Norman's assistant,

Cobbold. He talked about this point, and particularly
condemned Einzig of the LONDON FINANCIAL NEWS as being

very unfair and unmindful of the fact that at one time
a discount of more than one shilling existed since both
our currencies have been depreciated without attracting
any comment critical of the management of the British
Stabilization Fund.
I had a conversation with Sir Edward Cook, who is

Governor of the Bank of Egypt. He was at Basel as a visitor.

July 12 had been set as the date for the next meeting of the BIS.
END OF MESSAGE.

BULLITT.
EA:LWW

Gray

CA

PARIS

19

Dated June 15, 1937
Recd 9:50 p.m.

Secretary of State
Washington.

797, June 15, 11 p.m.
PROI COCHRAN

This afternoon the Government laid an Emergency bill
before the Chamber which reads in translation as follows:

"Sole article. The Government is authorized up to
July 51, 1937, to take by decrees authorized by the Council
of Ministers the measures necessary for the rEconstruction

of public finances as well as the protection of savings of
the currency and of public credit.
These decrees will be submitted for the ratification
of the Chambers within the three months following the prom-

vlgation of the present law or in any case immediately
following the first meeting of the extraordinary session of
1937."

LE TEMPS of this afternoon from which the above text
is taken published a communique issued by the Government

denying that it had planned to demand authorization to
borrow 10,000,000,000 francs from the Bank of France; furthErmore denying that the Government intended to impose new

taxes on such products as petrol, sugar, coffee, and chicory.
This newspaper also confirms the rumor of this morning that
Baudovin and Rist had resigned from the Exchange Fund
Committee

SMS EMB

BULLIST

20

June 15, 1937
10 a.m.

Present:

Ambassador Potocki, of Poland
Mr. Wankowicz, Counselor
Mr. Sokolowski

Ambassador: We just came to see you to introduce
Mr. Sokolowski, who is here for a short visit and he has
had very successful talks with the State Department, preliminary talks, for a possible commercial agreement between Poland and the United States, and he's just leaving
today and he's sailing on Saturday, and he will express for
himself how satisfied he is with his visit to Washington
and his meetings with Secretary Hull and others.
Mr. Sokolowski: I should like to say there was also
one of the Treasury men, Mr. Johnson, because we are very
interested in the methods of application of duties on 1mported goods and then to certain additional duties. Those
are rather complicated, which have been very carefully
studied by us because it is, I think, in a very large part,
the working of the agreement. So we have thought that
perhaps it would be good that we should have an official

here and to have here some of our representatives of Chamber
of Commerce, so that it may work easier and smoothly.

HM,Jr: It would be most acceptable.

Mr. Sokolowski: I think it would be very practical,
because in our country there is certain shyness about the
legislation. In Europe we have not such. We have other
methods, and those regulations might represent some difficulties. Say here he will pay $10.00 and then it's $15.00
or $12.00, the duties, 80 it is important to have here such
an understanding so the thing may work out 80 far as it can
smoothly.

HM,Jr: I am not familiar with the details of the trade
treaty, but I take it we are talking about where Customs come
in on it. Is it Mr. Johnson of Customs?
Mr. Wankowicz: Yes.

21

-2-

HM,Jr: Of course, we will do everything we can to

help make the agreement work successfully.
Ambassador: Thank you very much.

HM,Jr: I know when I was in Farm Credit, four years
ago, I started in with Polish r.ye and we have had Polish
rye ever since, one way or the other.
then.

Mr. Wankowicz: I had the pleasure to talk with you
HM,Jr: So whatever we can do to make the agreement

work well, we will be most pleased to do so.
Ambassador: Thank you very much.

HM,Jr: That has not been ratified as yet?
Ambassador: No. No. It was only preliminary talk
and they were every day. There were sort of graphs made.
Mr. Sokolowski is leaving for Warsaw and he is very pleased
of having the meeting here and having a broader view of the
situation. He's coming back and this is his first visit
to the States.
HM,Jr: Have you had a chance to travel?

Mr. Sokolowski: No. I have been here only about ten

days 60 we have had much to do. We have twice a day sessions.

HM,Jr: All I can say is when the agreement is accom-

plished, we will try not to make it difficult.
Ambassador: Thank you very much.

HM,Jr: We will give it the friendliest interpretation

possible.

Ambassador: If I may tell you, we have had long talks
in New York on our private debts and Mr. Wankowicz, if you
would allow him, might explain in few words how matters stand

just now.

HM,Jr: If you please.
Mr. Wankowicz: I should not take too much time. I say

22

-3-

only that you remember, Mr. Secretary, I came here last
year when I told you that we were forced to stop our transfer for many reasons which were out of our power. We were
very sorry. And we went and we started, a few weeks later,
to talk with our agents, which was quite successful, and we
finished our talks in February, the 21st, this year, and we
published notice and we have now, for one year and a half,
provisional arrangemet in which we propose to look for a solution of some percentage in cash or funding bonds for this
amount or 41% new loan. Anyhow we had this arrangement for
one year and a half, and even now I go to Poland and we intend to work further and I hope we accomplish the new commission and we start just to talk further about something
definitive.
HM,Jr: Who do you talk to in New York?

Mr. Wankowicz: We talk to the fiscal agent of our loans,
Mr. Clark and Mr. White, very fine, both gentlemen, and they
know very well the job that we have and we have very nice relationship. And of course some day we will finish our arrangements. But anyhow I am very pleased to tell you that
today we have in spite of settlement of the thing, because
even all our coupons were paid then -- you will excuse me
if I strike this point, but we are quite proud. Two loans
were not defaulted when we signed. Now we hope that this
year we will go as smooth as last year and maybe we will do
something which will be permanent, which I should like very
much.

Ambassador: I just came back from Poland and I saw
economic conditions were much improved. Mr. Kwiatkowski,
who is Finance Minister of Poland, advised me he is trying

to arrange settlement of possibly all these debts which are
due, private and public as well, and I think in due time if
conditions still improve we will be able to come to a final

agreement.

HM,Jr: What happened to Mr. Hitler's speech on Saturday?

Ambassador: I did not see it.
HM,Jr: He did not make it, did he? All our papers were
full of
it.

Ambassador: Well, I did not see it at all.

23

-4-

Mr. Wankowicz: No. No, I think that was postponed.
HM,Jr: That's much less excitement.
Ambassador: There is always the Danzig question which

is difficult to handle on account of our situation and on
account of the League of Nations which is involved in that
matter because of the great Nazi population on the Danzig, SO
it has to be handled very carefully, but I don't think on the
whole
there is any reason for any war there; surely not in
Europe.
HM,Jr: You don't think so?

Ambassador: No, I don't think so. Certainly big armaments
going on, but I don't see any war now for quite a long
time.
HM,Jr: And the Spanish situation?

Ambassador: It's sort of localized. Germany at the

same time is very careful not to provoke world war now because she knows that that would not help her certainly.

She is in a bad economic situation and she lacks a lot of
things and I don't think she can go to war for a long time.
HLI,Jr: But you come back feeling that war is not imminent?
Ambassador: No; certainly not.
HM,Jr: Let's hope so.
Ambassador: Very kind of you, Mr. Secretary, that you

receive us.

HM,Jr: Thank you for coming in.
000-000

24

June 15, 1937
10:30 a.m.
Present:
Ambassador Troyanovsky

Mr. Taylor
Dr. Feis

Ambassador: I have answer from Moscow about our con-

versations. They wanted to know whether it talks about
special agreement or only about information. My Government wanted to know whether now it's a question of special
agreement between our country and your country about the
gold market or only about information about production of
gold.

HM,Jr: At this stage I only had in mind the question

of exchange of information.
Ambassador: Uh-huh.

HM,Jr: Possibly leading up to some agreement later on.
Ambassador: The opinion of Moscow is that the most
important side of this gold problem is gold market, not so

much production. In our country we can regulate rigidly
all exportation and we are ready to talk about this side of
this problem -- I mean about gold market and our exportation
of gold and anything connected with it, but they think that
gold production is completely a domestic problem in our system of relations.
HM,Jr: Now let me see if I understand this. Your
Government feel that the question of marketing of gold in
the world's market

Ambassador: Yes.
HM,Jr:

is a matter which you are ready to discuss.

Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: But the question of production of gold is an

an internal matter?

Ambassador: Yes.

25
-2-

HM,Jr: Is that what I am to understand?
Ambassador: Yes, because we have already many agree-

ments similar, not completely the same, about different
markets -- sugar and timber -- when the question of our ex-

portation is certain, but our internal domestic production
is completely outside of this.

HM,Jr:
would say that that's something that I
would
like toWell,
thinkI over.
Ambassador: All right.
HM,Jr: And talk about.
Ambassador: Uh-hun.

HM,Jr: With other people of the Government.
Ambassador: Uh-huh.

HM,Jr: I might say that the message you bring is an

encouraging one.

Ambassador: I think 80.

HM,Jr: Yes, I think it is an encouraging one.
Ambassador: And we are ready to sell to your Government

if you want the dollars. We are interested in the price of
gold -- the better the price, the higher the price, the better
for us, of course, and we are ready to discuss any possible
agreement in this way, in this line, but we are ready to sell
to your Government the gold for dollars even if you don't want
to have gold exported from our country. We are ready to discuss the possibility of deposit of gold in some place without
exportation. Any agreement.

HM,Jr: Let's see if I understand. What you are sugselling the gold to us direct for dollars?
Ambassador: Yes. And we are ready to discuss the possibility not to export gold, but to make deposit of gold in
certain place, in our bank, in your name, and to get the dollars
gesting 16 that you are ready to discuss the question of

26

-3-

if you want, of course, without sending the gold to the

world market.

HM,Jr: I see. In other words, earmark the gold in

Russia?

Ambassador: Yes, in Russia. We can put it in your

name or any agreement that you want in order to regulate
the movement of the gold.

HM,Jr: The movement of the gold.

Anything you want to ask, Dr. Feis?

Dr. Feis: No, sir.
Mr. Taylor: I suppose that would apply to some third
country. It would be a transfer of earmarks to some place
else. This question of earmark either in Russia itself or
in, let's say, Switzerland.
HM,Jr: You mean Russian gold?

Mr. Taylor: Yes. I did not mean that you meant to

confine that

Ambassador: It is not necessary. I understand you
can transfer it to any place you want.
HM,Jr: Would that also include bringing the Russian
gold -- depositing it here and earmarking it here?
Ambassador: Yes; yes; of course.
HM,Jr: Bringing it here, also?
Ambassador: Uh-huh.

Dr. Feis: I have one question. Did I understand the

Ambassador to say his Government regards the question of gold

production -- presumably of gold stocks -- as a domestic
question but is disposed to discuss the question of movement
to the world market?

Ambassador: Yes.

27

-4-

Dr. Feis: Is that only in connection with an agree-

ment or is the Government disposed to discuss movement of

Russian gold, of Soviet gold, into the world market now?

HM,Jr: I don't get it. Do you mind doing it again?
Dr. Feis: There is the matter of exchange of information, and then the matter of possible agreement regarding
gold. Well, short of an agreement, thinking only of ex-

change of information, if I understand the Ambassador's reply
correctly, his Government does not feel disposed to exchange
information regarding gold production or stocks.

HM,Jr: That's all right.
Dr. Feis: Is it ready to discuss movement of gold on

to the world market?

Ambresador: Yes. I think we are ready to discuss the
question of information and even the question of an agreement.
Dr. Feis: I did not know whether you were prepared to

discuss exchange of information.

Ambassador: Of course; I think so.
HM,Jr: Information on gold leaving Russia. In other
words, the Russian Government is ready to discuss anything
that has to do with gold once it leaves your borders, but
what gold stocks you have inside of Russia is an internal
matter.

Ambasssador: The same as other agreements we have on

sugar, timber mainly. We are ready to discuss this side of
the movement, outside of the borders. I think it is most
important for you.

HM,Jr: Yes. I think your message is very encouraging,
but you have moved a little bit too quickly for me.
Ambassador: (Laughing.)

HM,Jr: So I am not ready to give you an answer, because
I did not know how you would answer us.

Ambassador: All right. It's a serious problem and

28

-5-

cannot be settled in two minutes.

HM,Jr: It's very serious.
Ambassador: If you are ready to have any agreement,
I want to have some suggestions, in general lines; maybe

not in detail -- but if you can work out some foundation,
main lines of the suggestions of the agreement for our discussion, if you want to get an agreement.

HM,Jr: You might be thinking this over. If we dis-

cussed gold, we might also want to include silver.

Ambassador:
I don't
know; probably yes. My personal
opinion,
it is probably
yes.

justsilver.
raising it now. If we took gold, we
mightHM,Jr:
want toI am
include

Ambassador: Yes. Why not? Yes. All right.
HM,Jr: Because, take in the two metals, we might just
as well discuss the two, I think.
Ambassador: What do you think about the French situation?

HM,Jr: The information this morning that came over the

news ticker is that they are going to propose to their Parlia-

ment a new tax plan.
you?

Ambassador: But they will not abolish the agreement with

HM,Jr: We have received no such information. Their
Minister of Commerce was supposed to have made some statement
yesterday, but I don't think that their Minister of Commerce
would be authorized to speak. But we have no information as
to anything, and the news ticker carry the story that they
have a new tax program which they will put up to Parliament
to raise enough money to meet their deficit, but it's a situation that has to be watched hourly.
Ambassador: All right.
HM,Jr: Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador.
000-000

OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO

29

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON D.C.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON

June 15, 1937.

My dear Mr. Secretary:

I enclose for your information a copy of
paraphrase of strictly confidential telegram
No. 785, 786, 787 (in three sections) of June 14,
1937, from the American Embassy, Paris.

Sincerely yours,
Enclosure:

No. 785, 786, 787
from Paris, June 14,

1937.

Greethree

The Honorable

Henry Morgenthau, Jr.,

Secretary of the Treasury.

Department of State
EA

L

BUREAU

VISION

ENCLOSURE
TO

Letter drafted
ADDRESSED TO

TREASURY.

30
PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM: American Embassy, Paris, France

DATE: June 14, 1937, 11 p.m.
NO.:

785, 786, 787.

RUSH.

STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL FOR THE SECRETARY.

I refer to my telegram of June 14, No. 780.
I was informed by Blum this evening that unanimous
decision was reached by the Cabinet this afternoon to

demand full powers to regulate all financial matters
by decree laws tomorrow in the Chamber of Deputies, and

later in the week in the Senate.
Blum told me that when he had left me at luncheon
he had not known how his Cabinet would react and there-

fore had not known what to say to me. This afternoon
when he made his proposal to the Cabinet, among certain

Radical Socialist Ministers there was a sentiment to

refuse to go along with him on this measure. This afternoon he had nearly fallen.
Blum had suggested after a discussion that the Radical Socialist Ministers Chautemps, Daladier and Delbos
should have a conference and should meet him, Auriol, and

Paul Faure for a definite decision on the matter. Following these conferences decision was reached by the Cabinet

for unanimous support of Blum in his demand for full powers.
Blum

31

-2Blum was confident that full powers would be given to
him by the Chamber of Deputies, but abstentions of Rad-

ical Socialist deputies would reduce his majority.
It was his hope that at a night session tomorrow,
Tuesday, full powers would be voted him by the Chamber

of Deputies, and by Thursday or Friday of this week he

believed the bill would reach the Senate. It is highly
probable, he said, that full powers would not be voted
by the Senate, and that his Government would no longer
be able to stand.

No one except the intimate circle of the Cabinet,
Blum asserted, knows about the decision taken, and he
asked me to keep secret except from my Government what
he had told me.

He went to see Jean Neney, President of the Senate,

to tell him about the decision after I left him this
evening.

I questioned the Prime Minister as to what use he
would make of the full powers should they be given to
him. His reply was that he would publish two decrees at
once. First the franc would be stabilized and the announcement made that no matter what the cost it would be maintained

at a fixed rate. I asked whether that meant he would
approach the British and American Governments with a view
to

32

-3to obtaining stabilization agreements; he had no inten-

tion of doing this, he said.
His second decree would forbid the export of capital
from France. It was his feeling that this was not contrary to the provisions of the Tripartite Agreement.
He could see no other way of preventing the flight of
capital from France, and it was absolutely essential to
stop it.
I asked the Prime Minister what else he had planned

to do. Auriol, he said, would propose an increase in
railroad rates, postoffice rates, increase in tobacco
monopoly rates, and many minor tax increases.
The only other person present at dinner was Madame

Blum who said that she believed the only motto for the
Prime Minister today was "l'audace, l'audace, toujours
l'audace". Blum concurred in this.
During the evening Blum was entirely at ease and
happy on the whole. My impression was that he was composed

due to his expectation that the Senate would reject his
proposals and soon he would be rid of the responsibility
of Government, rather than due to a hope that the full
powers for which he will ask would be granted.
END OF MESSAGE.

BULLITT.
EA:LWW

33

June 15, 1937.
11:20 a.m.
H.M.Jr:

Hello

Operator:

Mr. Branch.

H.M.Jrb

Hello

Harlee
Branch:

Hello Henry, how are you?

H.M.Jr:
B:

I'm all right for an old man.
Well you're not getting old are you?

H.M.Jr:

Very fast.

B:

Well I hope you'll do something to block progress

in that direction.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

B:

Henry.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

B:

I've got a matter here and one that Mr. Farley and

all of us are interested in. Ah - we've got a young
lady that we're interested in who is in your service

over there.
H.M.Jr:

Yes.

A Miss Evans. She's with your Accounts and Deposits

B:

Service.
H.M.Jr:
B:

H.M.Jr:
B:

Yes.

And you're letting a number of people out because

your work has fallen off, as is the case in other
government departments. We hope that if there is
anything you can do to retain her that you'll do it.
Will you mind talking to Danny Bell; I don't inter-

fere in that at all.

Has Bell - has Bell got this?

-2H.M.Jr:

Yes.

B:

There's a man named Bartelt seems to be the head

H.M.Jr:

Well Bell's the boy.

B:

Well I'll be glad to do that and I thank you for

of it but I didn't know him at all.
referring me to him.

H.M.Jr:
B:

H.M.Jr:
B:

H.M.Jr:
B:

I - I - I mean that's happening every day and I'm

not

I know it is.
and I'm not interfering.
I know. Well thank you, Henry.
Not at all.
Thank you.

34

35

June 15, 1937.
11:22 a.m.

H.M.Jr:

Hello

Operator:

Secretary Woodring is in Kansas for about ten days.
General Craig is acting.

H.M.Jr:

Well let me talk to Craig.

0:

All right.
(Short pause)

H.M.Jr:

Hello

0:

General Craig. Go ahead.

H.M.Jr:

Hello General?

Craig:

General Craig speaking. Good morning Mr. Secretary.

H.M.Jr:

How are you?

C:

Fine, sir.

H.M.Jr:

General, the Army has asked me to see President Quezon
at 11:30.

C:

Who - who asked you to sir?

H.M.Jr:

Ah - just a minute. General Burnett.

C:

Oh yes, he's the intra-bureau man.

H.M.Jr:

Ah - do you know anything about this - ah- ah
cocoanut oil money?

C:

H.M.Jr:
C:

I'm really - I'm really, yes sir, I know in general
what it is and it's - the Courts have said it shall

be turned back - excise taxes to the Philippinos.
Well has the Army taken any position officially
in advising the President on this?

No sir. No sir.

-2H.M.Jr:

36

Well, of course, I'm in an embarrassing position.
I don't know just what - ah - President Quezon is
going to ask and I understand that General Burnett
did not wish to accompany him.

C:

Well General - they were here, Mr. Secretary,
and he asked me about it and I told him that that
was a matter which - ah - which was one to arrange
between his government and probably the State or
the Treasury Department or both. It is something
that we haven't a thing to do with and he wants the
money, of course, and I told him that it was my
opinion that the matter was one of arrangement
between his government and ours.

H.M.Jr:

Well did you indicate to him, in any way, as to
not pay it to him?
None the slightest.

whether the United States Government should or should

C:

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

No sir.

H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:
C:

Well that helps.
None the slightest.
Ah -

I just merely indicated to him that the matter

was one which - with which the War Department

had nothing to do and it might not even be asked
H.M.Jr:
C:

its opinion.
I see. Well - ah - thank you very much.
Yes sir, I - I intimated to him that it might be
the State Department. It is a matter of something

that is not military at all.

H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

And might be the State Department but it might be
also the Treasury or both.

Well I have a representative of the State Department here and he's going to be here at 11:30
with me.

-3C:

Yes sir, well Quezon is on the way over to you now.

H.M.Jr:

Thank you very much.

C:

Yes sir.

H.M.Jr:

Goodbye.

C:

Goodbye.

37

38

June 15, 1937.
11:33 a.m.
H.M.Jr:

Hello.

Hull:

Henry, what's going on?

H.M.Jr:

Well I've had Herbert Feis over here most of the
morning

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

and we just have finished a very exciting
conversation with the President of the Philippines.

H:

H.M.Jr:

Oh I see.

And he's terribly excited because we're holding

up his cocoanut money
H:

Ah-ha.

H.M.Jr:

and he claims that it isn't fair; that it was

H.M.Jr:

objections on the part of the Treasury which is
holding it up.
Oh I see. I hadn't heard anything about it.
Well I didn't either until he walked in here.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Now I'm glad Feis was here and he could tell you
because I told Mr. Quezon that the State Department and the Treasury would try and make up
its mind in a day or two and give him whatever the
opinion of the United States government was

H:

Ah-ha.

H.M.Jr:

and that we, the Treasury, was simply a depository
for his money.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

But I think it is fair to tell him and give him all
the legal reasons why the thing is held up. I think
it - it certainly puts me personally on the spot.

H:

-2-

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:

H:

H.M.Jr:

I see - I see. I didn't know anything about it.
Well I didn't either and Herbert Feis is here and
he says its all news to him.

Yes.

But I - I do think - ah - I'm ready to cooperate
and I want to cooperate but I think we've got to
give the man an answer.
Yes - `yes, of course.

I mean we've got 55 million dollars of that cocoanut

money on deposit.
H:

H.M.Jr:

H:

Yes, well that - ah
And I called up General Craig because Woodring was

away and the Army takes the attitude this is none
of their business.
That is the business of the

H.M.Jr:

The State and Treasury.

H:

The State and the - well the Treasury is just a

H.M.Jr:
H:

depository, isn't it?
That's all.

Well I didn't - I don't know - I'll - I'11 see

whether its our business - whatever function we've

H.M.Jr:
H:

39

got we'll function.
You mean it isn't up to us to think of reasons
why we shouldn't tell him.

Yes, I'll look into it.

H.M.Jr:

I'd appreciate it and then we had a very interesting
talk with a Russian Ambassador and Herbert Feis sat
in on that and he sat in on our talks on gold.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

So I'm glad you let him come-over and he'll give it
to you.

-3-

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:

Well thank you.

It's very helpful to have him here.
Well he's - he's a capable fellow.
He's all right.

H:

Well thank you, Henry.

H.M.Jr:

Thank you.

40

41

June 15, 1937
11:30 a. m.
Present:

President Quezon

Mr. Taylor
Dr. Feis
Mr. Opper

Mr. Quezon: Good morning, Mr. Secretary

HM,Jr: Well, how was your stay abroad?

Mr. Quezon: Very nice. It was quiet. I think the

most "saintly" visit that I ever made to Europe was this
time!

HM,Jr: Where were you in Europe that it was quiet?

Mr. Quezon: I was just in Paris.
If I may, I would like to speak to you of the purpose
of this visit. As you know, the Courts decided that that
Act which provided the return to the Philippine Government

of the excise tax on oil is constitutional. And there is

money now in the Treasury Department and I should like to
have that money in the Philippine Treasury where, in my opinion, it belongs. I was told by Mr. Sayre that there seems
to be some difficulty offered in the Treasury Department and
I just would like to know what, and why?

HM,Jr: No. Our position is this. Before you sailed,

you wrote me a letter on April 26th, and pending your return

I have been really waiting to hear from you. Now, the position that you take today, I take it, is you would like to

have the money.

Mr. Quezon: Yes, sir. I was told by some officials

of the State Department that the thought is in the mind of
you people that this money has been granted to the Philippines on one condition, namely, that it should not be spent

for the benefit of the cocoanut planters, either directly
or indirectly, and that they are afraid that if this money

42

-2-

was turned over to the Philippine Government that we would

violate, that we might violate, that condition imposed by
Congress, and while if we had done that at the time when the
payment of this money to the Philippine Government could have
been stopped by Congress enacting a law prohibiting the full
return to the Government of that excise tax, now that the money
has been accumulated we would be pleased to have that $50,000,000.
I was told that is the reason there was some doubt in the Treasury Department and that you were contemplating, before delivering this money to the Philippine Treasury, submitting the case
to Congress again.

HM,Jr: No. I don't know just who gave you this, but my
position has been that I have been waiting for your return. Now
you have come back, but what I would like to ask is, give me a
day or two to talk to the State Department and find out what
they have in mind, and the thing for us to do is to give you
an answer from the Government, not from one Department.
think, that's why I asked that Dr. Feis be here, SO that we would
make it as easy as possible for you and not say one Department
says this and another Department says this.
Mr. Quezon: Mr. Secretary, I want to put my cards on the
I can understand that there may be some fear of the
table.
responsible officials of this Government that we might spend
this money contrary to that restriction imposed by Congress.
I want to say that in the first place there is not the slightest ground for that feeling, because I do not propose to recommend to the Legislature, and under our Constitution the Legislature cannot appropriate funds except upon the recommendation
of the Chief Executive, and if they do and I vetoed it, it requires three-fourths of the vote of the Legislature to override my veto, whereas in ordinary cases two-thirds is enough
to override.
I

I do not propose to recommend that that money be spent,

directly or indirectly, for the benefit of the cocoanut producers. I want to spend it for the benefit of the Philippine

people as a whole, but if I wanted to do it I would not because
we have 60 many things that require to be done that that money
can be spent in the interests of the country much more advantageously than spending it for the benefit of a particular
group, so that there is not the slightest fear of that, and
I hope my word is good enough to give you that assurance, but

if it wasn't, I am willing to enter into this understanding

43

-3-

with you people, although the law -- I want to say in the
first place, I want to say that in my opinion this money
should go to the Philippine Treasury and the Philippine Legislature ought to have the right to spend it in any way it
pleasued provided it does not spend it in the interest of
the cocoanut planters directly or indirectly, but I am willing to go further and agree with you that I will submit the

plan of how I intend to spend that money to this Government
so that the Government may be assured before the Legislature

act that we are not spending it, indirectly or directly, for
the benefit of those people. I am willing to do that.
HM,Jr: Well, frankly, I have not studied it. I had
your letter which you were kind enough to write me. Your
money is here. I haven't spend it. And I was awaiting your
return.
Mr. Quezon; But, Mr. Secretary, there is one point I

would like to call to your attention. This, to me, is of

great importance, because it means more than that money. It
means the future, the maintenance of the present very friendly
attitude of the Filipinos to the Government of the United
States. For the last two years there has been a growing
fear in the mind of my people that the Congress of the United

States is not very friendly, enacting legislation at the behest
of private industry that was injurious to the Philippines. So
far, this feeling has not affected the mental attitude of my

people towards the United States, because they knew that the
President has always fought every attempt on the part of some
Committee of Congress to enact such kind of legislation. There-

fore, their faith is in the Government.

After we secured from Congress, with the help of the Treasury Department -- I am going to be very frank with you, Mr.
Secretary because there is no use of talking with mental reser-

vations; in the first place, I don't know how to do that --

with the help of the Treasury we secured enactment of law for
payment of funds which we lost. Then, later on, Congress
refused to appropriate the money and we found that the Treasury Department was no longer interested in helping us to get
that money. Now, if objection is offered to the payment of
this money or if the payment of the money is delayed, my goodness gracious! our people will think that we are dealing with
an enemy Government instead of a friendly Government and I am

44

-4-

beginning to feel that way myself. I am speaking the mind
of my people as I am speaking my own mind. I am just beginning to feel we have no friends in the United States.
Let's quit and let's separate at least as long as we are
friends and not separate after we are no longer friends.
America has been a friend to the Philippine Islands for
thirty-five years, very wonderful work recognized and acknowledged by the Philippines and it has created a feeling
of gratitude. They ought to be interested in preserving
that. Even if we part company in the political field, we

want to preserve that sentimental attachment.

HM,Jr: I think there is every wish here
Mr. Quezon: We are really thinking you are trying to
find every opportunity to kick us about. We are just human.
You created this feeling of gratitude because you were kind
and thoughtful and helpful. Well, the minute you began to
be the opposite, the human reaction is noticeable.
HM,Jr: Well, as far as I know, there has been nobody
who has talked to me and certainly I have talked to nobody
who has anything but the kindliest feeling and appreciate
what the friendship of the Philippines means to us and we
have every desire to keep it and I wouldn't jump to any conclusions about this cocoanut money until I have the time --

it's Governmental; it's not Treasury. We are simply a

bank. And if the Government will simply make up their mind
what they want to do, the money 1s here and it isn't for us

to put any rules or regulations around this money. It's here
to your credit and just as soon as the Government says this is
what we want to do, we will sign a check in five seconds, but
as far as I know -- you sec, you come in today at a quarter of
twelve, say, it's june 15th, and the last I had from you was
^pril 26th. Now I have simply been waiting for an expression
andyou have been very frank, and if you will give me a reasonable amount of time, I will try to be equally as frank and to
the point, but this is the first indication that I have had
that you were ready for the money. So if you will be just
a little patient and give us a few days to turn about
Mr. Quezon: Yes, Mr. Secretary. I will be at your dis-

posal any time.

HM,Jr: I assure you there will be no time lost. I will

45

-5-

bring it to the President's attention at once and Feis will
bring it to the attention of Secretary Hull at once and I will
urge them that the Government make up its mind what they want
to do. We are simply a bank and the money is there.
Mr. Quezon: All right, Mr. Secretary. Thank you very
And as I said, I am willing to cooperate in the sense
much.
that the Government of the United States has some suggestions
as to how in their opinion this money could be spent to the
greatest advantage of the Philippines themselves, I will be
very happy to cooperate in that.

HM,Jr: Thank you very much.
00o-000

46
MALACAÑAN PALACE
MANILA
THE AMBASSADOR HOTEL
NEW YORK CITY

April 26th

1937

My dear Mr. Secretary:
Reference is made to prior correspondence on behalf of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philip-

pines, the latest letter being addressed to you on December
19, 1936, by the Honorable Quintin Paredes in connection
with cocoanut oil tax payments to the Philippine Treasury
under Section 602 superscript(6) of the Revenue Act of 1934.

I am at the present time contemplating action
looking toward the deposit in the name of the Treasury of

the Philippine Commonwealth of any such payments with the

Secretary of the Treasury of the United States pursuant to

the Act of June 11, 1934, 48 Stat. 929 (U.S.C. Title 48,

Sec. 1157), and Act 4128 of the Tenth Philippine Legislature approved October 15, 1934. Inasmuch as I am going to
Europe in a few days and will not return to the United States until the end of May I request that any funds that may
be due and available for payment to the Philippine Government pursuant to the above-mentioned Act be held status quo

until my return. You may consider this letter to be in lieu
of prior correspondence above referred to.

Very truly yours,

PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES

The Honorable

The Secretary of the Treasury
(Through the Honorable
The Secretary of War
Washington, DC)

47
MEMORANDUM OF THE DAY'S ACTIVITIES

June 15, 1937
To:

Secretary Morgenthau

From:

Mr. Magill

1. Excise tax extension
Senator Harrison succeeded in obtaining a favorable report on the
resolution to extend the excise taxes, without amendment except a

change in the period of extension from two years to one year. Senator
Vandenberg's motion providing for hearings was defeated 6 to 7: a series
of amendments by Senator La Follette to increase the surtax rates and
lower the exemptions were defeated on a tie vote7 to 7; and Senator
Bulkley's amendment to increase the excise tax on paper-book matches
was defeated.

At the same meeting the Senate Finance Committee reported favorably

H.R.6215. repealing section 148(d) of the Revenue Act providing for

publicity of corporate salaries in excess of $15,000; and s.2473 eliminating the oath on income tax returns.
Senator Harrison hopes to put the excise tax extension through the
Senate within a week.

2. Tax investigation
I had two long conferences with Senator Harrison and Mr. Doughton
regarding the procedure, the second conference being attended by

Robert H. Jackson. The two chairmen indicated that their idea was that
the committee should have no counsel and that the Treasury should pre-

sent its information by means of statements of Treasury officials cog-

nizant of the facts. They felt that taxpayers should be invited to explain their cases if they wished, but that witnesses should not be called
or subpoenaed.

-2- We told them that we were quite sure that this plan differed completely from the President's and that he desired that witnesses be
called and the evidence presented in that way. Senator Harrison said
that the President had never made any such suggestion in his numerous

conferences with them. The two chairmen felt that if the material was
presented as they had in mind there was no need for counsel except to

advise the Treasury in the organization of the material.
We agreed that I should advise the President of their understanding

and that we should ask the President to see us in order that the procedure might be fully agreed upon.
I had luncheon with Robert Jackson in the Department of Justice and

there met the Attorney General. He told me that he could not possibly
spare Jackson for a job of this kind, since his work in the Department
was too important. The Attorney General suggested that Thurman Arnold

would give us all his time and Mr. Jackson said that Arnold would be

glad to do 80. I, therefore, arranged for Arnold to come back to the
Treasury with me and start to work as chairman of a directing committee
consisting of Messrs. Arnold, chairman; Irey, Tarleau, Kent and Mechem.

This committee is to prepare statements for you and me; to go over the
evidence and prepare statements with respect to each of the various

items which will be delivered by various officials in the Bureau, such
as Messrs. Helvering, Russell, Shafroth, Irey, etc.
In my conversation with the President over the telephone at 3:45 P.M.,

after I informed him that the Committee did not wish to call witnesses
and take testimony as he had planned, he suggested that the Treasury

might proceed with ten days of hearings, making the statements in the

48

49

-3form desired by the Committee, We might then inform the Committee that
there were a number of other cases with different angles which the

Committee should have in order to present a fair picture. We might
then take a week or two of adjournment and present these other cases.
He thought we could probably persuade the Committee to hear witnesses

in some cases even though not in all. He felt that we should insist
that when witnesses appeared the Treasury must have counsel to crossquestion.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT

50

INTER OFFICE COMMUNICATION
DATE

TO

Secretary Morgenthau

FROM

Herman Oliphant

Responding to the President's request for the law as to the
possibility of the Treasury Department conducting a tax investigation

in disregard of the Joint Resolution No. 155, there are, from a legal
standpoint, two possibilities as follows:
1. The President, in discharge of his Constitutional duty to
recommend to the consideration of the Congress such measures as he

could

shall judge necessary and expedient, direct the Treasury Department
to make whatever investigation he deems necessary to provide himself

with the information needed or appropriate for formulating such reconmendations. He can direct the Treasury Department to hold public
hearings and to gather information and suggestions from people general-

ly. He would be authorized to implement such an investigation by an
Executive Order under Section 257(a) of the Revenue Act of 1926, making
were

open for inspection such tax returns required by such investigation,
and to use the returns thus opened for inspection in the examination

of a witness called in such investigation. The limitation on the
President's power thus to make tax returns open for inspection is that

he may not permit inspection of returns for arbitrary and trivial purposes, but for appropriate official purposes in particular classes of
cases when deemed in the public interest. Such investigation as is

-2-

51

outlined above for the limited purposes stated in the President's
message to the Congress would constitute such an appropriate official
purpose. In such an investigation there would be no power to summon
witnesses or documents.

2. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue could conduct this

tax investigation by calling a properly selected list of taxpayers
"for the purpose of ascertaining the correctness of any return or for
the purpose of making a return where none has been made." He could
compel

employ them to produce books and papers, and he could examine them

in open hearings. He could require the attendance of any employe of
a taxpayer and any third person having knowledge in the premises.
He would have power to administer oath and could go into the appro-

priate Federal district court to enforce his subpoena.
Such examination of taxpayers and third persons by the Commissioner

have heretofore been conducted in secret, but there is nothing in the
law to require this. An investigation so planned and conducted would
be subject to certain minor limitations which need not be detailed
here since none of them would constitute any insuperable obstacle.

52

Secretary Morgenthan
Herman Oliphant

Responding to the President's request for the law as to the
possibility of the Treasury Department conducting a tax investigation

in disregard of the Joint Resolution No. 155, there are, from a legal
standpoint, two possibilities as follows:
1. The President, in discharge of his Constitutional duty to
recommend to the consideration of the Congress such measures as he

would

shall judge necessary and expedient, direct the Treasury Department
to make whatever investigation he deems necessary to provide himself

with the information needed or appropriate for formulating such recommendations. He can direct the Treasury Department to hold public
hearings and to gather information and suggestions from people general-

ly. He would be authorized to implement such an investigation by an
Executive Order under Section 257(a) of the Revenue Act of 1926, making

sure

open for inspection such tax returns as required by such investigation,
and to use the returns thus opened for inspection in the examination

of a witness called in such investigation. The limitation on the
President's power thus to make tax returns open for inspection is that

he may not permit inspection of returns for arbitrary and trivial parposes, but for appropriate official purposes in particular classes of
cases when deemed in the public interest. Such investigation as is

-2-

53

outlined above for the limited purposes stated in the President's
message to the Congress would constitute such an appropriate official
purpose. In such an investigation there would be no power to summon
witnesses or documents.

2. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue could conduct this

tax investigation by calling & properly selected list of taxpayers
"for the purpose of ascertaining the correctness of any return or for
the purpose of making a return where none has been made." He could

compul

ampldy them to produce books and papers, and he could examine them

in open hearings. He CO ld require the attendance of any employe of
a taxpayer and any third person having knowledge in the premises.
He would have power to administer oath and could go into the appro-

priate Federal district court to enforce his subpoena.
Such examination of taxpayers and third persons by the Commissioner

have heretofore been conducted in secret, but there is nothing in the
law to require this. An investigation so planned and conducted would
be subject to certain minor limitations which need not be detailed
here since none of them would constitute any insuperable obstacle.

HO Typed 6/16/37

54

June 15, 1937.
11:48 p.m.

Operator: Go ahead.
Hello
H.M.Jr:

Hello - Roswell?

Magill:

I'm up here at the Capitol, Henry, I just got

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

M:

I couldn't get Jackson to come up; he wouldn't do it.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

M:

through and I'm talking to the two men.

Ah - it's perfectly clear that they were not thinking
in terms of having any counsel; what they were thinking
in terms of is - was for me to do all the presenting
on the part of the Treasury

H.M.Jr:
M:

H.M.Jr:
M:

Yes.

so I went all over that with them and told them
that we - ah - I thought we had to have somebody from
outside; it was very important to start it off right
and so on and they all agreed to that.
Yes.

Ah - then I said we ought to have a further conference
and I thought you and the big chief ought to be in.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

4:

Ah - they said no they didn't want to get him in;
they wanted to get their own ideas straight first
and they finally met with the idea that I could get
Jackson up here at 12:30

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

and go over it with him at that time.

M:

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

4:

Now if we're going to sell them the compromise here

why that's the time at which you've got to do it.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

55

-2-

M:

So I thought I'd go on down from here to Justice
and get ahold of Jackson and bring him back.

H.M.Jr:

Yes, you better phone him you're coming.

M:

Yes, well I - he's expecting me to come.

H.M.Jr:

Oh.

M:

At some such time as this.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

M:

Now do you think of anything else we should do?

H.M.Jr:

Not another thing.

M:

All right, well I'll get ahold of him and try to
get him up here.

H.M.Jr:

Thank you.

M:

Goodbye.

Mr. Oliphent
6/16 / 7

*I. Chufrotn will
notify Justice in
the Smith case.
AcGuire

appured by
the
President
and
myself
TREASURY DEPARTMENT

liquid

INTER OFFICE COMMUNICATION 10.15 A.M. June16,1937
DATE June 15, 1937

t the ,40
I

Secretary Morgenthau

TO

FROM

Hernan Oliphant

Attached hereto is & telegram from the United States District
Attorney at Los Angeles, transmitted to the Treasury Department by
the Department of Justice with the request for our recommendation in

the matter. This telegram is E. M. Smith's offer to plead guilty to
all counts in the two indictments now pending against him. This offer
is made on condition that the indictments against the other defendants
in this group of tax cases be dismissed.

We are advised that E. M. Smith, if permitted to plead guilty
as stated above, will renew his offer to pay the full tax (when determined by the appropriate agency-presumably the Board of Tax Ap-

peals) together with interest and penalty, and, when he comes before

the judge for sentence on his plea of guilty to the criminal charges,

will state to the court that he is not trying to escape his taxes but
has made the foregoing offer.

I have before me the recommendation of Mr. Shafroth that this
offer to plead guilty be accepted, and a memorandum from Mr. Irey
stating that he has consulted his three men who have worked on the

case and joins them in the opinion that this is a good offer and
should be accepted.

I concur in recommending the acceptance of this offer. It

-2-

constitutes a real victory. Mr. Smith is, of course, at liberty to
make any offer to settle his civil liability which he cares to and
to state to the judge considering his sentence that he has done so.

There is no way we could or should prevent this. The condition that
the indictments against the other 23 defendants be dismissed is not
unreasonable under the circumstances. In this group, E. M. Smith was

a wealthy and powerful man dominating it. We will, of course, proceed
to collect any taxes which any of these other defendants may owe, and

we will do what we can to see that a vigorous presentation is made
to the judge that E. M. Smith be given a substantial sentence on his

plea of guilty to the criminal charges.

Houseou

Enc. 1

noted muk

ATTORNEY GENERAL WASHINGTON 280
US

ORNEY LOS ANGELES TO ATTORNEY GENERAL ATTENTION MORRIS TAX

DIVISION

E DOHERTY COUNSEL FOR E M SMITH ET AL BEING PRESENT AT THE TIME
OF DICTATING THIS TELETYPE OFFERS ON BEHALF OF E M SMITH A DEFENDANT
IN THE TWO INDICTMENTS NOW PENDING AGAINST HIM AND OTHERS TO PLEAD

SAID E M SMITH GUILTY TO ALL COUNTS IN THE TWO SAID INDICTMENTS UPON
THE CONDITION THAT I BE AUTHORIZED TO DISMISS ALL COUNTS AGAINST ALL
REMAINING DEFENDANTS STOP I RECOMMEND THAT I BE GRANTED THE AUTHORITY
TO MAKE SUCH DISMISSALS UPON SUCH PLEA AND UPON EITHER THE SENTENCE OF
E M SMITH BY THE COURT OR THE OCCURRENCE OF SUCH OTHER EVENT IN THE
PROCEEDINGS AS WILL PRECLUDE THE GRANTING OF A MOTION BY THE DEFENDANT

TO SET ASIDE SUCH PLEA OF GUILTY ON THE PART OF E M SMITH STOP THIS
OFFER DOES NOT

XX

CONTEMPLATE THE SETTLEMENT OF THE CIVIL TAX

LIABILITY OF ANY OF THE DEFENDANTS BUT I FEEL YOU SHOULD KNOW THAT DEFENDANTS COUNSEL EXPECTS TO MAKE OFFER OF PAYMENT OF CIVIL LIABILITY
TO TREASURY DEPARTMENT ON SAME TERMS AND CONDITIONS SUBMITTED TO THE

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE IN LAST OFFER OF

X COMPROMISE AND TO MAKE

A STATEMENT CONCERNING SAME TO THE COURT AT TIME OF SENTENCE AS A PLEA
FOR MITIGATION OF PUNISHMENT
PEIRSON M HALL
END ACK PLS

Memorandum to: Mr. Oliphant

From: Mr. Shafroth

In re: E. II. Smith

Date: June 15, 1937

Attached hereto is telegran from United States

District Attorney at Los Angeles setting forth offer
of E. M Smith to plead guilty on condition that
indictments against other defendants be dismissed.

As Smith is the party res onsible for the plan and

the one who profited by it, it seems to no that the
offer should be accepted.

The Department of Justico would like our reconmendation in the matter.

M
Encl.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON
OFFICE OF
MISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE
ADDRESS REPLY TO
OF INTERNAL

AND REFER TO

June 15. 1937.

Memorandum for Mr. Oliphant:

You telephoned the this morning to the effect that a
telegram had bee: received from United States Attorney Hall
at Los Angeles, in which he stated that Mr. Dougerty, Attorney
for the E. M. Smith Company, had proposed to him that his client
would plead guilty to the counts in the indictments against
him with the understanding that the indictments against the
other individuals involved would be dismissed; further that
the taxpayer would again present to the Treasury Department
his offer of $1,500,000.00 and an agreement to pay such additional taxes, penalties and interest as might be found due by
the Board of Tax Appeals.
I have discussed this matter with Mr. I. W. Carpenter,
the attorney in the General Counsel's office who handled the
case, Mr. Ralph R. Reed, Special Agent in Charge of the
Intelligence Unit at Los Angeles and Mr. I. W. Gowdey, Assistant
Special Agent in Charge who conducted the investigation of the
case. We are all agreed that the offer is a satisfactory one
and should be accepted with the understanding, of course, that
a full presentation of the facts in the CESO will be made to
the court by the prosecuting officer at the time sentence is
to be passed.

Jet

62

PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM: American Embassy, Paris, France

DATE: June 15, 1937, noon.

NO.: 791
RUSH.

FROM COCHRAN.

This forenoon I visited the Bank of France. The
French stabilization fund in Monday's exchange trading

lost 685 million francs foreign exchange and gold. This
forenoon, up to ten-fifty-five o'clock, the losses had
been 110 million French francs, with very heavy pressure.
The transactions this morning wiped out the last of the
gold and foreign exchange in the Stabilization fund, which
has had therefore to begin taking gold against francs from
the Bank of France.

My contact told me that financial circles are convinced that before the end of the week the Blum Government

will fall no matter what measures may be introduced in
the French Parliament.

Exchange control for France has consistently been
favored by Governor Labeyrie, but during the past few days
he is not known to have made any new recommendations with

regard thereto. It is said that yesterday he submitted
to Prime Minister Blum a long memorandum in which he

accused the "200 families" of undermining the French Government.
Up

63

-2Up to the present the Bank of France has not received
confirmation of the rumor that Rist and Baudoin had re-

signed from the technical committee of the Stabilization
Fund.

The Bank of France just telephoned me (at 12:30

noon) that at noon both Rist and Baudoin failed to appear
for the daily meeting of the exchange experts, which
strengthens the belief that they resigned from their
posts.
BULLITT.

EA:LWW

64

GRAY

LMS

London

Dated June 15, 1937

Rec'd 3:02 p. m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

382, June 15, 7 p. m.
FOR CREASURY FROM BUTTERWORTH.

With reference to your 243, June 14, 4 p. m., I have
made indirectly some inquiries in the bullion market and
find that the Swiss have recently resumed gold sales here
in substantial amounts and were today sellers of gold.
The city is receiving very confused reports from Paris
and although dealings in franc futures have stopped in
Paris, in London one month's francs are at a 3 point discount while 3 months are at a 6 point discount. The gen-

eral attitude of the city and the British press towards
the French situation is well expressed in an article in
today's FINANCIAL TIMES which after enumerating the

palliatives which might at the moment be indulged in concludes:

"They can only straighten out the difficulties of the
Treasury for the time being. What the Government requires

most of all to restore financial stability is the return
of the

65

LMS 2-No. 382, June 15, 7 p. m., from London.

of the hundreds of milliards of francs which have found
voluntary exile in New York, London, Amsterdam and else-

where. To do this it must restore confidence in the

currency. And this is largely a question of internal
economic policy. So long as the program of social reform
stifles enterprise and burdens trade and industry with

such liabilities as to put them out of effective competition. the Treasury returns will continue to fall below
estimates and the foreign exchange weaken, The effects

even of a further devaluation of the franc would not avail
against the persistence of the United States factor, The
danger of a renewed flight of capital is greater than it
was in view of the fact that French investors, distrustful
of the price of gold and the fall in commodities are
seeking liquidity mainly through the medium of United
States dollars. From the international as well as from
the domestic standpoint therefore M. Blum is carrying a
heavy responsibility for reasonable economics and sound
finance".
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was asked in the
House of Commons this afternoon whether he was aware that

the surfeit of gold coming to London could be redistributed
throughout the world and British export trade greatly
increased by allowing the public issue in London of loans
to

66

LMS 3-No. 382, June 15, 7 p. m., from London.

to foreign borrowers, provided that British investors
were prepared to lose their savings by uncreditworthy
foreign borrowers defaulting again on their obligations
as shown in the annual reports of the Council of Foreign
Bondholders; and whether he would consider that aspect

of the remedy for unwanted gold as a reply to the demand
for raising the embargo on foreign lending.

Sir John Simon replied that foreign lending on a
large scale may no doubt tend to reduce the movement of

gold towards this country but the possible field of such
lending was much bestricted. He agreed that the making
of loans to uncreditworthy borrowers was not a process
from which good could result; it was the business of the
lender to distinguish between creditworthy and uncreditworthy applicants for loans and it was not the function
of the foreign transactions advisory committee to settle
that point.
BINGHAM
RR:WWC

67

GRAY

LMS

Paris

Dated June 15, 1937

Rec'd 5:27 p. m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

795, June 15, 5 p. m.
FROM COCHRAN.

Pressure on franc continues very heavy this afternoon

with French control still yielding sterling at 110.90.
Discount on forward franc has widened to francs for
three months. Money is very difficult to find. Bank of
France is scrutinizing rigidly all discount operations.
Rentes down 65 centimes to 1.30 francs. All French shares
weak and internationals in strong demand, Suez being up
1,000 francs.

Council of Ministers met this morning at 9:00 o'clock
and adopted the proposal which was approved by the Cabinet.

After the meeting, Minister of Finance Auriol made an
answer to the press. According to the news ticker he
said that while the Government had been endeavoring to

work at extreme speed in the formulation of its policies,
a speculative offensive had in the meantime developed.
Now it has become so serious that the program cannot be

held up pending a long parliamentary debate. The
Government

68

LMS 2-No. 795, June 15, 5 p. m., from Paris.
Government desires to restore public finances and strangle

speculation. With these two aims, Auriol said, it had
been decided to seek authority to take by ministerial decrees all measures necessary for the improvement of public

finances and for the protection of savings during a limited
period. The decrees would be submitted for ratification
within three weeks at an extraordinary session of Parliament. He said that this proposal would be submitted to
the Bureau of the Chamber at 3:00 o'clock this afternoon
with emphatic recommendation that the speculative offen-

sive must be checked. Auriol pointed out certain indices
showing recovery. From the report which I have seen he
said nothing about advances from the Bank of France to the

Government. The definite terms of the bill were not disclosed.

Because of the significance which has been attached

to it by certain foreign press correspondents, there is
provided herewith a translation of an item in AGENCE
ECONOMIQUE today which summarizes what it considers the

principal points of the speech which M. Bastid, Minister
of Commerce, made at the inauguration of the International
Congress of Exchanges.

"Following the measures taken with respect to quotas

and the lowering of customs tariffs decided upon last
October

69

LMS 3-No. 795, June 15, 5 p. m., from Paris.
October we have had the impression in France that this
liberal gesture remains without echo from abroad. We
have had the impression that we are trading 'one way

only'. Opinion is disturbed by the increase of our imports and by the deficit of our commercial balance. This
has given rise to a campaign which has been felt in the
Chamber for a return to protection and the abandonment

of liberal measures taken last autumn. This is a state
of mind which 70 cannot disregard and it is necessary
that this should be understood beyond our frontiers

especially by our friends who signed the tripartite arrange..
ment.

It is essential that the determination of the Government not to enclose itself in an autarchic system, which

the diversity of our metropolitan and colonial products
would render perhaps less difficult than for other countries, be supported by the active collaboration of other
governments; otherwise French opinion will no longer
understand and no Government will be able to resist reawakening protectionism" .

In connection with the declarations attributed to
Bastid, AGENCE ECONOMIQUE of today contends that the policy

by the Government has been exactly contrary to the prin-

ciples of liberalism envisaged in the arrangement of
September

70

LMS 4-No. 795, June 15, 5 p. m., from Paris.

September last and that it is not surprising that under
such circumstances it is forced to turn to a policy of
autarchy.

Bank of France has invoiced to Federal Reserve Bank

of New York for account of B I S 50,456,000 francs gold,
steamship PARIS.
BULLITT
SMS:ENB

71
TREASURY GROUP ON GOLD AND RELATED QUESTIONS

Present:

June 15, 1937
4:20 P.M.

Mrs Klotz
Mr. Taylor

Mr. Lochhead
Mr. Opper

Mr. White

Mr. Bell
Dr. Viner
Mr. Riefler

H.M.Jr:

Now Wayne, what do you want to say?

Taylor:

Nothing. Remember you told me that you'd like to

H.M.Jr:

see the crowd at four, after you got back, just to
Are you (Riefler)
Well, if there are no other

up-to-date?

H.M.Jr:

Roughly, I think.
All right. Have they kept you occupied?

Riefler:

Uh-huh.

H.M.Jr:

Roomed your feet on some desks? What?

Riefler:

All over.

H.M.Jr:

All right.

Taylor:

Not in connection with that bill, but I think maybe
you'd better tell that story, Clarence, about Mr.

Riefler:

Hester's session today.

Opper:

Well, I get it second-hand, of course. On Friday
we were notified that the Banking Committee of the
House wanted to hold hearings on the joint resolution

sent down to provide for payment to the Federal Reserve
banks of expenses in connection with the 1928 currency
that we asked the banks to destroy. We decided that

probabilities were that they'd try to make a field day

of that on asking questions on the Treasury's monetary
and gold policy, and so forth; so Hester went down
with a statement which dealt only with that bill itself
and the purposes of it, and he went through, I think,

a rather difficult session this morning staving off
questions; but he didn't - whenever he got a question
that got into monetary policy and had nothing to do
with the bill, he said that of course he hadn't prepared
himself on that, because he was simply directing his

72

-2-

attention toward the four corners of that bill.
And apparently the thing went off all right - but
a good deal of fencing - Patman and Luce principally.

H.M.Jr:

That's all right.
The only thing - other reason I really wanted to get
you people together was this: that if it is agreeable
to you, moved and seconded by Dr. Viner, we will meet
at 8:30 tomorrow morning, and I think we ought to.

Mrs Klotz: They all look so pleased.
I'm sitting here so they won't
Viner:
Here's this last telegram. Have you people seen
H.M.Jr.
this one?

Bell:

Question in order?

H.M.Jr:

This is June 14, 11 P.M.

Bell:

Question in order?

H.M.Jr:

No.

Bell:

I just wondered how long you were going to live at
the Hay-Adams.

Mrs Klotz: At the Carlton.
Oh, at the Carlton.
H.M.Jr:
(Hearty laughter)
Bell:

He just steps across the street and here's the Treasury.

H.M.Jr:

"I was informed by Blum this evening unanimous
decision was reached by the Cabinet this afternoon

to demand - I'd just as leave make it a

quarter of nine; I don't care. "I was informed by

Blum this evening unanimous decision was reached

by the Cabinet this afternoon to demand full powers
to regulate all financial matters by decree laws
tomorrow in the Chamber of Deputies, and later in the
week in the Senate."

This is Cochran, this is not Bullitt.

73

-3-

"Blum told me that when he had left me at luncheon
he had not known how his Cabinet would react and
therefore had not known what to say to me. This
afternoon when he made his proposal to the Cabinet,
among certain Radical Socialist Ministers there was
a sentiment to refuse to go along with him on this measure
This afternoon he had nearly fallen."
Mrs Klotz: Who?
H.M.Jr:

Blum. He was out smiling - fallen, risen again.
"Blum had suggested after a discussion that the Radical
Socialist Ministers Chautemps, Daladier" - please bear
with me on my French - "and Delbos should have a conference and should meet him, Auriol, and Paul Faure
for E definite decision on the matter. Following these
conferences decision was reached by the Cabinet for
unanimous support of Blum in his demand for full powers.
Blum was confident that full powers would be given to
him by the Chamber of Deputies, but abstentions of
Radical Socialist deputies would reduce his ma jority.

"It was his hope that at a night session tomorrow,

Tuesday, full powers would be voted him by the Chamber

of Deputies, and by Thursday or Friday of this week he

believed the bill would reach the Senate. It is highly
probable, ne said, that full powers would not be voted
by the Senate, and that his Government would no longer
be able to stand.
"No one except the intimate circle of the Cabinet,

Blum asserted, knows about the decision taken, and he
asked me to keep secret except from my Government
what he had told me."

I've seen this thing. What's-his-name gave it to us
this morning, didn't he?
Well, I don't know, but I think everybody might be
Looks
thinking what will happen if they devalue further
or put on exchange control, whatever they
as though this is going to be the week. That's about

all I got to say.

I'm sorry you (Riefler) weren't here this morning.

74

-4-

Riefler:
H.M.Jr:

Viner:
H.M.Jr:

I'm sorry too.
But you'll have - I imagine they'11 be back at us

Thursday. I have nothing; anybody want to ask me any
questions? Jake?

Would you care to talk about the question of limiting
purchases to central banks? You had it on your mind.
Well - I mean I had that move in mind, in case of - if

France left the tripartite, but I'm not in shape to
go any length in the discussion this afternoon or
this evening.

To keep you people posted, the Russian Ambassador has

informed us that he is ready to S tart a discussion
on the control of - export of gold outside of Russia.
He feels that what their amount of production of gold

in Russia - that is an internal matter, but he is
ready to discuss gold once it leaves their borders.
So that is something.

White:

It's not enough.

H.M.Jr:

That's all you'll get.

White:

To begin with.

H.M.Jr:

You won't get any more.

White:

I think so.

H.M.Jr:

No, you won't. That's the way they've worked on
sugar, that's the way they've worked on lumber, that's
their policy. Well, anyway, that's what he said; I
thought it was pretty good.
Ought to be able to arrange to send Harry over there

Taylor:

as a special investigator. It's a nice place right
now.

White:

Shooting too many people.

Viner:

Maybe that's what Wayne had in mind.
(Hearty laughter)

75

-5White:

Taylor:

A public denial is in order.
Harry was shaking his head about it - "That's not

enough.' 11 I mean if he wants to go over there and
get some more

H.M.Jr:

You made him a diplomat this morning.

White:

Now they want to shoot me.

H.M.Jr:

No, now we want to make you a general.

Bell:

He'd have to be a general so as to get shot.

H.M.Jr:

Riefler:

Well, I hope that both Viner and Riefler can stay
around for a couple days. Can you (Riefler)?
Yes, sir.
And may I say I'm delighted that you could come,
and you will be most useful.
I wish I could have gotten here; I would have been

H.M.Jr:

He's going to be here for a couple years. What's

Riefler:
H.M.Jr:

here if I could have had the message.

the difference if we start half a day late?
Now if it's agreeable to everybody, I'll be here
at 8:30 tomorrow morning.

Bell:

I'll be here.

Opper:

Nobody has any objections to that, Mr. Secretary.

76
OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON D.C.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON

June 15, 1937.

My dear Mr. Morgenthau:

In compliance with your request transmitted
through Dr. Feis, I am attaching hereto a memorandum

giving such information as is available in the Department concerning Soviet participation in international
arrangements dealing with the sale of Soviet timber
and sugar in the world market.
Sincerely yours,

Robat F. Kalley

Enclosure:
Memorandum.

The Honorable

Henry Morgenthau, junior,

Secretary of the Treasury.

77

MEMORANDUM

Soviet Participation in International Arrangements
Dealing with the Sale of Soviet Timber and Sugar
in the World Market.

TIMBER

The Soviet Government was a signatory to a convention known as the European Timber Exporters Convention
concluded at Copenhagen, Denmark, in November 1935,

which had for its purpose the voluntary limitation of
sawn softwood to be exported to European countries.
This Convention entered into effect December 11, 1935.
Previous attempts to reach an agreement limiting European

timber exports had met with no success due to the position

of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Therefore
the participation of the Soviet Union represented a change
of policy on the part of the Soviet Government considered
to have been motivated by purely commercial considerations

based on the low price received for timber exports. By
this agreement the total quantity of sawn softwood to be
exported by the participating countries in 1936 was fixed

at 3,850,000 standards. The quotas fixed for the participating countries were as follows:

Sweden

78

-2820,000

Sweden

1,005,000

Finland

U.S.S.R.
Poland

Czechoslovakis

Austria

Yugoslavia
Rumania

950,000
313,000
96,000
275,000
168,000
223,000

Total 3,850,000
An Executive Committee consisting of six members was
formed of which Sweden, Finland and the U.S.S.R. each had

one representative, the other five countries having three
joint representatives. This Convention which was concluded
for one year was renewed for a further period of one year
at a general conference which took place at Stockholm on
October 1, 1936. The above quotas remained unchanged,

with the addition of a quota of 127,000 standards for
Latvia, which had not participated in 1936 and an increase
of 23,000 standards to the Rumanian quota.
In addition to the sawn lumber convention, the U.S.S.R.
concluded in October 1936 an agreement with Finland concern-

ing the exports of pitprops. By this agreement it is expected that the pitprops exports of these countries, which
together supply about 85 per cent of the entire European
exports, will be reduced in 1937 by about 20 per cent.
SUGAR

79

-3SUGAR

The Soviet Government was a signatory to the International Agreement Regarding the Production and Marketing

of Sugar signed in London on May 6, 1937. Under this
agreement the Soviet Government agreed to limit its net

exports of raw sugar tel quel to the so-called free market
to the amount of 230,000 metric tons per annum for the

five years of the agreement. Exports to Mongolia, Sinkiang
and Tana Tuva are specifically not included in this quota.
In the agreement the Soviet Government gave notice that

during the quota year beginning September 1, 1937, it

will not make use of 11,500 tons of its basic quota. The
agreement also contained general statements of intention

on the part of the signatory governments in regard to the
advisability of preventing the accumulation of excess
stocks, the reduction of disproportionate fiscal charges
on sugar, encouragement of consumption, etc. With refer-

ence to these expressions of intention, at the time of
signing the Soviet delegate wrote in above his signature
the following statement:

"It is understood that in view of the fact that

the U.S.S.R. is a state governed on a planned principle,
Chapter 5 of the Agreement dealing with stocks and all
the other Articles in the various Chapters of this
Agreement which in any manner refer to internal production, do not apply to the U.S.S.R.".
On

80

-4on the general council which was set up to administer this
agreement, the Soviet Government has five votes out of a
total of 100. and in addition will be represented for three

out of the five years of the agreement on an Executive
Committee of nine members which will exercise any powers

delegated to it by the Council.
It would appear that while the Soviet Government is

willing to participate in agreements with other countries
regarding the regulation and control of exports to the
world market, it will not undertake as was shown by the
statement of the Soviet delegate in signing the Sugar
Agreement, any commitment under such agreements which

would affect or restrict the operation of its internal
economy.

81

MEMORANDUM

Soviet Participation in International Arrangements
Dealing with the Sale of Soviet Timber and Sugar
in the World Market.

TIMBER

The Soviet Government was B signatory to a convention known as the European Timber Exporters Convention
concluded et Copenhagen, Denmark, in November 1935,

which had for its purpose the voluntary limitation of
sawn softwood to be exported to European countries.
This Convention entered into effect December 11, 1935.
Previous attempts to reach on agreement limiting European

timber exports had met with no success due to the position

of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Therefore
the participation of the Soviet Union represented a change
of policy on the part of the Soviet Government considered
to have been motivated by purely commercial considerations

based on the low price received for timber exports. By
this agreement the total quantity of sawn softwood to be
exported by the participating countries in 1936 was fixed

at 3,850,000 standards. The quotas fixed for the participating countries were as follows:
Sweden

82

-2820,000

Sweden

1,005,000

Finland
U.S.S.R.
Poland

Czeahoalovakis

Austria

Yugoalavia
Rumania

950,000
313,000
96,000
275,000
168,000
223,000

Total 3,850,000
An Executive Committee consisting of six members was
formed of which Sweden, Finland and the U.S.S.R. each had

one representative, the other five countries having three
joint representatives. This Convention which was concluded
for one year was renewed for a further period of one year
at n general conference which took place at Stockholm on
October 1, 1936. The above quotas remained unchanged,

with the addition of a quota of 127,000 standards for
Latvin, which had not participated in 1936 and an increase
of 23,000 standards to the Rumanian quota.

In addition to the sawn lumber convention, the U.S.S.R.
concluded in October 1936 an agreement with Finland concern-

ing the exports of pitprops. By this agreement it is expected that the pitprops exports of these countries, which
together supply about 85 per cent of the entire European
exports, will be reduced in 1937 by about 20 per cent.
SUGAR

83

-3SUGAR

The Soviet Government was a signatory to the International Agreement Regarding the Production and Marketing

of Sugar si ned in London on May 6, 1937. Under this
agreement the Soviet Government agreed to limit its net

exports of raw sugar tel quel to the so-called free market
to the amount of 230,000 metric tons per annum for the
five years of the agreement. Exports to Mongolia, Sinkiang
and Tana Tuva are specifically not included in this quota.
In the agreement the Soviet Government gave notice that

during the quota year beginning September 1, 1937, it

will not make use of 11,500 tons of its basic quota. The
agreement also contained general statements of intention

on the part of the signatory governments in regard to the
advisability of preventing the accumulation of excess
stocks, the reduction of disproportionate fiscal charges
on sugar, encouragement of consumption, etc. With refer-

ence to these expressions of intention, at the time of
signing the Soviet delegate wrote in above his signature
the following statement:

"It is understood that in view of the fact that

the U.S.S.R. is a state governed on a planned principle,
Chapter 5 of the Agreement dealing with stocks and all

the other Articles in the various Chapters of this

Agreement which in any manner refer to internal produc-

tion, do not apply to the U.S.S.R.".

On

84

-4on the general e ouncil which was set up to administer this
agreement, the Soviet Government has five votes out of a
total of 100.and in addition will be represented for three
out of the five years of the agreement on an Executive
Committee of nine members which will exercise any powers

delegated to it by the Council.
It WO 14 appear that while the Soviet Government is

willing to participate in agreements with other countries
regarding the regulation and control of exports to the
world market, it will not undertake, as was shown by the
statement of the Soviet delegate in signing the Sugar
Agreement, any commitment under such agreements which

would affect or restrict the operation of its internal
economy.

85
TREASURY-FEDERAL RESERVE MEETING RE
GOLD AND RELATED QUESTIONS

Present:

June 15, 1937
8:40 P.M.

Mr. Taylor

Mr. Oliphant.
Mr. Lochhead Mr. White

Dr. Viner

Mr. Goldenweiser
Mr. Opper
Mr. WilliamsMr. Gardner
Mr. Knoke-

Mr. Eccles.

Mr. Harrison

Mr. Bell

Mr. Feis

(Eccles comes in)
H.M.Jr:

O.K., we'll start now. We won't wait a minute
longer. Sit down, Mr. Chairman.

Eccles:

Good morning.

H.M.Jr:

Well, I don't think we'll wait any longer. There

are a few missing people.

The reason that I asked for this meeting was that

I think all of us have been doing a lot of thinking
about this gold question, and we have had various
conversations, Eccles and I, and I know he's been
working with his staff and we've been working with
ours; and over the weekend I sort of concentrated

on the thing, got it clear in my head, and I thought
that I'd seriously discuss it with you people and see
if we can't work out a successful plan.
Now, I just want to tell you what we have in our
mind. There is the question of the handling of the
gold, sterilization, and the handling of the foreign
deposits, and the question of taxing aliens who
invest here. Now this morning, we can make a start,
if it is agreeable to you, and talk about this question
of reserves against foreign deposits, and I'll just we have jotted down in the agenda ten things; maybe
I better just read through the ten and then we can open
the discussion. There will be a few more people coming.

86

-2-

And may I say at the start, I am fully convinced
that this is a joint problem that we have to handle
together, see?

"A. Should we try to get legislation permitting an
increase in reserve requirements against deposits
for foreign account?
"1. To what maximum? 2. Should there be any
exemptions? For example, $5000 to $10,000 or
$25,000 on individual accounts, or more for bank
accounts?

"3. Should such deposits be held only by member
banks, or should any bank be permitted to carry
them as now?

"4. Should deposits for foreign account be exempt
from the F.D.I.C. fee?
"5. What should be the method of operation? The
sequence of steps?

"6. If reserve requirements against foreign deposits
are increased, ought the Treasury issue three-month

bills, or doesn't it matter much?
"How soon should we try to get the legislation?

"Should we consult other club members before seeking

legislation?

"Should we attempt to get other club members to adopt

somewhat similar measures?"

Roughly, those are some of the questions we'd like to

raise. I might say in passing that I've gone far
enough with this idea of handling sterilization of

gold through an increase in reserve requirements
against foreign deposits - interests me very much;
otherwise I wouldn't ask you people to come down.

I also think it might be interesting for you people
to know in passing that Sir Josiah Stamp was in - I
think he saw Mr. Eccles yesterday - and he asked me
if I had any message to take back. It reminded me
that last time, two years ago, I told him just what I

87

-3-

thought of England, and I told him this time I only
had pleasant words. He asked whether I thought we
should do anything together about gold, so I said
I'd rather not discuss it. So ne said, "Would you
mind if I made a comment?" I said, "No." "Well,
it seems to me the sensible thing for you to do is
to increase reserve requirements against foreign
deposits and in that way distribute the load." And
I thought that was very interesting, coming from him.
(Harrison comes in)
H.M.Jr:

Marriner, I've outlined - would you like to say
something? I mean is it agreeable to you that we
concentrate on this question of - or on these things
first, or is there something else you'd rather take
up first?

Eccles:

No, I certainly think that is a very important part

of any program, and of course there is the question
of taxation and

H.M.Jr:

May I - excuse me one minute - I want to say that Mr.
Riefler is coming and from now on is acting as a

consultant to our stabilization fund.

Eccles:

It seems to me that this is an important part, certainly, of any program, and it would seem in order
to consider whether it is just as well to mention
the tax aspects of the program along with it; it
seems to me it is all involved. It is as important
to do something to discourage capital coming here as
it is to take care of the sterilization of such capital
if it does come, and the idea of increasing reserves
against foreign deposits tends to of course meet the
problem created by capital coming here to the extent
that it will be discouraged from coming. And I think
it should be done.

H.M.Jr:

Well, may I just say this, that we see that right
things. There is the discouragement of foreign capital
through a tax program, which we can take up any
there is this question of increasing reserve requirements against foreign deposits; and there is a third
thing, the question of if they should transfer their

now - I mean as far as we have gone, there are three

deposits

88
-4-

Eccles:

To a Reserve bank?

H.M.Jr:

No, I mean transfer their deposits into short-terms the question of possibility of 0 transfer tax to
discourage that. And that's why we brought up the
question what kind of bills. But in order to make
some headway, if it is agreeable to you, we thought
we'd like to concentrate this morning on this question of whether or not it would be wise to do one as one leg of the stool, this question of excess
reserves. Is that agreeable to you?

Eccles:

That's agreeable to me.

Williams:

I'd like to ask one question about it. I think your

last remark may be contained in your answer. What
happens when there is a transfer of a foreign deposit,

say a transfer from Bank A to Bank B? I should think

your excess reserve problem would be recreated for you
right there, you see, because it would no longer be a

foreign deposit. It would go from the bank of origin
to a second bank, and there it has, it seems to me,

the same value as the reserve. Am I wrong about that?

Gardner:

illiams:

From
A to B.a foreign deposit to a domestic deposit, not from
From one bank to a second bank; it becomes a domestic

deposit in the second bank.

Gardner:

If it were a foreign deposit in the second, it would
be the same, but transferred from foreign to domestic
it becomes domestic.

Viner:

But how can it be transferred from foreign to domestic?

Williams:

Foreigner buying E security, foreigner buying goods
from an American.

Viner:

Williams:

Well, if he buys goods it's another story.
Then it's no longer a foreign deposit.
What happens there, Harry, is that it creates an

White:

That is part of the problem.

White:

excess reserve.

89

-5-

Williams:

Any kind of transfer, so long as it is from foreign
account to domestic account, recreates your whole
problem.

White:

Except it isn't a transfer; it is a change in the

nature of the deposit.
Viner:

Change in the ownership of deposits.

Williams:

That's the transfer..

Eccles:

Yes, but if the deposits

Williams:

See, your problem is recreated.

Viner:

What you are saying, John, is what happens if we
acquire a favorable trade balance on trade account.

Williams:

If they pass from the foreign deposit to the domestic,
you see, and there is no increase of reserve require-

ments on domestic deposits right away, you've got your
excess reserve problem.

white:

But this is designed to work both ways.

Williams:

That's why I said your last remark covers that maybe;

White:

Or even if the transfer tax is insufficient, if you

I don't know - the transfer tax.

have the foreign deposits being built down by virtue
of expenditure or by virtue of purchase of securities,
then there is another shift which needs to be met by
some action.

Williams:
Viner:
White:
Gardner:

That's right.
I don't think we've thought about this other one of a
favorable trade balance.

No, we don't worry about that.
No, but if you discourage them buying securities by a

transfer tax or some other form of taxation, that discouragement still leaves them with some income on the
securities. They may transfer from deposits into
securities nevertheless. Having done so, the sterilization problem is fully recreated.

30

-6-

Williams:

That's right; having done so, you've got your problem
all over again.

White:

That's quite right.
(Feis comes in)

Eccles:
H.M.Jr:

Did you have some proposal to submit on it? Have

you worked something out?

Well, we simply feel, as I say - you know what our
proposal is on the taxes; our proposal on the taxes
is a 35 percent withholding tax on all dividends of

Eccles:

aliens, giving the alien a right to submit an income
tax report, and if his income - and it is subjected
to exactly the same tax as that of a United States
citizen, and if his tax is less than 35 percent, we
refund him the difference.
That's not on dividends, that's on income.

H.M.Jr:

On income.

Eccles:

All income in this country.
Yes. We treat him just exactly the same as we do
our own citizen. And on that basis the State Department is perfectly willing to go along. Right?
It would be happier with 25 percent, but I guess it

H.M.Jr:

Feis:

has no choice.

H.M.Jr:

We're a one-price house, Herbert. We had you all
fixed on the 35 percent.

Feis:

No.

H.M.Jr:

Oh yes, I got the Secretary on record; Mr. Hull
I guess he's easier than I.
Well, you too.

Feis:
H.M.Jr:

Feis:

But certainly on the idea - there is no trouble in
the idea; just a question of the rate.

Harrison:

Does that apply to pre-existing ownership, Mr.
Secretary?

91

-7H.M.Jr:

How do you mean?

Harrison:

I mean it applies to all income from capital here;
it doesn't apply to future movements of capital.
Is it all income, the proposal?
Well, when we have it I'd rather have Magill here
and carry that; I mean I'm not prepared. Now, is
this discussion going to be so short on this question
of increasing
well, this is a pretty involved question. There's a
great many aspects to it, and I was just wondering if
you had some memorandum, if anybody had worked out a
proposal, or if they wanted us to do that. We have had
no consideration of

Viner:
H.M.Jr:

Eccles:

H.M.Jr:

Eccles:
H.M.Jr:
White:

Well, here's the thing. White is ready to answer any
questions on this thing. Let anybody ask any questions
they want to. You (White) want to state the position,
the argument for it? Then let them go after it. Is
that all right, Marriner?
Yes, sir.
Can you get going on this? Tell why you think it's a
good thing and also point out the weak points.
Setting aside the possible differences. in the procedure or the differences in amounts with respect to
exemptions, with respect to whether it shall be all
members - members only that shall be permitted to have
foreign deposits or whether it should be all banks setting aside all those questions, merely treating the
thing in the large, there appear to be the following
advantages for some such measure.

In the first place, it will place the burden of carrying a large portion of the inactive account, and
possibly all - one cannot say for certain, because
it depends on matters which will appear in the discussion - it places that burden on the banks, who in
turn may if they wish pass it on to some of the
depositors in the form of a small service charge,
if and when the reserve requirement reaches a certain

92

-8-

point. By so doing, by permitting the Treasury
to issue gold certificates against the inactive
account, gradually and in such proportions as will
not disturb the volume of excess reserves which
exists at any one time, we remove one very important
source of criticism against the Administration monetary policy, and, further, tend to take away some of
the support for the growing attitude of fear and concern over the whole gold problem. I don't mean to
say for a moment that that solves it; I merely say
that the existence of that inactive account, for which
the Government has to borrow to maintain, is receiving
much more attention, and they jump from that into the
whole question of gold; and you have repeated
criticism with respect to digging up gold in one
hole, paying for it, paying to maintain it, and
sticking it in another hole.
Thirdly, the proper conduct of that arrangement will
to some extent, to a rather substantial extent at a
point, support the Government's obligations, bill
market particularly. That is not a matter of prime
importance; it is merely one of the additional factors.
Fourthly, it may act as a mild deterrent. Alone it
wouldn't possibly be more than a very mild deterrent,
but if accompanied by some other device, it may be;
if made part of a larger program, it could be made it could fill out the picture of becoming some discouragement to further inflows of capital.
Fifthly, it serves to insulate to a considerable extent
the domestic economy against inflows and outflows of

gold.

Obviously, this would work both ways, as John suggested
when he came in; that is, we are merely considering
it from the point of view of what happens when the
balances are being built up. When the balances are
being reduced, either because of movement into
securities or because of more favorable balance of
payments, then you have to take steps which will serve

to take care of the excess reserves thus created.

I think those are probably the principal methods - the
principal advantages for the procedure. There are other

minor advantages.

93

-9-

Harrison: Does it apply to all deposits?
White:

well, that is something open to discussion.

Harrison:

You don't allow a man a normal working balance?

White:

I spoke of exemptions, and we were in favor of
some exemptions. Now, what those exemptions shall
be, whether they shall be $10,000 or $25,000,
whether they shall be exemptions on individuel
accounts or whether we shall permit a bank deposit to
have a larger exemption, is something that let's hope

Eccles:

we'll develop from this discussion.
You said something about the assistance to the bill
market. In what manner would it assist the bill
market?

White:

Well, depending upon what point the reserve requirements reach, there will be a point at which it will
be essential - at which you may drive some of the

deposits out into the bill market, if you don't have
the transfer tax.

Eccles:

Oh yes.

White:

And if that is so, then the demand for bills will be in
excess of the sale for bills, which may be necessitated

by the need of banks to get more cash.
H.M.Jr:

May I just interrupt one minute. That is one of the

reasons why I am anxious to concentrate on this question, because, if you (Eccles) remember, you and I

said we'd talk about bills; then when we got into the
bill thing and when we got into this, we saw that you
couldn't consider the one without the other. And we
thought that before we decided what our next method

of raising money through bills would be, we'd have to

discuss this. What we'd like to do, if you people are
willing - we'd like to sit every day on this thing for
a week, if possible, and see if we can come to some
conclusion. I think it would be a mistake to settle
what our bill policy is going to be and not have this.
Then the other thing - as you notice, they are getting
quite active on the Hill and when we pass our billion
dollar point - I mean they're going to get more active,

and the inflationary crowd is getting busy, and commodity

94

-10-

prices are falling. And we'll have Senator Glass
'26 and 127. So I think the time has come that the
Administration has got to make a move. And what
we'd like to do, if the Federal Reserve and if the
people who advise us concur - we'd like to sit right
straight through this week and see if we can't come to
a conclusion. I mean we're ready to do it, and these
people that we've asked to come down - Jake Viner's
ready; now that he's here, he said he doesn't care how

recommending going back to the old gold standard,

Viner:

long he stays.
I don't now.

Williams:

I was going to Canada.

H.M.Jr:

And Williams was - he much prefers Washington to

Gardner:

On the bill market, Harry, wouldn't there be more
support to the bill market if these funds remained
on deposit? Then they'd carry themselves; if they
go out into the bill market, the Treasury has to

White:

Canada.

sell more bills to sterilize them.
No, I think you'll find, again with the given assumptions - I say at a certain point - a certain point is

reached at which - and this presupposes an appropriate
management of the fund in such a way, as I say, not to
disturb the other excess reserves which will be brought
into play.

Williams:
White:

Isn't it true, in so far as they buy bills or anything

else, for that matter, you've got your excess reserve
problem, so then the Treasury has to sell more
I say there is a certain range, a certain point somewhere, let us say, roughly, for the sake of discussion,
between 50 and 75 percent, in which you've got the
movement increasing in one direction, in which the
demand is in excess of flow. If they have 50 percent
reserves, for example, if they draw down their balances,
they can use part of that 50 percent cash, which is
thus liberated, whereas the movement out utilizes a
hundred. I mean there is a - you reach a range in
which what you say is true, and you reach a range before

that in which the situation is different. But I

95

-11-

wouldn't say that is a major consideration.
Viner:

Well, the proposal would be admittedly incomplete

White:

It would be if the purpose were to discourage funds,
but if the purpose were merely to eliminate a large
portion of the inactive fund, that need not be so,
unless there's a great deal more gold that comes into
the purchase of long-term securities.

Harrison:

Mr. White, isn't what you're trying to do really to

Taylor:

Not necessarily.

Harrison:

No, not necessarily, but doesn't it tend to make this
an unattractive place for foreigners to put money for
trade purposes? Now, let's stick to that alone. And

if it didn't have some transfer proposition to deal
with
the bills.

discourage capital from coming over here for capital
investment, and not money from coming over here for
trade purposes, and doesn't the hundred percent reserve I'm just asking a question because I haven't thought it
out - doesn't the hundred percent reserve run the risk
of discouraging foreigners from doing business with us
for trade as much as from sending it over here for
ultimate capital investment?

especially if, as a result of the law, you indicate,
for instance, that banks might recompense themselves
by a service tax or something, it is just adding to
the cost of doing business in America.

White:

Only in so far as there is a service charge applied

does the maintenance of bank balances here for the
purposes of conduct of trade become slightly discour-

aged, - let's put it that way - depending, of course,
upon the size of the service charge.
But there are two things to be said about that.
First, that is one reason we were talking about
exemptions. If a sufficient exemption could be permitted so as to take care of a reasonably substantial
volume of deposits here, to take care of normal

commercial balances, that would be one way of helping
to meet that.

96

-12-

Secondly, I think it must be made clear to the
staff that there are two objectives. They may be
combined or they may rest independently on different
bases. One is to eliminate so far as the United
States is concerned, or reduce rather, the problem
created by the inactive account. Now, that can be
done without in any way - without significantly, let's
say, discouraging any inflow of capital. The second
is a different problem and a more difficult problem
to handle, and a more comprehensive problem, which
might also involve the first; namely, the discouragement of further inflows. Now that's a separate
problem. You see, you wouldn't get that except to
the extent of the service charge, and you wouldn't
even get it then unless - I mean you wouldn't get
it effectively unless you combine with that some
other portion of the program which is being suggested. But there are two separate problems, and
even if the second were out of the picture just for
the moment as a basis of discussion, the first itself,
I think, would justify some such step, even though
you might never reach a hundred percent; in fact, there
is much to be said, probably, for not doing it.
Golden.:

What level of percentage are you contemplating?

White:

Well, let's say, tentatively, supposing you gradually
approach somewhere between 60 and 75, for the first
purpose. Now, I'm not speaking of the second; for
the second purpose, there would be a different range.
For the first purpose, if you approach gradually
between 60 and 75, and if you didn't have a transfer
tax - as you approach 75, and the opinions would
differ - you may feel that you might approach it at
65 or 60; that's a matter of discussion and greater
familiarity with the psychology of the investor at that point you'd get a movement out of deposits.

Golden.:

What do you mean by gradually approaching?

White:

When I say gradually approach, I mean that you might
preliminarily set what figure you are shooting at, but
the achievement of that figure would be a gradual

approach, because I think that we all felt, in dis-

cussing it, that above all we should not do anything
to disturb the volume of excess reserves or the money
market. I mean the thing should be handled in such
a way as to create as little disturbance as possible.

97

-13Golden.:

You mean you'd give a period of time.

White:

Not only a period of time, but it could be in small
amounts; it might be a hundred million at a time,
possibly.

H.M.Jr:

We also - if I may interrupt a minute - thought of
it in terms of a hundred million because that would
give us a chance to let the banks adjust their excess
reserves and also judge on the bill market more

carefully. If we did it in bits of a hundred million,
as near as we could estimate, it would disturb the
picture as little as possible; do a hundred million
Golden.:

and then wait, then do another hundred million.
You mean that you would release from the inactive
account a hundred million at a time as the reserves
against those deposits increased correspondingly.

White:

And the cooperation of the Board would be necessary,

Taylor:

very definitely, at some point in that picture, where
there is a hiatus or a lapse, or there is apt to be,
at which they might engage in minor open market
operations to smooth over the transitional period
for a brief period of time.
But you would be thinking in terms of being able to
increase it to a hundred percent. In other words,

your flexibility would be that full.

White:

Golden.:

White:

The legislation would give us that, but the actual
operation, I think, would depend on which of these
two objectives you are shooting at, for the moment.
What you are considering is discretionary legislation
giving somebody authority to raise the requirements
against foreign deposits up to a hundred percent.
Now, to raise the reserve requirements up beyond 75
and 85 and 90 without some restraint of the movement

from deposits into other forms of high-grade shortterm securities might be to defeat the purpose which

you are achieving.
Golden.:

May I ask how you arrive at the point at which it will
defeat itself?

98

-14White:

I say that is a matter of difference of opinion, and
it is wholly & matter of subjective evaluation of at
what point will the banks place a service charge.
After all, the depositor doesn't move his funds
out until he has to pay something for it. So it's
a question of when certain banks will place a service
charge on certain accounts; secondly, how much.

The F.D.I.C. has a charge of 1-12 of one percent on
deposits, which includes these deposits. Now, as the
reserve requirements increase, that charge becomes a
greater burden on the remaining portion, with the
exception of the private banks, non-insured banks,

which don't pay that. That is one of the factors to
be considered.

H.M.Jr:

White:

H.M.Jr:
White:

May I just at this time give them the information that
we have as to where the money is. I think that would
be helpful to them. I mean how many banks.
we got it from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.

But the other people may not know it.
A preliminary, rather rough, figure - about 26 banks
hold about 95 percent approximately of the total,
and of those 26 banks I think that there are 12 or 13
that are non-member banks, including the private banks,
and so those banks alone have very little reserves,
less than a hundred - about a hundred million; at
least it was about a hundred million about a week ago.
But your problem centers around virtually those 26
banks. Of course, there are banks scattered throughout
the country which, as Archie pointed out, have small
accounts from immigrants or some such, who would be
interested in this as well as the banks in New York.
But the bulk of the volume is contained among those 26
banks.

Eccles:

Would it be all right, ES these reserve requirements
were increased, to desterilize to that extent, and the
fund would continue to buy gold just as you are doing at
the present time - all gold coming in - and then would

desterilize from the inactive gold fund to offset
whatever action was taken to increase the reserve
requirements against foreign balances.

White:

Yes, so that you wouldn't affect the volume of excess
reserves.

99

-15-

Taylor:

You wouldn't have to do it exactly, Marriner.

Eccles:

No, I mean approximately that would

White:

That's the objective.
difference of a hundred million or so wouldn't

Eccles:

A

make much difference. Of course, the mechanics of

the thing are pretty complex. The practical application of it is what worries me a good deal. The
identification of foreign accounts - and, of course,
for the larger accounts it wouldn't be a difficult
problem, particularly the balances of foreign central
banks and the balances of foreign commercial banks,
and I suppose certain big corporation balances.

Viner:

But this shouldn't apply to central bank deposits

Eccles:

Of course, if they are in the Federal Reserve they
are already sterilized.

if they keep it

But what I have been wondering is whether we could
accomplish the same purpose in a more simple manner

by requiring either all or such portion as we may
determine of the balances of central banks, and also
other foreign banks, to be carried in the Reserve
Pystem and not disturb the commercial balances. Now,
I think that would - it would depend, of course, to
what extent the foreign balances are carried in the
accounts of banks and central banks. If those accounts represent a substantial proportion of foreign
balances, it would greatly simplify the problem by
some such a requirement, because you would be dealing
with a comparatively few institutions and you would
not in that manner disturb in any way the - a lot of
the normal accounts, and you wouldn't have the job
of determining what balance would be permitted to

any account, which in itself is a difficult administrative problem.
I would like to see this. What we want to accomplish
primarily is to be able to sterilize or to increase
these reserves to a sufficient amount to enable the
Treasury to desterilize future acquisitions of gold,
at least up to a very substantial figure. It is
certainly to be hoped that within a year's period some

100
-16-

.M.Jr:

more permanent solution will be met, and in the this is an interim period to relieve the Treasury
from borrowing money for the purpose of sterilizing.
I will be even franker than that, and I am franker
than you; but we'd like to remove the political
pressure and possible unwise legislation to get us
by - well, if we could get by for six months so
that we can see this thing more clearly.
And there are other things, if you don't mind, which

I'll mention which are in the offing, which will be
helpful. The Finance Minister of Brazil is on his
way up. of course this whole thing is very, very
confidential. When the President was down there,
he talked about the possibility of selling them some
gold on the installment plan. That meets up with the
question of the redistribution of gold. We have Dr.

Kung coming; don't know what he wants. The Cubans
are here wanting us to help them. We are making some
headway with the Russians.

So - I mean everything looks towards some solution,

so that this thing is - the thing that I am afraid
of is that people like Thomas and Dies in the House
will use this gold sterilization of the Treasury
as an excuse to make us do something inflationary
to stop the seasonal drop in commodities; and they

fix it up in a package and the Treasury mustn't borrow
any more money, and they make us stop sterilizing.

And of course, the crowd doing it is the old inflationary crowd, and all you've got to do is look at
the price of cotton or wheat and you can see what's

motivating them.

I'm not attempting to do anything more than something

which the economists and technicians will tell us is
sound, and something that we won't regret, but at least
is a step forward and at the same time will take this
pressure off us to do something which would be very
unsound. I mean I can't be any more frank than that.
I don't want to do this or any other thing that may
be suggested unless everybody, or at least a majority
or two-thirds of the people, agree is a sound step,
something that we won't have to go back on, and which
will also disturb the financial centers to a minimum.
But I want to be as frank as that. I believe we have

101
-17-

to think something out. I think we can.
I want to say something for those that came here
late, and that's about Sir Josiah Stamp, who was
in to see me. He asked if he could take back any
message from me as to what I wanted to do on the

Leeles:

H.M.Jr:

gold question, and I said I was sorry, I didn't want
to discuss that. "Would you mind if I discussed it?"
I said, "Not at all." Then he said, "Well, I think
8 movement we ought to make on both sides of the waters
is to make the commercial banks share this responsibility
with the Treasuries of sterilizing gold." And he said,
"I think we ought to do it in England and I think you
ought to do it in the United States. I think it's the
answer to a lot of questions."
Of course, the United States has done - I told him
this; he raised the same point - I told him, "If
England will do what the United States has done, and
also the whole sterling area, the problem of the existing gold supply would be pretty well solved. The
question of further production is another question."
I didn't want to interrupt you, but I wanted to say
very, very frankly - I always try to - that what we
are talking about - I've got negotiations which we have
on now; we have our negotiations; I'm encouraged - but
I think what I'm trying to talk about is something to do
now which is sound economically and in every way
sound,
After
all,
but - and then later Marriner, see, as
if Herbert Feis doesn't mind my using him as an example,
the State Department will be moving heaven and earth

trying to get a trade treaty with England, and you can
only move them so fast; it isn't 0 thing you can do in
weeks; when we begin to talk with England on this thing,

it is a matter of months. But in the meantime it is to
be hoped that we might go part way - I mean on our own,
independent of action of any other country. Now I'll
stop.

White:

Can I direct remarks to his (Eccles) last suggestion?
I don't know whether you (Eccles) were through or not.
Were you?

Eccles:

Well, what - this action, it seems to me, is designed
to meet a temporary problem, and if it can be simplified
to meet the thing for the next six or eight months, then
we can cross whatever bridge that confronts us at that

102

-18-

time. We haven't had any chance to study this

other, on the possibility of dealing with certain
classes of accounts, large accounts, by requiring
either all or a portion to be carried in the

Reserve System; whether that would be practical

or not I don't know, but if it is and if it involves
a sufficient amount, say a possibility of a billion
dollars of further sterilization, it would relieve

the Treasury of the need of any borrowing, certainly,

until we get E chance to get other legislation, if
need be, next January and February. Whatever we can
do that will be the easiest of administration and will

cause the least disturbance to the normal banking func-

tion by foreigners, certainly I think we ought - should

try to do it.

Now, what were you going to say, White?
White:

Along that suggestion, I agree with you that anything
that would make for simplicity should be sought for.
I'm not sure that the suggestion that you tentatively

offer would make for simplicity or for complexity. In
the first place, you raise the difficulty of segregating
the type of deposits. I am wondering whether - if these
large deposits were by central banks, the problem would
be very simple, but there are very small amounts from
central banks in the Reserve bank. Consequently, it
would become a question of segregating among bank

deposits and individuals. Now, in the first place Jack (Viner) raised this point, that a great many of
the individuals abroad carry accounts which are in
effect bank deposits here; that is, they are carried
here in the name of some foreign bank: so that you
would have the problem of attempting to unscramble

a bank's particular deposits into what were individuals'
and what were its own deposits.

Eccles:

Wouldn't attempt that. I think that's only the case
in France, isn't it, where they make dollar deposits.
The English - that isn't true in England. And I
wasn't only thinking of central banks; I was thinking
of all the commercial bank balances which are carried
in the banks here. Now, we ought to be able to get have you got an idea, George, of what those balances

amount to in total?

Gardner:

They're in the hundred millions, and they're probably

about a billion. We know they're 700 million at least

103
-19-

and we know they are probably more than a billion,
because we don't get the reports of the non-members,
the private banks.
White:

Leeles:

Those bank balances are compounded, as I understand

it, made up of individual accounts abroad.
We could answer that. It would be merely that the
balances are carried here, for instance, in the name
of the foreign bank, and the American banks, as to
who that money belongs to, use

Viner:

Eccles:

for your exemption, if you start segregating them and
say that a certain percentage must be kept with the
Federal Reserve, then they will do the unscrembling
"and send them over as individual deposits.
That is true to some extent, but you say - as I understand it, the only place where that situation exists
is in France, and there's no banks outside of France
that are taking dollar deposits at all. And that, as
I understand it, involves a comparatively small amount.
And if we did this and the French depositors who are
making dollar deposits in France - the bank, of course the French bank would either have to absorb any cost
that was put on, and I imagine the Reserve System would
want to put some cost on, because there would be some
expense involved.

Viner:

I think English banks, Swiss banks, take dollar deposits.
I've had dollars with English banks.

Harrison:

They do it indirectly. If I'm a Britisher and I've

Eccles:

got L dollar obligation coming due in 90 days, I buy
future dollars and the bank sells them by dollars.

There would be some loss to the banks of those funds,
and they would open up individual a ccounts here. I

think that any legislation might give the power to the
Board to require the transfer of these balances to the
Reserve System or also to require an increase in
reserves on all foreign balances. The idea would be

White:

Eccles:

that you would then
The individual that shifts would always know

Well, if too much of that is done, why, we can require
the reserve, the proposition that we have discussed.

104
-20-

White:

Eccles:

Williams:

I think that the law should be sufficiently broad
and flexible so that the problem can be dealt with,
no matter what shifting transpires.
would you want to point out wherein it makes it
simpler? So far as issue of gold certificates is
concerned and its effect on the market, etc., it
appears to me that that problem would be identical;
any simplicity which exists would exist by virtue
of segregation of accounts. I am not sure it is in
the direction of simplicity. It may be in the direction
of favoring commercial accounts, but I am wondering
whether it isn't in the direction of complexity and
not simplicity; I'm not sure.
Well, the other would be terrific. You've got a lot
of foreign accounts, various names, and the possibility of evasion would be very great.
Wouldn't we have to run a foreign exchange commercial
department?

Viner:

You'd have to operate those accounts.

Williams:

Be E tremendous thing. You'd take over the whole
foreign exchange market if you take over those
balances.

Viner:

Then your bank would become an important bank.

Eccles:

You could require giving the Board the power to not
only increase reserve requirements on foreign balances all foreign balances, but to also - the right to classify them and increase the reserve account of certain
balances more than other balances. In other words,
you could take foreign banks, both central banks and
commercial banks, and you could require that the
reserve requirement against those balances be, say,
a hundred percent, whereas the reserve requirement
against other balances you may do nothing about.
In other words, just a requirement to make a blanket

increase covering all balances, I don't think it

would

Williams:

But that's not - as I understand it, you are now discussing the alternative; that is White's proposal.
either you increase the reserve requirements or

105
-21-

Eccles:

require that the balances be held in the Federal.
Now, the objection to holding them in the Federal
is that you really have to take over the whole
foreign exchange set-up unless you confine it to
central banks, in which case there's nothing to it.
But then, you could require that reserves against
foreign bank accounts could be increased up to a
hundred percent - that is, the other proposal without necessarily increasing the reserve requirements against other balances at all, having the right
to increase them if the situation warranted. That,
of course, would be dealing with only a part of the
foreign balances, but it would be dealing with that
part that represents fully half of all the foreign
balances that are here at the present time, and they
would be comparatively few in number and very large
in amount, so that the problem of policing them would
be very much simpler than if you made it cover every
balance. An immigrant's got a small balance in some

Lochhead:

Harrison:
H.M.Jr:

bank throughout the country here. Well, technically,
E reserve has got to be carried against that.
"eld figure out exemptions to take care of that.

Mr. Secretary, may I ask a question?
That's what we're here for.

Harrison:

Let's assume, for instance, that there are a billion
dollars of foreign deposits in this country.

H.M.Jr:

Don't you want to use the accurate figure?

White:

Billion eight.

Gardner:

Foreign bank deposits - you mean deposits by foreign

Harrison:

banks, as distinct from foreigners individually.
I want to get a mathematical equation here, and it
starts easier with a billion. Or let's put it differently; suppose there were a billion dollars of
foreign deposits in New York City; that means they
are carrying, I will now say, 25 percent reserve
against that billion.

106
-22White:

Only if they are in member banks.

Harrison:

All right, I'll simplify it by going that far, then.

Supposing there are a billion dollars of foreign
balances in member banks in New York City, and they
are carrying 250 millions of reserves with us now.
If you slap a hundred percent reserve requirement on,
that means they've got to put 750 millions more in the
Federal Reserve Bank out of the New York market, which

has now only got a hundred to two hundred millions.
Now the plan, as I would understand it, would be to

desterilize proportionately so as to build up those
excess reserves.

Harrison:

Dollar for dollar.
Dollar for dollar, but you couldn't, see, determine it

Viner:

Or back to the same banks.

Harrison:

Or back to the same banks. It would go all over the
country. And there is your bill market running, and
what are you going to do to your Treasury bill market

H.M.Jr:

in such a way as to put 750 millions back in New York.

if you take excess reserves out of New York, make them

H.M.Jr:

deficient; even though you try to put it back dollar
for dollar, you don't put it back into the locality
or into the banks from which you take it. Don't you
ruin the bill market?
Well, that's just why I figured that I didn't want
to discuss with the Federal Reserve the question of
the future bill market until this was settled, if
possible.

Harrison:
Gardner:

I should think if you did this, you'd have to do
something very drastic about bills. Is there some
fallacy in that?
750 would be used either to purchase bills or in
lieu of floating new bills.

Harrison:

But who would purchase them?

Gardner:

Treasury.

107
-23-

Harrison:

but not if you require the hundred percent reserve,

Gardner:

The process of desterilizing would be one by which
you either repurchased bills in the market in order
to replace the funds in the banks, or failed to float

they won't.

new issues and instead used this 750 as Treasury cash.

Harrison:

Even then you do not restore the reserve position

Viner:

The regional distribution of reserves and the
regional distribution of balances do not go together.
The real problem, to me, is that of the individual
banks. The funds may flow back to the same region,

of the New York banks.

but are there any banks which would be made vulnerable by this arrangement because they operate largely
on foreign balances?

Harrison:

Mr. White, how much of that - you say the 26 banks,
and 13 are members and 13 non-members - how much of
the percentage of the deposits were in the 13 nonmember banks, do you remember?

White:

I couldn't say. I'd like to get that figure, in

Harrison:

Have we any right to require a hundred percent

White:

Not under existing legislation.
You weren't here when I read off my list. In this
thing we made it one or the other. Now, Opper's
been studying this, and
Well, the legal problems involved there would not
be insuperable. That is, you'd be dealing there with
the Government's right to control foreign commerce.
It would be a little more difficult problem if you
tried to forbid non-member banks from holding foreign
balances at all.
That's the other. And then the thing, Eccles, that
you and I have got to decide on that particular
phase is about our friend Steagall and the question

H.M.Jr:

Opper:

H.M.Jr:

any case.

reserve of non-member banks?

of the state banks and non-member banks - which is
easier, see?

108
-24Eccles:

What?

H.M.Jr:

Which is an easier way to handle it?

Eccles:

Well, you've got to cover the non-member banks.

Of course, you defeat the program completely if
you don't. And the question of getting - increasing
reserve requirements, getting power to increase
reserve requirements of the domestic banks would be
inadvisable with the present banking set-up without
unification; they'd slip out of the System. Mr.
Patman, in his bill, makes the suggestion that the

Reserve Board be given power to designate the
reserve requirement of non-members as well as member

Golden.:

banks. I doubt that
At the option of the banks, though, Mr. Chairman.

Eccles:

What?

Golden.:

His proposal is to make it at the option of the banks;
that if they want to have the privilege of borrowing
from the Federal Reserve banks, then they've got to
keep their reserves. Otherwise, they don't.
I understood that they'd have the right to do that.
Well, in any case, that field isn't open to us, because
that would be an endless legislative job, to get unifi-

Eccles:

cation. So that all we've got now is this field; that

is one thing that seems to me is pretty certain dealing with foreign balances - and I think will get
a good deal of sympathy on the Hill. There would be no
political problem in connection with this. It is
purely a question of what we think is the right thing
to do and the practical way to handle the situation.

H.M.Jr:

If you don't drag in the question of members and non-

Golden.:

Mr. Secretary, the fact is that under existing law

member banks and make that an issue.

the Federal Reserve Board has authority to impose
marginal requirements on non-member banks. That

right has been contested, but it is existing law.

H.M.Jr:

That's a good point.

109
-25Opper:

There's a few little further frills that they put

Harrison:

But the thing would be futile, I should think,

H.M.Jr:

And talking for myself, the Treasury, we'd be very
glad to add to another precedent giving the Board
additional control over all banks. I mean we'd be

on that, and that was the use of the mails and
any instrumentality of interstate commerce, which
is the way they got by that. Of course, you might
do the same thing in connection with this.
unless you could make this. applicable to non-member
banks in some way or other.

glad to be a party to that.

Viner:

There is also the problem of insured and urfinsured.

Eccles:

Some of the non-members; none of the members.

H.M.Jr:

Which ones are they?

Viner:

These foreign banks - all these foreign banks are

Harrison:

You take this list here. The Chase Bank, for instance,
has about 280 millions of foreign deposits now. Some
of that is probably time, against which they carry
6 percent, and some of it is demand, against which
they carry 25 percent; so that if you made a hundred
percent reserve requirement it would increase a
minimum of 75 percent of that total. Now, for the
Chase Bank that would make a very, very difficult
position, taking that bank as an individual bank.
How many bills have they got? They'd let the bills
run off and other banks would buy bills. It
wouldn't change the total reserve picture. It
resolves itself, George, in the problem of making
effective the existing excess reserves, and to the
extent that you - we can't treat the excess reserve
problem purely by taking into account the position
of the individual bank.
You can if he is one of your principal buyers of bills.
Look what you're going to do to him.

Eccles:

Harrison:

Some of these banks are uninsured.

uninsured.

110
-26-

Eccles:

He'll quit buying bills to the extent that his
reserve requirement is increased, but somebody
else will get that excess and will have either
idle money or they'11 buy bills with it. It is
merely a shifting of position and that is happening all the time.

Harrison:

Well, but as you start you don't create any additional excesses; it's all minus then, and you go down
that amount, say 750 million.
We might create a cushion beforehand, just to safe-

Viner:
Gardner:

Viner:

guard that.

You could start desterilizing any time.
I think the thing to do would be to start desterilizing a f'ew days before this increase in reserve
requirements became effective, so that the thing
could be cushioned.

White:

Harrison:

But that doesn't quite meet the Governor's question
wholly. His problem is that an individual bank might
be confronted with the necessity of getting rid of so
many assets that it would be confronted with a serious
problem, even though the excess reserve situation, as
a whole, remains as is.
And the question of secondary distribution of those
assets.

Lochhead:

But I think what might be said is that all these banks
that have these large foreign deposits have a very
large portion of very liquid assets, and if this
proposal is carried out - see, you speak of a hundred
percent reserve; there is no intent to suddenly jump
to that. It would be done with sufficient gradualness
so that - of course, they're going to - they'11 have
to get rid of some of their earning assets.
They'11 be hurt in profit and loss more than their

Eccles:

You can increase this at the rate of a hundred

White:

Yes.

white:

reserves.

millions at a time.

111
-27Eccles:

And you wouldn't increase the reserve requirements

first; you'd do that - you'd delay that; that would
come second.

White:

That's the cushion.

Eccles:

That's the cushion.

Gardner:

If this came at a financing date, the Treasury

Harrison:
White:

just wouldn't float any bills on the first occasion.
I was trying to see what bills
We're trying to get the exact status of some of
those large banks - what those holdings are. We'll

have them this morning. Unless you have them already
there

Harrison:

I haven't got these broken down into bills. The

Chase nas got 626 million of governments.

White:

But you don't know what breakdown.

Harrison:

They have a very substantial amount of bills.

White:

Their problem would be very simple.

Eccles:

How many have got call loans? They've got those

Harrison:

I'm not thinking of the individual banks from the point
of view of the bank, but rather

White:

Its repercussions.

Harrison:

Its repercussions on the bill market and liquidation
of assets to take care of the increase in reserves.
On the bill market, I think that would be quite adequately taken care of because the assumption is that

White:

the fund would be appropriately managed, and the
appropriateness depends on the cushioning effect and

H.M.Jr:

the proper time, so that there will not be that result
that you fear and that we all feel would be undesirable.
Well, may I say
this - what I'd like to do, if it's
I've got, unfortunately - I've got a
agreeable

112

-28-

sort of tough schedule. I have the Polish

Ambassador - and who's this man from their
Department of Commerce?

Feis:
M.Jr:

Feis:

H.M.Jr:

Under Secretary.
And the Russian Ambassador. And President Quezon

at 11:30; before I see Yuezon, I've got to find out
what the Army wants. Do you (feis) want to sit
in on any of those or not?
The Russian, I would like to.
The Russian - all right.
Now, what I think we've got to be careful about is
going out of here. I have this room below here, and
what I'd like to do - I mean I don't know how you
feel, Eccles, and some of the rest of these people,
how much more time you can give it this morning.
What I'd like - just now would you suggest we con-

tinue the discussion today, leading up to another

meeting tomorrow morning - what would you suggest?
Eccles:

Well, I'd like to suggest that you let us - this is

Harrison:

Right.

Eccles:

something that - I think I'm in favor of bringing
it to a conclusion just as quickly as it can be done,

quite a job,

but

Harrison:

I think what you should do is get a memorandum of

Viner:

Go into a lot of unnecessary detail in that.

Harrison:

But you can't decide on which alternative you want
to adopt without details. You might have to do that
with each one of the alternatives.

Eccles:

I was going to say that I'd like - I wish you'd let

H.M.Jr:

All right.

the

us see if we can't develop something.

113
-29Eccles:

Now, Dr. Currie, who isn't here because I didn't
know just what phase of this was going to be discussed this morning, has possibly given more thought
and study to this particular phase of the problem,
as we have assigned him this job. I'd like to get
one of our attorneys to also work along with some
of the people on our staff with the idea of seeing
what we can develop. Now, I believe that if we could
take some of our group and White and Opper, somebody
here, and let's - after we've had timeI to
spend
a day
think
we can
or two on it, and then let them
sit around like this and we really won't get very far.

H.M.Jr:

You don't think you'd be ready tomorrow morning?

Eccles:

I don't think so. I'd like to say day a fter tomorrow,
give them this afternoon and tomorrow to give the thing
a little more Then they ought to have something
tentative in view of this discussion. I think we' ve
got E sort of - I've got a sort of better suggestion.

H.M.Jr:

Well, will you let Taylor know whom you'd like to have
from the Treasury to sit in on this, and anybody here
is available.

Taylor:

And when.

Eccles:

Now, what do you think of that idea, Dr. Goldenweiser,
the suggestion live made; what do you think of that?
You mean of getting together and studying

Golden.:

Eccles:

Having our people spend this afternoon and tomorrow
so as to just formulate some tentative plan with
some alternatives, and then get together with such

people here as are available in the Treasury - just
a small group, say three or four people from our
shop and three or four here, to bring in before our
group this program and the alternatives, with the
arguments for and against. Let's see what they,
under the circumstances, would feel would best meet
the situation, if they can get together on it, and
then with such modifications or alternatives as seem
to be possible. Then, it seems to me, we'd have a
basis upon which we could possibly make a decision.

Harrison:

I don't think there is a chance of getting anywhere

114
-30-

until you take up each alternative and go right
straight on down by steps and see where you come
out, from the point of view of the banks, the
money market, and the Treasury bill market.

H.M.Jr:

That is why I held up - there's no use settling
this bill market question until

Eccles:

Well then, we don't want that meeting tomorrow, do
we?

H.M.Jr:

I don't think so.

115

Agenda

A.

Should we try to get legislation permitting an increase in reserve

requirements against deposits for foreign account?
1. To what maximum?

2. Should there be any exemptions?
(For example: $5000 ro $10,000, or $25,000 on individual
accounts, or more for bank accounts?)
3. Should such deposits be held only by member banks?
or

Should any bank be permitted to carry them as now?

4. Should deposits for foreign account be exempt from the
F.D.I.C. fee?
5. What should be the method of ouration? The sequence of
steps?

6. If reserve requirements against foreign deposits are increased, ought the Treasury issue three-month bills, or
doesn't it matter much?

7. The should be granted the necessary powers to raise reserve
requirements - the Federal Reserve Board or the Treasury?

8. How soon should we try to get the legislation?
9. Should we consult other "club members" before seeking
legislation?
10. Should we attempt to get other "club members" to adopt
somewhat similar measures?

B. Should we purchase foreign gold only from Treasuries, Central
Banks (and designated agents)?

116
TREASURY DEPARTMENT

Washington

Press Service

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE,

No. 10-60

Tuesday, June 15, 1937.

Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau today announced the final subscription

and allotment figures with respect to the current offering of 1-3/8 percent
Treasury Notes of Series D-1939 and 1-3/4 percent Treasury Notes of Series A-1942.

Subscriptions and allotments were divided among the several Federal Re-

serve districts and the Treasury as follows:
Federal Reserve

District

1-3/8% NOTES, SERIES D-1939

Total sub-

scriptions

received
Boston
New York

Philadelphia

Clovoland
Richmond

Atlanta
Chicago

St. Louis

Minneapolis
Kansas City
Dallas

San Francisco
Treasury
TOTAL

$ 243,693,700
1,225,023,700
119,060,500
156,021,900
75,511,900
63,640,200
252,494,100
64,465,700
18,269,900
50,117,500
42,164,500
188,135,500
750,000

$2,499,349,100

Total subscriptions

allotted

1-3/1% NOTES, SERIES A-1942

Total sub-

scriptions

received

$ 41,492,000

$ 221,147,200

208,394,700
20,303,200
26,616,000
12,890,000
10,893,000
43,260,800
11,427,400
3,196,500
8,631,000
7,243,700
32,013,500

159,076,500
145,593,100
83,870,000
67,950,700
253,458,800
67,016,100
20,536,200
37,376,400
40,268,300
147,511,500

127,500
$426,194,300

1,252,004,900

Total subscriptions

allotted

$ 37,726,500
213,044,700
27,125,200
24,996,700
14,369,300
11,673,100
43,444,100
11,807,000
3,550,000
6,428,000
6,925,700
25,110,000

- 516,700

89,700

$2,496,326,400

$426,290,000

117
MEETING RE FRENCH CRISIS

Present:

June 16, 1937
8:45 A.M.

Mr. Taylor

Mr. Bell
Mr. Oliphant

Mr. Lochhead
Mr. Opper
Mr. Upham

Dr. Viner

Mr. Riefler
(Secretary talking on phone to Mr. Cochran as
conferees entered; conversation follows:)

118

June 16, 1937.
8:40 a.m.
Cochran:

.M.Jr:

Good morning Mr. Morgenthau.
How are you?

All right, thank you. I'm calling from my home
because I have one special thing to take up with

C:

you.

H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

Go ahead.

I can tell you first about the French situation.
Well that's what I'm calling up about.
Ah - this morning at 6 o'clock the Chamber passed

C:

the bill giving special powers to the government.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

And they amended it to give him such powers only

H.M.Jr:

during the present period of parliament.
Well how long does that last?

C:

Officially

H.M.Jr:

Until when?

C:

July 14th.

H.M.Jr:

July 14th.

until July 14th.

must

C:

And they have also specified that the
be controlled between the limits fixed by the monetary
law last October.

H.M.Jr:

Say that again.

C:

That no exchange control is to be a code.

H.M.Jr:
C:

Say that again will you please.
They must maintain the Franc within the parity - within
the limits fixed by the French monetary law of
October 1st.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

-2-

C:

And they must not resort to exchange control.

H.M.Jr:

They must not.

C:

They must not.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

So that may upset some of his plans a little.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

But I sent you a telegram on that.

H.M.Jr:

You sent me a telegram.

C:

Yes, it left this noon.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

And the bill goes to the Senate tomorrow.

H.M.Jr:

What's that?

C:

The bill goes to the Senate tomorrow

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

119

and the chances are a little better than 50-50
that it will be passed.

C

H.M.Jr:

It will.

C:

Not because they have faith in it solving the problem

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

but on the contrary they're afraid to turn

C:

the government out under any circumstances.
H.M.Jr:

Say that again please.

C:

They are afraid to turn the government out.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

They would rather let him use this special power,

which he has requested
H.M.Jr:

Yes.

120

3-

C:

trouble.

they - that will probably cause more

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

And then see what comes.

H.M.Jr:

I see. Well - ah - ah - do you see anything that

may happen within the next 24-48 hours?
C:

I do not because the Senate will get the bill tomorrow
so there might be a discussion of it tomorrow night.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

But there - nothing can happen before then.
That's before Thursday night.
Thursday night, yes.

H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

And
on the other matters which I wanted to tell you
is this.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

If you have received my last cablegram describing
my Basel trip you may have seen that I had a number
of conversations with Governor Norman.

H.M.Jr:

Well I had not seen it.

C:

Well it should all be

this morning.

H.M.Jr:

Well there's only one section in.

C:

Oh I see, well it - it was all cabled yesterday.

H.M.Jr:

What?

C:

It was all cabled from here yesterday.

H.M.Jr:

Well I'll get

C:

Anyway in this I gave a lot of views which he expressed
very frankly to me.

H.M.Jr:

Good.

121

-4C:

But he
views.

H.M.Jr:

That's all right.

C:

And in one place he said that he thought the two

insisted that they were just his personal

governments
had been cooperating together very well
on
the

that is, the two
Wait
a it.
minute. I - I didn't get this thought.
Repeat
,

H.M.Jr:
C:

He thought that during this troubled period of the
scare that the Americans and
British

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

had been cooperating very well as far as
the day to day operations, which are handled by

telephone, are concerned.
H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

so that the need for cooperative study
of longer term problems.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

C:

continue to

that this - our country is going to

H.M.Jr:

He what?

C:

That this gold question is going to
both of us.

H.M.Jr:

the

Yes.

C:

And he said that - he asked me if you could send some
technical person over to discuss matters with them

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

And I said well I was quite sure you would not send
anyone unless you had some indication as to what they
were thinking about and that, considering the nervous

atmosphere, you wouldn't risk the publicity until you
found that there might be some chance

122

-5-

C:

And I said well we don't want any publicity to this

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

and he said, "That's why I have approached you

C:

". And I told him - I said, I have my

colleagues in London that I can talk to at any time.
And he said, well I'm just speaking for myself now
but, he said, I'm going back to London and, he said,
I want to get in touch with
you
later are
that
is,sometime
the Treasuries
interested but, he said, if I do get in touch
with
a
preliminary
you, he said, it will
idea with the idea that
H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha. Now Cochran.

C:

What?

H.M.Jr:

Is this in your cable?

C:

No, I'll - I'll tell you just why

H.M.Jr:

Oh.

because he said we do not want this to get

C:

to your Ambassador but to me.
H.M.Jr:

Oh.

C:

He said - he said I - he said I don't want to embarrass you by speaking too frankly

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

but, he said, he talks too much.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

And that's why I called you from my home

H.M.Jr:

I get you.

C:

because it would put me in an embarrassing

position and I really believe they actually have
something they want to say.

123

-6H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

Well I - I'll
He would rather keep it out of this Embassy and out
of all the Embassies.
Well I understand and when I - and when I

H.M.Jr:

He wants to keep it entirely out of his Embassies.
Yes, well Cochran - hello - hello

Operator:

Hello

H.M.Jr:
Operator:

Ah - Miss Spangler.
Yes sir.

H.M.Jr:

He's disconnected. Hello.

0:

Yes, I'll get him right back.

C:

124
-1A-

H.M.Jr:

(Following cut-off conversation with Mr. Cochran)

He said he didn't want Bullitt to know it, that
Bullitt talks too much.

If you can't get it, that's going to be good - I

mean whoever's making a record of this for them
Viner:

It wouldn't be easy. Have to strain.

H.M.Jr:

(To Operator) Are we talking on the French phone

or English phone?

Operator:

You're talking on the English phone. He called you
and he requested it.

H.M.Jr:

Who?

Operator:

Mr. Cochran - via London.

H.M.Jr:

Uh-huh, I see.

Operator:

He called you at 7:30 and Itold him to call you at
the office at eight.

H.M.Jr:

Yes, I know.

Well, I always say that these things never come out
of a clear sky. I'm not going to answer right away.
I mean I've got a fellow on the water right now.
.

Viner:

I'd prefer that you start talking with the Treasury

H.M.Jr:

Yes, well that's just the way these central banks
I mean Cochran wanted to write a letter the other day

rather than

to George Harrison and to Governor Franck; he wanted to

125
-2-

write a letter. We went all through this business
and had all this trouble of establishing this thing

between governments, and I'm going to keep those
channels open. We got that after days and days and

days. The last time Norman was here, he fished

around about coming down. They phoned from the
British Embassy and said, "Governor Norman is asking

to be invited to luncheon, asking how he can get an
invitation. What do you recommend that we do?" Well,
if Governor Norman comes to Washington, he knows how
to get an invitation; he doesn't have to worry about
that. When he got back to England, he said he came
over especially to see me and was unable to arrange
it. The British Embassy said, "Norman wants to see

you."

Have we passed the depth of our depression on revenue?
Bell:

Probably not. Looks like today might be a little

H.M.Jr:

Really short? How short?

Bell:

Oh, 15 million.

H.M.Jr:

You mean minus?

Bell:

Uh-huh.

H.M.Jr:

Really.

Bell:

I think we'll pick it up though; still have hopes.

H.M.Jr:

Has anybody got a program worked out for me - the
steps, the legal papers necessary, alternative plans,
in case France should put on an exchange control or
devalue further? Has anybody worked that out?

Taylor:

Working on it.

H.M.Jr:

But you have nothing for me this morning.

Taylor:

It isn't finished yet.

H.M.Jr:

What?

Taylor:

It isn't finished.

H.M.Jr:

(On phone) Hello, Mr. Cochran. (Conversation follows)

short.

They never come in twice alike.

126

-6-

June 16, 1937
8:53 a.m.
H.M.Jr:

Hello

0:

Mr. Cochran.

H.M.J.:

Thank you.

0:

Go ahead.

H.M.Jr:

Hello

C:

Hello

H.M.Jr:

I lost you in the middle of the ocean.

C:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Well I understand about this gentleman seeing you

C:

H.M.Jr:

and saying he'd like
I told you about the invitation to come over?

No.

127

- 7He telephoned me this noon and said that he wanted

C:

to refer to our conversation at Basel and to tell
me that he would be very glad if I could have lunch
with him at the Bank in London on next Sunday.
He said that if I would tell him that I was coming

over he would make certain appointments for me with
people whom he thought I should see, both in the

forenoon and afternoon on Monday. I told him that
I would have to speak to my chief before I could say

anything and that if I did come it would just be for
lecture and for anyone to talk to me whom he suggested
but that I could say nothing until I talked with you.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

And I think you understood that they said they did not
want this thing to go through the Embassies.

H.M.Jr:

I understand.

I mean there - they're are matters, he said, that there
are certain things there which they would have difficulty
in agreeing on among themselves and, he said, they
didn't want any suspicion of conversations arising

C:

whatever.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha. Well I've got to think this over - I can't

C:

I understand but I didn't know how else to get it to

give you a snap answer.
you.

H.M.Jr:

Well this is the proper way.

C:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

This is the proper way.

C:

In my telegram I just made

H.M.Jr:

Yes, this is the proper way to do it.

C:

Cooperative study on longer term problems.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

128

-8-

I didn't mention anything about your sending someone
from Washington or letting me go over. The Governor
wanted to talk to his own people in the Treasury
before he went any further.

C:

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

He'll talk to them now and phone me this noon.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha, well let me think this thing over and you - I'll I'll give you an answer one way or the other within

24 hours.
C:

All right, fine.

H.M.Jr:

Thank you.

I should tell you that my Chief is this
away
right now.
morning.

C:

He went on

H.M.Jr:

He went where?

C:

On a tour of southern France.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

to

and so on.

H.M.Jr:

, Marseille,
Ah - what's the idea of that?

C:

Inspecting Consulates for some reason.

H.M.Jr:

Well it's a good time to do that, isn't it?

C:

Well anyway he's not here.

H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

All right.
But this other I'll have to leave from here and call
you. I - I'm up in the air as to how you'd want
to handle it.

Well I'll say this - I - I certainly won't give you
any instructions without talking, in confidence, to
Mr. Hull first - hello.

129

-9It should be to him personally.

C:

H.M.Jr:

I understand.

C:

That's right.

H.M.Jr:

So whatever order you get from me, it will have been
cleared with Mr. Hull.

H.M.Jr:

Surely - surely.
So you'll be protected on that.

C:

Fine.

H.M.Jr:

Do you understand?

C:

All right, then you can send me one, if you do send me,

C:

a cable or a letter or telephone or

H.M.Jr:

Telephone.

C:

Telephone.

H.M.Jr:

Yex, but I won't - I will discuss it with Mr. Hull.

C:

Surely - surely.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

C:

All right, I'11 be here all the time.

H.M.Jr:

Do they feel the same way about the Embassy in London?

C:

Well he said we - I said you can take it

but I have a colleague who does the same thing and he
said, well you see more of your Chief than he does and

he said we'd rather keep this out of the Embassies.
H.M.Jr:
C:

I see.

I don't think they feel quite as strongly about the one
there as they do about this one.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

C:

But

to put it through that Embassy

if I couldn't put it through this one.

130

- 10 H.M.Jr:
C:

H.M.Jr:

Well it's safe to use the telephones because the
only persons that can listen in are governments.

That's right.
So
safe.- ah - ah - so I would say it was perfectly

C:

I think so, yes.

H.M.Jr:

All right.

C:

Goodbye.

H.M.Jr:

Goodby.

131

-3H.M.Jr:

White:

H.M.Jr:

I want to let this thing kind of pass further
through my own brain. You get the thing; I mean
it's a - I mean Norman is injecting himself into
this thing. After all, he doesn't set the policy.
Pretty difficult decision for us to make.
It was very difficult to hear the telephone conversation. Could you give us the gist of it?
The whole point is this. Norman sees Cochran -

this is what I get out of it - and he says, "Now,
a lot of problems" - seeing him in Basle - "we've
got a lot of problems and I wish that the United

States could send somebody over to talk things over
with us and see where we can get." Cochran says,
"We can't send anybody over; too much publicity.'

He says, "Well, we don't want publicity over it,
but I wish you'd think it over. Maybe you could
come, or somebody."

Now, he goes back - now I'm just talking for myself goes back to London, talks the thing over with his
own people and with the Treasury, and again asks
would he come over there and have lunch with the

British, and that he'll make appointments for him
to see people. SO he now tells him he's talking
things over further, and so he (Cochran) says,
"Why don't you see Butterworth? He's all right."

He says, "No, he isn't sufficiently close to
Morgenthau. ..e want to see you."

Oliphant:

Is that about the way you people got it?
That's the picture.

H.M.Jr:

Now we've got the situation of - well, it wouldn't
be very much different than it would be over here,
except that Secles doesn't work that way on this

foreign thing; he leaves himself entirely out of
the picture; or if ne gets a letter, ne doesn't answer
it without sending it over. We get full cooperation
over here. But if he'd start seeing people from
Great Britain without letting me know or letting the
Embassies know, and all like that, I'd be pretty
damn sore.

You know what my reaction is? I think I'm going to
ask the British Ambassador to come and I'll talk to

132

-4-

him about this; then he can send word to Sir John
Simon that, does Sir John Simon want this?
Viner:

You're not disclosing to him that you've received

H.M.Jr:

Taylor:

Oh no, tell him no facts.
You've got to tell him.

Lochhead:

Norman states he's

Viner:

Norman's taken it up with his Treasury people.

H.M.Jr:

No, the Embassy's the

Viner:
H.M.Jr:

It's a respectable thing then.
The Embassy he's objecting to is our Embassy. He's

Taylor:

No, Norman did what ne should have done - absolutely.

Viner:

That's what I was worrying about; it seems so strange.

H.M.Jr:

I wouldn't take his word for it. I mean I wouldn't

this

objecting to Bullitt.

send Cochran over there unless Sir John Simon invites

him to come over.
Oliphant:

Particularly since you sent a message to him; otherwise you might leave him up in the air.

White:

Absolutely.

Oliphant:

He'd say, "What is this? You....."

White:

Viner:

They can extend the invitation.
Couldn't you operate this way? You'd tell Norman
that you'll send him over after informing Chancellor
that ne is coming at his request.

H.M.Jr:

No, I wouldn't send him over there - I wouldn't send

Taylor:

This time you can have it confirmed.

him over there unless Sir John Simon asked for him.

133
-5H.M.Jr:

Taylor:

"Is it agreeable to oir John to have
I wouldn't ask for a direct invitation.

Viner:

No.

White:

Why should they object to giving a direct invitation

11

if they want to see him?

Viner:

Makes it too important.

Taylor:

Certainly ask for confirmation.

Oliphant:

After you have undertaken to communicate with Sir

John directly, I don't see how you can leave him
out of this without making him feel foolish.
H.M.Jr:

(On phone) Leave word, the minute Mr. Hull comes in

I'd like to talk to him please.

Well now, listen, children, has anybody got anything

for me on what we're going to do in case France moves?

Taylor:

(Nods yes) Have to see the move first.

H.M.Jr:

Oh no.

Taylor:

Well, we've got all these 98 different things.
Well, let's put it this way: Move One - if the French

H.M.Jr:

do Move One, the United States can do A, B, C; if the
French make Move Two, the United States can do 1, 2, 3.
That's the way I'd like it. And there's only about
three moves the French can make, and if the French
do one of them, then I want you fellows to come in

and say, "All right, let's talk over the things we
can do as counter-moves to this." I don't want to
wait; we've got another 24 hours to do this thing.
I'd like very much to have the alternative things
that the French might do, and then the alternative
things that we might do to offset that. Now, that's

not asking for too much.
Taylor:

Well, that's been done for some time.

H.M.Jr:

Well, where is it?

134
-6White:

Well, we started out and there were four things
that we thought they might reasonably do. Then
we discussed those; I don't know whether we all
came to a formal conclusion, but the gist of the
conversation

H.M.Jr:

I don't want a formal conclusion. I simply want
to put down on one piece of paper Move One on the
part of France and then the alternatives; don't have
to agree on the alternatives, just agree there are
alternatives. Then Move Two - alternatives. I mean
I'd like to familiarize myself. Then, as you saw the
other day, once I get the technique of the thing, then
I can begin to put my brain on it. But until I see
it that way - see, I want it so I can study it.

White:

Give us a little time to put it in that form.
I want it in that form. And on each alternative

H.M.Jr:

thing I want to have the legal papers ready and

finished.
Oliphant:

Finished and ready.

H.M.Jr:

Ready for the President's signature, if you don't

Oliphant:
H.M.Jr:

Everybody's initials except the President.
Everybody's initials except the President.

Oliphant:

All right.

White:

When do you want it?

H.M.Jr:

AS soon as the human brain can prepare it; as soon
as the human brain can prepare it.

Taylor:

Well, there is one fundamental question involved

mind, Herman.

there, and that is, you can stretch this thing
pretty far. That's my opinion, that you can.
Can't you, Clarence?

Opper:

You mean our action in connection with the tripar-

Taylor:

Yes, depending on whether you want to keep them in

tite?

135
-7-

the club or whether you want them out.
H.M.Jr:

That's another alternative.

Taylor:

That's the only one.

H.M.Jr:

No. Now listen, don't - if you don't mind, don't
argue with me. You've got this - argue with these

fellows and get it down to the various possible
alternatives and then when you are ready to talk

But I'd very much like to have it that way. Do you
want to ask - do you understand what I want?

Viner:

No, I don't.

H.M.Jr:

You don't?

Viner:

No, I think that I'd follow that (Taylor's point),
that we can leave them in and say, "Your action isn't
in conflict
"

H.M.Jr:
White:

DO it both. We' re not taking any action; they're
going to take the action.
The question is simple, Jake: what are the alternatives and what are the merits of each alternative
step?

H.M.Jr:
Viner:
White:

Now listen, you're Professor Rist, and
I don t see the legal side.
That has to be brought in.

Viner:

Simply what I don't understand is how these alternatives would lead to any legal action.

H.M.Jr:

They certainly would, if you rescinded the right of
private banks to bring in gold.

Oliphant:

Or if we embargoed the movement of gold.

H.M.Jr:

Listen, you're Professor Rist just sitting on that

Lochhead:

Professor Rist is off the committee now.

committee.

136

-8Viner:

I was until yesterday.
"ell, they've put him off and they've just employed

Dr. Viner to take his place, and you're sitting there,
and what are the things that you would advise them to
do? That's the way I'd approach this thing. Then first from the standpoint of good economics, and then,
what are the things they might do because they are

forced by political pressure.

Oliphant:

Or because they didn't have Jake.

Viner:

Or in spite of him.

H.M.Jr:

And having decided what the French might do in these
circumstances, then what could we do to take care of
ourselves? Now, I don't see how a person can state

the problem any clearer than that without my sitting

down here and doing the thing myself. Now, my proposition is - so far I have no engagement tonight and
I'll keep it open; you (Taylor) got any engagement
tonight?

Taylor:
H.M.Jr:

(Nous no) Do you want them in or do you want them

out? That's the
Do I want them in or want them out? I want them in
just as long as they can keep in it.

Taylor:

You can S tretch the rules a mile.

H.M.Jr:

But can they live up to them without

Taylor:

Yes

H.M.Jr:

explore it, will you? Explore it. of course I want
them in. We want to keep it going as long as possible.

Taylor:

Well then

H.M.Jr:

I mean that's been the whole objective.

Viner:

That answers it. That simplifies our task a great

H.M.Jr:

In talking with the President here two weeks ago,
ne was saying that he is very much discouraged

deal.

about this - what you call trade treaties, and the

137
-9-

results, and all this thing, and all he could see

was that the world was moving, due to the expense
of armaments - moving gradually toward one form of

exchange control after another, and it would only
be a question af time before they would all be on
that basis, and England and ourselves would be left
to do business with each other on one kind of a

basis, and the rest of the world, with their internal
economies, left on a basis to do business within
themselves and a little bit with each other. He
said, "That's the way we're drifting. What we going
to do about it?" My answer is, if France goes goes toward the Schacht method, that is - and Japan
does - just tottering on the edge of it - why, I'd
say it was bad medicine. After all, the longer we
can keep France going, I think it's better for our
system of doing trade.

Taylor:

It will be on crutches.

H.M.Jr:

Pardon me?

Taylor:

It will be on crutches.

H.M.Jr:

She's been on crutches.

Taylor:

Yes, but on the fourth foot, in addition to the hind

H.M.Jr:

To answer your direct question, if the decision was

legs.

Riefler:

mine, I'd say I'd like to do everything we can within
the spirit of the law, and I'd even go so far - I'd
bend it a little bit to keep it going. I'd bend it
a little bit to keep them going. What? Riefler?
I agree with that.

H.M.Jr:

What?

Riefler:

I agree.

H.M.Jr:

Anybody want to say anything? Well, gentlemen, when

Oliphant:

you're ready - I'll keep tonight
It's probably tonight, then, is it?

H.M.Jr:

I don't know what these fellows can be able to have.

I know I'm crazy to do it tonight, but I'll hold it

open and

. 138
-10White:

I think we can come to a conclusion before tonight,

because we have covered a great deal of the ground
already.

H.M.Jr:

Are our two advisers comfortable? Did you (Riefler)
see the statement in the Tribune today?

Riefler:

No.

H.M.Jr:

See whether that's agreeable to you.

139

June 16, 1937.
9:20 a.m.
H.M.Jr:

Hello

0:

All right.
Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Hello - Cordell.
Oh just a moment please, Mr. Secretary.

H.M.Jr:

Hello

0:

He'll be on in just a second.

H.M.Jr:

Hello

Hull:

Hello, Henry.
Cordell.

H.M.Jr:
H:

What's going on?

H.M.Jr:

Well Itd like to talk to you - ah - as between us
officially but privately, see?

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

And, as I say, if I may talk to you confiden - ah ah - Cochran called me a little while ago

H:

Who did?

H.M.Jr:

Merle Cochran.

H:

Oh yes.

H.M.Jr:

and said that he had had a talk with Norman in

Switzerland.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Montague Norman.

H:

Yes.

-2-

H.M.Jr:

And Montague Norman wanted to know whether he,

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

140

Cochran, could come over to London

and talk things over with them so Cochran
said, well you've got Butterworth over there why

don't you talk to him so he said , no we feel that
you're closer to Morgenthau and we'd like to talk
to you but he said I'm only talking for myself.
He said I haven't discussed this matter with other
people.
H:

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

But he said I'll let you know. So this morning he
called him up on the telephone. He said, live talked
it over and we'd like you to come over Monday and have
lunch at the Bank of England but he said we're very
anxious to keep this out of the channels of the American
Embassy in Paris.

H:

Ah-ha.

H.M.Jr:

He said we want to keep it very quiet and we don't want

H:

Ah-ha.

H.M.Jr:

Bullitt to know about it.

And he said - ah - but if you can come over we'd like it
and we'd have appointments for you in the morning and
in the afternoon so Cochran said under those circumstances he'd call me up and wanted to know what's what
so I said that I would talk it over with you and see

how you feel
H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

Yes.

and then after that I thought I'd ask - get

the President's advice.

Well now we've got this situation, Henry. We have to
talk you know, in our own circles sometimes, very frankly.
Yes.

Ah - Bill - ah - ah - I suppose is closer to the
President than any of us in the State Department by
far. I don't mean by that that there's any friction
in any way but you understand what I mean.

H.M.Jr: Yes.

141

-3-

H:

Ah - he's - ah - so he spreads out over Europe some

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

and feels, I think, that he's got that side ah - that right.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

little

Now - ah - if he should ever find this out why I of course, the British think that he's not friendly

H:

to them.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

H:

That's what they think and that is French-German

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

Now I'm not pressing on those things but that's what
they think.

H.M.Jr:

Ah-ha.

H:

The only thing is if - ah - if he finds that - that

we're keeping things from him there around his office I don't know - I think you'll have to let the President
pass on that. If the President should give instructions
but even then my - my view is that it's always best just
to let one of our fellows know where he's at the head
of things in a given place.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

And especially if he's liable to find it out.

H.M.Jr:

Yes (laughs) .

H:

Now that's the point.

H.M.Jr:

(Hearty laughter)

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

In other words (still laughing) proceed with the best
policy if you know you're going to get caught.

142

-4-

Yes sir, that's the point I'm making.

H:

H.M.Jr:

(More hearty laughter)

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

(Still more hearty laughter)

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Well I found that to be true also.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Ah - well I'll tell you. I'm seeing the President in

II:

Well this is - I - I'm just trying to be helpful,
you
in my

a little while and before I saw him I wanted to talk
to you because I never would do anything like that
without first talking to you.
understand, I'm - I'm a 100%

H.M.Jr:

relations all along the line.
Because, as I told Feis yesterday, when Mallett left

H:

Yes.

I sent a message to Sir John Simon

H.M.Jr:
Yes.

- I don't know whether he told you.

H.M.Jr:

H.M.Jr:

Yes, he told me about it.
So I feel this way that - ah - maybe Norman wants to
horn in on this thing and I'd better keep my channels
open with Sir John Simon on that other angle, you see?

H:

Yes - yes.

H:

H.M.Jr:

But the thing that came to my mind was that I - if you
thought well of it - that Itd ask the British Ambassador
to come down here and tell him this is what's happened.
Now my contact over there is with Sir John Simon and I'd
like them to advise me what they - how they'd like to

143

-5Well now that's another point - that's another point.
I think if - ah - if Norman should meet up - up in
Switzerland or any of those places where they often

H:

meet

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

should meet Cochran and they have any kind

of a conversation - that's one proposition or if - if
Cochran just unofficially and individually should meet
and talk with this fellow, Norman, that's another that's all right but if he's to have - if we are to
authorize him to go over

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

and make him a part of the government situation

to talk with Norman without the British - the regular
British officials knowing about it you get into trouble.
Yes, and then, of course, the other thing - ah - the
last couple of months Butterworth has been doing very

well.

Yes, of course.
H.M.Jr:

Butterworth's been doing very well.

H:

Yes, I'd be - I would want - I think it's better - I

believe, the more I think, that Cochran could say now
we want - we're glad to talk with any of you anytime
in a way but we have to have regard for this broader

situation - this gold metal situation

H.M.Jr:

That's right. I don't particularly like it.
without getting wires crossed.

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

I don't like it - I don't like it very much.
I think that Norman probably just wanted to go over
a lot of odds and ends in the general financial
situation.

H.M.Jr:

No, he has the gold thing in mind.

H:

Well that's what I - I meant that as the
the conversation.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

in

144

-6H:

To talk it over perhaps with a view of - ah - spadework
in advance of some possible suggestion relating to the
governments - just some informal general talk, you know.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

He - he probably had that in mind. Well if he has
there's no reason why it should be concealed from
the governments.

H.M.Jr:

No.

H:

That's the way I see it.

H.M.Jr:
H:

Ito- it.
I - I - I - I don't - I just don't react kindly
Well it's best to have - ah - just to let the impression
get out that - whether this is intended for governmental
purposes. Then the governments will have to - if it's
if it's preliminary spadework - exploratory work -

M.Mr:
H:

Yes.

....... - ah - then there's no reason why the government
shouldn't know about it.

H.M.Jr:

That's right.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Well -

H:

H.M.Jr:

And then we'll be glad to talk, you understand, and
then Cochran will be glad to talk with him.
Yes.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Well I - I - I won't do anything without talking to you

H:

Well that's - ah - that's my impression about it right

further.

now.

H.M.Jr:

And - an don't forget that I'm still on the Philippine

hot spot.

145

-7

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

Yes, I'm talking that out this morning.
I'm cooking in cocoanut oil.
Yes sir, well I've done that; had that myself and
I'm glad for somebody else to have the same
experience.

H.M.Jr:

Thank you very much.

H:

(Laughs)

H.M.Jr:

(Laughs)

H:

Goodbye.

146

June 16, 1937.
11:53 a.m.

H.M.Jr:
0:

H.M.Jr:

Hello

He'll be right on.
Hello - hello
(Long pause)

0:

Do you want me to ring you when he comes on?

H.M.Jr:

No,
I'll wait. Tell
wire.

0:

All right, I'11 tell him.

H.M.Jr:

Hello - hello

Hull:

All right, Henry.

H.M.Jr:

Cordell

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

I talked to the President about this request of

I'm talking on this

Montague Norman
H:

H.M.Jr:

H:

Yes.

and we thought that the thing to do is to just
tell the British Ambassador the whole story and ask
him to ask Sir John Simon what he'd like us to do, see?
Well that's the other way around - I - it just occurred
to me - here's - here's what I had in mind -

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

Ah - Montague Norman has changed his attitude and
got more
economic - ah - ah - understanding - arrangements
between the two countries and here's another thing
on and he's been doing
that we might

some valuable work, of course, from what ve heard.
I've had no communication with him at all except
and tell me what he said. Ah people who
it just occurred to me that he might, in the future,
if we keep him feeling all right.
go
If we should talk up to tell him that we've had to
consult the government

-2-

.M.Jr:
H:

147

The what?

This is the British government - that the British
government would have to be consulted and know about
this - ah - and then he'd go straight to the British
government and we could tell the British government.
Then - ah - matters that he wouldn't feel that we had
ignored him and gone straight to the government.

H.M.Jr:

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

Well he acted so peculiarly when he was over here

before and my relationship with the British Treasury
is so good that I want to keep that.
Well I wouldn't - we wouldn't think about talking to
him, of course, without the British Treasury knowing

it.
Well I don't - and then this idea of not letting

Bullitt know and all that - ah
Well that - you know I suggested that Bullitt should.
Yes, I know you did. No, I don't - ah
I'm not - I was just suggesting this because if
Norman, who has been working for our program the
last few weeks, should suddenly wake up and find
that we have gone to the governments - London,

Paris and around on his individual - for an
individual conference with this fellow he might

H.M.Jr:

H.M.Jr:

Hull:
H.M.Jr:

feel that - ah - ah - out of sorts or he might not
but it was just to avoid that.
Well this isn't - I'm - I'm sorry. I've asked for
it and if you don't mind
Well it's all right. I'm just giving you my reason
for the other thing.
Well, of course, I suppose you think I've talked to
Feis. I haven't talked to Feis.
Yes.

So I mean I'm getting it from you first-hand.

148

-3-

Well this is what I - yes - anyhow this is - this is I'm giving you the reason for what I said at first

H:

blush this morning when you called.

H.M.Jr:

Yes, well the point is this. I reverse it. Supposing

Eccles asked to see somebody here in connection with

this Great Britain and didn't let me know about it
and wouldn't let it go through the State Department

or anything else - how would we feel?
H:

Well if we - if the fellow he spoke to said, no I

can't come to you without my government knowing it

H.M.Jr:
H:

Yes.

you go to your government - ah - you go to the
government and that would be - and then we can talk.

H.M.Jr:

Yes.

H:

Ah - that's what I was trying to get.

H.M.Jr:

Well: -

H:

When he comes to him and says - I mean - I put it up we've got to collaborate with governments and Central
Banks and to talk up - I'm not in a position to accept
your invitation without your government knowing about
it. Now what do you say about that? And he says, well
I'll take it up with my government or he'll say, that's
all right and then we'll - and then we've made our
record.

H.M.Jr:

Well, frankly, it gets down to I don't want to talk
to Norman.

H:

I see.

H.M.Jr:

And the President doesn't either.

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Now that - that gets right down. We want to keep our
lines open to the British Treasury.
Well, of course, this would mean - this would mean the
British Treasurer would come - the only thing - you

H:

know the Treasury and the Bank over there don't work
well together on some things.

149
4-

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:

Yes, that's just it.
And - ah - that - this would keep us - we'd say, we
can't talk through the bank unless the government first
knows all about it and tells us what it's pleasure is
in that respect.
Yes.

Now, of course, if you want to take it up first with
the government why that's all right.
Well I went over and talked to the President and that's
the way he felt.

H:

Yes, well then - then that's their side of it, of course.
And - ah - I - I feel that way too.
Yes, well then that's still their side
I was just - the only thing 've had so much trouble
trying to get help over there on our Trade Agreement
and to get the Bank of England in behind it. I'm
just watching to avoid - to avoid getting that

H.M.Jr:

Well then

H:

H.M.Jr:

H:

H.M.Jr:

- That's a minor matter.
No it's not a minor matter but on the other hand I
don't want to - knowing that the last couple of
months that the British - that the Bank of England
has made several suggestions

H:

H.M.Jr:
H:

H.M.Jr:

H:

Yes.

with

with which the British Treasury didn't agree

Yes.

I don't - I feel I can serve my government best
by keeping my relations with the British Treasury as
friendly as they are now.
Well that's - of course, I would - my feeling hasn't
been entirely wrong but I had exactly that thing in
mind just as much as you do.

150

5-

H.M.Jr:

Yes, and I don't want to offend them.
Yes, and the only reason I'm - I'm giving this comment
is so you' 11 have the whole picture.

H:

H.M.Jr:

Well I asked for it Cordell and I told you I wouldn't
do anything without calling back.

Yes,
well I'm 100% in on anything you and the President
decide on .

H:

H.M.Jr:

And, if you don't mind, I - I - I'd like to do it this

H:

Oh I'm not going to - of course, anything the President

way unless you say

says why we're 100% behind him and

H.M.Jr:

And the other thing that influences me is the fact
that Mallett carried this message, which was delivered
about three days ago.

H:

Ah - ah - who carried it?

H.M.Jr:

Mallett, the Consul of the British Embassy.

H:

Oh.

H.M.Jr:

Carried this message to Sir John Simon that I'd like

H:

Yes.

H.M.Jr:

Now before I get an answer if I start talking to

to talk to him.

Norman through Cochran

H:

You see - well I don't make myself clear at all.
My proposition is not to anymore think about talking
to Norman than you're thinking about talking to him.
The only difference is I would tell Cochran - I'd
have Cochran to tell that to Norman that we couldn't
think about talking to him without his government

knowing the whole thing and expressing to us what it's
pleasure is.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

H:

That's the point I'm trying to put over.

H.M.Jr:

I see.

-6Then - and then we would have good faith with the

H:

government and Norman would have found it out

directly instead of through - instead of the other
way around.

Jr:
H:

I see.

Now you get - of course, the President had to take
the other view of the matter - why that's 100% all
right.

H.M.Jr:

Well, listen - and may I digest it?

H:

Yes sir.

H.M.Jr:

All right, thank you very much.

151

152
PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM: American Embassy, Paris, France
DATE:

June 16, 1937, 1 p.m.

NO.:

802

FROM COCHRAN.

At 10:30 this morning I visited the Bank of France.
Yesterday the French Stabilization Fund lost 670,000,000
francs pegging against sterling at 110.90; this morning
no heavy pressure on the franc had yet developed.
Better opening for Rentes and French shares.

The bill for special financial powers for the Government, quoted in my telegram No. 797 of June 15, 11 p.m.,
was accepted by the Chamber this morning after amendments

which state that the authority the Government is to receive is "to maintain the franc at its parity under the
terms of the monetary law of October 1, 1936 and to rule
out exchange control". The bill is limited to the duration of the present ordinary session of Parliament. This
session usually terminates by the fourteenth of July.
On June 17 the bill will go before the Senate.
Presumably the amendments would hamper Blum's action

if, as reported, he had planned to prohibit capital exports and to effect definite stabilization of the franc.
Should the latter be attempted against the warnings of
leaders such as Reynaud and Flandin, it will undoubtedly
be

153

-2be in order that the Stabilization Fund may be terminated
by Blum, who would utilize its 10,000,000,000 francs and
perhaps another 7,000,000,000 francs profit that would come

from franc devaluation to the lower limit and then stabilization. The Bank of France would then have the job of
defending the new rate of the franc with the gold resources at its command. The Bank of France statement which

will on June 24 show heavy gold losses will undoubtedly

lead to further worry by the public.
BULLITT.

EA:I WW

Geay.

McL

Paris.

154

Dated June 16, 1937.
RECEIVED 1.07 p.m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

804, June 16, 4 p.m.

In a dramatic special session of the Chamber

of Deputies which opened at midnight and lasted until
6 O'clock this morning the Prime Minister's bill asking
for pienary powers until July 31st to dECrEE all necsures deemed appropriate to restore public finances and
to prevent speculation and attacks against the currency
and public credit was passed by the Chamber by 346 voted
to 247.

During the afternoon the Communists met and

issued a resolution in which thay declared the intention
not to vote for the bill on the grounds that some of the
revenue which the government intended to procure (partic-

ularly with respect to increases in indirect taxation)
would mean a blow to the laboring classes and an increase

in their cost of living. The resolution closed with the
statement that the Communists were ready to assume all

their responsibilitiEs in a "reinforced" government thus
clearly implying their willingness to accept cabinet positions in a remodeled front populaire government. The
Radical Socialists also registered decided opposition to

the bill.
BULLITT.
RR :WWC

155

GRAY

LMS

Paris

Dated June 16, 1937

Rec'd 3:09 p. m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

804, June 16, 4 P. m. (SECTION TWO)

During the debate despite severe attacks on the
Governmer' by Flandin and Reynaud, which under more nor-

mal ^ircunstances might well have brought about its
downfall, it became evident that Blum's appeals for confidence addressed during the evening to the various

groups in his majority might prove successful. All depended, however, on the Communists who up to the last

moment through their leaders Duclos and Thorez categorical=

ly refused to change the decision. It was the sudden and
totally unexpected Communists' volte face at 4.o'clock
this morning that enabled the Prime Minister to obtain
his majority vote of confidence of 99. Twenty Radical

Socialists voted against the bill.
Political observers appear at a loss to explain the
reasons which induced (?) (?).

The bill with certain modifications particularly the
introduction of the clause stating that the Government
would maintain the franc at its present parity and would
avoid exchange control now goes to the Senate where it

will

156

LMS 2-No. 804, June 16, 4 p. m., Sec. 2, from Paris.

will be tabled tomorrow. While there is strong opposition to the bill in the Senate where a bitter debate will
take place either tomorrow or Friday, there are many who
believe that the Blum Government met its real test in the
Chamber of Deputies and that the Senate in view of the
abovo-mentioned modifications and the desire to avoid a

political crisis at this juncture may pass the bill by a
narrow mangin.
(END MISSAGE)
BULLITT
CSB

157

Plain
NC

London

Dated June 16, 1937

Rec'd 2:20 p.m.

Secretary of State
Washington
RUSH

386 June 16, 8 p.m.
FOR PREASURY FROM BUTTERWORTH

Bowley, on behalf of British Treasury, has called my
attention to British United Press report published late
this afternoon under Washington dateline to the effect that
French Rc cresentative there has intimated that France may

be forced to withdraw from Tripartite Agreement pre-

sumably due to institution of a control system.
British Treasury would appreciate receiving any
information in this connection which American Treasury
may have.
BINGHAM

HPD

158

June 16, 1937
3 p. m.
Present:

British Ambassador
Mr. Trentham

Dr. Feis
Mr. Taylor

HM,Jr: The reason that I asked you to do me the
courtesy of coming down was this: I have, through the
cooperation of yourself and your staff, established what

I consider a very fine relationship with the British Treasury. I think it has been most important to your Government
and mine. I want to keep it.
Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: Did you know, when Mallet left, I sent a message

to Sir John Simon?

Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: This morning I got a message which, franky,to I
don't know just how to handle. And that's what I want
tell you about.
As you know, every month they have this meeting of the
Bank at Basle, the Bank of International Settlements, and

Sir Montague Norman goes over there and we have our Mr. Cochran,

who is in Paris, and he goes there as a very unofficial observer.
Well, he met Sir Montague Norman and they always talk things
over and he said that he wished the United States Government
would send somebody to London to talk things over with him
Cochran naturally did not know how to answer it and said he
.

would simply think it over.

This morning, Sir Montague Norman telephoned Cochran in-

viting him to come to London for lunch at the Bank of England
on Monday.

Ambassador: Next Monday?

HM,Jr: This coming Monday.

153

-2-

Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: I could not get it very well over the telephone,
but I gathered -- and this is what I wasn't sure of -- that
he had consulted with the Treasury, but I could not understand
over the telephone whether he had or had not. Cochran pointed
out that we have Mr. Butterworth in London who calls on the
Treasury every Friday and Sir Montague Norman said, No; that
he wanted to see Cochran and that he wanted this kept entirely
out of all embassies and all diplomatic channels and that he

felt Cochran was closer to me; therefore, he would like to
see him.

Well, in the first place, in my mind, is my relationship

with Sir John Simon, also my relationship with Mr. Chamberlain
when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: The fact that the whole Tripartite Agreement is

based on relationship between Governments and not between

private central banks; the fact that over the last couple
of months we have had suggestions from the Bank of England,
from Clay, their economic advisor, which when it was put up

informally to the British Treasury they completely disagreed;
that nothing that I have done with your Government or ever
will do or anything that they have done has been anything
except just across this table, man to man. I think it's
most important we keep it that way.
Ambassador: Yes.

HM,Jr: You saw the letter I received from Mr. Chamberlain
and my answer. I don't want to do anything to offend Sir
Montague Norman, but if anybody had to be offended I would
rather offend him than the British Treasury. Furthermore,

if I let Cochran go without telling the British Treasury they
would say 'Mr. Morgenthau just sent us this message; he must
be very impatient that he can't wait until he just gets an
answer.' On the other hand, if you could advise me that it
is quite all right as far as the British Treasury goes to have
Cochran go, then I would have no objection.
Ambassador: I see.

HM,Jr: But I can't let him no without disclosing it to

160

-3-

the British Treasury and first finding out whether it's
agreeable to them, even if I offend Sir Montague Norman
through doing it.

Ambassador: Above all things, you don't want to cross

the wires.

HM,Jr: Not let me tell you what happened two years
Sir Montague Norman was here in New York. He talked
ago.
to Mr. Eccles and said, How do I go about to see Mr. Morgen-

thau? (I may be a little rough in my memory.) He said,
If you want to see him, just ask. Well, he didn't want to
ask, so when Bewley came to see me, up to Cape Cod, I asked
him, I said, How would you handle a situation like this? and
the answer I got was, Well, if Sir Montague Norman wants to
see you, he knows how to do it. He can call up the Embassy
and ask them to arrange it. Then when Sir Montague Norman
got back, he took the occasion to tell friends so it came
back that the only reason he came to America was to see me

and he had been unable to see me. Now, I am telling it to
you just the way I feel and, frankly, I want some advice.

Ambassador: I see. Yes. I see.
Mr. Trentham: May I offer some. I feel perfectly con-

vinced that the relations between Mr. Norman and any Chancellor
of the Exchequer are so close -- he goes to the Treasury several

times a day to see the Chancellor -- that there could be no
possible objection to a meeting between Mr. Norman and Mr.
Cochran. That is my view.
Ambassador: That would be my own view too.

Mr. Trentnam: I am perfectly certain of it.
HM,Jr: Well, it's only Wednesday. You would have time
to find out.
Ambassador: Oh, yes! I think so.
HM,Jr: You see, Sir Montague Norman, I am sure, does
not know that Mr. Mallet took a message.

Ambassador: No. No; probably not. Heonly landed
yesterday. He only got to London yesterday.

161

-1-

HM,Jr: And among other things, I told Mr. Mallet that
if there was going to be any conversation, I wanted it right
out and not -- you see, there have been different hints the
last two or three months, SO much so that I am confused.
Ambassador: Yes. Yes.

HM,Jr: And what Clay thinks at the Bank of England is
not what the British Treasury thinks. And what Clay has
been saying for the last couple of months is not the same as
the British Treasury.
Ambassador: Yes. Yes.

HM,Jr: And if you will remember, at the time of -- let
me get this straight -- check my memory, Wayne -- if I remember rightly, when the French wanted to do that so-called
dollar-pound loan and they wanted a depository here, as I
remember it there was that crossing between Montague Norman
and Sir Frederick Leith-Ross, wasn't there?

Mr. Taylor: I don't remember.
HM,Jr: As I remember it, I think Montague Norman didn't
want it and Sir Frederick Leith-Ross went to Paris and tried
everything he could to get it across.
Ambassador: We didn't hear anything about that.
Mr. Trentham: News to me.

HM,Jr: If you are right, it's fine. All your Govern-

ment can say is that I am -- I want them to feel that I am

leaning over backwards to make sure that there can be no mis-

understanding.

Ambassador: You want it straight from the horse's
mouth.

HM,Jr: As I say, I don't want to offend Sir Montague
Norman. If he has some ideas he can contribute, fine! But
my relationship, after all, is with the British Treasury.
Ambassador: Yes. That's quite plain.
Mr. Trentham: Yes.

HM,Jr: Now, we have time. If I could hear Friday

162

-5-

morning, if that is not asking too much.
Ambassador: We will send a telegram off tonight and

they will get it the first thing tomorrow morning.

HM,Jr: He wanted to surround it with complete secrecy;

didn't want it to go through the Embassy. As far as we are
concerned, we can keep it secret here, but it's a little difficult.
Dr. Feis: May I say on that point, as regards not going through Embassies, I know Mr. Hull feels that of course
Mr. Bullitt would have to know about this.

HM,Jr: Idid not want to say that. All right, I w1 11

say that. In the message, Sir Montague Norman said that he
did not want Ambassador Bullitt to know anything about it.

Ambassador: I see. oh, yes!
HM,Jr: And the position that Mr. Hull has taken, whom
I have consulted about this, is that Mr. Cochran has the position of Counselor, and while he is detailed just the way
you (Trentham) are to work with the Treasury, he is part of
the State Department's staff and he's under Mr. Bullitt and

the point I think you (Feis) make (I overlooked it) is if

Cochran does go to London, Ambassador Bullitt will have to
know about it.

Ambassador: Yes. Clearly.
Dr. Feis: I don't know whether it's necessary to say
this and I don't believe Mr. Hull meant that Mr. Bullitt

would have to be informed about the substance of the conversation, but merely about the errand and its general purpose.
Ambassador: And it adds some point.

HM,Jr: Cochran said I can't even cable you; I have

to telephone you, because Sir Montague Norman says I must
not even tell my Ambassador.

(At this point the Ambassador and Mr. Trentham left,
Dr. Feis remaining.)

HM,Jr: (To Dr. Feis) I know this is not what Mr. Hull

wanted me to do, but knowing what he did want I wish you

163

-6-

would tell him just what I said and I don't think the way

I have put it ought to make an enemy of Sir Montague Norman.

Dr. Feis: No. On my own observation of Sir Montague
Norman, I don't know who has told Mr. Hull that Mr. Norman

is an active and useful factor for trade agreement, but I
am decidedly skeptical. Mr. Hull, as I understood it, suggested as a first step, which was to say to Cochran: tell
Sir Montague that you will have to consult and in the course
of that consultation you feel sure that your Government will
want to ascertain whether it's agreeable to the Treasury.
I think Mr. Hull was merely suggesting that intermediate step.
HM,Jr: Do you think I handled it all right?
Dr. Feis:
Yes, I do. That's because I personally do
not greatly estimate Lir. Montague's part in international
affairs, but Secretary Hull has somewhat divergent judgment
on that.

May I say another thing about Clay. It so happens
that Henry Clay is one of my very oldest English friends.
There is no more simple, direct, well-wishing Englishman
alive. He is an economist of a sort of quiet gentility and
feels himself quite free in talking with someone like myself
who go over there, talking in terms of his personal judgment;
not necessarily the Bank's judgment and so I think perhaps
when considering anything ever wired regarding Clay's judgment, you would want to take it as his own.
HM,Jr: Policy, as far as stabilization is concerned,
is set in the British Treasury and they undoubtedly have their
same troubles with the Bank of England, behind the scene, as
we do here with the Federal Reserve, and they always will have.
Dr. Feis: The only report on that comes from this very
fellow Clay. A year ago he said, I can describe precisely
what the relationship is. The Treasury gives us liberty
within designated sums -- my memory of the sum he mentioned
was $30,000,000 -- either way; beyond that we don't consult;
approaching that point, we go to the Treasury for instruction.
HM,Jr: With Mallet just going there, taking this message,
why should we let Sir Montague Norman stick his nose into this
thing? I want to do business with the British Treasury.
Dr. Feis: I have no qualms because of my estimation of

164
-7-

Montague Norman's role.

of hie own estimation.
fied.

The Secretary has qualms because

In my personal judgment, I am satis000-000

165

TELEGRAM SENT

EDA

GRAY

June 16, 1937
5 p.m.
AMEMBASSY

LONDON (ENGLAND)

246.

Your 386, June 16, 8 p.m.
FOR busterWORTH FROM SECRETARY MORGENTHAU.

Please inform Bewley that we have had no intimation
from the French Government of any intention of withdrawing

from the Tripartite Agreement; nor as a matter of fact
has the subject been discussed with any French representative.
HULL
HF

EA:HF:LWW

RECEIVED
JUN 17 1937
TREASURY DEPARTMENT

Office of the Se diety
Tecanical Assistant to in secretary

166

Plain

NC

London

Dated June 16, 1937

Rec'd 2:20 p.m.

Secretary of State
Washington
RUSH

386 June 16, 8 p.m.
FOR PREASURY FROM butterforth

Dowley, on behalf of British Treasury, has called my
attention to Eritish United Press report published late
this afternoon under Washington dateline to the effect that
French Represencative there has intimated that France may

be forced to withdraw from Tripartite Agreement pre-

sumably due to institution of a control system.
British Treasury would appreciate receiving any
information in this connection which American Treasury
may have.
BINGHAM
HPD

167

PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

No.: 805
From:

American Embassy, Paris

Date:

June 16, 1937, 5 p.m.
FROM COCHRAN

Paris exchange market nervous with prices varying

considerably but more quiet than for past few days. Con-

trol had to yield fair amount of sterling. Rentes did
not hold their opening gains. International shares lost
heavily.

According to our market contact, gold is still being
sold at London by the Swiss National Bank. There is
again a rumor going around here that within a week the

United States will reduce the price of gold to $32.
However, today gold is generally being bid. Thirteen
bars of gold were shipped by Paris American Bank to the
Belgium National Bank from the London market. The Paris
American Bank, however, found that the Belgium National

Bank is also shipping gold from London, thus not leaving
much opportunity for outside arbitrage arrangements,

Operators of the market here are of the opinion that
chances are about even for Blum's financial measures to
pass the Senate.

EA:EB

BULLITT

168
BRITISH EMBASSY,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

June 17th, 1937
My dear Mr. Morgenthau,

As agreed with you I telegraphed
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer immediately

after our interview yesterday on the question
which you raised, and have just received a
reply from him reading as follows:"Please inform Mr. Morgenthau that Mr.

Norman's suggestion arose from the fact that

it will be necessary to give very close
attention in the immediate future to the French
position on which we are very much in the dark.
From the amounts of gold which have passed to

us in the last six days it is obvious that
they a.e losing gold at extremely heavy rate
even for them. Governor of Bank of England
who/

the Honourable

Henry Morgenthau, Jr. P

United States Treasury,
Washington, .. C.

-2-

who had seen Mr. Cochran at Basle suggested

if he could find it convenient to visit London
his opinion on situation in Paris would be
most valuable. The Treasury concurred and

said that they would be most glad of opportunity
of discussion of position informally with Mr.
Cochran if it suited his convenience.
Chancellor hopes that Mr. Mo genthau sees no

objection."
I much hope that this message will
clear your doubts.
Yours sincerely,

R.C.

170
PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM: American Embassy, Paris, France
DATE:

June 17, 1937, 1 p.m.

NO.: 807
FROM COCHRAN.

This morning at 11 o'clock I had a talk with the
Bank of France. Yesterday about half the amount (of
670 million francs) of what was yfelded the preceding
day was lost by the French Stabilization fund. The
three months discount of the franc against sterling had
declined from 6.50 to 4.00 this morning. Quiet but
fairly steady opening for sterling, with money very scarce.
I mentioned to my Bank of France contact that this
morning traders had a rumor that France would withdraw

from the Tripartite Agreement. He said he had not heard

any official suggestion in this regard.
As soon as study of official text of debate proceedtoday
ings in Chamber is finished, we will cable re Blum's
reference in debate to France and tripartite agreement.
Today the Finance bill is to be considered by the
Senate Finance Committee, and probably tomorrow there will

be discussion in the Senate in answer. It is expected that
there will be a tendency on the part of the Senate to
modify the powers sought in the Chamber bill.
Most

171

-2Most confidentially information has come to me that
the Bank of France shipment of gold on the PARIS to the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York represents a further

step of the BIS to liquidate its own holdings of gold.
so far I have not made any attempt to confirm this report
with any responsible BIS official.
The press here carries an item from the London
FINANCIAL NEWS of today which predicts that the third
article by Brand to appear in the London TIMES tomorrow
will strongly recommend that the gold price be reduced.
BULLITT.

EA:LWW

172

GRAY

LMS

London

Dated June 17, 1937

Rec'd 2:40 p. m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

390, June 17, 6 p. m.
FOR TREASURY FROM BUTTERWORTH.

British Treasury expressed appreciation for the
information contained in your 246 of June 16, 5 p. m.
With reference to the last sentence of your 243,
June 14, 4 p. m., I might mention 1 have an appointment
with British Treasury tomorrow noon. In this connection
Exchange Telegraph ticker report may be of interest:
"The Netherlands Bank in agreement with the Minister of
Finance has decided to grant unilateral exemption from
the embargo on the export of gold. This measure does not

affect the monetary policy in any way but will give private holders of gold an opportunity to sellton the London
market which would tend to eliminate the existing discount relative to the Amsterdam gold price."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was asked in the
House of Commons this afternoon whether he was aware that

Sweden during the war refused to accept gold for payment
of goods on the ground that Sweden was not sure that
other

173

LMS 2-No. 390, June 17, 6 p. m., from London.

other countries after the war would accept gold in payment
for foreign goods purchased by Sweden; if he would endeavor
to obtain guidance whether the United States Government

would accept large volumes of gold or dollar exchange ob-

tained from gold from Great Britain in payment for goods

and services should Britain in time of war be able to offer
only gold as the means of payment. Sir John Simon re-

plied "according to my information it is not the case that
Sweden during the war refused to accept gold in payment

for her goods. Swedish currency was allowed to rise above

its:normal value. I am not disposed to accept the view
that gold appears likely to lose its importance as a
medium of international exchange. In any case I should
not consider the action suggested in the last part of the
question appropriate". " .

Asked whether in order to increase confidence in the
sterling exchange position the Chancellor would give a

rough estimate of the total of British short term obligations to overseas creditors and the amount in the hands

of responsible British authorities of gold available as
a reserve against these obligations, Simon replied "I am
not in a position to give any formal estimate. It is
very difficult to draw a line between short term obligations to overseas creditors such as deposits and foreign
holdings

LMS 3-No. 390, June 17, 6 p. m., from London.

174

holdings of British securities which might be realized
and the proceeds withdrawn, putting some strain on the

exchanges as the withdrawal of foreign deposits, but from
such information as is available I am satisfied that any

increase in our liabilities in the last six years including the increase in our liabilities to other parts of
the Empire has been more than covered by the growth in
our reserves".

For the condition six years ago see MacMillan Committee report.

on the whole the new profits tax announced last night
of 5% on trade and business profits with exemptions to

professions, public utilities and special area industries
has been well received. In a full year the yield is
estimated at pounds 25,000,000 and the duration is limited
to the five years of the armament borrowing program. In
the new proposals British Government has met many of the

objections raised against the old: by taxing absolute

profits instead of gross profits it clears itself of the
charge of letting off the persistently prosperous while
fleecing those who have brought their businesses through
hard times to great expectations and those who have started
new businesses at a venture; it is easily computed and

collected. However, this has entailed dropping also any
attempt to tax differentially those who have profited
largely out of the rearmament program.
BINGHAM
CSB

Copy for SECRETARY

175

GRAY

LMS

Paris

Dated June 17, 1937

Rec'd 3:30 p. m.

Secretary of State,
Washington.

809, June 17, 4 p. m.
FROM COCHRAN.

The text of the emergency bill giving government

full powers has today been made available in
the official report of Chamber debate of June 15, it
reads as follows:

"In order to maintain the franc at its parity under
the terr. of the monetary law of October 1, 1936, and
to avoid exchange control the Government is authorized

during the ordinary session of 1937 and at the latest up
to July 31, 1937, to take by decrees approved by the
Council of Ministers the measures necessary for the

restoration of public finances as well as for the protection of savings of the currency and of the public
credit without being able to proceed to forced conversions.
These decrees will be submitted for ratification by
Parliament within three months of the promulgation of the
present law or in any case
BULLITT
RR:CSB

176
GRAY
EDA

PARIS

Dated June 17, 1937
Received 6:45 p.m.

Secretary of State
Washington

809, June 17, 4 p.m. (SECTION TWO)

soon after the opening of the Extraordinary Session of 1937",
(The amendment prohibiting forced conversions did not appear

in first press reports).
It is noted that several references were made in

the debate to the tripartite arrangement. The most
important in this connection was the assurance of the
Minister of Finance that the Government "would not take
measures that would place the principles of the arrangement in danger". Much notice has been given in the press
to Blum's statement in this connection. Textually he said

referring to the action to lead expatriated capital to return to France:

"This has nothing to do with the tripartite agreement.
This arrangement in fact concerns free dealings in and
negotiation of capital between countries and this is a
question of French sovereignty which no international
agreement can limit for the reason that it is the French
law

177

EDA

- 2 - #809 June 17, 4 p.m. from Paris

law only which is sovereign as concerns the French, their

persons, and their property wherever in the world it has
pleased them to hide it".
It does not appear from an examination of the official
report that a reference was made to stabilization by the
Government. However, Paul Reynaud who is a member of the

Chamber Finance Committee revealed that the Minister of

Finance had stated to this body earlier in the day "that
it was very probable that the Government would stabilize"

and in this respect Reynaud was at pains to recall to the
Chamber that on February 4 last, the Minister of Finance
had definitely agreed that France was not ripe for such
an operation as the pound was free and French economy wad

was not prepared. Reynaud warned the Chamber that stabili-

zation would be "pure folly" in view of the present state
of world conditions and especially conditions in France.
Sterling has continued in fair demand throughout the

day with control holding sterling rate at 110.90. Dollars
were offered from New York presumably on account of American

strike. Bank of England took part of gold offered at
London. Price was such that Bank of Belgium was not

called upon to take gold. International shares lower;
French shares irregular. Feature of Paris market has
been jump in French rentes from 2.25 to 3.40 francs.
Investors

178

EDA - 3 - #809, June 17, 4 p.m. from Paris
Investors believe Government will under proposed full
financial powers force French banks, insurance companies

and certain other business concerns to invest part of
their reserves in rentes and other Government securities.
Hence the rise. Bank of France statement as of June 10,
showed no significant changes. Coverage 55.64 versus
55.56. Banking circles fear Government may devise scheme

for forcing those having foreign currency deposits in
banks in France to convert them into francs.
END OF MESSAGE.

BULLITT
NPL:EMB

179
STATEMENT OF SECRETARY MORGENTHAU

BEFORE THE JOINT COMMITTEE ON TAX EVASION AND AVOIDANCE

THURSDAY, JUNE 17, 1937.

The problem of closing leephcles in tax laws is continuing

and ever-present. It is never settled by any particular legislation. Tax administration today requires a succession of laws tc
prevent the use cf ingenicus devices which distort the original
purpose cf the act and which create what tc the average man seems
unethical and unwarranted avoidance of taxes.

This is not the result of activities on the part of any particular group of persons. Ncr is it the result of concerted action
on the part of taxpayers as a whole. It is caused by pressures
which come from deep-seated attitudes in certain quartors toward tax-

ation. These attitudes and these pressures must be realistically

considered as part of the problem of tax administraticn. I will
describe them briefly because they furnish the background against
which tax administraticn must operate.

In the first place, 170 have developed in this country a
group cf ingenious lawyers and acccuntants who make their living
by showing to people who can afford to employ them ways by which

they may pay the least possible taxes. This may be a legitimate

business. Nevertheless, by virtue cf its highly competitive
character, it brings abcut the fellowing situation. The ordinary
accepted standard by which many wealthy taxpayers judge the

efficiency of the tax atterney is the amount that he can save in
taxos. The most ingenicus atterney, therefore, becomes the most

180

-2successful and the most scught after. He feels that his sole

duty is toward his client. If he is honest, ho will not condone
perjury but he feels little moral cr social responsibility to the
Government. Therefore, if he can invent a now scheme for circum-

venting the intent of tax laws, which will be upheld by the courts,

he is well within the ethics of his profession, regardless of the
unfortunate effect that such a scheme will have upon the general

application of such laws. We have now a bar cf registered attorneys and tax acccuntants numbering approximately 45,000. Against

them are pitted scme 2800 field agents actively engaged in tax

investigations for the Government. The contest is, of course,
unequal. The fees cf the tax lawyer exceed by thousands of per
cent the pay of his opponent employed by the Government. In this
manner the most rescurceful brains cf the legal world are engaged

actively in trying to avoid taxes for their clients, Among these
are men who received their early training from the Government,

and who use the skill they acquired in that service against the
younger mon who take their places. The Government then becomes

a training school for many of its opponents.

I am not attaching any blane to anyone in particular for

this situation. I am only pointing out that it exists and that it
is one of the reasons requiring continual revision cf the tax laws.

181

-3A second factor which creates the problem which now confronts

us is the fact that tax avcidance, as opposed to tax evasion, is
considered by many a legitimate and honorable ain. Where private
obligations are concerned, the same people who new hire ingenious

atterneys to cut down their taxes would scorn to use the same

subtle devices in avoiding payments to their creditors. Here

again I an simply calling attention to an existing attitude. The
ethics of tax avoidance have grown up out of a variety cf circumstances and the problem is not solved by blaming anyone. It is
only important tc recognize those ethics as an existing fact
because they are a very important element in the problem which
faces the Treasury.

I hope that in the future an atnosphere may be created in
which men will hesitate tc use ingenicus devices to avoid the pay-

ment cf taxes. Nevertheless, that happens to be the present attitude of sone persons tcward payment to the Government.

A third factor in the situation is the difficulty cf distinguishing, at least before a case is triod, between tax avcidance
which is supposed to be proper, and tax evasion which is supposed

to be innoral. I will nct attempt tc define these terms. So
hazy is the line between tax evasion and tax avcidance that it
is always possible tc classify any complicated schene as tax

avcidance, so long as there is nc absclute certainty that it will
be adjudged invalid at the end cf long litigation.

182
4-

These rttitudes have created what might be called the sporting

theory of tax administration. So long CS these attitudes exist,
the process of tax legislation will be somewhet P.S follows: A lew
will be passed; ingenious devices for circonverting its application

to individuals will be trie* out. This will take time. Finally,
when sufficient of those devices have become current so that P great
loss 521 :overnmental revenue begins to eppear, legislation will have

to be drafted specifically directed at the new trx-avoidance inventions which he appeared since the last law.
Today because of the variety of devices to avoid taxes, the

situation cells for remedial legislation. That this is a recurring
situation is illustrated by the tax history of the last fer years.
Prior to 1934, the provisions permitting deductions for losses resulting from stock sales had become one of the largest loonholes in

our tax edministrrtion. Incenious use of these deduction provisions
permitted individuals to establish losses by exchanging stocks with
each other and calling the trensection F sale. However, it WPS the

kind of a sale which was over have telen place had it not been for
the desire to avoid taxes. That loophole ves pl aged in 1934. Since
that date new devices of even rester complexity and incentity have been
developed, imitated and copied until they are HOW in very general

183 I

-use. As is usual in such cases it takes time before sufficient
interest is created to demand reform. For example, in 1935 two years ago - under my instructions, Mr. Robert H. Jackson
criled to the attention of the Committee on Finance many of the

methods of tax evasion which are now the subject of this inquiry.
The use of those devices was then a less serious obstruction to
the collection of revenue and nothing was done about then. Resort to them has now increased to such an extent that some reform
is imperative.

Of course the attitudes which create this continuous tr.sk of
circumventing new tax avoidance devices cannot be legislated away.

The immediate objective in the present emergency is practical tax

legislation. Nevertheless, I am hopeful that the continued publicity
which hearings of this sort give with respect to the game of tax
avoidance may help to create an atmosphere in which men will hesitate

to use these artificial devices to evoid the payment of taxes
just as today they hesitate to use such devices to escape the
payment of private debts. The great body of citizens already
display the same attitude toward their obligations to the Government

that they display toward their private obligations. An examination of
their returns year after year discloses 110 attempts to push the let-

ter of the law to its limit, and no use of corporate forms or other
elaborate subterfuges for the sole purpose of avoiding their normal

-6tnx burden Perhaps continued exblicity iven to the NOTO Protestic

184

methods of tax avoidance now considerer legitiunte may make such

as ettitude more nearly universal. This my be an important byproduct of public herrings on curvent tax devices.

I will therefore attempt briefly to describe the Teneral
cherecter of some of the methor's now in use in terms which the Evene C

taxpayer may understand. One cirracteristic runs through all of then.

It is the creetion of 0 multiple personality in the treep ver. By
this device he ceases to be P sin-le individual and becomes e whole
group of people, some of whom pre enring money while others pre

losing it. To divides himself into severel people. sometimes incororated and sometimes not. He purports to carry on business trans-

actions with his family at arms-length. Often he convinces himself
that these separate people returlly exist. Erch one of these
imprimery individuals into which the taxpayer divides himself deals

and trades with all the other imprimery individuals.
The total result is a series of losses which would not have been
deductible for tax purposes and the texpayer remained c single

personelity. The different methods by which the partn of this
multiple personelity deal with each other are varied and intricate.

We will attempt to clossify then leter. They are, however, of this
eneral character. A texpayer croptes F seuprete personality to entite
in an activity which is a hobby or e humry or PE ordinary living expense
or even a at 1 of investing funds. He then charges the expenses and

the losses of such activity against hirself. Time, he is able to pay
interest to himself, to charge himself for vacations and pleasures, to
rive himself pensions, to be his o'm insurance company and so on. These

transections pertake of the spice herer] character as if , small taxpayer
incorporated his household :itchen is e restaurant and deducted the
expenses end losnee from his texable income because he had so few customers.

-7185
Practically all of the devices which we will cite later would look
absurd if applied to persons of small incomes whose activities were necessar~

ily more restricted. They are important as tax-dodging devices only for the
very rich. Not only do they look absurd when applied to the small taxpayer
but they are also too expensive to be useful unless large sums are involved.
The analogies which are used to support these devices are found in

the corporate structure by which business in this country is conducted.
The distinguishing feature, however, between the corporation used for a
business purpose and the corporation used for a tax avoidance purpose is the

fact that in the latter case were it not for the tax laws no such corporations
would have been formed.

The use of the corporate device in order to split a single man into a

number of personalities is often extraordinarily intricate. However, of late
some tax attorneys have felt that it was not necessary to go to so much trouble.

They have in effect split individuals up into different persons without bother
ing to incorporate. A rich man runs a racing stable as a hobby. He calls himself a horse-breeder and in this character loses money very heavily indeed.
He never makes a financial success as a horse-breeder because racing demands

too much luxury on his farm. This raises his expenses. He then charges off
the loss on his racing stable against his income.

No small taxpayer would think of calling himself a golf instructor and
then charge the expense of his golf game against his income because he got

no pupils. However, we find an individual who in one capacity charters a
pleasure yacht to himself at a loss and deducts it from his income because
though as a business man he is successful, as a professional yachtsman he is

a heavy loser. These instances are not yet as frequent as the use of the
complicated corporate personality which is harder to see through. Neverthe-

less, unless legislative action is soon taken such pleasant methods of tak-

ing vacations and getting rid of taxes at the same time will be imitated

--

186

and constitute a serious threat to the revenue.
Most of these people have talked themselves into believing that the
methods which they use are socially legitimate. They profess complete

personal irresponsibility, contending that if their methods are wrong it
is the duty of the tax administration to ferret them out and to conduct

long and expensive litigation in order to determine their validity. The
individual believes that he is morally entitled to take the sporting
chance and that he has nothing to lose and everything to gain by taking it.

The device of the multiple personality of the single taxpayer is of
course not the only loophole which requires immediate attention. The Under

Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Roswell Magill, who will follow me, will
undertake to classify the principal ones for you in detail.
I will only summarize the principal schemes which are being devised,

copied and imitated today. They may be divided roughly into three classes.

First, there is the device which I have just described of making the
taxpayer a multiple personality whose characters deal with each other.

Second, there is a variation on that device by which the taxpayer deals
with his family at arms-length and creates taxable losses out of the performance of personal obligations which he owes to them. He takes his wife

into partnership with him. He splits his income between himself and his
children instead of maintaining them.

The third device is one where the individual doing business in this
country makes it appear by a series of corporate personalities which he
controls that he is actually doing business abroad in some country where

he cannot be taxed. In other words, transfers of title which might result
in taxable income are made to appear to have occurred outside of the
United States.

187
-

We do not know how extensively this latter device is being used. We
do know that within the last two years, 585 foreign corporations have been
formed which probably represent business interests in America. We do not
know how many have been used for tax avoidance purposes, but we do know

that some have been so used. We believe, however, that the use of this de-

vice is spreading. It is most important that its growth be stopped before
vested interests arise which make it a still more difficult problem to
deal with in the future.
For these reasons I believe that the use of the multiple personality
by the taxpayer has now reached the stage where Congress should consider

corrective legislation. The process of fighting in the courts all the
different schemes which may be woven around this concept is too slow for

efficient tax administration We intend to give examples of a large number
of cases, not all of which would be upheld by the courts but many of which

are sufficiently plausible so that they can delay and hinder tax collection.

It is the history of tax litigation that it takes years to finally outlaw a
tax avoidance device, once it gets a foothold among tax attorneys. In the
meanwhile, the Government revenue is impaired in two ways; first, by the
actual loss of revenue in specific cases; and second, by the expenditure

of the time and energy of the tax-enforcing agencies in litigation.

188

- 10 -

It is true that many of the devices which we have referred to are

being limited and restricted by the courts. Nevertheless, the situation

is sufficiently confused so that a great deal of litigation is required
because each case deals with only the particular facts involved and distinctions in intricate situations can always be made.
And what effect has the increasing use of these devices on revenues?

That, of course, cannot be exactly determined. Nevertheless, it is a

substantial factor which is cumulative in effect, just as the influence of
a continued course of sharp practices in bankruptcy cases tends to reduce
the total dividends to creditors. The nearest estimate which we can make

of the loss in revenues caused by such practices in the tax field has
been arrived at in the following way:
As you know, each November the Treasury Department is required to

make an estimate of the revenue of the Federal Government for the balance

of the current fiscal year ending on the following June 30th. I need
hardly say that the problem of estimating the revenue is an exceedingly
complicated one: and that some margin of error in the annual estimates,

resting as they do upon forecasts of business conditions, prices, and a

host of other factors, is inevitable. I take great satisfaction in the

189
- 11 -

accuracy of the revenue forecasts made since I assumed the responsibilities

of the office of Secretary of the Treasury. The first estimate of
income tax receipts made under my supervision was for the fiscal year

1935. Actual receipts for that year proved to be 4.6 per cent greater
than my estimate. In the following fiscal year, 1936, actual receipts
were only 1.5 per cent under my estimate for that year. For the fiscal
year 1937, the Treasury Department employed the same methods and the
same personnel in making the revenue estimates as had been employed in

the two preceding years. When, therefore, the March 15 income tax col-

lections indicated that total income tax receipts for the fiscal year
1937 might be as much as 10.4 per cent below the estimate made last

November, I became concerned. I realized fully, as I am sure you do,

that all the care in the world could not always prevent a substantial
error from entering into our revenue estimates, for, as I have already
said, these estimates depend upon forecasts of the future; and the

capacity is not given to mere human beings to foretell the future with
accuracy. I was aware also that my predecessors in the Treasury Department had overestimated the Government's income tax receipts in
the three years 1931, 1932, and 1933, by 15.1 per cent, 7.3 per cent and

13.3 per cent, respectively.

190

- 12 Nevertheless, I decided to investigate the details, so
far as possible, of .cur March, 1937, income tax collections.

This investigation disclosed the following very si ignificant

fact: Collections in certain areas where there is a considerable concentration cf wealth and income had not increased

by as large a percentage as had the total inccno tax receipts

for the country as a whole. In connection with this fact it is
particularly important tc note that dividends represent a
larger percentage of the net income of people with large incomes
than they do for people with small incones. We knew that dividend
disbursements by corporations during the calendar year 1936 had

increased materially over these of the precoding calendar year.

It seened reasonable to suppose, therefore, that part at
least cf the discrepancy between our original estimate of incone

tax receipts and the receipts that night be estimated on the basis
of our actual collections in March, 1937, night be due tc a wider
use of various methods cf tax evasion and tax avcidance. And

when Mr. Magill undertook a field investigation of this possibility
at my request, he found much to support this conclusion.

191
- 13 -

Mr. Magill will describe to you in some detail the character of
his investigation. Necessarily, it was a quick survey, and the
further audit of the 1936 returns will undebbtedly disclose additional data to enable us to determine with greater accuracy the
methods of avoidance employed by some taxpayers. In this connection,

it must be berne in nind that the Bureau of Internal Revenue faces
tremendous physical problems in the audit of the returns and in

its effort to prevent tax evasion and avoidance. There were

about 6 million returns filed for the taxable year 1936, and it
has been cur experience in the past that only about 500,000 can

be audited with the force of abcut 3,000 men that we have available.

I believe that it may be appropriate to say a few words
regarding the Bureau's progress in the last few years in connec-

tion with the making of these detailed audits. Prior to 1935,
the field investigations of returns were not commenced until
approximately 1 year after filing and were not completed until about

2 years after filing. At present, field investigations are begun
3 months after filing and are completed 15 months after filing an advance in the conduct of the work of field investigations of
approximately 9 months.

The collection of additional taxes, a substantial portion of
which represents recoveries in instances when tax avcidance or evasion
has been attempted, has constantly been increasing. Our revenue agents'

192
- 14 recommendations for the assessment of additional taxes increased fron

$203 million in 1934 to $355 million in 1936. Experience has shown

that, through litigation or agreement with the taxpayer, abcut 70
per cent of these recommended additional taxes are ultimately collected

by the Treasury. For the first ten months of the present fiscal year,
agreements with taxpayers for the collection of additional taxos
amounting to about $130 million, have been secured, and Commissioner

Helvering has informed me that he is confident that the Bureau will

collect by agreements more taxes during this fiscal year than it
has ever collected in that manner at any time in its history.
Undoubtedly, prevention of tax avcidance and evasion would be

aided by an examination of a greater volumo of returns. I think that
fully 750,000 returns, rather than the present 500,000, deservo yearly

audit. However, in consideration cf the snall personnel of the
Department compared with the very large number of accountants and

attorneys who are constantly ongaged in the preparation of returns and

in the defense of the taxpayers' contentions, the record of the Burenu
is good. With our limited force, we must collect the maximum of
revenue, and we must do SC in such a way that we are not years behind
in our work.

These tax avoidance devices tc which I have alluded have affected
revenues of the Government in the following ways:

(1) They create the belief that rich men with expensive atterneys

do not have tc pay taxes. There is just enough truth in this tc have
far reaching consequences on the norale of hundreds of thousands of

193

- 15 taxpayers. No one can possibly calculate how many potty evasions

which can never be detected among 6 million returns are due tc the

belief that cleverness rather than fairness is a preper criterion of
the taxpayer. Thus, tax ethics generally today are where business
ethics and trade practices were in the nineties.
(2) In the highly competitive situation which exists among expert
tax atterneys, plausible devices spread rapidly and tax evasion and

avoidance increase without anyone realizing the extent cf the impair-

nent of tax administraticn until the end of the taxable year. Even then
an exact estinate of the effect of tax avoidance is impossible.
(3) Vested interests grow up in tax avoidance devices in the course

of time SC that it becomes very difficult to change then after they
receive a semi-respectable standing. This factor makes quick action
advisable to decapitate new schemes before they achieve the force and

respectability of law.
(4) After tax avoidance devices have become an accepted part of
tax law, any attempt tc change them is heralded as a persecution of the
rich. Today, for example, we are net by the charge made in some quarters

that this attempt on the part of the Treasury, forced on us by a gradual
accumulation of tax avoidance Acvices since the passage of the Revenue

Act of 1934, is an attack on wealth. Actually, anyone who gives the

matter unbiased consideration will realize that it is for the benefit
of the rich to plus locpholes in tax laws, since this raises more
revenues without raising rates. The prevalence of the devices

194

- 16 we are going to describe has cast a suspicion on many rich men

who do not deserve such suspicion. There is certainly no possible advantage to the conscientious nan of large income to allow
fantastic schemes of tax avoidance to continue.

(5) And finally there is the very important question of the
revenue. Those tax devices which defeat the intent of Congress
cost the Government huge sums which Congress never actually in-

tended to give away. Moreover, they create continual and expensive

litigation. No collecting agency can operate effectively if it is
hampered at every turn by law-suits.

For these reasons, I considered it imperative to call these

matters to the attention of Congress at this time.
--cdo--