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DIARY

Book 555

July 29 - 31, 1942

-ABook

Page

555

253

Alcohol

Rubber to be manufactured from alcohol: Cann (Bureau
of Internal Revenue) memorandum on collection of tax
on alcohol by proposed Rubber Supply Agency 7/31/42
Argentina

See Latin America

-BBanks

Examination covers segregation of securities held by
State banks in trust from bank's own assets Buffington memorandum - 7/29/42.
Barth, Alan
Memoranda on criticism by Congress of Treasury: HMJr
asks Gaston, Paul, Kuhn, Schwarz, and Graves to

watch for am prepare answers to sort of criticism
Barth points out - 7/31/42

48

308

Bemberg Companies, Latin American

See Latin America: Argentina

-0
China

White reports on rumor that commanders in Eastern

China are not offering determined resistance to
Japanese forces - 7/29/42
Stabilization Board: Adler's membership - Hall-Patch
asks Treasury to formalise - 7/31/42

79

369

a) Treasury answer - 8/6/42: See Book 557,page 278

Correspondence

Mrs. Forbush's mail report - 7/31/42

314

-DDelano, Frederic A. (American Planning and Civic Association)
See Financing, Government: War Savings Bonds

(Billboard on Treasury lawn)
Doolittle, James (Brigadier General)
Thanks HMJr for autographed picture taken at Walter
Reed Hospital - 7/31/42.

332

-7Book

Page

Financing, Government

August Financing:
Open Market Committee meeting - 7/29/42
a) Agenda

555

11

10

b) Bell: "Program based on general fund balance

at end of month of not less than $1.9 billion -

amount spent every 15 days"
c) Eccles program
d) Bell memorandum: Treasury Bills

1) Classified by type of investors
Conference: present: HMJr, Bell, Viner, Smith,
Stewart, Harrison, Burgess, and Edwards - 7/30/42.

43

45
47

171

a) Sproul comments on excess reserves and
New York money market

b) Price and yield changes of United States
securities, July 23-30, 1942
Conference; present: HMJr, Eccles, Bell, Buffington,

201

204,302

Haas, Baker, Tickton, Szymczak, Goldenweiser,

Draper, and Piser - 7/31/42
a) Discussion of (1) reserves, (2) formal
financing, (3) Haas proposal for tap issue
1) Eccles memorandum on Board meeting

2) Distribution of Treasury bills

3) Tax-Investment Series B Notes
b) August Financing: Haas memorandum

c) Press release: Additional amount of 2%

Treasury Bonds, 1962-1967
War Savings Bonds:

272

286
287
288
289

303

Philippine Islands: Investment of funds by Quezon
discussed in Treasury-Quezon correspondence 7/29/42

50,212

Billboard on Treasury lawn: Correspondence between
Treasury and Delano (American Planning and Civic

Association) - 7/29/42
Payroll Savings Plan: Treasury final score -

52

7/30-31/42

213

7/30/42

214,350

Comparison of sales - May, June, and July, 1942 -

Wives of former Presidents of United States issue
statements in connection with drive - 7/31/42
Payroll Savings Plan: Analysis as of July 25, 1942 7/31/42

334

347

-General Aniline and Film Corporation
Told to consult Alien Property Custodian regarding
property in Poughkeepsie for use as laboratory 7/31/42

355

-

Book Page
Indian Supply Mission

Edgar Snow's letter of introduction of K. C. Mahindra,
head of Mission - 7/29/42
Inflation

555

77

See also Book 553

Wage Control and Agricultural Prices: Conference at
White House; present: HMJr, Rosenman, Bell, Paul,
and White - 7/29/42
a) HMJr thinks order FDR has under consideration

1,2

"will do only half the job and will antagonize
FDR's supporters in labor circles; Lewis's

hand will be strengthened"
b) Expenditure rationing suggested by HMJr
c) One-page memorandum prepared for FDR

4

Conference of Treasury group, Stewart, and Viner 7/30/42

89

a) Draft of memorandum for Rosenman discussed

(copy of draft on page 124)

1) HMJr-Rosenman conversation

Conference; present: HMJr, Bell, Gaston, White, and
Paul - 7/30/42
a) New draft of memorandum for Rosenman

Complete set of material for Rosenman - 7/30/42
Conference of Treasury group, Stewart, and Viner 7/31/42

128

132,140
153

155,167
255

a) Group from three research staffs to be

detailed to subject of inflation exclusively

Viner-Stewart memorandum on Administration statement
to accompany some new anti-inflation measure 328

7/31/42

-K-

Kamarck, Andrew M. (First Lieutenant, Field Artillery)
Thanked for recent report on conditions - 7/31/42

328

-LLatin America
Argentina:
Treasury communications with State Department

relating to Argentina - 7/29/42.

Latin American Bemberg Companies: Memorandum

concerning situation - 7/31/42

7

357

Lend-Lease

United Kingdom: Federal Reserve Bank of New York
statement showing dollar disbursements, week ending

July 22, 1942 - 7/31/42

364

-MBook

Page

555

84,234,
235,371

Military Reports

British operations - 7/29/42, etc

Office of War Information report - 7/29/42

87

Russian vs. German Military Manpower Potential -

Hoflich report - 7/30/42

238

Soviet War Lottery, No. 2 - documents in connection

with: Military Intelligence Division report 7/30/42

240

Strategic Services report - 7/30/42

242

"The War This Week, July 23-30, 1942" - Office of
Morris, Dave H. (Captain, Headquarters Detachment)

HMJr expresses thanks for letter - 7/31/42.

329

- -0Office of War Information
See Military Reports
Oftedal, Special Agent (Bureau of Internal Revenue)
Termination of assignment to Department of Justice
requested by Bureau of Internal Revenue - 7/30/42..

-PPhilippine Islands
See Financing, Government: War Savings Bonds

-qQuezon, Manuel (President, Philippine Islands)
See Financing, Government: War Savings Bonds

-RRubber

See Alcohol

-Snow, Edgar

See Indian Supply Mission
Stewart, Walter

See Inflation

219

-UBook

Page

555

240

U.S.S.R.

Soviet War Lottery, No. 2 - documents in connection

with: Military Intelligence Division report 7/30/42

-VViner, Jacob

See Inflation

1

July 29, 1942

About 9:30 this morning, I talked to Judge Rosenman
and told him I would like to come over to see him because

I felt that this order the President was thinking of
drafting would only do half the job. He said that he

would be interested, and I should come over later on.

Then I had a meeting in my office with some of the

Treasury men, and then we went over to see Rosenman at
10:30. We were with Judge Rosenman for about an hour,

and Harry White is to write up the meeting.

(mm/ddy)

Rosenman was very much interested and said that the

Treasury was certainly ingenious in thinking up new ideas.

The principal thing I told him was that even if the

President went ahead along the lines he was planning

to follow, it would still leave the gap of $20,000,000,000

which would act as a pressure on prices.

2

July 29, 1942.
Meeting at the White House
July 29, 1942
9:45 A.M.

Present: Judge Rosenmann
Secretary Morgenthau

D. W. Bell

Randolph Paul

H. D. White

Secretary Morgenthau explained to Judge Rosenmann that he felt
the drafts of the Executive Orders which were being considered by
Judge Rosenmann and representatives of Treasury and other agencies

would be an unwise step at this time. The Secretary stated that virtually the chief support for the war effort and for the Administration

on which the President could depend came from organized labor and that
the proposed provision setting a ceiling on wages would antagonize
labor. It would greatly weaken Murray's position and strengthen the
position of Lewis, who had become a vicious influence on the American
scene. He said the present labor leaders were bending over backwards

in their effort to help in the present situation and that Murray had

even become conservative by comparison with his earlier positions.
The Secretary added he knew the President was angry at the farm bloc

and might therefore be led to take action which he might later regret
and that his proposal to put a ceiling on farm prices by Executive
Order at this time might stir up trouble.
In any case, the Secretary went on to say, the fixing of wage
ceilings for farm prices would leave the major problem of inflation
unsolved. There is the fact that there will be a large mass of purchasing power - maybe $20 billion or so, even without any wage increases, which will exert pressure on price ceilings. The task is to
devise some program which will mop up that $20 billions or prevent

that $20 billions from causing inflation.

Judge Rosenmann indicated he was interested and appeared to agree

with the general viewpoint as expressed by the Secretary.

The Secretary then went on to say that he had been exploring

the possibility of meeting the problem of inflation through the instru-

mentality of Expenditure Rationing. He thought that the Judge might
be interested in hearing about it. The Judge could then determine
whether it might not be helpful to the President to have a program

3

-2presented to him which might make unnecessary the issuing of an
Executive Order putting a ceiling on wages and prices. Judge
Rosenmann said he would be interested in hearing about the plan.
After a brief explanation Secretary Morgenthau asked Mr. White to explain it in more detail. Mr. White did so and Judge Rosenmann asked

several questions and said he was quite interested in the idea. Judge

Rosenmann suggested that a one-page or two-page summary memorandum

might be prepared which would describe the plan and the reason for it,
for the President's perusal. The Judge said the President would
probably want to finish up the whole matter before Queen Wilhelmina's
visit the next week and wondered whether the memorandum could be prepared before then. Secretary Morgenthau promised he would have a

memorandum ready by Thursday morning.

On Thursday morning there was another conference in the Cabinet
Room of the White House attended by the same persons and Mr. Gaston.
The Secretary submitted a one-page memorandum for the President to
Judge Rosenmann which had been prepared in the Treasury. Judge
Rosenmann read it and said it was a very excellent memorandum and

that he would give it to the President. In leaving, he said: "Well,
there is one thing about the Treasury, it certainly is resourceful."
The meeting adjourned after about ten minutes, but the Secretary

remained behind with Judge Rosenmann.

MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT

4

In the light of the probability of a long war and its

effect on Government financing, we have been considering in
recent conferences in the Treasury Department further steps

necessary to prevent a calamitous rise in the cost of living.
We have come to the conclusion that more fundamental measures

than any heretofore publicly proposed are essential.
Wage and price ceilings cannot control inflation. Even
if wage rates and farm prices were frozen at present levels,
next year would see a surplus of spending power of $20 to $30
billions. The pressure of this excess purchasing power would
inevitably break through the price ceilings on a broad front.
It would result in empty shelves, in large scale black market
transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism.
It would give rise to queues and to inequitable and wasteful

distribution. It would make the acquisition of the necessities

of life a battle of wits.

There is no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no
matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
for consumer goods of this excess of $20 to $30 billions. We
have considered several methods for accomplishing this result
and have concluded that the most feasible plan is EXPENDITURE
RATIONING. The plan has the additional merit that it can be

put into effect without additional legislation. (Sec. 301,
Second War Powers Act, 1942.)

Expenditure Rationing would consist of a limitation of the

aggregate spending power so that it would be roughly equal to
the aggregate of available consumers' goods at present prices.
This would be accomplished by limiting, through a coupon system
or some equivalent degice, the amount that any individual or
family could spend on consumer goods. Adequately administered
it would insure that effective demand for all consumer goods
would not exceed, but would be measured by, the supply of goods
available. The plan would be made flexible so that purchases
permitted would be increased or diminished as the supply of goods

warranted. It would not completely replace specific rationing,
which would still be necessary in the case of some scaree com-

modities.

Although variations of income as well as size of family
would be factors in determining the permissible amount of spending allowed each individual, the Expenditu Rationing system
would greatly reduce the inequality in spending that prevails
now. For example, a family of four with an income of $1,500
might be allowed to spend it all, while a family with an income
of 850,000 would not be permitted to spend more than (say)
$10,000.

The plan will of course raise serious administrative

problems, but this would be true of any plan adequate to meet
the situation. The O.P.A. could administer the program, probably with not much greater personnel than now contemplated,

because with Expendi Rationing the administration of price
ceilings and specific rationing would diminiah in difficulty
and importance.

Secretary of the Treasury

(Final Draft submitted to the President
via Judge Rosenmann, 7/30/42)

5

July 29, 1942.

9:53 a.m.
HMJr:

Hello.

Operator:

The Secretary is on.
Hello.

HMJr:

Vice President

Wallace:

Hello.

HMJr:

Hello?

W:

Hello, Henry?

HMJr:

How are you, Henry?

W:

HMJr:

Oh, fine. I suppose Harry White has kept
you informed on this Argentine matter.

I'm not sure that he has, but if he
hasn't it's my fault, not his.

W:

Yeah.

HMJr:

What are you referring to, Henry?

W:

Well, you may remember this Argentine

freezing matter that a....

HMJr:

Oh, yes.

the preparation of a - of A wire which

W:

was sent down to Norman Armour
HMJr:
W:

HMJr:
W:

Yes.

the - asking Armour to - directing
Armour - the Secretary of State
Yeah.

sent him instructions directing him to
take - make certain representations to the

Argentine Government.
HMJr:

Yeah.

6

-2W:

HMJr:
W:

The representations were never made, and Acheson
was never told.

I see. Well, that's nice, isn't it?
I thought you'd be interested in knowing that our
friend Welles took on himself the responsibility

to see that - the thing was never done and Acheson
was never told.

HMJr:

W:

Why, I think that's outrageous. Well, you'd like

me to look into it, I take it.
I don't know that you - all I'm - all I'm asking
you to do is to - is to talk to Harry White, that's
all.

HMJr:

Well, I - I - since they sent Merle Cochran down
to the Argentine, and I asked Harry yesterday

whether we've had any cables, and - since he 6
gone we've had no information. You know, they
promised me almost daily cables from the Argentine,
and I was going to write Mr. Hull a letter and
ask him, "Well, what's happened to Merle Cochran
and his cables?"

W:

Yeah.

HMJr:

You see? And they made me all kinds of promises

W:

HMJr:

W:

HMJr:

on that
I

but I - I get what you're after, and I'll take
a look at it.
I - I'm not asking you to precipitate anything,
but I just thought you ought to be - if you
weren't current, you ought to be current and know
the....

Well, I'11 get current. I'm not. But I will be
shortly.

W:

(Laughs) All right, Henry. All right.

HMJr:

Okay.

W:

Goodbye.

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
INTER OFFICE COMMUNICATION

DATE July 29,1942

Secretary Morgenthau

TO

FROM

H. D. White

Subject: Treasury communications with State Department relating
to Argentina.

The Treasury officially knows that the following action has
been taken with respect to Argentina in the past two months:
1. The State Department prepared a long instruction to the
Embassy in Argentina at the time of Merle Coohran's visit, in which
the Ambassador was authorized to make strong representations to the
Argentine Government and indicate the failure of Argentina to carry
out its obligations under Resolution V of the Rio Conference. This

instruction was cleared with the Treasury Department and was carried
to Buenos Aires by Mr. Meltzer, who accompanied Cochran.

2. On Friday oflast week we transmitted to the State Department copies of the statement of our conversations with the Argentine
delegation to the Washington Conference relating to Argentina's
freezing controls and their lack of cooperation under Resolution V
of the Rio Conference. In addition we sent a memorandum prepared
by the Treasury as background for the conversations. We understand
that the State Department intended to send these documents to the
Embassy in Buenos Aires for their general background information.

3. Last week the Treasury Department asked the approval of
the State Department to blook the Bemberg assets in the United

States. (The Bembergs represent a group of industrial interests
in Argentina who have $25 - $50 million in the United States. It
is strongly suspected that the Bembergs are controlled by French,
and perhaps German, interests.) The State Department presumably
sent a cable to the Embassy in Buenos Aires asking for their
recommendations on the Treasury request.

8

July 29, 1942.
10:30 a.m.

HMJr:

Hello.

Operator:

Gamble.

Ted

Gamble:

Hello.

HMJr:

Gamble, I'm seeing Mrs. Roosevelt tonight, and

G:

I'd like some statement on that theatre business for tonight.

It is all in the - being written right now,

Mr. Secretary.
HMJr:

G:

HMJr:

Well, please see that it goes to Mrs. Klotz

so that I'll get it, will you?

Yes, sir.
And you're going to stop these fellows from ask the theatre people not to have any
between-the-acts talkers.

G:

I've covered that in the memo, yes, sir.

HMJr:

You have.

G:

Yes, sir.

HMJr:

Good.

G:

It's all in there, everything you asked about.

I've had these people in here, and have talked
to Mr. Fabian in New York this morning,
straightened Mr. Cohen out, and I had Mr. Smith
in here personally and straightened him out.

HMJr:

Right.

G:

I have a statement from him which I am attach-

HMJr:

You sent for him?

G:

Yes, sir. No, I did not send for him. I talked

ing to it.

to him on the phone and asked him to send this

statement in, and he brought it in.

9

-2HMJr:

Itosee.
And
I'llKlotz.
get that, but see that it comes
me via
Mrs.

G:

It will be in her hands within the hour.

HMJr:

Thank you.

G:

Surely.

7/29/+2 10
AGENDA FOR MEETING WITH EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

OF THE OPEN MARKET COMMITTEE AT 3:00 P.M. ON
JULY 29th IN THE SECRETARY'S OFFICE.

1. Change in reserve requirements.
(Federal Reserve will probably want to discuss at
same time the short-term interest rate)
2. August Financing:
(a) Reopen registered 2-1/2% bond of 1962-67

(b) Cash offering of 1-1/2 billion dollars (Unless
3(b) below is adopted it might be safer to
offer $1,700 M)

(c) Treasury bill program (now $350 M a week)

3. Long Term Program

(a) Change limit on Series A Tax note from $1,200
to $5,000. (Some have suggested $10,000.)
(b) Change Series B Tax note to make it available
for investment purposes as well as tax purposes;
also make it a 3 year. obligation and increase rate
to about 3/4%.

(c) Discuss possibility of offering late in September
at one time $4 to $6 billion in Treasury securities
to consist of two or three different maturities.

11

July 29, 1942.
3:10 p. m.

FINANCING

Present:

Mr. Bell
Mr. Buffington
Mr. Haas

Mr. Viner

Mr. Baker

Mr. Tickton
Mr. Eccles
Mr. Szymczak

Mr. Sproul
Mr. John Williams
Mr. Goldenweiser
Mr. Draper
Mr. Piser

Mr. Rouse

Mr. Stewart

Mr. Alfred Williams

H.M.JR: Bell, even though we are starting a week

ahead of time, I wondered if you didn't want to tell

the men how much money we would need for the rest. of

this calendar year. Go as far as you can see.

MR. BELL: All right. This program is based on
a general fund balance, or working balance at the end
of the month, of not less than a billion nine hundred

million - eight or nine hundred million - at any time,

because we spend that money now in fifteen days. It
is necessary to have that balance at the end of the

month because the financing is in the first, say, ten

days of the month, and we spend the balance by the time
the next money comes in. It is always based on the

assumption that we will get a billion dollars a month
from savings bonds, from two hundred and fifty to three
hundred and fifty in tax notes, and that the present
Treasury bill program of three hundred and fifty million
will run through the cycle.

12

-2On that basis we need new cash over and above

those items of two billion, two hundred and fifty
million in August; in September, two billion five

hundred million. These figures are reduced some from
what I gave you the other day, because of the addi-

tional fifty million in Treasury bills; three billion

seven hundred and fifty in October and November.

MR. SZYMCZAK: You didn't mention September, did
you?

MR. BELL: Two billion five. Three billion

seven hundred and fifty in each of the months of

October and November, and three billion two hundred

and fifty million in December.

That is based on an expenditure program for just

war activities alone of four billion two hundred
million in July, which I think we are probably going

to exceed a little; four billion six hundred million
in August; five billion in September; five billion
three hundred million in October; five billion five

in November; and five billion seven in December.

This two billion two hundred fifty million in
August is the over-all financing, including the reopening of the two and a half's, if that is done.
Of course, in addition to all of this, we have

our refunding program of about nine hundred million,
three notes maturing between now and December 15.
H.M.JR: December 15?

MR. BELL: December 15. We have two Treasury

notes, one of three hundred and forty-two million on

September 15, two hundred and thirty-two million on
December 15, and three hundred and twenty million of

RFC notes on October 15.

Then, of course, we have the billion and a half of
C/I's on November 1, which must be rolled over.
That completes the program to the end of the calen-

dar year.

13

-3H.M.JR: Well, Bell has given me a little agenda
here. I don't know how you want to go at this thing.
The first thing we have got down here is the question
of whether we want to reopen the two and a half percent bonds, '62-'67, and give the Victory Fund Committee something to do.

MR. ECCLES: I think we are all agreed on that.
We have been discussing it. I know we are in unanimous agreement in feeling that that should be opened,

that there can be somewhere between six and seven hun-

dred million dollars gotten in August from that source.
H.M.JR: Had you thought of the date - I mean
opening it at the same time as the other financing?
MR. ECCLES: No, I would open it before. I see
no reason why that couldn't be opened next week.
MR. BELL: Monday?
MR. ECCLES: Yes.

MR. BELL: That would be August 3.

H.M.JR: How do the rest of you feel about that?
MR. SPROUL: We are in favor of reopening the two

and a half's, and doing it next week, and giving a

little time for work on that before you go into your

next financing.

H.M.JR: Open it as of Monday, say?
MR. SPROUL: Yes. We also discussed the sugges-

tion - I think there was general agreement on it - it

would be desirable to make those bonds usable in payment of estate inheritance taxes, as the F and G bonds
are.

MR. BELL: We have an amendment drawn for that.

We are agreeable to that.
H.M.JR: You and I agreed on that?

14
4

MR. BELL: Yes, we did.
MR. ECCLES: We discussed that last week with the

staff people and all agreed that that should be done.

MR. BELL: There have been a number of suggestions
coming from the Victory Fund Committees that the two

and a half registered be made coupon. We don't like
that here in the Treasury very much. We didn't get
a chance to discuss it with you people.

MR. ECCLES: We discussed that this morning, and

we felt that if you are going to put out in October

a market issue, open-end market issue, that it would
be undesirable to make this issue a market issue except
insofar as banks are concerned. It seemed to us that
we had better leave it as a registered, non-coupon bond.
That is, it would be too much like the open-end market
issue that was promised for October, and it would, no

doubt, encroach to a considerable extent in that field.
There would seem to be less need, or less place, for a
large open-end market issue in October if this modification proposed was made in this issue.
MR. BELL: We think that if you are going to make

it a coupon, even distributing it to those outside of
the banking system you might want to extend the time,
because we were told, you remember, when we priced it

before, that we would have to price it on a basis less
than the '67-'72's because it would not sell in the
market on the same basis, about a point or better

difference. If you are going to make it a coupon it
seems to me that you have got to extend that time if that argument was sound before.
MR. SZYMCZAK: That is right.

MR. ECCLES: Except that the 67-172's have been

put out a considerable time. It is an issue, we all
recognize, that we put out before the war, not since
the war, and if we had to do it over we possibly
wouldn't put it out. Therefore, there would seem to
be not very good reason for tying financing to that

15

-5particular issue. That is pretty well salted away now,

and there is very little of those securities on the

market.

I would feel that you had better tie your financ-

ing to something else rather than that one

MR. BELL: There was another point made in connec-

tion with this two and a half, and that is there is

some resistance on the part of investors putting their
money in a registered security, one that is restricted,
like that, and they thought that if you could let it
get out that we were not going to issue a two and a
half percent marketable security, that more people
would go into this registered security.
Did you get into that, Bob?

MR. ROUSE: I don't quite get your distinction,
Dan. The market people feel that, just as you say,

individuals don't like registered securities to a considerable extent, and that that was the reason for sug-

gesting the coupon bond, that you would get a much
wider response andthe volume of sales would be substan-

tially larger. There are these other considerations
which have been mentioned, which I think have a good
deal of merit.
MR. BELL: They are waiting now for a two and a

half market security, and they are not going into the

two and a half registered, whereas, if they had some
idea there was not going to be a two and a half market

security like 67-172, there would be a lot more of

them go into the registered.

I think it is a little difficult to announce we

are not going to have a two and a half marketable secu-

rity. I don't know as we want to do that.

MR. ROUSE: A good many of those people prefer
two percent bonds under those circumstances that are

marketable, whether marketable in the full sense where you have the support of the full market.

16

-6MR. ECCLES: If you are going to make this issue

a two and a half market issue, except so far as the
banks are concerned, it would be a market issue, but
the banks just couldn't hold it. Then it seemed to
us that there isn't very much of a place for an openend market issue in October, that these people that

want a nonregistered coupon bond would take what was

offered in October when it is proposed to offer an
open-end market issue, and try to get a large amount
of money.

It seems to me that you destroy the effectiveness

of that financing if you make this a coupon bond. If
you are not going to put the October out, then I would

favor making this a coupon bond as indicated, a two and
a half percent coupon bond, that could not be taken by
the banks, and then don't put out a market open-end

offering in October.

MR. VINER: Which one would you wish to protect

most? Wouldn't that be a consideration?

MR. ECCLES: We have been talking about the place

for both of them.

MR. VINER: But if one competes with the other,
you may want to protect one rather than the other.
MR. SZYMCZAK: It depends on how much you want to

get. From October, you want to get five or six billion.
Therefore, you want to keep that with all of the trim-

mings you can put on it.

H.M.JR: Don't take that for granted.
MR. SZYMCZAK: That was just the thought--

MR. ECCLES: I think I would favor making this much

broader - giving this a broader market, if you are not
going to do it, because you do have a lot of investors
that don't want a registered issue, that want a coupon

nonregistered bond, and you would sell a lot more of
these securities on an open-end coupon bond than you

would sell on a registered bond.

17
7-

It may well be that you want to adopt that for

everybody as a market issue and everybody - except pro-

hibit the banks from taking it, in which case what you

would then put out in October would be maybe a two percent bond similar to what we put out here a month ago

that everybody can take. But I wouldn't then go higher

than a two percent market bond if you make that change.

If you don't make that change, then I think possibly

a two and a quarter percent open-end market bond would
have a place.
MR. SPROUL: That question you raised, Dan, about

waiting for a market issue at two and a half - I think
that was substantially broken down when these two and a
half's came out last time - the resistance broken down.
I think more of it broken down with the reopening and
the continued lack of a market offering would do the
job, rather than requiring an announcement.

MR. BELL: I think that is true. I think this time
you will find people going into it that wouldn't go

into it before. I think that is true.

H.M.JR: How would you sum it up? Do you want to

leave it the way it is?

MR. BELL: That is what I would do except adding

the provision for payment of estate taxes.

MR. ROUSE: Is there any need to keep the sixty-

day clause?

MR. BELL: I don't think I would keep the sixty-

say clause.

MR. ECCLES: You could still leave itas it is, and
then, in October, if you decided not to put out an open-

end market issue, say two and a quarter bond, you could

then modify this bond at this time and use this as the

open-end market issue that could be taken by everyone
except banks.

time.

MR. BELL: You could if it was justified at that

18

-8MR. ECCLES: If you didn't decide to add another
market bond such as has been discussed, you could.

MR. SPROUL: I think that is right. If there
isn't going to be such a bond, the Victory Fund Committee people feel that they can sell a lot more of
the two and a half if it is made a coupon-bearing
bond than they can in its present form.
H.M.JR: Bell was worrying, if you make it a

coupon bond it would be too sweet.

MR. SPROUL: I don't, myself, see that it is too
sweet. I think we can fix it on the twenty to twentyfive, two and a half percent rate and stand there, and
there is no need of feeling it is too sweet. The only
thing you are really comparing it with is '67-'72, and
I consider that outside of the range of our market
structure now.

MR. BELL: It is selling one hundred and one now.
MR. SPROUL: That is because it is the only open-

market bond, two and a half, available, and this restriction against the bond holding would take care of
that.

MR. ECCLES: There will be enough demand for that

two and a half long bond for banks with savings ac-

counts to keep that in line, even if you put this -

make this a market issue and exempt the banks. You

would have plenty of support for the other.

H.M.JR: What about the sixty-day clause?

MR. BELL: I would be inclined to leave the sixty

days off this time. It was on the original, and there
are eight hundred and eighty-two million of those out
which can be cluttered around the market, and I don't
see much use putting the restriction on this. There
will be some restrictions, because we can't deliver the
bonds next month.

19

-9MR. ROUSE: May I ask if the provision for
acceptance and payment of taxes - estate taxes would 8p ply to the outstanding as well as the new
issue?

MR. BELL: Yes.
MR. ROUSE: Good.

H.M.JR: Well, think over this sixty-day thing.
You don't have to settle it right now.
MR. ROUSE: There was one other question on that;

that was the length of time you would leave the books
open. I think it would be desirable to have a somewhat
longer period than you did before so that there can be

a more intensive selling drive than it was possible to
engage in last time. I am thinking in terms of something like three weeks.

H.M.JR: We don't have to make up our minds on

that, either.

MR. SPROUL: I think you ought to have it in mind

as a possibility.

H.M.JR: I am open to suggestions.
MR. SZYMCZAK: I take it, Allan, you don't have
in mind announcing that you are going to keep it open
three weeks, but-MR. SPROUL: But keep it open longer.

H.M.JR: Now, the next thing I would like to talk

about is this tax anticipation note. First this A note should we increase it from twelve hundred dollars to
some other sum, and if so, how much?

MR. ECCLES: I think we had agreed on five thousand.

MR. BELL: Yes, we did in our group the other day.

20

- 10 There have been some suggestions coming from the Vic-

tory Fund Committee going as high as ten. I think we

are all agreed on five - that that would be sufficient.
MR. SZYMCZAK: I think if you are going to in-

crease it to five you have got a good start. If you
want to go higher later - if you go to ten you may
have to come down.

MR. ECCLES: Five thousand taxes covers a pretty

big income. It is nearly a two percent rate on a
liability here that is very short term.

MR. SZYMCZAK: Especially if you are going to keep

your B and increase the rate on your B, there is no
reason in the world to go beyond five.

MR. BELL: Five - all right.
H.M.JR: Then on the B, it says here, make it
available for investment purposes as well as tax
purposes, also make it a three-year obligation, and
increase the rate to about three-quarters of a percent. Then there were some refinements of those,
George, weren't there?

MR. HAAS: Yes. At the present time the interest only accrues if it is used in payment of taxes,
and the provision was suggested that after a holder
had held the note for six months he could turn it in
and receive interest, and also that they could be put
up as collateral for loans in the banks.
MR. BELL: When we di scussed it with the Federal

Reserve people last week, they thought that it didn't
offer the inducement that possibly the short tap which
they suggested offered. So we have been considering,

since then, the question of allowing the rate to in-

crease by steps, say we allow four cents a month like
it is now, maybe, for six months, and then run five
cents a month for another six months or a year, then
six cents a month, seven cents a month, eight and
nine, and that would get up to an average rate in that
three-year period of about point seventy-seven, and we

would run it for--

21
- 11 MR. ECCLES: That would be all right.
MR. BELL: We would run it up to December 31, '45,
which would be three years and five months.
MR. ECCLES: Our feeling on this, as proposed by

George, as discussed with him in relation to the short

open-end note that we have discussed, was that there
wasn't the same inducement to hold it as there was in

the case of the other. It didn't have quite as much
selling appeal as the other would have; that in the
case of the other issue it provided either a six-month
or a year, a year and a half, two years, two and a half,
or three years, whatever is in the one instrument; that
the purchaser of that would have it available to cash
in when he needed the money, but there would be the

increasing inducement to hold it.

Now, it seems to me that this would pretty largely

meet that advantage.

MR. SZYMCZAK: There was only one question on

that, Dan. Would you still call it a tax note, or
would you give it a different name? How are you
going to classify it?
MR. BELL: We talked about it yesterday and we
didn't come to any conclusion as to the name. We

talked about tax investment note. I don't know what
we should call it.
MR. HAAS: Would there be any objection to continuing the same name? It has advertising value.

itself.MR. BELL: Yes, it has already gotten a name for
MR. SPROUL: Have you given any consideration to

some days' notice if it is turned in for cash and not

in payment of taxes?

MR. BELL: Yes, we would have to have some notice

in case they are going to cash it.

- 12 -

22

MR. ECCLES: I think so. We had proposed--

MR. BELL: Sixty days, I think.
MR. ECCLES: We had proposed that it must be held

for six months. You don't want funds to go into it

unless you know they are going to--

MR. SPROUL: No interest unless they are used for

taxes.

MR. ECCLES: That is right, and after that period,
if they want to cash it in, you shouldn't have that

demand liability without some notice and preparation.

We had proposed a sixty-day notice.

H.M.JR: Does that mean you would have to hold it
eight months before you could cash it, or six months?
MR. ECCLES: You would have to give sixty days.

MR. BELL: In four months they could give notice.

MR. ECCLES: After that period - well, at least,
the thing is you wouldn't have dumping in of a lot of
these certificates for cash without having some idea of
knowing what preparation you would have. It is a demand liability, otherwise, and we feel that a demand

liability in a short security of that sort just shouldn't

be made available - that they should be required to
give some notice.

MR. BELL: Do you think sixty days is enough?

MR. ECCLES: I think so. If you get more than
sixty days you tend to destroy, I think, the market-

ability.

MR. SZYMCZAK: They automatically give you a

notice if you go beyond sixty days. Nevertheless, in
self-protection, if it were longer than sixty days-MR. BELL: We are not exactly set on this gradu-

ated rate, yet. We would like to talk to some of your
people, particularly Piser, about that before we go
ahead with it.

23

- 13 H.M.JR: When would you do that one?

MR. BELL: I think that ought to be announced,

if we are going to adopt it, before August 1, so that
no one will invest in the old tax notes and we can
have the new securities available and in the banks

by August 15, if we have notification by, say, Saturday of this week.

H.M.JR: August 1 is Saturday, isn't it?
MR. BELL: Yes, it would have to be done Friday,
I think, for Saturday morning's papers.
MR. ECCLES: That would give your Victory Fund

Committee a security that they could sell to the investor; that both the corporation and the individual
trust estates that wanted it could have a certain part
of their funds in a short-term security, so that when
they go out to sell the one, they may often find the
customer that would be interested in the two, so that
the same effort, the same contact, would have the two

to sell. I think it is desirable to get that in the

hands of the Victory Fund Committee just as soon as

we can get it there.

MR. SZYMCZAK: It would have this value - you

have already got a B note, and you just sort of ease

into this thing.

H.M.JR: Well, George Buffington started with his

tax notes, so he is familiar with it. He knows all

about it.

MR. ECCLES: This, of course, wouldn't be regis-

tered. It is an endorsed certificate.
MR. SZYMCZAK: Inscribed.

MR. ECCLES: That is what I mean, which would re-

duce - that is some advantage as against it being

registered, isn't it. I mean there is a good deal
less work in connection with it.

24

- 14 MR. BELL: Less work in Washington.

H.M.JR: Which is important.
MR. BELL: Yes, very important.

MR. ECCLES: It has, it seems to me, all of the

features of the short tap if you give it that sliding
scale. It has practically all of the features in that
it is an inducement to hold, it is on tap, available in

any amount that you want to purchase it in; and I think

that is a thing that we are greatly in need of, having
it always available in whatever amounts a purchaser
may desire a security for short-term funds.
The difficulty on the tax note, it was a one-purpose instrument, used only for taxes at a low rate.

In the case of bills, or even certificates, the certificates were put out occasionally - they weren't

always available, and you never knew whether you were

going to get all you subscribed. You would get an
allotment. This seems to me to meet all of the requirements of the investor who has the type of funds
that we feel we are desirous of getting ahold of.
H.M.JR: It does do that.

MR. ECCLES: I think it does. Do the rest of you
feel that way about it?
MR. SPROUL: I would like to have it on the shelf
where we could sell it.
H.M.JR: Oh, I thought you meant-- (Laughter)
MR. SZYMCZAK: Like to put it on the shelf and

take it off the shelf. (Laughter)

MR. DRAPER: He is slipping a little.

H.M.JR: He is not slipping, it is the hot weather.
His similes are mixed. (Laughter)
The other thing, I would like to continue for a

25

- 15 -

little while longer, three hundred and fifty a week.
I don't want to boost that just yet. How long have

we been running three fifty?

MR. BELL:
the second
one. Just one week, last week; today we get
H.M.JR: Did you give me some date in September?

MR. BELL: I gave you a date that Mr. Sproul

suggested that you might want to change. I think it
was September 9, wasn't it, because you said that was
the date that the three hundred million dollars September 2 would be the date that the three hundred

million, the last three hundred million, matured, I
think.

H.M.JR: That date he wants to do what, reduce it?

(Laughter)

MR. BELL: Increase it to four hundred million.
H.M.JR: Well, we can watch it. We could watch
it from week to week.
MR. SPROUL: I think what you want to do there

is watch it from week to week, and it is partly a

matter of when you need some additional funds and

partly how the market is taking the bills that are out.

You get the four hundred, then you may want to go beyond that to higher.

MR. SZYMCZAK: And how you are going to distribute

it to get the two billion excess reserve.

MR. ECCLES: We had a program with reference to

both bills and certificates that involved - we didn't
necessarily fix the time - it wasn't a question of

whether it was next week or next month, but looking
toward the course of the next few months - a volume

of bills of five hundred million a week. The size of
the financing program is such that we feel that that
amount of bills is going to be necessary.

26

- 16 The Fed would like to be able to have a large

enough volume of bills in its portfolio to tend to offset the currency that goes on into circulation. We
are getting a large increase in currency. How much
longer it will continue, of course, nobody knows. I
can't help but feel it is going to level off if you
get up to the peak of national income. National income has been growing, and it has been perfectly logi-

cal for an expansion of currency along with it, but
you reach a point of full national income here, and
there is less need, certainly, for further expansion
of currency. It may well be that at some point currency
will start coming back, and if the Fed has got enough
bills so they can offset the currency that comes back

by just letting the bills run off, it tends to offset
it; and we feel, from an operating standpoint, that a
larger amount of bills, that is, that amount of bills,
is going to be required in the market.

There is getting to be an increasing interest in
bills. Of course, as we have discussed before, this

question of a half rate as a means of broadening your
market even much further than it has been broadened of course, you can never prove that, but at the same

time, I am sure that the three-eighths bill did - we

were able to get a substantial amount outside of New
York, whereas you couldn't have done it with the quarter

bill.

You might argue that a three-quarter bill would
get even more out, but I recognize there is a point,

and I think the half of one percent is the peak. I
would say that that is the peak at which you could fix
a bill rate and not, maybe, affect your pattern, That
is, that half of one-percent rate, and the Fed then
establish a discount rate of a half of one percent on

all Government securities that matured in one year or
less. Anything maturing within a year's period would
possibly get a substantial increase in the use of some
of the excess reserves outside of the money market,
and would likewise get a broader interest outside of
the banks. Even the three-eighths has gotten about a

billion dollars of bills outside of the banks, and the
banks outside of New York have come in for bills when

26

- 16 The Fed would like to be able to have a large

enough volume of bills in its portfolio to tend to offset the currency that goes on into circulation. We

are getting a large increase in currency. How much

longer it will continue, of course, nobody knows. I
can't help but feel it is going to level off if you
get up to the peak of national income. National income has been growing, and it has been perfectly logi-

cal for an expansion of currency along with it, but
you reach a point of full national income here, and
there is less need, certainly, for further expansion
of currency. It may well be that at some point currency
will start coming back, and if the Fed has got enough
bills so they can offset the currency that comes back

by just letting the bills run off, it tends to offset
it; and we feel, from an operating standpoint, that a
larger amount of bills, that is, that amount of bills,
is going to be required in the market.

There is getting to be an increasing interest in
bills. Of course, as we have discussed before, this

question of a half rate as a means of broadening your
market even much further than it has been broadened of course, you can never prove that, but at the same

time, I am sure that the three-eighths bill did - we

were able to get a substantial amount outside of New
York, whereas you couldn't have done it with the quarter

bill.

You might argue that a three-quarter bill would
get even more out, but I recognize there is a point,

and I think the half of one percent is the peak. I

would say that that is the peak at which you could fix

a bill rate and not, maybe, affect your pattern, That
is, that half of one-percent rate, and the Fed then
establish a discount rate of a half of one percent on

all Government securities that matured in one year or
less. Anything maturing within a year's period would
possibly get a substantial increase in the use of some
of the excess reserves outside of the money market,
and would likewise get a broader interest outside of
the banks. Even the three-eighths has gotten about a

billion dollars of bills outside of the banks, and the
banks outside of New York have come in for bills when

27

- 17 they never before came in. There are still a good
many of them that haven't come in, as reflected by the
excess reserves that they still have.
If we can pull in more of those, make them get a
more effective use of them, and a broader distribution,

we feel that it is very much worth while.

A five hundred million bill offering would meet
that and could very well easily be absorbed, we think,
under that kind of a situation.
Then we would like to recommend that we work to

the end of getting eight billion of year's certificates
out, coming due on a quarterly basis, possibly starting
in August with two billion, and putting two billion out
each quarter until you have finished the cycle of eight
billion of certificates.
Now, I don't know just what that rate would be,

but we feel that it is important to establish whatever
peak the bill rate may be. I mean, if we are going
to have a peak bill rate at some time in the future
of a half, it should be done at the time action is
taken with reference to excess reserves, and at the

same time that two billion offering of certificates is
put out, so that the two billion offering of certificates would be priced in line with the half a percent
Federal Reserve discount rate; that is, establishing a
half whereas it is only one new, and establishing a
bill-buying rate.
So the certificate then would be priced in line

with that, and you would then have established a pat-

tern - a permanent pattern - of a half for bills and

whatever that would hit with certificates - maybe seven-

eighths, or it may be as high as one percent, but it
certainly wouldn't be higher than that.

That would give you six billion of bills and
eight billion of certificates as a program looking to
the next year.

28

- 18 Then, as a part of that whole picture, we would
decrease the reserves in the money market, say, four
hundred million at a move, say, two percent each month

over the next three months. There is a billion two

hundred million avai lable reserves, and by using this
power that we just got from Congress, you could give
the money market - while at the same time you are

stabilizing your rate picture, and keeping it stable

by dropping that - give the money market four hundred
million each month for the next three months.

At the end of that time you would - we would know

a little more, I suppose, about the tax picture, and
a little more about other things. We would know
whether you were going to put out a large issue in
October, and we would, likewise, know how well the

various open-end issues were going, and know how much

money we could get outside of the banks. What we
couldn't - we would have to then move to decrease the
reserve requirements over the country as a whole to
meet thatever financing had to be done through the
banks, or we would carry out open market, or possibly
there would likely be some temporary borrowing. So you
would have a combination of the three, giving them
reserves through the change, giving them the reserves
through open-market operations, and giving them the
reserves through a special discounting provision.
Now, that doesn't get away from your suggestion of

maintaining the three and a half million - I mean three

hundred and fifty million of bills a week for the present. I think we all feel that possibly for the month
of August when you expect to put out - to raise a couple
of billion dollars or a billion and a half through certificates, if that is the program, then it possibly
wouldn't be advisable to increase the offering of bills.
H.M.JR: Well, it isn't quite clear in my mind.

Supposing we go al ong the way we have been talking here,

open up the two and a half percent, '62-'67, and we keep
the bills about where they are, and we make the changes
in the A and the B tax notes. While I haven't mentioned

it, you people discussed it before. We offer about a
billion and a half of these certificates.

29

- 19 Now, what isn't clear in my mind, supposing that
is the program for August, the refund coming in somewhere the end of August or the beginning of September some place where it is convenient - is it the pleasure
of the Federal Reserve Board that they will make a
change - I mean--

MR. ECCLES: Decrease the reserves in the money

market.

H.M.JR: Yes.

MR. ECCLES: I think we would have to. I think

we would find it very difficult to put out a billion
and a half or two billion of certificates in August

without reducing the reserves in the central reserve
cities. Otherwise we would have to carry out a very
large open-market operation.

H.M.JR: Could I ask this, Marriner, of the Board?
Again saying that this is approximately the program, reducing the reserves in successive three steps, as I
understand it, from twenty-six to twenty in New York
and Chicago, when would you announce that, if you were

going to do it?

MR. ECCLES: We hadn't discussed that.

H.M.JR: I mean, would you announce it prior to

our Treasury financing?

MR. ECCLES: I think so. I think it would have
to go into effect, possibly, simultaneously with that.
MR. SZYMCZAK: The announcement - but it would be

in effect about the 15th.

H.M.JR: But the announcement would be-MR. SZYMCZAK: You also want to prepare, not only
for your August financing, but your open-market operations and your discounts and your decrease of reserve

requirements to be tied into your October financing September and October.

30

- 20 H.M.JR: What is the date you have in mind?
MR. SZYMCZAK: We were just talking tentatively

about August, September, October 15.

H.M.JR: But if you were going to do it, you
wouldn't give the thing a chance to work, sey, next
week?

MR. BELL: Payment would be on August 15. That

ought to be the effective date.

MR. ECCLES: We would have to announce it to take

effect a week or ten days before the actual date. For
instance, if the 15th is the date your payment comes
in, that is when they would need the reserves, and their

subscriptions would likely be based upon the announcement - if announcement was made - along with your announcement of financing it would serve the purpose.

H.M.JR: But if we were going to do our financing,

say, next Tuesday or Wednesday - I mean, if we do our

financing Thursday and Friday of next week, as I understand it the announcement would be simultaneous with
the Treasury financing.

MR. ECCLES: I am saying this, that if we were
going to move to reduce the reserve requirements, it
should be simultaneously with that, but what I would

like--

MR. BELL: A day before.
MR. ECCLES: What we would like you to consider in

conjunction with that action, and before you try to

put out your certificates, is to consider establishing
a half of one percent bill rate, and thus establish a
half of one percent discount rate. Now, the reason-H.M.JR: Marriner, let's be - if you don't mind,

this argument has been put up to me over and over again.
MR. ECCLES: Not in connection with a specific
financing program.

31

- 21 -

H.M.JR: I think so.
now--

MR. ECCLES: No, we haven't. Remember - right

MR. SZYMCZAK: On the discount rate, this is the
first time we have brought that up. We have been

talking about the rate on the other.

H.M.JR: You have talked to Bell about it.
MR. BELL: Yes, we discussed it.

H.M.JR: Believe it or not, Bell repeats to me

what happens. (Laughter )

MR. SZYMCZAK: I don't know how or when. (Laughter)

H.M.JR: Well, he does.
MR. SZYMCZAK: We are quite aware of the fact that
even after we decrease reserve requirements, that, by

itself, will not be sufficient. There are other things

in this picture - open-end market operations, and discounts that have to supply the funds to the market.
MR. ECCLES: Well, it isn't that we don't recognize the need of giving the market such reserves as

the banks must have to do the amount of financing that
the Treasury has to do. Now, we know that, plus open-

market operations, has got to be done, that the financing has got to be done, that after everything is done
to finance outside of the banks, then the banks are

going to have to finance some amount. We would like to
see that - and I assume you would - reduced to a minimum.

H.M.JR: I so stated.
MR. ECCLES: And whatever that minimum is--

it.

H.M.JR: Even though Senator Taft doesn't believe

MR. SZYMCZAK: If they will only increase the taxes

you won't have to do as much.

32

- 22 MR. ECCLES: Whatever that minimum is, we expect
through open-market operations and through the change -

either that, or change of reserve requirements, or both,
will give the banks the funds to buy what is necessary
to be purchased.

We feel this way, however, about that rate that in the banks outside of New York we could place

more bills and certificates with this adjustment in

rates - both with the banks outside of New York, and

to holders outside of the banks; that it will not be

necessary to give to the banks in the same amount of

excess reserves. We feel, if that kind of a program
could do without disturbing the pattern of rates to

is carried out, we would be doing everything that we

getas much financing as possible outside of the banks,
and that is why merely to reduce the reserves in New

York and Chicago is a short road. It is three months
and is over with, and then you are right where you are

now, again.

MR. SZYMCZAK: Also as to the certificate.
- MR. ECCLES: In three months you are just where
you are now, and you are out of reserves, in the money

market. We will still - it will be necessary, then, to
find a way of using more effectively, if we can
find a way of doing it, the reserves outside of the

money market, and likewise, placing more bills and more

certificates outside of the banks.

We would have reached a ceiling in your short

structure, as you have in your long structure, and

we think we would have been doing everything that could
be done, and the Treasury would be doing everything
that could be done, then, to get funds outside of the
banks, and to use existing reserves. And from then
out, we would feel that we had a reason for changing
reserves in the country as a whole, because we would

have done everything we could to effectively utilize
existing reserves and to have placed outside of the
banks all we can.

33

- 23 Now, we are in this situation, which is so mewhat

of a difficult one. Whenever we change reserve requirements, it becomes a matter of a policy record that we
have
got to report
the reasons
for it.to Congress and we have got to give
MR. SZYMCZAK: Good or bad.

MR. ECCLES: I well recall, in '37, when we in-

creased reserve requirements, although that was a
matter that was thoroughly gone over and discussed,

was up on the Hill only four times during that year,
for the reasons for the actions and whether or not
we had created a depression. I don't want to have to
I

to up again unless I have got some pretty good reasons.

I feel that it is part of a program that can be supported if these fellows should put you on the spot.
H.M.JR: Well, Marriner, let me just say this: I
am not prepared at this time, for lack of evidence that
anybody has yet been able to present me as to why I

should increase the bill rate from three-eighths to a
half. Now, I have yet to have anybody - other than
they think that that would create wider distribution
outside of the banks - but I have yet to be presented
with any factual evidence. Therefore, I am just going to hold off doing anything about it.
MR. ECCLES: Well, if you put your certificates
out this month, then of course you would price them
on a three-eighths bill rate, and that more or less

freezes the bill rate.

H.M.JR: We wouldn't do any different than what

we have been doing.

MR. BELL: No, those certificates, in October,

would be nine-month certificates.

MR. DRAPER: What rate would you put on?

MR. ECCLES: What do you mean, "October certifi-

cates"?

34

- 24 -

MR. BELL: You say they are a year's certificate,
and they are based on three-eighths. There are a lot
of certificates out on the same basis.
MR. ECCLES: No, but if you put out in August

a certificate, a year's certificate, how would you
price it? The pricing would refle ct, of course, a
three-eighths bill rate.
H.M.JR: That is an argument that if we have

got to price them on a half, then I have got to pay
more for my certificates.
MR. SPROUL: That is right, but you would presumably be doing more financing at short terms, so
the aggregate cost of your financing would be less

than if you didn't exploit this short-term market to
the full.
I think it is also important in connection with

this question of reserve requirements and excess re-

serves and the rates - it is important, it seems to

me, to give every indication that we are not depending
on the maintenance of very large excess reserves and
the banking participation in the financing which goes

with it, but that we are making every effort, of

which we think this would be one, to sell securities
both outside the money market and outside the banking
system.

H.M.JR: Well, on that basis we could increase

it one-eighth every financing, and I--

MR. ECCLES: Well, we are not proposing that without affecting your intermediate long bonds.

H.M.JR: Forty percent of these bills, now, are
held outside of the banks.
MR. ECCLES: That is right.
H.M.JR: And there is no evidence that anybody
has yet been able to give the Treasury to show that

by an increase in the rates of one-eighth of one percent, we are going to go more than forty percent,

35

- 25 -

which I think is a remarkably high figure and a very
good showing.

MR. ECCLES: I think it is for three-eighths.

H.M.JR: I think it is amazing.
MR. ECCLES: I think it is.
MR. DRAPER: We only got that result by plugging

them on.

H.M.JR: So much more credit to you.

MR. JOHN WILLIAMS: Isn't it partly the size of
the bill market, if you are going to have a much

larger bill market--

H.M.JR: Gentlemen, you might just as well lay
off me. (Laughter)
MR. DRAPER: Aren't you allergic?

H.M.JR: I am not allergic, but I am open to
evidence, and so far this is just all a hunch.
MR. ECCLES: Of course, you can't produce evidence on any issue when we are proposing to increase

this rate on tax anticipation notes. You haven't

the evidence, but - and that has been true in connec-

tion with practically every offering we make - it is

just the best judgment of the Federal Reserve System

after a good deal of consideration.

H.M.JR: Marriner, if I had said to you before
we started this new program, "With three-eighths how

much of it would go outside the system?" I don't

think anybody would have made an estimate of forty

percent.

MR. ECCLES: I don't suppose we could have known.

H.M.JR: No, but I think it is very good. Now,
there is no use trying, by increasing the rates, to

do the impossible.

36

- 26 MR. ECCLES: But you put the Board in this sort
of a position with reference to the excess reserves,

that if we could say that a bill rate of a half was

established - a discount rate was established - we

did everything possible to get the use of existing
reserves before we moved to--

MR. SZYMCZAK: Outside of New York.

MR. ECCLES: That we moved to get existing reserves

and we move to place securities outside, and that the
increased reserves were called for because it was the
only way that the necessary amount of financing could
be done.

H.M.JR: Well, now, that is a new argument. Let
me just - it has never been put up to me on that basis
before. Let me just ask you a question - two questions,
of the Board. Can't you face anybody and say, At threeeighths we made a very good showing in going outside of
the banking circles?"

MR. ECCLES: But there is still two billion of

excess reserves outside and a billion two hundred
million in New York, and they would say, "Well, you
give more reserves when you have got that amount of
reserves."

H.M.JR: Let me ask you another question. Is there
any rule or unwritten rule that you can't have a buying

rate at a half and a bill rate at three-eighths?

MR ECCLES: Well, the point is that it-MR. BELL: That is what I would like to see.

H.M.JR: I mean, what is this that you can't put
your rate at a half on buying, and keep your bill rate
at three-eighths? I mean-MR. SZYMCZAK: You mean discount.

H.M.J Discount, yes, I mean the discount.

37

- 27 MR. ECCLES: At a half - you mean we can put a

discount at a half? Sure we can.

H.M.JR: I mean, is there some book that some pro-

fessor has written that says you can't do it?

MR. ECCLES: We never contended that. We had

never--

H.M.JR: How many professors have we got here?

(Laughter)

MR. VINER: There is the book-writer (indicating

Mr. John Williams).

H.M. JR: I am serious. I mean, is there something
somebody has written that says it can't be done?
MR. ECCLES: We never said that. We never had any

idea of establishing a discount rate at less than a half.
We had an idea, even if you continued the bills at threeeighths, that is, if we continued the buying rate at
three-eighths, that doesn't necessarily mean that the
discount rate couldn't be a half or that we had any idea
of reducing the discount rate below a half.
H.M.JR: Now let me put it another way. Do you
mean to say to me that I am putting you in an impossible

position by keeping the rate at three-eighths, so that

you can't move on excess reserves?

MR. ECCLES: No, I am not saying that. I am saying
that you give us a much better reason to take action
with reference to excess reserves after we establish
a

pattern of short rates. That is certainly as high as
ou could go in line with the intermediate and long rates.

We have established that pattern, and then--

H.M.JR: Am I embarrassing you and putting you in

a false position? I don't want to do that. I would

go along with you. If you say to me I am putting you
in a false position, the Board, making it impossible
for you--

38

- 28 MR. ECCLES: You give us a reason, a program that

we have indicated makes a pattern that calls for and
justifies - except for New York - let's assume we give
New York the four hundred million a month that has been
proposed; in three months from now New York would still

likely be out of reserves, and the rest of the country

would have reserves. Now the query, would you then
continue to reduce New York, which we could do, below the

rest of the country? That is the dilemma that we face.

H.M.JR: Then let me ask you one more question, and

this will be the last one today on this subject. On
this thing, this is what I have got. If I stick to my
position for one more financing - I mean I don't want
to do anything on the rates - does that mean that my

saying to you gentlemen of the Federal Reserve Board,

"Now, entlemen, we of the Treasury feel that we want
to stay at three-eighths for one more financing?"
-

are you going to say to me, then, that if I offer a
billion and a half of certificates, it won't go?
MR. ECCLES: No, no, of course it will go.

H.M.JR: Then I don't care what you do about your

excess reserves.

MR. ECCLES: Of course it will go.
H.M.JR: I don't care what you do about your excess

reserves.

MR. ECCLES: Because if you offer a billion and a

half of certificates, either we would have to carry -

either reduce the excess reserves or carry on an open-

market operation.

H.M.JR: Then I don't care as long as-MR. ECCLES: Your offering is going to do--

MR. SPROUL: That offering of a billion and a half
could be floated successfully without your doing anything about reserve requirements.

39

- 29 -

H.M.JR: I don't care. I have asked you, "Am I embarrassing the Board by sticking to my position?" The
answer is, "No" "Am I putting you in a false position false light?" "No. "Can I go ahead with my present
program for the next financing?" You say, "Yes". Then
I don't care.
MR. ECCLES: All we are--

H.M.JR: Then all I say is, think it over, and if,

between now and Friday, you could tell me what you

would do with your excess reserves, I would like to
know. I mean, what you decided - if you could let me
know between now and Friday noon - certainly that isn't
hurrying you too much.

MR. ECCLES: No, what we are trying to do is to advise you what we think would be the best thing to do.
H.M.JR: And I have asked you to come over and I

have listened, and - I mean this isn't anything new. I
think it has been put up to. me at least - pretty near
for two months, hasn't It?
MR. DRAPER: Maybe longer, I don't know.

H.M.JR: And I still am from Missouri on the thing.
I still am unsold.
MR. ECCLES: How can we show you?

H.M.JR: I forgot - I have a Senator outside.
I tell you how you can show me. I think the way to

show it to me is in some concrete manner to prove that

through increasing the rates that we can get fifty percent of the bill market into the hands - outside of the
banking system. I mean some way--

MR. ECCLES: All we have got is from our bank presi-

dents.

MR. SPROUL: Quote the whole experience of any buy

ing and selling. If you reduce the price you can sell

40

- 30 -

more goods if the demand is indefinite, as it would be
in this case.
H.M.JR: Well, but-MR. ECCLES: If you put a certificate out, what
maturity were you thinking of making it?

H.M.JR: We haven't talked of that - just one thing really I have to see this man. One other thing, if you

want to - when are we meeting again, Friday?

MR. BELL: No, I had no date set.

H.M.JR: I would like to meet with you again Friday.
MR. BELL: I think the financing ought to be

announced either Wednesday or Thursday of next week.

H.M.JR: If you gentlemen could come in about ten-

thirty, Friday, I would like to see you. One thing was
suggested - you could think about that. It came from
Kansas City in connection with the Victory Fund, that
after we sell a bill and the rate is established, that
we say - or you say that we will sell another fifty
million dollars at the same rate, any bank can subscribe,
say, up to twenty-five thousand, not to exceed fifty
million - if it was more than fifty million, then we
would prorate it.
MR. ECCLES: During the week?

H.M.JR: During the week.
MR. ECCLES: That is a suggestion that came from

Kansas City?

H.M.JR: Yes, and we like it.
MR. ECCLES: That any time during the week, up to

twenty-five thousand, they could get what bills they
want at three-eighths.
H.M.JR: Well, whatever--

41
31 -

MR. SPROUL: Whatever rate was fixed in the bidding.

H.M.JR: Whatever the rate was in the bidding.
MR. ECCLES: Would that work out all right?

MR. SPROUL: If it can be done under the law, it
sounds all right.

H.M.JR: So as not to exceed another fifty million.
MR. ECCLES: That would mean an additional--

H.M.JR: Another fifty million that week. That

would give a test.

MR. BELL: I might read that paragraph, Mr. Secretary.

It is short: "The Committee also was of the view that
Treasury bills should be continued to be offered in such
volume each week as the market would absorb them at, or

slightly under the buying rate for Treasury bills which

has been established by the Federal Reserve Banks. In
that connection, several members expressed themselves as

feeling that the rate on Treasury bills has now been
pegged by the establishment of the buying rate by the
Federal Reserve Bank. It was suggested that the bills,
up to some fixed amount, remain on tap at the highest bid
price at which bills were all wanted on the last previous
offering. It was reported that many individuals and
corporations are unwilling to submit bids, but that they
would purchase bids if they were available in stipulated
amounts at around three-eighths.

MR. DRAPER: That sounds good.

MR. ECCLES: That would be helpful.

H.M.JR: That would be a test.
MR. ECCLES: That would be a test of three-eighths;
at least you would be getting more than you are getting
on the three-eighths basis.
MR. BELL: Outside of New York and Chicago.

42

- 32 H.M.JR: It would make a test on how much further
we can go on the three-eighths.
MR. SPROUL: There is one question, what is the

situation as to the equity of the fellow who bid before
this announcement was made, and who paid a much higher

price and got a lower yield?

MR. VINER: I would like to inject my old recommendation, that you make the highest bid at which you award
the bids the prevailing price at which you give them to
all successful bidders.
H.M.JR: If you would consider Dr. Viner's sugges-

tion - I really will have to stop.
Thank you all.

Eccles

July 29, 43,2

FINANCING PROGRAM

The Federal Reserve System has worked out for the Secretary's considera-

tion the following program for Treasury financing for the next few months:

1. Increase in the weekly bill offering up to 500 million dollars a

week over the next few months. An increase in outstanding bills would serve
to accelerate the distribution of securities outside of the New York City
and Chicago banks.

2. Increase in the amount of outstanding certificates by offering
2 billion dollars of one-year certificates in August with a view to having

four quarterly issues of 2 billion dollars each or a total of B billion

dollars. This also would serve to distribute a larger amount of securities
outside of New York City and Chicago banks.

3. Reopening of the registered 1962-678 immediately. These bonds
could be modified and made more attractive by making them redeemable at par
in payment of estate taxes.

4. Offering of an open-end issue of marketable bonds in the form of
a popular issue to meet the large requirements for October.

5. offering of a short open-end note issue to attract the large and
growing funds of corporations and other investors, which for one reason or
another are not placed in marketable securities. The System renews its
recommendation that such an issue be offered. If this is not acceptable
to the Treasury, the System believes that the proposed extension of the
use of tax notes would be preferable to leaving this field uncovered.

The Federal Reserve System is prepared to take the following actions:
1. The System is prepared to do whatever the Secretary may deem helpful
to support an adequate program of taxation as the most effective means of
reducing the amount of securities that commercial banks will need to purchase.

2. Reductions in reserve requirements. The System is prepared to
reduce reserve requirements for central reserve city banks by 2 points in
August, 2 points in September, and 2 points in October. This would bring
the level of requirements for these banks to 20 per cent, which is the level

for
reserve city banks. It would release approximately 1.2 billion dollars of
reserves.
3. Increase in the bill buying rate to 1/2 of 1 per cent and establish-

ment of a discount rate of 1/2 of 1 per cent on Government securities maturing
within one year with the understanding that these rates will be maintained for
the duration.

4. The System proposes to continue to maintain the existing pattern
of rates on intermediate and long-time securities.

44
In proposing the program of financing outlined above, the Federal
Reserve System was influenced largely by the following considerations:

1. Desirability of increasing substantially the amount of shortdated obligations in the form of bills and certificates. This will have

the advantage of offering an adequate outlet for bank funds, as well as
for some liquid nonbank funds. It would also offer a large medium for
open market operations of the Federal Reserve System. It is particularly
important for the Federal Reserve System to have a large proportion of its
portfolio in short securities, because they can be readily liquidated by
being allowed to run off in case a large return flow of currency sometime
in the future should unduly increase bank reserves. Moreover, the proposed increase in the short debt would maintain a proper composition of

the debt, in view of the very large increase in the total.

2. The reopening of the open-end 62-67 issue and the adoption of
some form of an open-end short issue is for the purpose of having adequate
outlets for investment funds and temporarily idle funds of corporations
and individuals.
3. The offering of a large open-end open market issue in October

is to afford an opportunity for a strenuous selling drive to reach all

groups of investors, bank and nonbank, which is similar to what is being
done successfully in other countries.
In connection with the proposed monetary program, the System's

considerations were principally as follows:

1. We should like to see the bill rate raised to 1/2 per cent, because we think this would help to mobilize some of the unused reserves
of banks outside of the money centers, and also some nonbank funds.

Establishment of a 1 per cent rate at this time, prior to the issuance
of a one-year certificate, makes it possible to have a rate on the cer-

tificates that is more likely to attract nonbank funds. It is proposed
not to touch the rate again for the duration, except at the Treasury's
suggestion.

2. In proposing to establish a discount rate of 1/2 of 1 per cent

on advances secured by short-time Government's, the System's purpose is
to assure those who buy such Government's that in case of a temporary
stringency they will be able to obtain funds from the Federal Reserve

Banks at a rate that will involve no loss. Neither will they have to
part permanently with any part of their portfolio. This supplements the
posted buying rate and is a further step to convince the buyers that short-

time Government's are as liquid to all intents and purposes as excess reserves.

3. The proposal to reduce reserve requirements in central reserve

city banks at this time is in recognition of the fact that it is these

banks that are approaching a shortage of reserves. Reducing them to the

level that prevails at reserve city banks will release auout 1,200 million
dollars, which will help take care of the situation until the late autumn.
At that time the entire picture will need to be reviewed once more.

The Secretary 45
TREASURY BILLS

Amount offered

July 29

July 22

July 15

July 8

$350 M

$350 M

$300 M

$300 M

645

679

651

646

OW rate

.297%

.301%

.316%

.297%

igh rate

.376

.372

.372

.372

verage rate

.369

.368

.365

.365

mount in New York

$172 M

$179 M

$151 M

$173 M

mount in Chicago

57

69

59

38

mount in San Francisco

23

19

17

16

98

83

73

73

ids tendered

mount in balance of
country

7/29/42

DWT

Treasury Department

46
Division of Research and Statistics

0

To:

From:

Date July 31,

1942

Miss Chauncey

E. Kailey EK
Mr. Haas had this chart with

him when he attended the conference

luncheon with the Secretary on July 29.

He undoubtedly left it with the Secretary
at that time.
However, this identical chart
is being used as Chart No. 2 in the
financing memo which we are giving

the ******** Secretary today.

47

7/4/11
OWNERSHIP OF TREASURY BILLS. CLASSIFIED BY TYPE OF INVESTORS
1942

1941
JULY

SEPT.

NOV.

MAR

JAN

MAY

1943
JULY

SEPT.

NOV.

JAN

MAR

DOLLARS

DOLLARS

Billions

Billions

Cumulative

3.0

3.0

2.8

2.8

2.6

2.6

2.4

2.4

2.2

2.0

2.0

1.8

1.8

All Other Investors

Federal
Reserve

1.6

Banks

1.6

1.4

1.4

Mutual

1.2

1.2

Savings

Insurance
Companies

Banks

All Other

1.0

Commercial

1.0

Banks

.8

.8

Chicago
Commercial
Banks

.6

.6

.4

.4

New York City

2

Commercial Banks

2

o
0

JULY

SEPT.
1941

NOV.

JAN.

MAR.

MAY

JULY

1942

SEPT.

NOV

MAR.

JAN

1943

48

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
INTER OFFICE COMMUNICATION

DATE July 29, 1942.
TO

Secretary Morgenthau

FROM George Buffington

GIS.

RE: EXAMINATION COVERING SECURITIES
HELD BY STATE BANKS AS TRUSTEE
FOR THE ACCOUNT OF INDIVIDUALS

NEW YORK

Mr. W. F. Sheehan, Manager, Bank Examination Department, New

York Federal Reserve Bank, states that in examinations made of smaller

banks in New York State securities held in trust are fully examined to
assure complete segregation from bank assets. In the case of large

metropolitan banks where the methods of handling trust accounts are
well known to the examiner, a detailed check of each security is not
made. A periodic spot check is made by the examiner which Mr. Sheehan

states, in his opinion, is adequate to insure proper segregation.
ILLINOIS

Mr. C. B. Upham advises me that Illinois State Bank Examiners
probably make the most thorough check of any state in the country regard-

ing securities held by State banks as trustee. You will recall that my

statement to you yesterday was predicated upon my knowledge of conditions
in Chicago. Mr. Upham states that he is advised State Examiners in Chicago
examine each security in each trust in the two State banks located in the

metropolitan district.

NATIONAL BANKS

Mr. Upham states that National Bank Examiners make a thorough

check of all securities held in trust to assure complete segregation from
other assets.

49
ANDARD FORM No. 14 A
APPROVED BY THE PRESIDENT

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON

MARCH 10, 1926

TELEGRAM
OFFICIAL BUSINESS-GOVERNMENT RATES

CHARGE TREASURY DEPARTMENT. APPROPRIATION FOR

War Bonds - Official

..---

(The appropriation from which payable must be stated on above line)

JULY 29 1942
SENATOR CARTER GLASS

LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA
TERRIBLY SORRY BUT I CANNOT COME ON TWENTY-THIRD BUT CAN
COME ON TWENTIETH IF AGREEABLE TO THE COMMUNITY WITH
SINCERE REGARDS

HENRY MORGENTHAU JR

14117

50

July 29, 1942
My dear President Quezon:

Please forgive this delay in acknowledging
your generous note of July 10. It was more than
kind of you to accept my suggestion that you speak
in behalf of the Treasury's War Bond Campaign. You
may be sure that I will take advantage of this and
you may expect to hear in the near future of several
suitable engagements from which you may select one
or more to suit your convenience.
As to the investment of Philippine funds

in the United States, I should like to discuss this

matter with you at your convenience.

I sincerely trust that you are, or soon
will be, fully restored to good health.
with deep affection and respect, I am
Sincerely yours,
(Signed) H. Morgentban, Jr.

The Honorable,

Delivered by Messenger to The Shoreham Hotel
7/30/42 at:3 pm (Shoreham Hotel, Mr. Quezon'
Harmon Suite advised he would be

The President of the Philippines, there 8/3/42)

Washington, D. C.
PHO:DWB:NLE

July 28, 1942

Photostat file, NMC

Orig. File to Thompson

Office of the President
of the Philippines
Washington, D.C.

July 10, 1942

My dear Mr. Secretary:

I have just returned from Hot Springs where
I went for my prescribed rest, but had to come
back because the altitude in that place did not
help my blood pressure to come down, and I find

your very kind letter of June the 30th. I am
most grateful for the sentiments expressed therein. of course, it will be my pleasure to place
myself at your disposal and make as many speeches

as may be desirable as soon as I am allowed to do
so by my doctors.

Although you have expressed no interest in
my purchasing war bonds with funds of the Govern-

ment of the Commonwealth now deposited in the

United States, I am going to do it just the same.

We have several million dollars here which can be

used for this purpose. If for some reason, say,

for publicity purposes, you should want me to
make the transaction through any particular
individual or agency, please let me know.
With warm affection, I am

Very sincerely yours,

Man
The Honorable

Henry Monganthau, Jr.

Secretary of the Treasury

Washington, D.C.

52

JUI. 29 1942

My dear Mr. Delano:

To be quite frank, I was surprised to get your letter of
July 22nd protesting against the War Bond billboard in the south
Treasury yard.

My record on billboards when I was Conservation Commissioner

speaks for itself. When I started, there were some 2300 billboards
in the Adirondack Park and wholly through moral persuasion I succeeded in getting over 2000 of them removed.

The fact is I, myself, hesitated for a number of days before
giving my approval to having this sign put on the Treasury ground.

It occurred to me, however, that if the English people were willing
to put a War Savings poster on the base of Nelson's Monument in
Trafalgar Square, we were being unduly squeamish in not using the

Treasury yard for a similar purpose. I think when wo, as & nation,

are engaged in a life and death struggle, such little niceties as
to where a billboard should or should not be placed in order to
stimulate the purchase of War Bonds are not terribly important.
Knowing that you feel as strongly as I do about the war, I am

Photostat rile to NMC
Orig. File to Thompson

2.

53

sure on further consideration that you will withdraw your protest.
Yours sincerely,
(Signed) H. Morgenthau, Jr.

Mr. Frederic A. Delano
Chairman of the Board

American Planning and Civic Association
Washington, D.C.

PHO:jrd

54

acid

7.27

My dear Mr. Delano:

To be quite frank, I was eather surprised to
get

your letter of July 22nd protesting against the WarBond

bellbo an the south Treasury yard.

My record on billboards when I was Conservation

Commissioner speaks for itself. When I started, there
were some 2300 billboards in the Adirondack Park and
succeeded

wholly through moral persuasion I 80% over 2000 bill

them

boards removed.

The fact is

I hardly need tell you that we are at was and I,
myself, hesitated for a number of days before giving my
approval to having this sign put on the Treasury ground.
but it ecomed to me that the English people led the way
when they permitted the base of the monument to Nelson

in Trafalgar Square to be used to advertise War Bonds.
le

us water sugared
think when we/are head over heels in war, such little
niceties as to where a billboard should or should not
a

I

be placed in order to stimulate the purchase of War Bonds

arenot terribly important.
Knowing that you and + feel equally as strongly as I do
and seel on further

about the war, I hope that/you will withdraw your protest.
against a War Bond sign on Treasury propertyr
Yours sincerely,

American Planning and Cibic Association
FORMERLY AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION AND NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CITY PLANNING
OFFICERS AND BOARD OF DIRECTORS

FREDERIC A. DELANO. Chairman of the Board, Washington, D. C.
EARLE S DRAPER, Washington, D. C.
ORACE M. ALBRIGHT, New York City
HARLEAN JAMES Washington, D. C.
Third Vice-President

President

Executive Secretary

SAMUELP WETHERILL Philadelphia, Pa.
First Vice-President
RICHARD LIEBER Indianapolis, Ind.

C. JACOBSEN, Washington, D. C.

ROWARD M. BASSETT, New York City

GILMORK D. CLARKE, Ithaca, N.Y.
Miss H. MARIE DERMITT, Pittaburgh, Pa.
JAY DOWNER New York City
PHILIP H. ELWOOD Ames Iowa
JOHN M. Grazs Conover, Ohio

JAMES M. LANGLEY, Concord N. H.

HENRY V. HURBAND, Brookline, Mass.

L. DEMING TILTON, Berkeley, Call.

Treasurer

FLAVEL
SHURTLEFF, New York City
Counsel
MRS.DORA A. PADGETT. Washington, D.C.
Librarian

Second Vice-President

ALFRED BETTMAN, Cincinnati Ohio

Mas. EDWARD W. BIDDLE, Philadelphia, Pa.

ERMON C. BUMPUS, Duxbury Mass.

ABOLD S. BUTTENHKIM, New York City
LEMENT P. CHANDLER, Washington, D.C

B. H. Spokane, Wash

FRANK LINDBAY, Decatur, m

HORACE McFARLAND Harrisburg. Pa.
C. NICHOLA Kansas City, Mo.
WILLIAM H SCHUCHARDT, Los Angeles, Calif.

GENERAL HEADQUARTERS

901 UNION TRUST BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D.C.

July 22, 1942

The Honorable,

The Secretary of the Treasury,
washington, D. C.
My dear Mr. Secretary:

We have observed with sorrow the huge billboard
erected by the General Outdoor Advertising Company in the south yard of
the Treasury Building.
You may remember some years ago, when the same company secured per-

mission of the Community Chest and the Secretary of the 'reasury to erect
a similar board advertising the Community Chest. In response to the protests of our Association and other civic-minded citizens, this board,
together with others, was discontinued. It was our contention at that
time, and we still believe it to be true, that such boards do not do
the causes they are erected to support any real good. In fact, public
sentiment is so opposed to billboards that many of us in the Community
Chest feared that the board would actually harm the chest. Probably
the patriotism that induces the American people to buy bonds is such
that. the sales will not be affected adversely by the public sentiment

against billboards, but we sincerely doubt if the board will help sell
bonds. Moreover We dislike to see the Treasury of the United States
being used to help make billboards acceptable to the American people
by using them for worthy causes (always with the billboard company's
name plainly marked on the board).

May we respectfully protest against the use of the Treasury
grounds for billboards, no matter what worthy cause they advertise?
Sincerely yours,

Chairman of the Board

Hourd
56

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
INTER OFFICE COMMUNICATION

DATE July 29
TO

Secretary Morgenthau

FROM

Mr. Gamble

With reference to the Bruce Smith Max Cohen and Monroe
Robinson conversations with Mrs. Roosevelt concerni rg
motion pictures:

I had Mr. Bruce Smith in my office this morning and
asked him to give me a story in his own words which is
attached to this memo. After listening to what he had to
say, I feel certain that this was nothing more than speculation on the part of Cohen and Smith.

I do not think that either of them are qualified to
pass on the motion picture program but, feeling important,

they injected themselves into an activity that directly is
none of their business. Apparently Mellett recognized this
for nothing happened as a result of their visit with him.
I also talked to Si Fabian of the War Activities
Committee this morning and asked him to see in the future
that Mr. Cohen confined his work to the State of New York,
where he is assigned, and that any matters concerning the
national aspects of this program be cleared through the
regular channels.

I also asked Mr. Fabian about "Minute Men" or speakers

appearing in theatres, He advised me that the theatre

2. 57
committee had been opposed to this from the very beginning
and that while there had been an instance or two of speakers
appearing before audiences and interrupting the program,

that they were continuing a program to discourage this.
He further stated that they would get out a bulletin in the
near future to the 16,000 theatres asking that this matter
be watched very closely so that there would not be even an
occasional instance of such interruptions.
Mr. Smith was advised that he would fast destroy his
usefulness to this program unlesshe confined his efforts
to the job he has in New York. I am sure we need have no
further concern about the activities of Mr. Cohen and Mr.
Smith.

I might add further that it is my understanding that
every effort is being made to improve the quality of the
material reaching the screens. The industry by and large
has done just the things that have been asked of them by the
various Government Departments.
I

understand that one of the things these men mentioned

to Mrs. Roosevelt was that they would like to get the John
Ford films shot at Midway released to the theatres. This,
as you will recall, is something that Mr. Skouras has been
working on for the Treasury and can be more properly handled
by him than through the local efforts of our people.
There is little doubt but that there has been some
confusion in the handling of the whole vast motion picture

3.

58

program; for example, distribution of the films have not
been timed properly to prevent the accumulation of several
subjects on one program which in my opinion does more
harm than good.

The War ActivitiesCommittee is now getting well under
way and there is reason to expect that there will be
considerable improvement in all future theatre participation.

59

We here have been very much concerned with the in-

effectiveness of motion picture shorts. The concensus of
opinion is that the material supplied does not help the
sale of bonds. With the big drive of the motion picture
industry ooming along in September we are very eager to

obtain material (probably current pictures now in the

possession of the War or Navy Departments) which could be
released to the Treasury Department if the proper approach
were made. Mr. Max Cohen and I discussed the subject in
general with Mr. Mellett about ten days ago in Washington
the day before Mr. Mellett came to New York to attend a

meeting of the War Activities Board of the Motion Picture
Industry. Mr. Cohen and I had hopes, after our talk with
Mr. Mellett, that some vital material would be released.
It was apparent at the meeting the following day that
Mr. Mellett certainly at the moment did not intend to
release this material.

The early part of last week Mr. Monroe Douglas Robinson,

who is a cousin of Mrs. Reosevelt, and who is doing an outstanding piece of work for us in speaking to large groups,
chiefly Labor, discussed with Mr. Patterson, Mr. Max A. Dohen,
Mr. Pritchard, and myself, the possibility of arranging an
appointment with Mrs. Roosevelt to enlist her support in an

effort to help us get certain materials, the idea being that a
special unit could be oreated in ow York for the purpose of

making one or two short trailers each week to be released to
Motion Picture theatres through the newsreels.
In our talk with Mrs. Roosevelt yesterday we made it

clear that we were talking to her entirely as individuals
with the idea of helping the Treasury Staff in obtaining the
most effective material possible. Mrs. Roosevelt was extremely
enthusiastic about what we had in mind and was in complete

accord with us as to the ineffectiveness of the present
material that is being given to the Treasury Department to
promote the sale of War Bonds. She stated that she would like
very much to take the matter up with the Secretary, believing
that he would take some very definite action about it, and she
wanted to know if we, who were at the meeting yesterday, would
come down to Washington to discuss with the Secretary, as we

had with her, just what we had in mind. We told her that we
would of course be delighted to do this.

(Mr. Bruce Smith's statement)

CONFIDENTIAL

60

UNITED STATES SAVINGS BONDS - SERIES E

Comparison of July sales to date with sales during the
same number of business days in June and May 1942

(At issue price in thousands of dollars)

June

May

:

:

:

:
:
:

:

sales

July

:

daily

Cumulative sales by business days
:

Date

July

July as

:percent of June

July 1942
$ 15,821

1
2

3

6

7
8

9

10
11

13
14
15
16
17

18

20
21

22
23
24
25

27

28

$ 15,821

$ 19,834

$ 12,679

79.8%

14,880
16,822

30,701
47,523

27,841
40,811

24,263
46,532

110.3
116.4

29,797
17,724
21,599
22,746
24,772
19,077

77.320
95,044
116,643
139,390
164,161
183,238

58,199
82,988
98,197
125,245
134,157
154,242

55,460
73,824
97,049
114,218
128,670
151,956

132.9
114.5
118.8
111.3
122.4
118.8

26,550
15,744
18,407
17,828
22,345
12,233

209,787
225,532
243,938
261,766
284,111
296,344

169,920
186,470
201,700
225,684
233,218
249,033

161,346
177,133
194,047
208,939
223,242
247,532

123.5
120.9
120.9
116.0
121.8
119.0

31,368
12,239
18,184
18,261
18,588
10,695

327,712
339,951
358,135
376,396
394,984
405,679

261,321
280,742
291,729
321,114
331,806
347,673

257,374
271,079
290,485
309,584
323,705
347,494

125.4
121.1
122.8
117.2
119.0
116.7

32,577
17,449

438,256
455,706

362,550
378,505

360,564
375,702

Office of the Secretary of the Treasury,
Division of Research and Statistics.

120.9
120.4

July 29, 1942

Source: All figures are deposits with the Treasurer of the United States on
Note:

account of proceeds of sales of United States savings bonds.
Figures have been rounded to nearest thousand and will not necessarily
add to totals.

CONFIDENTIAL

61
UNITED STATES SAVINGS BONDS - SERIES F AND G COMBINED

Comparison of July sales to date with sales during the
same number of business days in June and May 1942

(At issue price in thousands of dollars)

June

:

:

July

:
:

:
:

sales

Cumulative sales by business days
:

July

daily

May

:

:
:

Date

July as

:percent of June

:

July 1942
$ 12,597

1
2

3

6

7
8
9

10
11

13
14
15

16
17

18

20
21

22
23

24
25

27
28

$ 12,597

$ 9,705

$ 7,302

129.8%
124.9
123.7

9,389
10,455

21,986
32,441

17,601
26,235

15,168
25,516

16,734
13,386
21,852
17,172
22,983
17,050

49,175
62,561
84,413
101,585
124,568
141,618

40,009
49,353
55,888
67,414
72,366
82,310

33,145
48,751
60,817
67,213
72,794
80,845

122.9
126.8
151.0
150.7
172.1
172.1

20,614
14,358
15,400
13,842
15,314
9,696

162,232
176,590
191,991
205,833
221,147
230,842

89,852
95,254
101,464
108,715
112,279
119,749

85,410
94,391
102,106
108,923
114,129
123,534

180.6
185.4
189.2
189.3
197.0
192.8

21,888
9,447
16,327
15,174
14,399
8,816

252,731
262,178
278,505
293,679
308,077
316,893

126,048
134,062
137,429
147,698
153,532
162,774

127,724
138,908
149,502
156,587
161,404
171,335

200.5
195.6
202.7
198.8
200.7
194.7

21,244
12,385

338,137
350,522

170,547
176,410

179,208
189,271

198.3
198.7

fice of the Secretary of the Treasury,

July 29, 1942.

Division of Research and Statistics,

ource: All figures are deposits with the Treasurer of the United States on
Note:

account of proceeds of sales of United States savings bonds.
Figures have been rounded to nearest thousand and will not necessarily
add to totals.

CONFIDENTIAL

62

UNITED STATES SAVINGS BONDS - TOTAL

Comparison of July sales to date with sales during the
same number of business days in June and May 1942

(At issue price in thousands of dollars)

July

June

:

:

:
:

sales

Cumulative sales by business days
:

July

daily

May

:

:
:

Date

July as

percent of June

:

July 1942
1
2

3

6

7
8

9

10
11

13

14
15

16
17

18

20
21

22
23
24
25

27

28

$ 28,418

$ 28,418

$ 29,539

$ 19,981

24,269
27,277

52,687
79,964

45,442
67,046

39,430
72,048

115.9
119.3

46,531
31,110
43,451
39,918
47,755
36,127

126,495
157,605
201,056
240,974
288,729
324,856

98,208
132,341
154,085
192,659
206,523
236,552

88,605
122,575
157,866
181,431
201,464
232,801

128.8
119.1
130.5
125.1
139.8
137.3

47,164
30,102
33,807
31,670
37,659
21,929

372,020
402,122
435,929
467,599
505,257
527,186

259.772
281,724
303,163
334,398
345,497
368,782

246,756
271,525
296,152
317,861
337,371
371,066

143.2
142.7
143.8
139.8
146.2
143.0

53,257
21,686
34,511
33,434
32,987
19,510

580,443
602,129
636,640
670,075
703,062
722,572

387,369
414,804
429,158
468,812
485,338
510,446

385,098
409,987
439,987
466,171
485,109
518,829

149.8
145.2
148.3
142.9
144.9
141.6

53,821
29,834

776,393
806,228

533,097
554,915

539.771
564,973

145.6
145.3

ffice of the Secretary of the Treasury,
Division of Research and Statistics.

96.2%

July 29, 1942.

ource: All figures are deposits with the Treasurer of the United States on
Note:

account of proceeds of sales of United States savings bonds.
Figures have been rounded to nearest thousand and will not necessarily
add to totals.

Sales of United States Savings Bonds 63
From July 1 through July 28, 1942

Compared with Sales Quota for Same Period

CONFIDENTIAL

(At issue price in millions of dollars)

Series E

Actual Sales
July 1

Series I and G

Quota,

Sales

July 1

to

to

to Date
as & of

Date

Data

Quota

$ 15.8

$ 15.8

$ 23.6

66.9%

14.9
16.8

30.7
47.5

47.9
73.0

29.8
17.7
21.6
22.7
24.8
19.1

77.3
95.0
116.6
139.4
164.2
183.2

18

26.5
15.7
18.4
17.8
22.3
12.2

TO

31.4

Date

Daily
1

2

7

8

9

10

11

13
14
15

16
17

21

22
23
24
25

27

28
29

30
31

Daily

Quota,

July 1

Sales

date

to

to

as & of

Date

Date

Quota

$ 12.6

$ 12.6

$ 19.4

64.1
65.1

9.4
10.5

22.0
32.4

36.4
50.6

60.4
64.0

126.0
139.3
162.2
189.8
216.0
236.6

61.3
68.2
71.9
73.4
76.0
77.4

16.7

13.4
21.9
17.2
23.0
17.1

49.2
62.6
84.4
101.6
124.6
141.6

82.6
94.2
114.5
129.5
139.9
147.7

209.8
225.5
243.9
261.8
284.1
296.3

273.2
287.6
311.6
335.5
358.7
377.4

76.8
78.4
78.3
78.0
79.2
78.5

20.6
14.4
15.4
13.8
15.3
9.7

162.2
176.6
192.0
205.8
221.1
230.8

12.2
18.2
18.3
18.6
10.7

327.7
340.0
358.1
376.4
395.0
405.7

411.8
425.9
451.1
477.5
503.8
525.0

79.6
79.8
79.4
78.8
78.4
77.3

21.9
9.4
16.3
15.2
14.4

252.7
262.2

8.8

278.5
293.7
308.1
316.9

32.6
17.4

438.3
455.7

562.7
577.2
601.3
625.8
650.0

77.9
79.0

21.2
12.4

338.1
350.5

3

6

Actual Sales
July 1

Total

Actual Sales
July

Daily

Quota,

Sales

July 1

to Date

to

to

as % of

Date

Date

Omota

$ 28.4

$ 28.4

$ 43.0

66.0%

24.3
27.3

52.7
80.0

123.6

59.6

46.5

126.5

208.6

66.5
73.7

31.1

89.1
95.9

43.5
39.9
47.8
36.1

157.6
201.1
241.0
288.7
324.9

233.5
276.7
319.3
355.9
384.3

160.6
168.0
181.8
193.5
202.8
210.5

101.0
105.1
105.6
106.4
109.0
109.6

47.2
30.1
33.8
31.7
37.7
21.9

372.0
402.1
435.9
467.6
505.3
527.2

433.8
455.6
493.4
529.0
561.5
587.9

223.9
231.8
247.0
260.1
270.7
279.5

112.9
113.1
112.8
112.9
113.8
113.4

53.3
21.7
34.5
33.4
33.0
19.5

580.4
602.1
636.6
670.1
703.1
722.6

635.7
657.7
698.1
737.6
774.5
804.5

91.3

295.1
304.3
322.1
337.5
350.0

114.6

53.8
29.8

776.4
806.2

857.8
881.5
923.4
963.3

90.5
91.5

64.9%

78.5

115.2

fice of the Secretary of the Treasury, Division of Research and Statistics.
ource: Actual sales figures are deposits with the Treasurer of the United States on account of proceeds of sales of
United States savings bonds. Figures have been rounded and will not necessarily add to totals.
Note:
Quota takes into account both the daily trend during the week and the monthly trend during the month.

84.3

62.5
64.7
60.6
67.5
72.7
75.5
81.1
84.5
85.8
88.3
88.3

88.4
90.0
89.7

91.5
91.2
90.8
90.8
89.8

1,000.0

July 29, 1942.

64

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON

July 29, 1942

OFFICE OF
OMMISSIONER OF INTERNAL REVENUE
ADDRESS REPLY TO
OF INTERNAL REVENUE
AND REFER TO

MEMORANDUM FOR

Assistant Secretary Sullivan.

There follows an estimate of the additional office machine
equipment which has been reported to be needed by industry and

Government to handle the collection of a part of the regular
income tax at source under the plan contained in H. R. 7378.

2 Addressograph

3 Addressograph out-off

4 Bill feed

5 Billing machine
6 Bookkeeping machine

7 Calculating machine
8 Change machine

9 Check signer
10 Check burster
11 Check endorser
12 Check writer
13 Combination typing and adding machines
14 Cancelling machines
15 Coder

16 Collator
17 Comptometer

18 Duplicating machine
19 Elements of a card punch set-up
20 Elliott-Fisher bookkeeping machine

21 Elliott-Fisher billing machine
22 Fan-fold typing machine
23 Graphotype

24 Interpreter
25 Key punch
26 Lister
27 Multi-control
28 Multiplier

29 Plug board
30 Payroll machine
31 Posting machine

1,192
342
15
15

231
120

1,937
31

3

1 Adding machine

Quantity

3

Type of Machine

64

588

1,160
1,200
15

107

1,843
718

271
64

64

1,880
46
15

507
15
33

463
39

3,215
143

32 Printer

249

34 Stencil-cutting machine
35 Sorting devices

144

33 Stenoil machine

140

64

65
2 Memorandum for Assistant Secretary Sullivan
Quantity

Type of Machine

36 Standard register

284

38 Tabulating reproducer

117

37 Sorter, electric

348

39 Totalizer

15

40 Tabulator
41 Typewriter

584

4,813

42 Verifiers

255

43 Not stated

300

Total pieces of machines of all types

23,652

The distribution of the above estimates by users of the
equipment is as follows:

dding machine

Bureau of

of

the Public

Federal

Commercial

Internal

Debt and

Reserve

Banks

Revenue

Treasurer's

Banks

300

dustry
50

addressograph

iressograph out-off

Bill feed

Billing machine
Calculating machine

64

Change machine

check signer
check burster

1,192

342

342

15

15

15

15

231

231
120

1,873

1,937

31

31
3

3

3

Check endorser

832

120

Bookkeeping machine

64

64

588

check writer
Combination typing
and adding machine
Cancelling machines
Collator

40

Comptometer

Duplicating machine
Elements of a card
punch set-up

64

keeping machine

64

machine

64

588

1,160
1,200

1,160
1,200

Coder

15

15

67

107

1,843

1,843

654

718

271

271

Elliott-Fisher Book-

64

Elliott-Fisher Billing
Fanfold typing machine

Totals

In-

office
10

All
other

3

Type of machine

Bureau

64

1,880

1,880

Graphotype

46

46

Interpreter

15

15

507

507

15

15

33

33

403

463

y punch

ster

ulti-control
Multiplier

60

66
3 - Memorandum for Assistant Secretary Sullivan
Bureau
of

Type of machine

Internal
Revenue

Federal

Commercial

the Public

Reserve

Banks

Debt and

Banks

Bureau of

Treasurer's
Office

9 Plug board
10 Payroll machine
11 Posting machine

$2 Printer
3 Stenoil machine
$4 Stencil cutting machine
15 Sorting devices
6 Standard register

All
other
Industry
39

39

3,215

3,215

143

143

249

249

140

140

in

80

64

64

64

264

284

348

348

57

117

15

15

80

504

584

1,000

1,702

4,813

255

255

300

300

14,893

23,652

20

7 Sorter, electric

18 Tabulating reproducer
19 Totalizer
to Tabulator
1 Typewriter

2 Verifiers

60

2,100

11

3 Not stated

Total pieces of
machinery of all types

Totals

2,848

21

50

5,840

Explanation of Sources of Information and Method of Estimate

1. Bureau of Internal Revenue.

The Accounts and Collection Unit derived its estimate on the basis of its
present production records in respect to the listing of tax returns for assessment and its experience in the administration of the social security taxes.
The estimates contemplate a double shift use of the machines.

2. Bureau of the Public Debt and the Treasurer's office -Estimates made by Mr. Edwin L. Kilby, Assistant Commissioner of Public
Debt and Mr. George O. Barnes, Assistant to the Treasurer.
3. Federal Reserve Banks --

Estimates made on information furnished orally by Mr. V. Willis, Assistant

Vice President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Mr. Alfred T.
Sihler, Vice President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago.
4. Commercial Banks --

Estimates made from information furnished by Messers Mylander and Quaremba
of the Tax Committee of the American Bankers Association.

67
4 - Memorandum for Assistant Secretary Sullivan.

5. All other industry -Estimates made from information supplied on 463 questionnaires

filled in as a result of personal interviews with employers. Questionnaires for employers having 100 or more employees were distributed by
three groups, those reporting employers having 100 to 1,000 employees,
1,000 to 10,000 employees, and 10,000 and over employees. The types
of machinery reported by the employers as needed were stopped up on

the ratio of the number of questionnaires in each group to the total
for the country.

Reliability of the Estimates
1. The estimates are definitely understated, in that the basis used
for distributing the number of employers by groups according to num-

ber of employees is that contained in the Social Security Bulletin of
April 1942 which represents the distribution for 1940. The 1942
figures would be at least 20 percent higher but since such are not
available the 1940 data were used.

2. The estimates may be overstated in respect to the group of employers
with 100 to 1,000 employees because the employers in the lower portion
of the bracket could possibly manage without any additional equipment
of any kind owing to the relatively small number of employees.

3. For the most part, the persons furnishing the information cautioned
that the estimates given on such short notice were, at best, only
hurried guesses based on their knowledge of the situation.
General Observations

While the added needs of industry for machinery to handle the
collection of tax at source may not appear impressive and, in general,
ways and means can probably be found to handle this burden by a
majority of all employers, there are two factors which should be
borne in mind:

(1) Added employees are being taken on by many of the larger
employers, particularly in the war industries and by January 1, 1943,
the present equipment of these employers will be hard pressed to perform the essential payroll work. Moreover, before the year 1943 has

passed, much replacement of present equipment will be needed by
essential industries which replacement must be made for the most part
from stocks now on hand due to the limitations which are now being

placed upon the further manufacture of office equipment. In other
words, the needs are going to be increasingly pressing while the
supply of equipment will constantly decrease.

68
5 - Memorandum for Assistant Secretary Sullivan.

(2) The majority of employers have ample office machines to
handle payrolls and the collection of tax at source, and the number
of hours machines are in operation are frequently limited to one eighthour day, or less. This gives the appearance of an overall machine
cushion which might permit industry to absorb the added burden of
collection at the source. Consideration must be given, however, to

the fact that payroll work is necessarily seasonal and subject to
rather rigid dead lines. As a consequence, it is not practical to

make 24-hour-a-day use of a lesser number of machines by a particular

employer. Neither is it practical to pool office machine equipment

in such a way that several employers can use the same machinery.
Therefore, just because a majority of the employers can find ways and

means to meet the problem is of no help to certain others, no matter
how limited, who have real need for equipment but who can not obtain

it. This is especially true of now firms coming into the field to

handle the expanding business resulting from the war effort.

namen,Al. Cann

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

69

ASSISTANT SECRETARY

7/29/42

Draft No. 2 of Relief

and Rehabilitation Admin-

istration, to be considered

at the meeting in
Mr. Acheson's office,

Thursday, June 30, at

4 o'clock.)

70

STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL

July 29, 1942
To

Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
Draft No. 2

ed

The Governments whose duly-authorized representatives
have subscribed hereto,
Having subscribed to a common program of purposes and

principles embodied in the Declaration of January 1, 1942,
known as the United Nations Declaration and the Joint

Declaration of the President of the United States of America
and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland dated August 14, 1941, known

as the Atlantic Charter,
Being determined that immediately upon the liberation
of any area by their armed forces the population thereof

shall receive aid and relief from their sufferings, food,
clothing and shelter, aid in the prevention of pestilence
and in the recovery of the health of the people and that
preparation and arrangements shall be made for the return

of prisoners and exiles to their homes, for the resumption

of agricultural and industrial production and the restoration
of

-2-

of essential services, to the end that peoples once freed
may be preserved and restored to health and strength for
the tasks and opportunities of building anew,
Have agreed as follows:

71
-3-

Article I
so232v130a

There is hereby established the United Nations Relief
TO

and Rehabilitation Administration.
Idaltava
1. The Administration shall have power to acquire,
hold and convey property, to enter into contracts and
bottom

add

talot

TO

undertake obligations, to designate or create agencies

and to review the activities of agencies so created, to

to from add antinafa

manage undertakings and in general to perform any legal

act appropriate to its objects and purposes.
Brang's

2. The objects and purposes of the Administration

shall be as follows: 30 ejov
(a) To plan, coordinate, administer or
arrange for the administration of measures for

the relief of victims of war in any area under
the control of any of the United Nations through

the provision of food, clothing, housing facilities,
medical and other essential services and to facili-

tate in areas receiving relief the production of
these articles and the furnishing of these services so far as necessary to the adequate provision

of relief.
(b) To formulate and recommend measures for

action by the United Nations for the coordination
of

-4-

of purchasing, chartering of ships and other

procurement activities in the period following
the cessation of hostilities for the purpose of
avoiding the enhancement of prices and of pro-

viding an equitable distribution of available
supplies.

off

(c) To formulate and recommend for individual
or joint action by the United Nations measures of
reconstruction and development, the need for

which may be indicated by its experience in of
planning and performing the work of relief and
rehabilitation.
(d) To formulate and recommend measures in

regard to such other related matters as may be
proposed by any of the member governments and

approved by unanimous vote of the Policy Committee.

72
-5-

Article II
Membership

The members of the United Nations Relief and Rehabili-

tation Administration shall be the governments signatory
hereto and such other governments as may upon application

for membership be admitted thereto by action of the Council

or the Policy Committee thereof.
Instion

of

as

sito

Ld?

issida

AND

-6-

Article III
The Gouncil

1. Each member shall name one representative upon the

Council of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration, which shall be the policy-making body of

the Administration. The Council shall, for each of its sessions, select one of its members to preside at the session.
2. The Council shall be convened in normal session

not less than twice a year by the Policy Committee. It
may be convened in special session whonever the Policy Com-

mittee shall deem necessary, and shall be convened within

thirty days after request therefor by a majority of the
members of the Council.

3. The Policy Committee of the Council shall consist

of the representatives of China, the Union of Soviet Social1st Republics, the United Kingdom, and the United States of

America, with the Director Genoral presiding. Between 808-

sions of the Council it shall exercise all the powers and

runotions thereof. It shall invite the participation of
the

73
-7-

the representative of any member government at those of its

mootings at which action of special interest to such government is discussed.

3.1 sets 20

4. The Council may ostablish regional committees to

adviso it on the making of plans and formulation of policy

for the relief and rehabilitation of Europe, the Far East
and of any other areas where such committees may be found

dosirable. The regional committees shall normally moot
within the area and shall comorisc representatives of the
member governments directly concerned with the problems of

relief and rehabilitation in that area. The Regional Committeo on Europeen Relief when so constituted shall take

over and carry on the work of the Inter-Allied Committee
on European Post-Wer Reliof established in London on Scptember 24, 1941.

5. The Council may establish such standing committees

as it considers desirable to advise it, and in the intervals
betwoon sessions of the Council to advise the Policy Com-

mitteo, in respect of particular problems such 28 nutrition,
health, egriculture, transport, meterials and supplies,
revatriation

-8-

repatriation end finance. The members of such committees
shall be appointed by the Policy Committee, with the approval

of the Council if it be in session and otherwise subject to
its retification, from members of the Council representing
the governments most directly concerned in each case or
alternates whom such members may nominate because of special

competence in their respective fields of work. Should a
regional committee so desire, subcommittees of these stand-

ing committees shall be established to advise the regional
committees.

6. The travel and other expenses of members of the
Council and its committees shall be borno by the governments
whom they represent.

74
-9-

Article IV
Sas amottall bottom 20
The Director General

1. The executive authority of the United Nations Relief
VIDE

and Rehebilitation Administration shall be in the Director
General, who shall be appointed by the Council on the nomination of the Policy Committee.

2. The Director General shell have full nower and
authority for carrying out reliof operations contemplated

by Article I, section 2(a), within the limits of available
resources and the broad policics dotorminod by the Council

or its Policy Committoo. Immodiately upon taking office he
Essonal

shall in conjunction with the military and other appropriate
authoritics of the United Nations prepare plans for the
omorgoncy roliof of the civilian population upon the occupation of any area by the armod forces of any of the United
Nations, arrango for the procurement and assembly of the
necessary supplies and create or select the omorgency organ-

ization required for this purposo. In arranging for the
procurement, transportation, and distribution of supplies

and the administration of relicf, he and his representatives
shall consult and collaborato with the appropriate authoritics
of

-10-

of the United Nations and shall, wherever practicable, use

the facilities made available by such authorities. Volun1

relief

tary agencios may not ongage in activity in any area recoiv-

ing relief from the Administration without the consent and
unloss subject to the regulation of the Director General.
3. The Director General shall also be responsible for
the orgenization and direction of the functions contemplated

by Article I, soctions 2(b), 2(c), and 2(a), and shall make
such rocommendations to the Council, the Policy Committee
and other committees of the Council 0.8 he may doom appropriate

4. The Director Genoral shall appoint such Doputy

Directors, other officers, export personnol, and staff, at
his hoadquarters or clsewhere, including the staff of field
KORE

missions and socrotarial and other necessary staff for the
Council and its committoos, and may delegato to them such
of his powers as he may doom appropriato.

75
-11-

Tinda

Articlo V
Supplies and Resources
or

1. Each mombor government plodges its full support

to the Administration, within the limits of its availablo
resources and subject to the requirements of its constitutional procodure, through contributions of funds, materials,
equipment, supplies and services, for uso in its own,
adjacont or other arcas in nood, in order to accomplish

the purposos of Articlo I, section 2(a). All such contributions recoived by the Administration shall bo accounted
for.

2. The supplies and resourcos made available by the
momber governments shall bo kopt in review in relation
to prospectivo requirements by the Director General, who

shall initiato action with the mombor governments with a
viow to assuring additional supplies and resources as may
be required.

3. All purchases, by any of the member governments

made outside their own territorios during the war for
post-war reliof purposes shall be mado only after
consultation

-12-

consultation with the Director General, and shall, 80 far
as practicable, be carriod out through the appropriate
United Nations agency.

13

Article VI
Administrative Expenses

The general administrative expenses shall be borne
by the member governments in proportion to be deter-

mined by the Council. The governmental authority of

any territory receiving aid from the Relief and Reha-

bilitation Administration shall in addition place at
the disposal of the Administration any sums required

in the currency of that territory for local expenditure
in the administration or distribution of such aid.

davidull

Article VII
Amendment

I

The provisions of this agreement may be amended by

unanimous vote of the Policy Committee and two-thirds

vote of the Council.
THE

251for

o

bis

32, 2005

besimps add to on
Jack

3a

totalie

RECEIVED
Treasury Department

JUL 30 1942
Division of
Monetary Research

77

ELEPHONE EXECUTIVE 4500 EXT. 30

INDIAN SUPPLY MISSION
1139 CONNECTICUT AVENUE

WASHINGTON, D.C.

July 29, 1942

K. c. MAHINDRA

Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Jr.
Secretary of the Treasury
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Morgenthau:

I have pleasure in sending you a letter

of introduction from Edgar Snow, whom I have

had the privilege of meeting in India.

Mr. Snow's enthusiasm was infectious, and
we have had many pleasant discussions on his

very interesting experiences in China.

I shall deem it a great favor if you
will give me an opportunity to call on you
some day at your leisure.

I am going to New York on Friday afternoon, but expect to be back in Washington the
following Wednesday.

Yours sincerely,

k which
Le. Mahindra

KCM:dr

78
degrams CECIL DELHI.
elephone 5936.

Cotz Trust Hotels

Proprietors THE HOTZ TRUST.
HOTEL CECIL,
DELHI.

DELHI.

CECIL
CECIL

July 2, 1942

AGRA.
AGRA.

LAURIES

WILDFLOWER HALL
MAHASU

SIMLA

Ref. No

Dear Henry Morgenthau

This may serve as a kind of footnote to official intro-

duotions which doubtless will bring Mr. K. C. Mahindra
into contact with you very soon. He is, as you know,
the
now chief of the India Purchasing Commission in
the U.S.A.

During my stay here I have especially appreciated
knowing Mr. Mahindra, who is one of this country's out-

standing industrialists and one of its most realistic

thinkers along economic lines.

You know my interests in Industrial Cooperatives in
China, of course, and will understand why I have been

thinking along these lines for India, too. The more
t see of this part of the world in wartinesthe more con-

vinced I become that only by encouraging industrialization, to some extent at least, along cooperative ways,
can Aerios perform its historic mission of economic as

well as political liberation in colonial countries. I
don'+ mean it is our sole responsibility, of course,
but it is clearer every day that we cannot escape a
large measure of responsibility.

It is wonderful that we are going to have in America a
practical business man of India who can check, from
experience, the feasibility of methods of help proposed.
I do hope you find time for a talk with Mr. Mahindra
about the possibilities I suggest.
I saw Manuel Fox in Chungking a few days before I left
and I felt he was a brave man to come back and shoulder

the tasks that face any financial advisor there. He is

a grand guy.

W1th best greetings to Mrs. Morgenthau and yourself

Sincerel
Edgar
Snow 14cm

yours, Show

Treasury Department

79

Division of Monetary Research
Date
To:

Secretary Morgenthau

From:

Mr. White

July 29, 1942

19

You may be interested to note that
according to the enclosed telegram from
American Embassy at Chungking, it is
rumored in Chungking that the Chinese
Government has ordered its commanders

in Eastern China not to offer determined
resistance to the Japanese forces. Moreover,
one known case of this is cited.

80
COMPIENTIAL

PARAPHRASE

P

Y

A telegram of July 23, 1942 from the American Embasay at Chungking

reads substantially as follows:

With regard to the Chekiang area, Japanese forces evacuated Wenchow

a short time after occupging that city on July 11 and on July 17 the city

was reoccupied by Chinese forces. However, on July 18 Wenchow was retaken by Japanese troops from haval vessels and they held it. On July
17 the Chineed retook Juian (south of Wenchow) and claim that they are

still holding it.

With regard to Kiangsi Province, the Japanese have withdrawn from a

number of places, showing that it is not their intention to hold the

Chekiang-Kiangsi railway. Hengfeng and Yi (garble) on the railway have
been reoccupied by the Chinese who anticipate that the Japanese will
withdraw from Shangjao and perhaps from Chuchow. The Chinese point out
that the Japanese are engaged in extorting money and systematically

plundering towns, evidently as a preliminary to evacuation. However,
the Chinese say that even in case they could reccurry the strategic airfields in Kiangsi and Chekiang Provinces, the Japanese could without

great difficulty prevent reconstruction of the airfields.

In southern Honan Province near Sinyang, in Suiyuan Province south
of Paotou, and in southern Shanei Province apparently insignificant
clashes have taken place on a small scale between Japanese and Chinese
troops. Successes in these operations are claimed by the Chinese.
According to information received from an American naval observer
who returned a short time age from Chekiang Province, although the
Chinese commander at Lishui had well-equipped forces and was anxious to

fight, he was obliged for political reasons to retire without putting up

a fight, under orders from Chungking. No report had been received by
the Embassy of unconfirmed reports to the effect that the Chinese commanders in Chekiang were advised from Chungking not to offer determined
resistance to the Japanese forces.
No economic or political developments of note have occurred recently.
The financial situation was not appreciably affected by lowering of the

United States dollar Chinese fapi rate to five cents. The sale of United
States dollar certificates and bonds continues in sinsignificant amounts.

The Embassy is disposed to question the statement contained in the
message to the Treasury (transmitted in the Embassy's telegram of July 15)
to the effect that no appreciable difference would have resulted from

improvements in methods and terms of issue. It still is the opinion of

the Embassy that even at this late date encouraging effects upon sales
would result from trust fund arrangement and trustworthy assurance of
free use of dollar credit upon redemption.

81
-2-

When announcing the arrival of Mr. Currie in Chunging the Chinese
Government spokesman said that without doubt Mr. Currie's second visit

will be even more fruitful than was his first visit. In response to an

inquiry whether more planes were needed in addition to the planes of the
present United States Army Air Force, the spokesman said, "of course more". In response to a question the spokesman said also that the list
of other needed material is very lengthy.

There is nothing in the present situation in general, so far as the

Embassy sees, which would cause the Embassy to change its belief that
the Chinese will in their own way continue to weather the storm and

maintain their policy of resistance to the Japanese.

Copyile:7/28/42

82
c

o

P

y

PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED

FROM:

Chungking

TO:

Secretary of State, Washington

DATED:

July 29, 1942

NUMBER:

881

CONFIDENTIAL

Reference is made to the Department's telegram of

July 23, 1942, 8 a.m., No. 663.
The Department is informed that the law referred to
in my telegram No. 855 is entitled "The Public Treasury
Law promulgated June 9, 1938". The Embassy will attempt

to supply a translation by airmail. This subject was discussed in a despatch from the Consul General at Shanghai
to the Department dated September 15, 1936 and numbered
2532.

Regarding this matter, the British Ambassador here
with the Inspector General of Customs has called on me.

It was agreed by us that any formal or informal representations would be of no avail but that we might each take
any opportunity which presented itself from time to time
in our conversations with influential members of the Government to express our interest and concern for the continued

integrity of the customs service as of outstanding importance
to

83

-to China. The Inspector General was urged by us to con-

tinue his efforts to obtain a reasonable modification of
the application of the law to the customs. We pointed out
that the situation does not appear to us to have reached
the point where it would be considered necessary by the

foreign staff to be paid off.
Currie has also been informed of this matter by me
and he has promised that in his conversations with the

Chinese, he will take every opportunity that presents itself
to comment on this situation.

GAUSS

DCA:BBS:CLA

Copy:vw: 7-31-42

7/30/42

84
COPY NO.

13

BRITISH MOST SECRET
U.S. SECRET

OPTEL No. 260

Information received up to 7 A.M., 29th July, 1942.
1. NAVAL

The 6,000 ton U.S. ship which was ashore on the West Coast of NOVA
ZEMBLA (OPTEL No. 256) arrived at ARCHANGEL on the 28th. A Naval Trawler was torpedoed and sunk on the 25th by U-boat which she was hunting South-West of FREETOWN.

2. MILITARY

EGYPT. On the night 26th/27th and the following day we made a limited

offensive thrust in the Northern Sector, Australian Troops gained their first objective at SANYET EL MITEIRIYA by first night but were later strongly counter ate+

tacked and forced to withdraw to their original positions. Further South 69th Infantry Brigade passed through a gap in the mino fields cleared by First-South African
Division but they were heavily counter attacked later and forced to withdraw suffering some casualties. In the Southern Sector there was considerable activity but no
engagements have been reported.

RUSSIA. Strong Russian attacks continue in the VORONEZH area. Russian
resistance to the German advance in the DON bend West of STALINGRAD is stiffening.
The German bridgeheads Southwards across the Lower DON are being extended. The

evacuating of ROSTOV is admitted by the Russians but there is no confirmation of the
fall of BATAISK.
3. AIR OPERATIONS

WESTERN FRONT. 27th/28th. Revised figures of enomy casualties:

8

destroyed, 7 probably destroyed, 10 damaged. Hurricanes and Bostons attacked 24
goods trains and 3 railway contres in HOLLAND and Northern FRANCE.
28th. Mosquitos dropped bombs at LUEBECK, ESSEN and COLOGNE. About

20 enemy aircraft crossed the South coast at various places. One JU 88 was destroyed.

One Spitfire was lost but the pilot is safe. A Sunderland destroyed a Mosserschmidt
in the BAY OF BISCAY.

28th/29th. 336 aircraft were sont out: HAMBURG, 254; Aerodromes 82.

Owing to deteriorating weather 96 aircraft were recalled, the remninder mat extronely
bad conditions including continuous cloud, electric storms and severe icing, about
40% reached their objective. 33 bombers are missing from the HAMBURG operation and
3 fighters from aerodromes.
EGYPT. 26th/27th. Our bombers attacked TOBRUK Harbour, a landing

ground at EL DABA and M.T. in the battle area. One ship was probably sunk.

85

-227th. In operations over the battle area 4 enemy aircraft were
destroyed and 3 damaged. 3 of our fighters are missing and 4 more of our aircraft
were destroyed by Messerschmidts while taking off from an advanced landing ground.
27th/28th. 10 enemy aircraft operated over the SUEZ CANAL area,
one Hoinkel was destroyed and another damaged.
4. HOME SECURITY

27th/28th. BIRMINGHAM: The latest casualty figures - Killed 65,
seriously wounded 139. Public utility services are not badly affected.

86
ENCLOSURES

COPY No.
(Classification)

(For Record Section only)

MILITARY INTELLIGENCE DIVISION W. D. G. S.
Spain

MILITARY ATTACHÉ REPORT

(Country reported on

I.G. No. 9840

Subject Passive Defense.
Madrid

From M.A.

6420

(Brief descriptive title)

7703

Report No.

July 29, 1942.

Date

Source and degree of reliability:

"Boletin Oficial", July 18g 1942
Received in 0-2 August 19, 1942.
SUMMARY.-Here enter careful summary of report, containing substance succinctly stated; include
important facts, names, places, dates, etc.

"Boletin ofidial", July 18, 1942, published law granting

several supplementary credits to Presidency of the Government.

Distribution by originator

Routing space below for use in M. L D. The section indicating the distribution will place a check mark In
the lower part of the recipients' box in case one copy only is to go to him, or will indicate the number of copies
in case more than one should be sent. The message center of the Intelligence Branch will draw & circle around
the box of the recipient to which the particular copy is to go.
OHQ

G-3

G-1

WPD

0-4

State

ONI

F.B.L.

Comm.

C.A G.

W.C.

Ind.Coll.

B.B.

Export
Control

2
3

Oblet IB

C.of B

MA Bee

FL Bee

Trans.

Rec. Sec.

CIB

Int

BBG

Cost

Cloced
Sec.

Tank

Coord

of inf

OLLA

Center

ASW

USW

ASWA

Med.

Engr.

Fin.

Sec.

0-2
2

BE

CE

KE

BE

WE

LA

FE

Bit

Cost.

Disem

Field

068

Pers
x

2
5

CHIEFS OF ARMS AND SERVICES
Int.

Cav.

Attacht at

AAF

FA

CAO

AO

CO Phil.

CO Pan

00 Haw

Big.

Armd.

Ord.

QM

Eval. &
Dissem.Bre

ows

W/D L/O
B.E.W.
x

Enclosures:
(Classification)

DEP ARTMENT
o. C.S. IT (Rev.)

PRINTING

SPAIN

I.G. No. 9840
6420

YHATLIM
Subject: Passive defense.

The "Boletin Oficial of July 18, 1942 published a law

granting several supplementary credits to the Presidency of the
Government, aggregating 871,500 posetas, to be used during the
present calendar year for passive defense.
SAPE

S.O

at

The above appropriation will be mainly devoted to meet expenses

incident to the upkeep of the "Jefatura de Defense Pasiva y del Terri-

torio and provincial agencies. This examplication renders little

effective work judging from the fact that out of the above appropriation,

100,000 pasotas only will be used for "trials and tests of material
used in passive defense".
onder

R.W. DUSENBURY,

Colonel, G.S.,

Military Attach4.

BBD

From: M.A., Madrid

Report No. 7703

July 29, 1942.

87

INTELLIGENCE REPORT 34 7.29.42

CONFIDENTIAL

WAR

Henry

Such recommendations and suggestions as may appear in

this report have not been cleared in advance with the

Director of the Office of War Information and do not
necessarily reflect his views or those of the Office of War
Information. Recommendations and suggestions, if they do
appear, are only submitted by individuals in the Bureau
of Intelligence who have assembled the data and they are
offered for the consideration of appropriate authorities.

The Bureau of Intelligence of the Office of War
Information uses a variety of procedures and techniques to obtain its data on the attitudes of people
and on what is brought to their attention. These procedures and techniques have been found reliable after

extensive experimentation over a period of years.

CONTENTS
NEWS EMPHASIS

page 1

EDITORIAL ATTITUDES

page 2

Discontent

page 2

United Command

page 4

Second Front

page 5

POPULAR REACTIONS

page 7

Direction of Military Strategy

page 7

Second Front

page 8

DEVELOPING SITUATIONS

Living Conditions in War
Production Areas

page 10

page 10

Farmers' Attitudes Toward Workers. page 13
Mexican Workers

page 14

Sore Spot

page 16

Public attention during the week was focused upon the fighting fronts of
the war. The news editors of both press and radio consistently treated the
struggle along the Don River as the prime subject of interest. Throughout the
week, it dominated front pages and news broadcasts.
The news from Russia was presented with alarm and a good deal of pessimism.

Accounts of the Red army's retreat were supplemented by a variety of reports

concerning the need for a second front and by think-pieces on the possibility
that the United Nations might soon undertake an invasion of Europe.

In the Pacific, the situation around the Japanese-occupied Aleutians held
chief attention. Considerable emphasis was placed upon the statements of Senator
Brewster and the delegate from Alaska, Anthony J. Dimond. For a day at least,
American submarine successes against Japanese shipping were dramatized.

The fighting in North Africa received only secondary attention. Toward the
end of the week, indeed, it was relegated, in many instances, to inside pages.
So, too, was news of RAF activities over Western Europe, with an occasional spurt

of excitement over American participation in these raids.
At home, various aspects of the cost of living program remained important

news topics. Congressional action on the production of synthetic rubber was

given special stress. Interest sagged pronouncedly in the trial of the eight
Nazi saboteurs; but the FBI hunt for the three German agents still at large was
widely highlighted.
Perhaps the outstanding single domestic topic was the proposal broached by

Henry J. Kaiser for the mass production of transport planes. This, in conjunction
with the cancellation of the Higgins shipbuilding contracts, occasioned a number

-of speculative stories.
Treatment of news was, on the whole, rather feverish. Few of the week's
events gave cause for celebration. And neither newspapers nor radio sought to
avoid the ominous implications of the war!s progress.

EDITORIAL ATTITUDES
discontent
Commentators have watched these events of the past week with a growing sense

of frustration. They have an uneasy conviction that we are losing on important

battlefronts of the war - along the Atlantic coast, on the Russian front, perhaps
even in the Aleutians. They feel that momentous opportunities are slipping away
from us and may never recur.

They have reacted to frustration with anger, or at least with irritation.
These feelings are directed now to almost all phases of the Government's conduct

of the war. Underlying them, there appears to be a nebulous suspicion that the
men who guide the United Nations war effort are deficient in essential resourcefulness and imagination.

The notion that our leaders are shackled by outworn concepts of warfare was

brought into sharp focus by Henry Kaiser's proposal to build a large fleet of
flying transports as a means of overcoming the submarine menace. There has been

a good deal of grumbling over the Navy's failure to reduce ship losses in the
Caribbean and the western Atlantic. Isolationist commentators have been most
vehement in their complaints on this score, denouncing Secretary Knox and some-

times the President himself as complacent or incompetent. Mr. Kaiser's novel

-3scheme for by-passing the enemy submarines has crystallized the general discontent.

It may be inferred, indeed, that the very radicalism of the plan has, been

largely responsible for capturing the imagination of critics who confess that they
do not know its feasibility. Almost all comments on the plan are of a hopeful
nature, yet the common assumption is that the project will be shelved - and shelved
because it conflicts with the conventional ideas of marine-minded men. Walter
Lippmann, for example, delivers an annoyed admonition "Before anyone settles down

to prove that the difficulties of the Kaiser plan render it impossible, let us be
assured that the proposal is in the hands of men whose only interest is how the

difficulties can be overcome."
And the Christian Science Monitor suggests that "the people can insist that
his proposal shall not be cast aside or delayed just because 'it never has been

done.' They can see to it that worthy but hide-bound officials or rival commercial

interests do not block a trial of this hopeful plan."
Impatience with the Government is manifested equally and in large volume on

the economic front. Comments on the anti-inflation program continue to berate the
President, as well as Congress, for inadequate measures to check a real danger.

The Treasury's tax program is disliked chiefly because of its failure to propose
a sales levy. And wage increases are attributed by irate commentators to a lack

of firm leadership on the part of the President.
For the first time since he took over the reins of the production program
there has been a considerable volume of criticism directed at Donald Nelson. He,
too, is now accused of insufficient vision and realism. Although there was general
disapproval of congressional passage of the Gillette bill, Nelson himself has been

widely blamed for failing to straighten out the rubber tangle.

-4-

In addition, critics seized peevishly upon the President's interest in the
New York State gubernatorial election to charge that he is putting politics ahead
of the war effort. One of the harshest comments was made over the air by H. V.

Kaltenborn: "The President's favorite game is politics. He plays it extremely
well. So let's not be too censorious when he seeks a little change and relaxation
in the all-absorbing problems of the war."
The subject about which editorial dissatisfaction has been most acute, however, is the continued presence of Japanese troops in the western Aleutians. Recent statements by Senator Brewster and by the Alaskan delegate, Mr. Dimond, have

brought editorial attention back to this sore spot. There is a pronounced impatience on the part of commentators over the failure to dislodge the Japanese.

"This is not a 'token' invasion, or a 'face-saving' invasion designed to
please the Japanese masses", observes the New York Times. "It is a business invasion in force, an invasion designed to cut the lines of communication between
North America and Siberia and prepare the ground for an attack on Continental

Alasi2.'

Other commentators consider the occupation a prelude to Japanese action against

Siberia. There is almost universal agreement that the situation contains dangerous
possibilities and should be remedied by immediate and drastic measures. Again there

is a considerable tendency to blame the Government for a lack of imagination in

grasping the full significance of the Japanese landings in the Aleutian Islands.
A good many commentators indulge in heavily sarcastic references to the "fog" which

veils activities there.
united command

In much of the criticism directed at the administration's conduct of military
and naval phases of the war, there appears to be a basic assumption that the fault

-5lies in a failure to achieve united command. Disunity of command is often blamed
for ship losses along the East coast and even more frequently for the situation in
the Aleutians.
The appointment last week of Admiral Leahy as Chief of Staff to the Commander

in Chief was widely hailed as a step in the direction of achieving a united command.
Few commentators, however, accepted it as more than a partial and tentative move

toward the desired goal. They applaud the Admiral and rejoice that he will be ables
to spare the President some of the burdens of consultation with military and naval
chiefs. But there is considerable demand at present for the delegation to some

military or naval officer of authority in his own right to carry out the constitutional duties of the President as Commander in Chief. Many commentators suggest,

indeed, that this officer should have undisputed charge of all of the forces of
the United Nations.

The divisionist press has urged such a command with especial vigor. The
McCormick and Patterson newspapers insist redundantly that the President is not

qualified by experience and education for the determination of military strategy

and that he fails to give sufficient heed to the advice of properly qualified
officers. They blame British reverses on a similarly unwarranted assumption of

authority by Prime Minister Churchill. Now and then, less hostile editorial pages
also question the wisdom of entrusting the direction of military and naval affairs
to civilian leaders.
second front
The week's dismay has produced a thunderous revival of demand for what is

commonly called a second front - that is, invasion of western Europe by British
and American forces. There is a genuinely angry impatience over the failure of

6-

Britain and the United States to relieve the Russians in what appears to be a
time of desperate need.

Some commentators would be satisfied with a large scale aerial assault on

Germany. The Scripps-Howard newspapers insist that this is the pattern for victory.
They urge that American bomber production be concentrated for this purpose, shipped

to England and sent in tremendous mass raids over German industrial cities night

after night. "The war cannot be lost by such an air offensive", their editorials
insist. "It might be won that way."
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch is representative of those newspapers which feel

that nothing less than a full-fledged invasion will suffice for the current crisis,
"No matter how hard it is to start a second front now", this newspaper queries,
"how much harder will it be if Russia falls and the victorious seasoned German
armies return to the West?"

On July 24, the Washington Post devoted a feature editorial to an "all-out"
plea for the immediate opening of a second front.

"Only the bold should now be in control of United

Nations' strategy. For it is only the bold who

can make decisions, and the crying need in the
leadership
of the United Nations is decisions to
match the enemy's.

"Russia's extremity in the face of the Nazi on-

slaught provides the latest perhaps the last -

clarion call for decisions.... The people, of

about high But do realize

even a second front would entail a toll
material,
would
be heavy
as comknow in that blood
nothing and ifthat
strategy.
they nothing
course,

pared with the fearful slaughter which would be the
price of waiting around for extermination."

The demand for vigorous offensive action against Germany voiced by the nation's

outstanding commentators appears to stem from a real and terrible sense of urgency.

There is a fever of anxiety among almost all of them. They believe that the war

may be lost or won this summer. And they are in terror of losing it by default.
The compelling cry everywhere is for action.

-POPULAR REACTIONS
direction of military strategy
=

There appears to be considerable popular susceptibility to the isolationist
argument that war strategy should be determined exclusively by military and naval
leaders.

During the first week of July, the American Institute of Public Opinion asked
a national cross-section the question, "Do you think that Roosevelt and Churchill
should have final decision over the military and naval plans of the war, or do
you think these plans should be decided by the military and naval leaders of the

United Nations?" The results were as follows:
Roosevelt and Churchill
Military and Naval Leaders

21%
66

Both

No Opinion

1

12

The implication contained in the question, that the courses are mutually
exclusive, was, no doubt, in large part responsible for the nature of the responses;

clearly, it accounts for the fact that only one percent of the total gave the obvious answer "both". Nevertheless, the responses do suggest the inference that a large

portion of the public fails to understand the responsibilities of the President and

the Prime Minister and is distrustful of civilian determination of military and
naval affairs.
This inference is supported by the answers to another question asked by
Dr. Gallup at the same time - "Should the President, as Commander in Chief of the

-armed forces of the country, name a military leader to direct both the Army and
the Navy?" The results were:
Yes

49%

No

36

No Opinion

15

This question, too, may invite an affirmative response through its implication that the President is now making insufficient use of expert military and naval

counsel. The attitude is a dangerous one which divisionist critics are sedulously
fostering. For the most part, however, the responses probably suggest only popular
eagerness for a united command.

second front

There is also extensive public enthusiasm for the opening of a second front.
This may be either responsive to or responsible for the recent wave of editorial
sentiment in the same direction.

Early in July, the American Institute of Public Opinion asked a national
samplo this question: "Would you like to see England and the United States attempt
a large scale attack on Germany and Western Europe in the near future, or do you

think they should wait until they are stronger?" The results were:
Attempt Attack

Wait

No Opinion

48%
34
18

It should be noted that the interviewing on this question was conducted prior
to the recent Nazi successes around Rostov and also prior to the revived editorial
fervor for an invasion effort.
Interest in a second European front is also indicated by answers given to
a multiple-choice question which the Bureau has posed to national samples from

time to time: "Which one of these do you think the United States ought to

-do

now in the war against Germany and Japan?" The answers given to interviewers

early in July constituted a complete reversal of those secured in response to the
same question when it was asked in May. The results in the two interviewing periods
were as follows:
May

July

33%

22%

22

34

27

28

(a) Fight Japan with most of our
forces and send just enough

help to Europe to keep Hitler
from making more gains

(b) Fight Germany with most of our
forces and send just enough

help to the Pacific to keep the
Japanese from making more gains

(c) Attack Germany and Japan with
equal force

(d) Pull our forces close to home and

use them to protect our own shores

Not ascertainable

7

7

11

9

These results illustrate clearly the drift of popular attention from the
Pacific to the European sector of the war. The reasons most commonly given by
those who now urge that our strength be concentrated against the Nazis are that

they are stronger than the Japanese, that they are the main threat to our welfare
and that the defeat of Japan can be easily accomplished once Germany is beaten.

-10- -

DEVELOPING SITUATION
living conditions in war production areas
The influx of new workers to war plants has created serious community

problems. Existing housing, health, recreational and transportation facilities

in some cities are pitifully inadequate. They pose difficulties for the community in general and for the immigrant workers in particular. Studies conducted by the Bureau of Intelligence in 15 war production centers revealed

living conditions which seriously impair the morale and productivity of
workers.
housing

In June a small national sample of war workers was asked the question,
"Would you say that housing conditions for defense workers around here are

satisfactory, only fair or poor?" Only three out of ten regarded housing conditions as "satisfactory"; an equal number called them "only fair", and one
quarter complained that they were "poor".

In erviewers found that the concentration of workers had created living
conditions for some of them which were clearly detrimental to their health and

to their ability to carry on their jobs. In several of the cities studied,
many day shift and night shift workers share rooms and sometimes use the same

beds. It is not unusual to find 10 to 12 men crowded into a single room sometimes with beds arranged in decks and with inadequate light, ventilation and
sanitation.

In Hartford, for example, an interviewer reports that one woman rents
space on the basis of three shifts a day, so that a man who has finished work

has no place to go until it is his turn to sleep.

- 11 -

An interviewer in Seattle reports that housing officials expect an influx
of more than 6,000 women war workers within the next few weeks, yet they know of
only 100 rooms available.

Workers are often subject to grievous rent extortion. Rent ceilings have
operated in some communities to impede the construction of new housing facilities

by private means. In other places, the rent ceilings are flagrantly disregarded.
An interviewer in Birmingham submits the following account of observations
made by one of the town's richest and most prominent citizens, a banker:

"Rents? Why, they're high, just like they ought to be.
I got some houses here in town I used to rent for $9 a
month. I'm getting $40 for them now and they ain't
nothing but nigger houses at that. A fellow came in here
the other day and asked me if I had a house for rent. I
told him I had one at $40 a month. He went out to see it
and came back in a little while. He said, 'You mean to
tell me that shack is worth $40 a month?' Sure, it ain't
worth that much, but I can get that for it, and if you
don't want it at that price, stand aside, for there's fellows
ten deep wanting it at that price."
transportation, recreation and other services
The housing shortage has, in many cases, required workers to live at
some distance from the plants in which they are employed. Men working in

Mobile, for example, drive to their jobs from Pensacola - 50 miles away. When
their tires wear out, these workers may have no means of getting to their jobs.
Long trips of this sort add two or three hours to the working time of men who

put in 10 or 12-hour shifts at a plant.
Public transportation facilities within communities are, of course,
heavily overstrained. The routes of crowded streetcar and bus lines sometimes
fail to take workers anywhere near newly constructed factories.
Other community services are similarly inadequate. In some communities,

doctors, dentists, nurses and hospitals are too few to care for the suddenly

-12- -

increased populations. Water and sewerage facilities are sometimes unequal
to the needs of a community which may have doubled in size. The health com-

missioner of Hartford, Connecticut, made the following admission to an interview

"Hartford is building up an intolerable condition and

it will require only a spark to set it off. I am ex-

pecting something to happen any day. It is as touchy
as hell. It would be very easy for an epidemic to

spread like wildfire through this city."

Similarly, recreational facilities have failed to meet the needs of the
newcomers. There are insufficient playgrounds for the children and too few
healthy places of amusement for workers who have left their families behind
them.

negroes

In all of these communities, the severest hardships are imposed upon
Negroes. For they are generally confined to black ghettos in which the dwelling

shortage is most acute and in which housing and sanitation facilities are at
their very worst. Landlords show little compunction over gouging fantastic
rentals out of Negroes for quarters scarcely fit for human habitation.
consequences

Perhaps the most damaging effect of the overcrowding in war production

centers is that many workers are obliged to leave their families in the communities from which they have migrated. They are thus forced to undergo the
expense of maintaining two establishments and are deprived of the satisfaction
of family associations.
The communities to which they move, moreover, are not, in general, friendly
to the newcomers. Themselves subject to the discomforts of overcrowding, the

older residents of war production centers are inclined to look upon immigrant
workers with hostility and resentment. They are unsympathetic to the novel

- 13 customs and accents which outlanders bring along with them. The result is
that new workers are made to feel that they are aliens and unwanted.
Many become discouraged and return to the friendlier places from which
they were drawn. Recruitment and retraining of new men is consequently

necessary, involving inevitably a diminution of production.
1

An even more serious result lies in the effect of these conditions upon
the morale of workers. They react to community hostility, rent extortion and
the discomforts to which they are subjected by resentment toward the Government

charged with the conduct of the war effort. Their own patriotism is corroded

by the profiteering they see about them. Dissatisfied and deprived of rest,
relaxation and family association, these men become unable or unwilling to work
long hours under the speed and tension required for war production.

farmers' attitudes toward workers
A recent investigation of the views of farm people in twenty-four counties

throughout the country disclosed comparatively little of the hostility towards
labor and the marked envy of war workers which has been reported in previous

Surveys. The greater satisfaction farm people feel about their own situation
evidently makes them less prone to criticize workers and labor leaders.
Almost half of the farmers interviewed in the course of the recent

investigation feel that city workers are better off now than farm people. But
not many would trade places with them all the same. One in four of those who

think that city workers are better off at present express the view that they will
be worse off after the war. Others feel that even though workers make more

money than farmers - particularly when the farmers' property investment and

long hours are considered -- their lot is still not enviable. Workers, many
farmers feel, can't call their souls their own. They can't experience the

- 14 enjoyment and satisfaction which come from living in the country. As one
Ohio farmer says:

"I wouldn't want to change places with a worker in
any factory. Not even if I could make more money

than I'm making now. I like to be out here in the
country. It gets in your blood, I guess."

With farm people relatively well content with their own situation, there
are evidently excellent opportunities for cultivating greater sympathy among
them for workers. In one Iowa county, the farmers interviewed showed an

unusual understanding of workers' problems. It turned out that the county
agent there had recently held a debate in the course of which he had presented

a great deal of information a bout workers' economic situations and their
everyday worries.

other findingsin the study

With a favorable price relationship, prospects of a fine harvest, and
satisfaction in supplying "food for victory", farmers are in the happiest state
of mind they have been in for some years. Their biggest anxiety is farm labor
sho tage; the problems of tires, machinery, repairs, storage, transportation to
market are generally viewed as future problems rather than as things to worry
about now.

(For details of this study, see "Farmer's Machinery and
Transportation
Problems", Report #19, Division of Surveys,
available on request)
mexican workers
In the far West powerful employer groups are demanding that Mexican

laborers be imported to meet an acute demand for additional workers. The
large growers of California, led by the Associated Farmers, want Mexicans brought

in to help with the summer and fall harvests. The Southern Pacific Railroad

- 15

wants to import Mexican track laborers to fill a shortage in its maintenanceof-way forces.

The Mexican Government is reluctant to permit its citizens to enter the

United States to work, because it feels that they are badly treated here. It
has turned back a large number of workers who sought to enter the United States
in response to advertisements broadcast over Mexican radio stations. The

Government has unofficially indicated that if workers are really needed to

harvest the California crops it will withdraw its objections, but it insists on
guaranties of adequate living conditions and return transportation for all
workers.

The Mexican Consul General in Los Angeles emphasizes the importance of

overcoming discrimination against Mexicans in all types of employment. The

Mexicans now in California, he points out, have little opportunity for employ-

ment in highly paid industrial jobs, and he blames this discrimination in part
on the influence of large growers, who are eager to keep the Mexicans on as
agricultural hands.

In addition to affecting the Good Neighbor policy and complicating the
industrial discrimination problem in California, any mishandling of the present
situation might give the United States a black eve throughout the hemisphere.
Hearings, scheduled for July 24-25, on employment discrimination against
Mexicans now in the United States have been postponed until mid-August at the

request of the State Department, which believes that the airing of their grievances will injure our country's prestige throughout Latin America. Lawrence
Cramer, Secretary of the President's Committee on Fair Employment Practice,

takes the position that Mexicans, at least, are already well aware of the
discrimination against their countrymen in the Southwest, and will be heartened

- 16 by the news that the United States Government is taking cognizance of it in
order to combat it.

The dilemma the situation presents underscores the need for close Federal
supervision of the treatment of any additional Mexican workers who may be in-

ported at this time and activity to discourage discrimination against those
already here. The problem is essentially one of War Information policy whether or not to publicize a delicate situation for the purpose of affecting
a reform.

sore spot
Newspaper and radio commentators have been almost unanimous in criticizing
the Government's handling of the rubber shortage. Their most common complaint

is that a confused picture has been presented to the public. More recently,
however, some of them have undertaken enthusiastic support of one or another of

the devices for synthetic rubber production - not infrequently with the hopeful
implication that the whole problem can be solved.

This notion that an easy way can be found out of the rubber shortage is
encouraged by a plan recently presented by rubber manufacturers. Divisionist
newspapers reported the plan dramatically and made obvious editorial efforts to

create a belief that the entire rubber problem is due to governmental ineptitude.
Misunderstanding of the problem and of the possibilities inherent in
synthetic production appears to be so widespread as to require prompt official

clarification. Lack of rubber enters so intimately into the average citizen's
lifediscontent.
that it can become, if the causes for it are misconceived, a major source
of

88

MEETING OF BANKERS AND INSURANCE
REPRESENTATIVES IN THE SECRETARY'S

OFFICE ON THURSDAY, JULY 30, 1942,

AT 9:30.

f

Will attend:
Mr. B. M. Edwards
Mr. W. R. Burgess

Mr. George L. Harrison
Mr. Tom K. Smith

Unable to attend:

Mr. Charles E. Spencer, Jr. (On a trip)
Mr. E. E. Brown ( In Mexico City)

DWE

89

July 30, 1942

9:30 a.m.

INFLATION

Present: Mr. Bell

Mr. Sullivan
Mr. Gaston
Mr. Paul
Mr. Friedman

Mr. Cairns
Mr. White
Mr. Blough
Mr. Stewart

Mr. Bernstein
Mr. Viner
Mrs. Klotz

H.M.JR: I will read this out loud. "We have
been discussing in recent conferences, the wisdom and

mechanics of directly controlling wages and farm prices.

Irrespective of the merits and details of the various

proposals that have been considered in this connection,
these measures reach neither the fundamentals nor the
magnitude of the inflation problem we are facing. Wage

and price ceilings cannot prevent inflation. In this

memorandum we would like, therefore, to submit for your
consideration a tentative program which should deal
effectively with the surplus purchasing power problem
and which, if well executed, would make comprehensive
wage and price ceilings unnecessary." If

Is this written as though it were for the President

or for Judge Rosenman or for me?

MR. WHITE: Judge Rosenman, which you thought

he might show to the President. We didn't put it in
its final form. We will incorporate any changes you
might want.

90

-2H.M.JR: Is there a minority report on this?
MR. WHITE: There may be one sentence about which

there is a difference in point of view.

H.M.JR: For the benefit of Gaston and Sullivan,

I want to say that this thing that we are doing here there is nothing that is more confidential than this.
I have told this to everybody else every morning, so
it is nothing personal, but every morning I have

opened the meeting with the same statement, notwith-

standing the fact that some of it is in the New York

Times.

"Even if wage rates and farm prices were frozen

at present levels, next year would see a surplus of
spending power of $20 to $30 billion. This excess
purchasing power will break the price ceilings on a

broad front. It will result in empty shelves, in

large scale black market transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism.
"Empty shelves" necessarily?

MR. WHITE: Well, they will buy up a lot of

inventories.

H.M.JR: "It will give rise to queues and to
inequitable and wasteful distribution. It will make
the acquisition of the necessities of life a battle
of wits.

"We have no choice but the adoption of some pro-

posal, no matter how drastic, that is capable of
preventing the spending of the $20 to $30 billion of
excess purchasing power.

"For many months the Treasury has been consider-

ing and discussing with other agencies of the Government,

a plan for EXPENDITURE RATIONING. We believe that this

program can be put into effect without additional
legislation."
I have got to swallow on that one.

91

-3"Expenditure rationing consists of a limitation
of the aggregate spending power so that it is roughly
equal to the aggregate of available consumers goods

at present prices. This is accomplished by limiting
the amount that any individual or family can spend.
MR. WHITE: Walter Stewart had a good phrase

he suggested this morning that might be added there.

I think it was: "This would be equivalent to the

application of selective service to consumer spending" - something like that.
H.M.JR: Good.

"Although variations of income and size of family
will be factors in determining the permissible amount
of spending allowed each family, the Expenditure
Rationing system would greatly reduce the inequality
in spending that prevails now. For example, a family
of four with an income of $1,500 might be allowed to
spend it all; a family with an income of $2,500 would
be permitted to spend (say) $1,800 on consumer goods;

a family with an income of $10,000 would be permitted
to spend (say) $5,000; a family with an income of
$50,000 would be permitted to spend (say) $10,000.

"By explicitly determining the amount that each
individual is to be permitted to spend, expenditure
rationing provides a system for equitably distributing
a limited supply of goods and services among the great
mass of our population. Although their expenditures

are limited, individuals will be substantially assured

that goods and services will be available for purchase
with their expenditure allowance.

Well now, right there I will come back. The thing

which is missing is this, if you will listen to me,

that the proportion that you might - it would have to
be a sliding scale, because if you had a little more

goods you could increase the amount proportionately; if

you had a little less you could tighten it up, and I
don't think at any time that has been explained; and

92
4-

even if you hadn't thought of it, you should think
of it, because just the flat statement "that goods
and services will be available for purchase with
their expenditure allowance" - I mean, I think there
should be something in there that the formula will
be adjusted to the amount of civilian goods available,

and as goods increase and decrease the formula can be
raised or lowered.

MR. WHITE: Yes, sir.

H.M.JR: That isn't in there, and I think it is

terribly important.
out.

MR. WHITE: It was in an early draft. We cut it

H.M.JR: Don't you think that is important? That
is the thing that appeals to me. You sit down and say

that sixty billion dollars is available. Well, we have
arrived at the formula, the basic formula for the family

from twelve hundred up, so that you adjust that formula
up and down as the civilian goods increase or decrease.

Otherwise, that sentence wouldn't be true, and it isn't
self-explanatory. Do you accept the criticism or suggestion?

MR. WHITE: It is very excellent. It is necessary.

H.M.JR: It is the guts of the whole thing. I

mean, first you fix your basic formula, then you find

out from whomever has got charge how much civilian goods

are going to be available for the next three months,
and you may have to adjust this thing up or down every
three months.

MR. WHITE: The formula would be revised from time

to time so as to adjust the purchasing power to the

amount of goods available.

H.M.JR: Yes, but I want to put - first you arrive

at a basic formula just the way you do on the income

93

-5- tax, starting with the family of twelve hundred dollars.
That family can spend it all; the family of fifteen

hundred dollars might be able to spend eighty or
ninety percent; a family with two thousand dollars
might only be able to spend seventy. You have your
basic formula, and then depending upon the goods you
add or subtract on your basic formula.
MR. WHITE: Yes, I think we can incorporate that
either in one or two sentences.

H.M.JR: Am I all right on that?
MR. WHITE: I think we all agree. It was in

there once.

H.M.JR: The only thing is, I come in fresh and

I miss something then. And as I say, it is like getting

my gas card. I get my units; today they are worth
four gallons a unit. At the end of the month they might
say, "Well, the next month you are only going to get
three." The thing might improve; I might be able to

get five gallons. I get my units, but I adjust them

up and down depending upon how much is available.
O.K. gents?

MR. BELL: Yes.
H.M.JR: Wonderful.

" "All persons will receive a ration allowance. The
right to spend this allowance will be represented
either by coupons or some other device. The ration
allowances might be distributed to consumers principally

through their employers and also through other agencies."

I don't like that.
MR. WHITE: The sentence isn't necessary. We don't

have to explain the mechanism in that detail.

H.M.JR: I don't like that "through their employers."

I don't like that at all.

94

-6MR. WHITE: You mean you don't like the plan or
the sentence?

H.M.JR: That "principally through their employers."

No, it should be done through rationing boards.

MR. WHITE: If there is any doubt, let's cut the
sentence out. We will have a lot of time to discuss
the actual mechanism.
H.M.JR: Then take these things out.

MR. BELL: It isn't important.

that H.M.JR:
terrific--I mean, why should an employer have
MR. WHITE: We felt that that was the most conven-

ient way for distributing. It is open to discussion,

and not necessary to put in.

H.M.JR: Very bad public relations.
"All retailers of consumers' goods or services
would be permitted to sell goods only when the surrender
of the ration permit accompanies the purchase payment.
An appropriate system of enforcement will be set up to
check up on retailers as well as consumers.

I think you ought to put in there - I would like

very much to have a sentence that "We have had two or

three years' experience with food stamps.

MR. WHITE: It is so small a sample, I have not

enough familiarity with it.

H.M.JR: And they did it very carefully and they

did it very well, and I tell you the man - I am right -

who was the man who did all the advance work?

MR. BELL: Milo Perkins.

95

-7-

H.M.JR: But I mean, I think if you did it the

President would immediately click in his mind - I
mean, if his reaction through here is this can't be
done, and if you could - this is too long, anyway,

for him. I mean, this is too much; it has got to

be boiled down to one page. Immediately say on this,
"You have the experience, the retailer and consumer,

through your food supplies,if as difficult a thing as
that would work out successfully, - I mean, if that
could be brought up in the beginning, then he would

say, "Of course they did it that way." I know how

his mind works.

"This system will enormously lessen the need for

specific rationing, but there still will have to be

some specific rationing for those necessary commodities
which are disproportionately scarce.

"It would take several months to perfect the plan
and prepare the machinery for its administration.

Therefore, if it be desired to put the plan into effect

by December 1, it is necessary to begin the preparatory

work soon.

I would say "at an early date,"I wouldn't date it.
"The OPA could administer the program probably

with little additional personnel because with Expenditure
Rationing the administration of price ceilings and

specific rationing will diminish in difficulty and

importance.

"In addition to the above proposal, there are two

other comprehensive plans that we are studying. These

are, first, a proposal for compulsory saving large

enough to mop up the surplus purchasing power; second,
a spendings tax with exemptions which imposes a tax

penalty on additional spending, a penalty that becomes

more and more severe as spendings increase, eventually

reaching prohibitive levels. Both those latter plans

would require legislation. If

96

-8 I will come back to those last. The first

thing, Herbert, before you get immersed in this
thing, you have got to be our city editor and reduce
this to one page, see, Herbert, you can do that,

can't you?

MR. GASTON: That can be done.

H.M.JR: I mean, there is too much verbiage in
here. You can take that and put it down to one page.

On the whole, I think it is a good job. In the room

again, I happen to know that the President is leaving
tonight. I am going to call up Judge Rosenman and see
if we can see him, because we have got to get to him
today so the President will take it with him.
MR. WHITE: We can single space this and get it

on one page.

H.M.JR: No, there is too much verbiage and
surplus stuff there. You can have a condensed one page
and then attach a longer memorandum to it if the President

is interested. But there has got to be a heading,
title, and so forth, and so on.

MR. BELL: There is a lot of meat in here; you
can't cut too much of it out.
MR. PAUL: You can cut out the first paragraph.

H.M.JR: There is a lot of stuff Herbert can take
out, from his experience, just take a blue pencil, and
still leave a good news story, but I want to see then I will discuss these last two pages, which I don't

understand.

Before I go on the last paragraph, let's go around
the room and see who are the dissenters or if there is
anything in here that anybody - I don't suppose there
is anything that I have dealt with which is more important than this in years, so if anybody has any doubts,
I wish they would speak up, because they will be doing

me a favor.

97
9-

MR. BELL: I don't think there were any doubts

about it last night.

H.M.JR: Let's go around.
Dan?

MR. BELL: I think it is all right.
H.M.JR: Any doubts?

MR. BELL: No. I think it is all right.
H.M.JR: Huntington?

MR. CAIRNS: I have no legal doubts at all as

to the plan set out in this paper.

H.M.JR: Got any social doubts?
MR. CAIRNS: No, I think the administrative

problem is going to be a terrific one.

MR. BELL: The one they got is terrific.
MR. CAIRNS: Yes, that is right.
H.M.JR: But as to the legal?
MR. CAIRNS: No.

H.M.JR: Well, who is going to tell me how this
can be done legally, under what authority?
MR. PAUL: One of the three of us can tell you.
Mr. Cairns worked - you go ahead, Hungtington.

MR. CAIRNS: It is based on a provision which I
might read, which is very broad.

H.M.JR: But not rough, I hope.

98

- 10 MR. CAIRNS: "Whenever the President is satisfied

that the fulfillment of requirements for the defense
of the United States will result in a shortage in the
supply of any material or of any facilities for defense
or for private account or for export, the President
may allocate such material or facilities in such
manner, upon such conditions, and to such extent as he
shall deem necessary or appropriate in the public

interest and to promote the national defense."
MR. PAUL: That is a wonderful provision.

MR. CAIRNS: Under that provision - that
provision has been utilized for automobiles, type-

writers, bicycles, gasoline, and so on.

MR. VINER: It seems to me that that sounds
pretty specific. You have got to name automobiles
and so on.

MR. CAIRNS: Oh, no.

MR. VINER: Purchasing power would be the thing-- --

H.M.JR: Well-MR. CAIRNS: That power seems to me to be clearly

broad enough to proceed on a coupon basis. If you

use money, licensed and unlicensed money, we run into

additional difficulties, but I don't think the difficulties are insurmountable.

H.M.JR: Well, again in the one place, somewhere,
please put your legal references, because immediately

the President is going to say, "What authority have I
got to do this?"
MR. CAIRNS: We have a full draft opinion being

written now.

H.M.JR: In the one page.

99

- 11 MR. PAUL: We can simply say War Powers Act.

H.M.JR: See Section so and so.

MR. BELL: Right after that sentence put in
parenthesis at the end of the third paragraph - right
after the sentence where we say, "This program can

be put into effect without additional legislation,"
see so and so.

H.M.JR: Definitely. Immediately he will say,
"Well, how does the Treasury get that way," so please
put that in.
MR. CAIRNS: It is a wonderful power legally.
MR. GASTON: There is a way to take care of

Jake's doubts on that point. That is, his proclamation can list specifically or by classes the character

of materials and commodities which he is allocating.
MR. CAIRNS: This is a simple problem.
H.M.JR: Anything else?

MR. CAIRNS: That is all I have, Mr. Secretary.
H.M.JR: Harry?

MR. WHITE: I think that in our brief discussions
we are streamlining the plan and minimizing the
administrative difficulties, and maybe there might be

a sentence in there, if you like, saying it is going
to be a very difficult task to administer. I don't
think that is a reason not to adopt it, but it may
be that in our simplification the person first hearing
of it - it seems simpler than it will prove to be

because he isn't aware of a good many of the difficulties,

but again, I think that is true of any plan that they

will hope to accomplish the same result.

H.M.JR: I think it is a good presentation to put

in something about that.

100
- 12 MR. VINER: There undoubtedly will be great
administrative problems, but you can be sure there
would be with any adequate alternative.

H.M.JR: There is your sentence. But I mean,

it is a good thing to take the wind out of the sails

of the Henderson people by saying just that, that

there will be great administrative difficulties, but
so will there be in any other plan. Are you through,

Harry?

MR. WHITE: That is all.
H.M.JR: Viner?

MR. VINER: I am for this. I feel very strongly
that it is entitled to fairly serious consideration.

I would want to see it worked out a little more before

a verdict on it - and that is all you are asking is
that they give this very serious consideration?
H.M.JR: No. What-is-his-name will ask me at
this stage, "Do you recommend it?"

MR. BELL: You have refrained in this memorandum
from recommending it.

H.M.JR: No, at this stage I have to say, to

Rosenman or to the President that I do or don' t
recommend it. We can't fool around with it any
longer.

MR. VINER: I don't know of anything better at

the moment. If you must make a recommendation today

then I say I subscribe to it as the best thing I can

think of at this moment.

H.M.JR: Let's go back over so that there is no

misunderstanding. Are you ready to recommend this to
me?

MR, BELL: Yes, I am, but yesterday we said that
we didn t want to recommend it; we just wanted to have
it considered so that we could work out the details.

101
- 13 H.M.JR: That was yesterday.

MR. BELL: That was the reason for putting in a
tentative program, consideration of a tentative program.
H.M.JR: But that was yesterday; and if Rosenman Rosenman asked me yesterday for my curbstone opinion,

and didn't I say that 1 was for this?

MR. BELL: Yes, but you also said that you weren't
prepared to give the details.
MR. PAUL: It was clear yesterday he only wanted
your curbstone opinion.

H.M.JR: No, well--

MR. BELL: Still I agree with Jake that it is
the best thing that is presented, and I am willing to

go along.

H.M.JR: You are?

MR. BELL: Yes, sir.
MR. CAIRNS: I would recommend it provided you

stick to the coupon rationing.
MR. BELL: Yes.

MR. VINER: And not the money?

MR. CAIRNS: Not the money. The money hasn't
been analyzed for me to understand.

MR. WHITE: That is something that needn't concern

you at this time, Mr. Secretary. We had a device which
we felt was highly desirable, and it was an improvement
if it was legally possible. Naturally, the legal considerations would be decisive. If we can get them
to change their opinion with respect to the legality,
then we will reexamine the advisability from other points

102
- 14 -

of view, so that their objections, I think, to the

money rests on legal grounds. It wouldn't be decisive

in any case if it rests on other grounds. Then I

doubt whether they have had an adequate opportunity
to understand it. Those of us who have gone through

it very thoroughly feel that it is a manna from heaven

if we could use it for this kind of a proposal; but

I don't think you need to decide that now, because it
could be done either way, with some greater difficulties
in the case of coupons, but notinsuperable.
Would you agree to that statement? I mean, you

have been through the money aspects.

MR. FRIEDMAN: I certainly think the money device

is far superior to the coupon device if it is legal.

MR. WHITE: And if we couldn't prove that to them,
then we would abandon it; but I am pretty sure after a
long discussion we could demonstrate that fact.
MR. PAUL: The money device isn't in here now,
so don't worry.

MR. VINER: There are two different administrative
devices for carrying out the same system, and we are

not going into the administrative matter here, so it
is not necessary to raise that issue.
MR. CAIRNS: If there is a phrase "coupon book
or some other device, I would recommend it on the
basis of the coupon device.

MR. WHITE: There is some difference of opinion

as to the legality.

H.M.JR: That isn't it. The point is, the impor-

tant thing is that my General Counsel's office says

that this particular thing in here can be done legally

without legislation, which makes it very much more attractive.

103
- 15 MR. PAUL: We do say that. We are inclined to
think that even if we use the money we can do it, but
we have no doubt about the plan as set forth.
thing.

H.M.JR: Don't let's get bogged down on this

Harry, do you recommend this?

MR. WHITE: I did six months ago; I still feel

the same way.

H.M.JR: You haven't changed?

MR. WHITE: Not on this point.

H.M.JR: Viner - I asked you.
Now, Friedman?

MR. FRIEDMAN: Yes, sir. On the administrative
side, I just checked up the cost of Selective Service

administration for the last twelve months. It was
thirty-two million dollars, and this would in many
respects parallel that.

MR. VINER: That is a volunteer activity. The
great bulk of the Selective Service work is done by

unpaid volunteers.

MR. FRIEDMAN: You could use to some extent unpaid
volunteers.

MR. VINER: I wouldn't take it for granted.
H.M.JR: Henderson has got a hundred and twenty

million dollars, hasn't he?

MR. WHITE: I think the phrase we use here, no

matter what the cost is, it is worth it - I mean, it

might cost two hundred million dollars, three hundred
million dollars - no one knows.

104
- 16 -

H.M.JR: Let me hear the others. Just relax.
MR. WHITE: I thought I was on the point.
MR. FRIEDMAN: Yes, sir, I think this would be a

very much preferable alternative to anything that is
now in the cards in the form of specific rationing or
direct price control.
this?

H.M.JR: Blough, have you had a chance to study

MR. BLOUGH: I - yes, I studied it some months

ago and a little at this time. I don't think anybody
can be without doubts, but I believe, as the others
have said, that this is the best thing that appears
at the present time. I don't think it should take
the place of strong efforts in either the tax field
or in the savings field, or in specific rationing,
but that it is an important method which is workable
and should be recommended.

H.M.JR: Some time, Harry, show me where you
recommended it six months ago, because I have no

recollection of it.

MR. WHITE: Where did this thing start?

H.M.JR: Yes, but you withdrew it. Just look
up your record. Look up your record.
MR. WHITE: I mean, I will simply state what it

was we said, that they recommended it for careful
investigation, and after we had examined it with OPA
and WPB they had very serious doubts of the administra-

tion. I said then that if they had serious doubts of

the administration or were opposed to it - they did
have doubts, strongly opposed to it, and I said, "You
had better drop it until they come around," which we

did. There was some more history to it. I don't think

anyone who was present at the discussion would question

our enthusiasm for the plan at that time. However, it

doesn't matter; I recommend it now.

105

- 17 -

H.M.JR: Well, do you want to get in on it or don't

you know enough about it?

MR. SULLIVAN: I just read this, Mr. Secretary,

and the thought that first strikes me is that you

have already decided that this is to be done without
any ceilings on either wages or farm products, and I

wondered what serious consideration had been given to

having both. I think you are going to have to use
everything you have got to do this job.
H.M.JR: Well, this is to supplement that.

MR. SULLIVAN: Well, it doesn't read that way.
MR. VINER: It may render the others obsolete,
but I don't think anybody here would propose we take
off the other ceilings when we impose this, but we
may find that the others become unnecessary.
There is no ceiling on wage rates.
On this suggestion it is not necessary to put one on.
MR. WHITE:

MR. BLOUGH: I certainly don't subscribe to that

portion of the memorandum.

MR. SULLIVAN: I don't either; that is the only
thing I have, Mr. Secretary. This presupposes that
this single. device alone, without wage and price

ceilings, will do the job, and maybe it will, but

I haven't yet been convinced of that.
MR. WHITE: Exactly.

H.M.JR: I tell you what you do, these men are

available, supposing you see them afterwards and talk
to them, will you?
MR. SULLIVAN: Yes, sir, but I supposed from the

phrasing of this first paragraph that you had already
gone into that and made your decision.

106
- 18 -

H.M.JR: There is a lot of back history on it.
I beg your pardon, there is a lot of back history on it.
Randolph?

MR. PAUL: I am just a lawyer; I am not an
economist; but I think we ought to do it. On the
legal end Huntington has covered everything. I say,
think we might even be able to do it with the money
device, which is immaterial now. I think we should

I

do it. I think the situation is very critical, and
even if there is a little doubt, we have to take a
chance.

H.M.JR: Bernstein?
MR. BERNSTEIN: I am for it.
H.M.JR: Stewart?

MR. STEWART: I would like to put a question

with some shadings. You ask me whether I think it is

a good idea. I think it is a good idea, and I am in
favor if you carry it beyond that in this form; and
in the talk I have had, it is not yet a plan or a
program in detail. I would, therefore, feel that you

were not getting the recommendation of the staff on a
detailed program, and there raise the question whether

you want to recommend beyond the stage of saying, "Here

is an idea," and once you get the idea established you
begin to get excited, before you have explored all of
the exceptions and difficulties and arrangements, and

so on, about everything that is implied in there. So

if you say, "Has one any doubts as to whether you should
recommend, then I say, "Yes, I have doubts," because

it hasn't gone through that stage; it has gone further
in Harry's mind and in Harry's group than in this staff.

H.M.JR: Do you think I should recommend the idea?
MR. STEWART: I think if you recommend the idea

without being in your own mind fully aware of all the

107
- 19 implications in administrative arrangements and
exceptions, that you will go through a heartache
later when those things develop.

H.M.JR: Well, Walter, it is the idea - I mean,
after all, I can't know what the administrative
difficulties are, and with all due respect to everybody in the room, I don't think that they can, either,
because I don t think anybody has gone far enough.
So all I could say to the President is, "We in the

Treasury think the idea is a good one, and we recommend

the idea. Now, we know there is a lot of administra-

tive difficulty.

MR. STEWART: Personally, I think that is bad

administration. It puts one in the mood of settling

an idea rather than settling its difficulties. There
is no other plan I know of that would have fewer

difficulties in it, but any plan is going to have
difficulties. I would say that if this thing is now
so urgent that it must be gotten into now, as an idea,
I don t think it ought to go - even then I would not

recommend it without saying that it is at the stage
where your staff is making further exploration, you
want to examine, there are difficulties involved in it.

I would want some sort of thing which made me more than

recommend an idea. I think that is dangerous administration.

H.M.JR: If you don't mind, I am going to try to
pin you down a little closer. Do you object?
MR. STEWART: No, I would like it.

H.M.JR: Here is the problem which I am facing.

I think the chances are, let's say, two out of three
that if we don't give the President this idea he will

go along with the other one which you are familiar
with. Now, given those two alternatives, knowing
that he is going to leave tonight, that he doesn't

want to be - he is very difficult to reach when he is

away - I have from now until tonight to give him something

108
- 20 -

as an alternative to the other route. Being in that

position myself, should I go ahead with this?

MR. STEWART: Let me put the question differently
then. To what degree of recommendation do you want
to
- what
themake
idea to
him? degree of commitment, in order to get

H.M.JR: Well, going around this way, I have got

to say to Rosenman, 'Do you or don't you recommend

this idea, or are you leaving it up to the President?"
I don't think it is fair to give the President something like this unless he puts me on the spot, and-MR. STEWART: Well, that is just the unfortunate
element of time. You are being put on the spot because,

as I view it, this group has not explored the ideas as
far as Harry has nor is there as much agreement on

detail or program, and that, I think, is not full
representation of the Treasury's point of view. It
is not mine.
H.M.JR: But, I still - I have got a practical

situation--

MR. STEWART: You have to make up your own mind.

You asked if I have any doubts. That is the area
in which my doubt lies.
H.M.JR:

.as to the idea, as against a ceiling

on wages and agricultural prices.

MR. STEWART: They will not be effective.

H.M.JR: This will not be?
MR. STEWART: No.

H.M.JR: And this?
MR. STEWART: That idea as it now stands is deliberately arranged as a sales memorandum and therefore

109
- 21 -

minimizes the difficulties and makes it attractive.
That is not the way to adopt an idea. The way to
adopt an idea is to see ahead of time all the

difficulties that are going to be involved.

H.M.JR: Just putting in a sentence to say-MR. STEWART: That won't do it. That is why
your own personal and oral communi cation is decisive;
in this one it is a question of whether your own mind
has recommended the point. I know it is a good idea,

the best one the group has had. We have agreement
in principle upon it, but now you ask me to recommend.
I am not going to recommend an idea in which the

administrative problems have not been explored fully.

H.M.JR: Herbert, I don't know, getting this
fresh, whether you want to get in on it or not.
MR. GASTON: Just from what I have heard in the

past on this general idea I am very much attracted to

it, and I think that considering the situation you

spoke of you would be justified in recommending the

adoption of some plan for the limitation of over-all
consumer spending. I think it is worth - the other
device of spending taxation is worth consideration in

this connection as a different mechanism for achieving

the same object, but it may be that this is a better
plan than the taxation plan.

The difficulties, as I see it, in this plan are

two. One is the question of administration. Of course
the difficulties are immense - a question of whether it
can be done. The second is the possible complaint of

inequity in connection with it. I am thinking of the

man, the workman, the war worker, who perhaps may make

six or seven thousand dollars a year and may be limited
to the expenditure of four thousand dollars. He sees a

man with an income from some other source who is making
twenty thousand and is allowed to spend considerably

more, and he may complain that he is contributing just
as much or more; that income is not the decisive factor as to

110
- 22 -

whether a man is contributing to the war effort, and

he needs more consumer goods; and he ought to have a

right to spend just as much as that other man; and
that income ought not to be the deciding factor.

MR. CAIRNS: The basic principle of this is that
scarce goods are distributed on property basis. That
raises a constitutional point, but-MR. WHITE: Of course that is true now.
MR. GASTON: The answer to that is this, that
if we don't adopt some plan then the situation would
be still worse, because this man with a higher income
would have still a greater command over the supply of

consumer goods. That is the answer to that. But I

very strongly am in favor of recommending the general
idea of this over-all limitation of consumer spending
by some device or other.

H.M.JR: Well, what are you doing with those men
I am supposed to see at ten o'clock?
MR. BELL: They are down here in the room.

H.M.JR: Are they all right?
MR. BELL: Yes, they are.

H.M.JR: Until I hear from Judge Rosenman, let

me go into the next thing. It says, "In addition to
the above proposal, there are two other comprehensive
plans that we are studying. These are, first, a
proposal for compulsory saving large enough to mop

up the surplus purchasing power" - is this an alternative or is this a supplementary plan?

MR. WHITE: It could be alternative; and if
modified, it could be supplementary. It was originally
decided to be an alternative; with some modification
it could be supplementary.

111
- 23 H.M.JR: Would you go ahead and explain it?

MR. WHITE: The particular plan that we were

considering was an alternative in this very real
sense, that it aims to accomplish the identical thing
that expenditure rationing does except that in telling
a man how much he can spend, you take away everything
from the man except what he can spend and give him

bonds instead. So he is left with only as much as

presumably he would have under this system, or at least
you could so arrange your schedule so he would have

that much left. Then it has a couple of wrinkles
additional to prevent him from using his capital assets.

If you take away a given portion of his current income
and don't touch his cash balance or capital assets, a
rich man could dip into those in order to buy more
goods, but the particular plan which we were consider-

ing tends to prohibit that by allowing certain credits

and debits. It complicates the scheme, but you end
up with a situation in which each individual will have

only a certain amount of money to spend, approximately

what he has here, if that is the way you want to work

it out, so you get at the same objective. It is really
the obverse of this, has less - I think it has less
administrative difficulties.
H.M.JR: Well then, it isn't what normally would
be considered compulsory savings.

MR. WHITE: It is - no, not what is normally
considered compulsory savings, but what is normally
considered compulsory savings is somewhat of a misnomer

it should be called compulsory lending. This forces

-

the man to save everything except what you let him spend.

H.M.JR: I haven't had - I mean, I don't want
to put it in here, because I don't understand it,

and it hasn't been explained to me.

MR. PAUL: The purpose of putting it in was so
you wouldn't be accused of not having thought of it.

112
- 24 H.M.JR: Well, I don't mind being - I mean, I
can't take a thing like that blind.
MR. BLOUGH: General expenditure rationing is

a scheme for compulsory saving. It just isn't a

scheme for compulsory purchasing of Government bonds,

but it is a scheme for compulsory saving - you can't
spend, you have to save.

H.M.JR: As I say, I can't - I mean, I would have
to have plenty of time to go into it,which I haven't

got today, so I can't put it in. Now, what is this
spending tax and the exemptions, what is that?

that.

MR. WHITE: We will let Mr. Friedman describe
MR. BLOUGH: The spending tax is a tax, as it

indicates - is a tax on spending. It differs from
the sales tax in that it is the tax on the whole
spending of the individual for a period, say a year,
at progressive rates above certain exemptions so that
it is very similar to an income tax, except that
instead of the basis of the tax being the income, the
basis of the tax is the amount that was spent during

the year. It would be an alternative if the rates

were very heavy, in that it would greatly discourage
spending and would mop up a good deal of purchasing

power. I think it is perhaps most useful as a supplement to expenditure rationing in that the administra-

tion would tie in very well. It would put a penalty

on the spending, and therefore discourage expenditure
and make the expenditure rationing more easy.
MR. GASTON: When Roy is through, I want to make

a comment, see if I could simplify that idea, that
is, the idea of how I envisaged it was something like
this, you - a man would get an "A" book of coupons
in which there would be more or less equality of

rationing. Everybody with a family of four would get
a certain book with so many coupons in it for all

expenditures. Then if a man wanted to spend more than

113
- 25 that in consumer goods, he would buy another book,

say a "B" book. The "A" book, let us say, would be
free. The "B" book would have a price on it, so
that iw would increase the cost to him of everything
he got, and it would come to the Government in the
form of a tax. Then you might even have a "C" book

for still larger expenditures which would sell at a
still higher price, and it would be a progressive
tax on his expenditures.

H.M.JR: What I can't understand is that if
this rationing of money works and if you say to the

man with three thousand dollars income, "You can
spend two thousand dollars, what do you need," and
it works, I don't understand why you need--

MR. VINER: I think it is like a price ceiling.
The less the pressure and the less the force working
on it from outside, the more likely the ceiling is to
hold. The less the pressure to spend more than you
ration, the more likely it is they will not press

highly on that - you evade the black market transactions.
MR. WHITE: If they evade, you are going to catch

them on the taxes.

H. J.JR: Could I say what I wanted to say? I

mean, it is so hard. What I am trying to say is that

if you immediately throw doubts in my mind on this
rationing of money and you say in one breath that the
rationing of money is going to work, and the next minute

you say it isn't, that you have got to put a tax on

it, you have got to supplement it - you have got to do
something - you immediately throw a cloud on it.
MR. VINER: I think there ought to be a cloud on

it as to how well it will work. It won't work perfectly.
H.M.JR: Why - if you say . you have got three
thousand dollars you can spend, what do you need a

progressive spending tax for? I can see if you said to

me - the little I know about it - that this progressive

114
- 26 spending tax is the plan we are going to count on,
but if in the one breath you say you can only spend
two thousand out of the three, and the next minute
you throw a tax on it, you throw a cloud over the

whole thing.

MR. GASTON: I think they are proposed as alter-

natives. One is the absolute limitation on spending;
the other is, don't put an absolute limitation on
spending, but make the goods more expensive to the

man when he gets over his ration limit, making it

cost him a great deal more, and the money will come

to the Government.

MR. PAUL: You get revenue out--

H.M.JR: Well, look, gentlemen, I mean, you
haven't sold either of the things to me because you
haven't had time enough, so what I would like to say

is this: I am willing to leave in this sentence,

"In addition to the above proposal, there are two

other comprehensive plans that we are studying, If

period. Then if the President said, "Well, I am not
satisfied with that. What other plan has the Treasury
got," you can say it, but throwing this other stuff
in immediately throws a doubt in his mind, then, that
the Treasury isn't very sure of plan No. 1.
MR. WHITE: I don't get that interpretation
unless you offer these as supplementary. If you
offer as alternative - there are three good plans.

They must have merit or we wouldn't even make them

as suggestions. But the first one, in the opinion,
think, of most of us, is preferable to the other
I

two, but the second very definitely has a good deal

of merit. The third, in my opinion, may have a little

less merit, but they are not offered as supplementary,
you might use them in a modified form - one of them to supplement; though I personally don't think it is
necessary. They are offered primarily as alternatives.
That doesn't mean we don't think that one of them is

the best. I don't know if everyone--

115
- 27 -

H.M.JR: Would you mind listening to what I said
few minutes ago? I said that I haven't had time you people haven't had time to explain it to me.
There is nothing in writing on this inside the Treasury.
Now the other day you people wanted me to rush over
there and go right over and see the President and see
Judge Rosenman on this labor thing, and I said, "Give
him a day or two," and I was right. I gave him a day
a

or two and the man has already changed.

Now, I do know this man, and I don't think it is
conceited to say that I know him better than anybody

in this room. Now, either you people are sufficiently

satisfied with this plan - but if you go over to the

man when this is entirely new and say to him, "Here
is a plan that we are not sure enough of, here are two
other things" - now, I cannot - the man heretofore
has had such confidence in me, I can't even mention
two plans that I don't know about, and if I saw him
on Friday and Saturday he would say, "Well, that is
very interesting. Come up to Hyde Park and see me

and tell me about it. If I can't explain it to him.

Have you got anything in writing on either of the
two?

MR. WHITE: There is, but I don't think you

have seen it.

H.M.JR: Well-MR. WHITE:

The group has seen it.

MR. PAUL: We had a long discussion.
H.M.JR: I mean have you got a comprehensive
explanation of these two plans?

MR. WHITE: There is an explanation which is

sufficient to describe the plans. They haven't

been studied, to my knowledge, as thoroughly as
the others. There are memoranda which describe
them.

116
- 28 -

H.M.JR: But the people here - well, I, myself,

haven't seen it so I can't put it in. I think it is

sufficient, anyway - I have got to decide the matter,

and it is sufficient to say, "In addition to the

above
twostudied."
proposals two other comprehensive plans
are
being

MR. PAUL: I would take it all out if I were
going to do it.
MR. GASTON: What I would do is eliminate any

reference to any other plans in your one-page

description of this plan. Then I would write a

one-page or two-page description of these other
plans, for you to use your discretion as to whether
you wanted to submit in case he should ask for
something else.

H.M.JR: What I want to get into my head is

this. I mean the effect of these two other plans,

in my own mind, immediately throws me in doubt maybe I am going out on the end of the limb on

this if there is so much doubt that, this plan isn't
the answer and that we have got to, before the ink

is dry on the rationing of money - we have got to
immediately trot out two other plans.
MR. PAUL: I would leave all reference out to
the others.

H.M.JR: Let me ask White - I mean I want to
pin White down, be very obvious.

MR. WHITE: I am not trying to squirm out. I in the first place, it wasn't either my suggestion
or my desire to put that in. If I weren't convinced
that the other plan weren't the better of them, I
wouldn't mention it. I am a firm believer in making
a decision and sticking your neck out. I have never
been one to be cagey about it, to be ready to jump
on either side, depending on how the matter turns

117
- 29 -

out. I make up my mind what is the best and leave
the rest of my doubts to myself.
My mind has been made up that the rationing

plan is the best. That doesn't mean I have fore-

seen all the administrative difficulties. Of course
I haven't. It would take twenty men working on this
thing three months to iron out a lot of the knot-

holes. I have seen through it enough and went
through it a long time before it was even mentioned
to you. We had a long meeting on it that we had
ourselves, and I was convinced that it was a workable plan.

The next thing we did was we presented it to
you, and I would never have presented it to you if I

didn't think it was workable. There are plenty of

plans we think of that don't come to your desk
because we don't, after discussion, feel they are
workable. We don't bo ther you with plans so as to

see how many ideas - only when we have an idea that

will work. That doesn't mean we are right.

When we brought this proposal to you, you were

sufficiently interested to say, "Try it out on the

others.' We had long conferences with the others.
The others said they were not for it because it
would take six months to get ready and because the
public wouldn't like it. We had more discussions

on it, and it kind of petered out, and you finally
said - somebody said it was interfering with the

bond program and you said, "Kill it. " I said, "All

right, we will put it on the shelf.

H.M.JR: No, no, that is not true.
MR. WHITE: That is as I remember it.

H.M.JR: I can tell you exactly what happened.

You said, "We are not far enough along to recommend

118
- 30 -

it, and therefore I withdraw the suggestion."

It isn't important. I mean I didn't say - I

never said about the bond program or anything else.

I remember very distinctly I got interested, and

you came in here and you said, "We haven't gone

along with this thing far enough so I withdraw it

for the time being.' We put it on the shelf, and I

will tell you when it happened because the story
got out in the newspapers, in the Wall Street Journal,
and I sent for you and asked you about it. You said,

"How should I answer it?" and we had a discussion as
to the language we could use, and you can look up
our press conference because we agreed on the language.
We decided, as I remember - I forget the exact
language, but the impression I have - you can look

up what I said - is that, "We will put it on the

shelf." Do you remember coming in and discussing

it?

MR. WHITE: Far be it from me to stack my
memory against yours because you have got a very good

memory. I remember it occurred at staff meeting. I

think the record will find it. I don't think the

record is important, because what I was leading up--

H.M.JR: Well, the point was I never said, "Kill

it on account of the bond program."

MR. WHITE: There were some people present at

the staff meeting.

MR. SULLIVAN: I recall the conversation. I
don't recall any reference to the bonds. I do recall
your using the phrase, "Kill it" and Harry saying,

"Put it on the shelf.

MR. WHITE: I said you can't kill a good idea.
MR. SULLIVAN: "Later on if we change our minds" -

that was the idea at the time. I don't recall any-

thing about the bonds.

119
- 31 -

MR. VINER: I think that is a good record,

that an idea came up, you gave it consideration,

you weren't ripe to commit yourself to it and
postponed it.

H.M.JR: What I wanted to get from Harry wasn't

the history. The history is six months old and not
terribly important. What I was trying to get from
Harry was this. The thing that you started to say,
and then you went back six months--

MR. WHITE: Let me finish then.

H.M.JR: May I put my question to you? What I
am trying to get is, in your own mind, you to me,

is this a plan, in your own mind, that you are
willing to put your professional reputation on and
say, "Mr. Morgenthau, I am ready as a professional

economist to say to you that within the realms of
human error and the realms of the spirit in which

it will be carried out - because it will be killed

by somebody else being forced to do it - but as far
as I can go I think I am ready to recommend this
plan as a method of controlling inflation."
MR. WHITE: Yes, with the definite understanding

that it will take a month or two months of very

intensive work of several groups from inter-departmental

committees to perfect a plan, the plan - to perfect it.
H.M.JR: That is perfectly - I don't mind that

proviso.

MR. WHITE: With that proviso, which I presumed

was explicit, because certainly you wouldn't let us

spend two months with all the whole staff working on
a plan unless you felt that the idea was good enough.

With that implicit proviso, the answer is definitely

yes.

120
- 32 -

The answer is further yes, that I don't think

the
it. last paragraph is important nor would I include

We included it in the first place merely

because somebody suggested it - felt it was de-

sirable. What I was pointing out to you is that
there are other plans that others may prefer. I

personally don't.

H.M.JR: That is what I am trying to find out.

After all, I am asking you to tell me, is this the
idea that you want to recommend, or am I juggling

three balls in the air and I have got to consider three

plans?

MR. WHITE: The answer is, so far as I am con-

cerned--

H.M.JR: You--

MR. WHITE: I have considered the three, and I
am categorically in favor of the plan of expenditure
rationing.

H.M.JR: That is all I want to know. Well then,

let me go, having found out - got a clean-cut answer
from White - then what I want to know is who has

sufficient doubts about this plan that they feel I

should simultaneously bring to the President's attention two other plans?
MR. STEWART: I am partly responsible for this

last paragraph because I felt that the majority of

thinking in the group had not reached the stage where
they had focused upon a single plan. I knew what

Harry's feeling was, and I would still feel it ought

to be there on the same argument that I had a little

earlier as to the degree of your commitment. If it
does cast a cloud of doubt, then I think the cloud

of doubt there you won't dispel by omitting a paragraph. The alternative would be for you to cover it,

121
- 33 -

if you feel free to cover it, by some reservation
when you present it. There is, to my mind, a cloud

of doubt on any plan with which we have had no
experience. We have had experience with high income
taxes in other countries. We have had experience

with inflation, and other countries have, but no

country in the world has ever had an experience with

this kind of a rationing plan on this scale.

H.M.JR: Walter, again I know I am repeating

myself, but what I am trying to get from this group
is this - maybe the President or Judge Rosenman won

try to put me on the spot. If I were in their posi-

tion, I would, because why I am going to the President,

either directly or through his man, is to say, "Now
look, you mustn't do this. Now, here is another plan,

because the other plan has many bad features in it,
social and otherwise, and even if you weren't going to

consider the social aspects of it, it still leaves
the twenty to thirty billion dollar gap.' I mean,

I have got to be prepared to say to him - try this

paraphrasing, which you did, which has never been tried
anywhere else in the world, with the necessary risk
involved, and anything which is new may or may not
be successful.

On the other hand, as you pointed out to me, no
country has ever been faced with the expenditure of

two hundred billion dollars, and the thing that bothers

me so much and has bothered me since I got Harry's
memorandum - which I read last Saturday and called him

on Sunday and told him to go ahead full blast with this

thing, to develop it - is the fact that we sit here

arguing about interest rates, whether we - I spent
one hour yesterday for about the fifth time arguing
whether the bill rate should be three-eighths or a
half, but nobody - and I don't know whether it was

you - pointed out, if this war is a five-year war and
we get so we are spending a hundred or a hundred and

fifty billion dollars a year and we use up all the

reserves, and so forth, and so on, what happens to the
whole banking structure.

122
34 -

They said that some of the banks have thought

the thing out - if they have, it hasn't been brought
to my attention - that on the basis of a hundred billion dollars or a hundred and fifty billion dollars -

war expenditure for five years - what would happen
to the banks during the war and after the war. So
therefore what I was awfully tempted yesterday - I

didn't do it, I bit my tongue and didn't do it - was

to say to them, "You people are pressing me to make
up my mind for three months, and what I am really
working on is five years, and the three months or one

month is terribly unimportant." But if this is a

five-year war - and every day I am beginning to think

that is the minimum, and Nelson has plans through '45
and he could very easily tell me. Maybe you know what

the expenditures will be for the next five years.
MR. BELL: No, I don't.

H.M.JR: What is going to happen, and that is why
I can't sit here complacently and simply burn up my
time and energy to resist the New York banker group

over one-eighth. I didn't want to say it, but it is

just plain stupid. I mean, now I come back again,
and I give Harry and his associates full credit for
bringing this thing to my attention now and six months

or eight months ago. Therefore, it is silly for Harry
and I to get into an argument about why the thing was
put on the shelf. I mean, he gets full credit for his

memorandum and bringing it to my attention. Therefore,
why should he and I fight about on what basis was the

thing put on the shelf.

MR. WHITE: Mr. Secretary, I wasn't for a moment -

not,particularly, as you know, interested in credit. I

agree with you wholly; I was merely trying to answer in

a rather crude way the implication which seemed to be

present that I was trying to squirm out from under a
categorical or a definite recommendation. I wanted to
indicate that we had given the matter a good deal of
study in the past and that I did feel it was a good
plan and that we did drop it, and we dropped it from
no desire on my part.

123
- 35 But I agree with everything you have said now,
and I think the important thing is where we go from

here, not where we have gone.

H.M.JR: What I would like you gentlemen to
do - I have got this call in for Judge Rosenman.
I would like Mr. Bell and Mr. White and Mr. Paul
and Mr. Gaston to go into a room together; if they
need anybody else, they can call on them; and give me

this thing. It has got to be - I mean, one page.
You can use this side of the page, and you can put the
lines as close together as possible. I don't care how
long the supporting memorandum is, but it has got to
be on one page, and it can be on one page.
(The Secretary held a telephone conversation

with Judge Rosenman.)

H.M.JR: Well now, will you get together?

124
DRAFT

We have been discussing in recent conferences, the wisdom

and mechanics of directly controlling wages and farm prices.

Irrespective of the merits and details of the various proposals
that have been considered in this connection, these measures

reach neither the fundamentals nor the magnitude of the inflation problem we are facing. Wage and price ceilings cannot

prevent inflation. In this memorandum we would like, therefore,
to submit for your consideration a tentative program which
should deal effectively with the surplus purchasing power problem
and which, if well executed, would make comprehensive wage and

price ceilings unnecessary."
Even if wage. rates and farm prices were frozen at present

levels, next year would see a surplus of spending power of $20

to $30 billion. This excess purchasing power will break the

price ceilings on a broad front. It will result in empty shelves,
in large scale black market transactions, and in widespread
evasion and dealer favoritism.

It will give rise to queues and to inequitable and waste-

ful distribution. It will make the acquisition of the necessities of life a battle of wits.
We have no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no

matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
of the $20 to $30 billion of excess purchasing power.

125

-2For many months the Treasury has been considering and

discussing with other agencies of the Government, a plan for
EXPENDITURE RATIONING. We believe that this program can be put

into effect without additional legislation. Expenditure
rationing consists of a limitation of the aggregate spending
power so that it is roughly equal to the aggregate of available
consumers' goods at present prices. This is accomplished by

limiting the amount that any individual or family can spend.

Although variations of income and size of family will be
factors in determining the permissible amount of spending allowed
each family, the Expenditure Rationing system would greatly

reduce the inequality in spending that prevails now. For example
a family of four with an income of $1,500 might be allowed to
spend it all; a family with an income of $2,500 would be permitted
to spend (say) $1,800 on consumer goods; a family with an income

of $10,000 would be permitted to spend (say) $5,000; a family
with an income of $50,000 would be permitted to spend (say $10,000.

By explicitly determining the amount that each individual is
to be permitted to spend, expenditure rationing provides a system

for equitably distributing a limited supply of goods and services
among the great mass of our population. Although their expenditures

are limited, individuals will be substantially assured that goods
and services will be available for purchase with their expenditure

126

-3allowance. All persons will receive a ration allowance. The
right to spend this allowance will be represented either by
coupons or some other device. The ration allowances might be

distributed to consumers principally through their employers and
also through other agencies.

All retailers of consumers' goods or services would be permitted to sell goods only when the surrender of the ration permit
accompanies the purchase payment. An appropriate system of en-

forcement will be set up to check up on retailers as well as consumers. This system will enormously lessen the need for specific

rationing, but there still will have to be some specific rationing
for those necessary commodities which are disproportionately scarce.

It would take several months to perfect the plan and prepare

the machinery for its administration. Therefore, if it be desired
to put the plan into effect by December 1, it is necessary to begin
the preparatory work soon. The OPA could administer the program

probably with little additional personnel because with Expenditure

Rationing the administration of price ceilings and specific

rationing will diminish in difficulty and importance.
In addition to the above proposal, there are two other
comprehensive plans that we are studying. These are, first, a
proposal for compulsory saving large enough to mop up the surplus
purchasing power; second, a spendings tax with exemptions which

imposes a tax penalty on additional spending, a penalty that

127
-

becomes more and more severe as spendings increase, eventually

reaching prohibitive levels. Both those latter plans would
require legislation.

128
July 30, 1942.
10:34 a.m.

Operator:

There you are.

HMJr:

Hello.

Samuel
Rosenman:

Hello.

HMJr:

Sam?

R:

Yes.

HMJr:

Good morning.

R:

Good morning, sir.

HMJr:

How's DuBarry?

R:

(Laughs) I just left Du.

HMJr:

Sam, could you see me and the same group

some time after lunch today, and we'll

have that memo for you.
R:

HMJr:
R:

Well, I think I can make it. I don't know
yet what time I've got to go up and see
Wallace on this farm - on farm prices.
Well....

He's - but I think

HMJr:

Couldn't you do him this morning or

R:

Now, I - I

HMJr:

Well,
I - I - any time this afternoon that
you've got

R:

Let's make it tentatively for three, huh?

HMJr:

Well,
I got - you couldn't make it a little
later, could you?

R:

Yeah, well, I - yes, I - I could.

HMJr:

Or earlier.

129

-2R:

Well, earlier 18 a little difficult.

HMJr:

Oh.

R:

(Talks aside) Have you got my book over there,
Just a second, will you?
Mary?

HMJr:

I'm waiting. I - I'11

R:

What - what - a little later?

HMJr:

Well, I mean if - I - I - this is 80 important,
I mean I - I mean I want to see you, so I can
shift my people. I've got out-of-town people,

R:

but I'11 shift them, that's all.
Uh huh. Well, I- I talked with - with the
President about it this morning in - ....

HMJr:

Yes.

R:

in the room, and, of course, he's very much
interested. The first thing he said was about
administration..

HMJr:

Yes.

R:

and the second thing was that he - he - he

didn't think that he could do it without the
Congress. Those - those that, you know

HMJr:

Yeah, well, I'11

criticize - what do you call it, instead of

R:

a horseback judgment - curbstone - bedside
judgment.

HMJr:

R:

HMJr:
R:

Well, our boys now are willing to say that he
has the legal authority.
Well, I think he has too
Yeah.

but he - he says that even if he has legal

authority, he thinks that's quite a step to
take without Congress, but that, as I say, that's
bedside judgment.

130
- -3 HMJr:

Yeah. Well, now I know he's leaving, you see,

and I - I want him to take this thing with him

R:

Uh huh.

HMJr:

....you see? So that he can read it

R:

All right.

HMJr:

I mean I'm very anxious that he take this

with him.

R:

All right.

HMJr:

Well, now

R:

If he's leaving tonight.

HMJr:

Yeah, what time would.

R:

Well

HMJr:

You
mean you've got the Wallace thing, is that
it?

R:

Yeah, that's what bothers me, and you see - and
in the Wallace meeting Jimmy Byrnes is going to
be there

HMJr:
R:

Oh.

....and they have to wait until the court's

adjourned, and 80
HMJr:

Oh.

R:

....I - I don't know what time it 18

HMJr:

Well, let - let's - let's put it at three, and
I'11 adjust the other - these others 1 I'il
shift it if you say three.

R:

Three. Now if I find it may be - suppose they

phone me that they've got the meeting arranged

with four or five people at three-thirty
HMJr:

Well

R:

....then I'll have to shift this.

131

-4HMJr:

Well, I could come earlier, or is there some-

R:

Yeah, there's - there's something else, and

HMJr:

Yeah. Well, I - I - I'11 - if - if that

thing else over there?

R:

happens, you call me and I'll adjust myself.
Now wait a minute, do you think two-thirty
(talks aside) Is - would two - two - twofifteen be better?

HMJr:

That would be perfect.

R:

All right. Two-fifteen, I'11 put it on, huh?

HMJr:

Two-fifteen in - in the Cabinet Room.

R:

That's the best place.

132

July 30, 1942

11:15 a.m.

INFLATION

Present:

Mr. Bell
Mr. Gaston
Mr. White
Mr. Paul

Mrs. Klotz

H.M.JR: There is one thing which on second

thought I think is a gap here, and that is I think

there should be something in there to explain that
this should be a supplemental plan to what the
President is going to say about ceilings in general.

In other words, I take it that we don't want this
just to go out by itself and that the President - I

don't think that that is clear. I take it that we

want the President to do something - say something
about agricultural prices and something about wages.
MR. WHITE: There was no agreement on that, Mr.

Secretary.

MR. PAUL: That is what we put in there, that

sentence in there that if this plan is well executed

it may render unnecessary these other things. We
thought that strengthened your hand on the other
fight.
H.M.JR: You mean you want--

MR. PAUL: This sentence here, which is one of

Viner's suggestions - the thought is still in line
with what the Secretary suggested.

H.M.JR: I am just raising it.
MR. PAUL: "In this memorandum we would like,

therefore, to submit for your consideration a

133
2-

tentative program which should deal effectively with
the surplus purchasing power problem and which, if

well executed, would make comprehensive wage and

price ceilings unnecessary.'

MR. WHITE: I don't think there is agreement in
the group on that. I would completely subscribe to

that, but I don't think they all would.

H.M.JR: What I am thinking - of course there
are two things that bother me, but maybe we will have
to leave both of them out. Rosenman told me he

couldn't - he is interested very much, but he thinks
he has to go to Congress on it, that he couldn't do
it without going to Congress. He said that was his
first shot. But the President is very much interested,

very much intrigued. It is just the two things in
this thing, the question of wages and agricultural

prices.

(Mr. Bell entered the conference.)
H.M.JR: I am sorry, Dan, just one minute and

I will leave you alone. I was just saying there are
two gaps - whether we can put them in. One is

agricultural prices; the other is wages.

Then the other thing, the other after-thought,
do you people feel that I am safe in saying that if
there is this rationing of money that then I can rely
on the volunteer method to saak up this additional

money?

MR. WHITE: I don't think it matters at this

point.

H.M.JR: You don't think it mat ters?
MR. WHITE: I mean I don't think you can get
your money - it matters somewhat, but you can continue
with your volunteer savings and I think you would get

134

-3more. I don't think you would get as much as you
would on a compulsory savings basis, but more than

you are getting now; and it wouldn't matter much if

you didn't.

MR. BELL: This really ought to help voluntary
savings.
There
and
as long
as-- is no place else for the money to go,
H.M.JR: Yes.

MR. BELL: As long as you keep it there, it

doesn't make any difference whether you borrow from

the banks or not, as long as you hold it there.

MR. PAUL: But there is nothing inconsistent,

anyway. If we have to yield a little bit and settle
with the Senate Finance Committee on compulsory

savings, we can do a small bit of it of some sort
and not
your voluntary campaign and not interfere
withhurt
this.
H.M.JR: Again, don't take offense at what I
am going to say. I mean each person is thinking of
his particular segment. Yours (Paul) is the tax

bill, you see. I mean I apologized first and then
said it. You don't mind, do you?
MR. PAUL: O.K., sure, shoot.

H.M.JR: I mean I appreciate on the debt thing
that if we do the debt we have also got to give a
credit to the man who buys the bond. But that, I
think, would be a great help to the bond sale.
I

mean I think it would be something which Harold Graves
would grab at.

But the thing I don't quite follow, Bell, and
maybe as a result I will just leave it alone - you
would be satisfied, do you think - let's say that
the President took it just the way - for a better

135

-4name let's call it the White plan - I mean, if he took
it just this way, do you think that it wouldn't - and
let's say that we got no more than twelve billion

dollars a year under volunteer savings - do you think
we could safely go to the banks for the balance?

MR. BELL: I don't think that it is inflationary

to go to the banks for the balance as long as you
keep that purchasing power locked up. I am not an
economist - Harry can check me.

sure.

MR. WHITE: You know enough about that, I am

MR. BELL: It seems to me as long as you keep

that money locked up it isn't doing any harm. The
trouble is going to come when you start unlocking
it.
H.M.JR: The post-war.

MR. WHITE: That is why you need other measures.

If you go to the banks and they are piling up large
reserves, sometime within the next year or two it is

imperative you have increased power for reserve

requirements.

H.M.JR: Well, if it is a year or two, this

thing - I think I am correct - plus something which

will undoubtedly happen in Committee, would bring in
the money to the Treasury.

MR. PAUL: That takes the curse off sales to

commercial banks.

H.M.JR: Temporarily.

MR. PAUL: As long as you have it in effect.

But I think, Dan, as you and I were talking, it is
true you have to keep it on after the war, but it
is also true that you can take it off at a time when

you are getting a depression.

136
-5- - -

MR. BELL: That is right.

H.M.JR: Well, I try terribly hard, in other
words, to be fair, to be judicial on this thing. It

worries me a little bit. I think we will let

as
thing to do is to do the
thing it is. that Stewart I think the criticizes it very go

us for doing, that is,

to make a sales document out of it.

Now, if we raise compulsory savings or if we

raise the other thing, it immediately gets away - the

better kind of salesmanship is to give anybody one
idea, and that is what we are going to do.

MR. PAUL: That is right.
MR. WHITE: I think Herbert has an excellent
way out of that, which makes it possible for you to

one
one
and
or succeeds in convinced

give either him he some body idea, and else only idea, being yet if

later that that is not what he wants to accept, there

is something else that you can go on to. You might
want to repeat that one sentence that you had.
MR. GASTON: In substance it was this, first,

that we make an outright recommendation for some

method of controlling over-all individual expenditures.

We have considered several ways in which this could
be done and have concluded that the most satisfactory

is a plan of expenditure rationing.

H.M.JR: That is the introductory sentence?

MR. GASTON: No. it isn't. My introductory

sentence was this: "We have been considering in
recent conferences in the Treasury Department the
steps necessary to prevent a calamitous rise in

the cost of living. We have come to the conclusion

that more fundamental measures than any heretofore publicly
proposed are essential. Wage and price ceilings

alone cannot control inflation. Even if wage rates

137

-6and farm prices were frozen at the present levels,
next year would see a surplus" and go on with the

rest of that paragraph; and then what I just said,
that we are convinced that some method of control of
over-all expenditures is essential, and the most

promising method seems to us the plan of expenditure

rationing. Then tell what expenditure rationing is
and contrast it with specific rationing of commodities.
H.M.JR: You use a page like this - what do
you call it when you don't have that wide space
between - I mean if you wrote - what is the tightest
way to write it?
MRS. KLOTZ: Single space.

H.M.JR: Single-space it. What I am going to
do is this: I am shot so I am going to go down and
rest from now until twelve-thirty. I am burned out,
and you will just have to--

MR. BELL: I told them you were tied up. I
think they would like to go back tonight because I

told them I thought we would be through with this.

I think they can g ve you all they have got - they
have got the story, and they can give it to you in

a half an hour.

H.M.JR: You can spend the next hour with them,

can't you?

MR. BELL: I can, yes.
H.M.JR: Then when I come back I have only got
one appointment at three and then I am free the

rest of the afternoon.

MR. BELL: They can give you the story.

138

-7H.M.JR: I have got one appointment, and with
the exception of that I have nothing.

All right, Herbert, do your work.
MR. PAUL: I wish you would feel comfortable
about it because there are times in life when you
have to decide questions on the basis of inadequate
information. You have to act on the basis of

insufficient information.

H.M.JR: What is that?
MR. PAUL: Oh-- -

H.M.JR: No, wait, that part - no body, after all in the first place, I wouldn't expect the people in

the Treasury to be able to work out this machinery I mean I wouldn't expect anybody in this room - I
wouldn't ask them to do that unless they wanted to
drop everything they are doing. I happen to have
gone through the hatching days, incubation days, on
food stamps, and I had a little something to do
with it, and I know how they worked on that thing.

They tried it out in Rochester and they got all the
bugs out of it, and they wouldn't move on for the

longest time; and it took them God knows how long
even before they would open in Rochester.
wouldn't condemn rationing of gasoline
because the first time it was done that cock-eyed
way. This time it seems to be done in the correct
way, but I would - being very frank, I lean even
extra towards this plan because the other thing
I

which I think the President is doing is so bad.
MR. PAUL: That is right.

H.M.JR: See? Now, I don't say this is the
lesser of two evils, because I don't think this is

the lesser of two evils. I think this has got

139
8-

great possibilities, but the trouble is that everybody
around Washington - I mean, they sit here and they
think if they are talking about three months that that

is a long time.

I begged the President of the United Stat es time
after time - Bell and Mrs. Klotz can bear me out would he take myself and Harry Hopkins on a boat and

give us two hours a day for four days until we could

find a solution to unemployment. I never got anywhere
with the President or Harry Hopkins. He never would
do anything more. When Harry Hopkins began to call me
up when he was in the hospital, or whe rever he was, it
always was when he was about to run out of money.

I will never forget Aubrey Williams coming in

here with tears in his eyes begging me to do something
before Harry Hopkins went on the operating table at
the Mayo Hospital. He called him up and said, "Henry
Morgenthau says he will see you through on this
appropriation and he will see you through. Go ahead
and be operated on." He said Harry went on the

operating table with a smile on his face because I
had said I would take care of him. And it is always
the same thing.

Now, this time I am not bothered, but I just

wanted to find out where the people in the room stood,

and I did. I don't know what I did to the people in

the room, but it has left me as though I have been
dragged through a keyhole; but it was worth the effort.
MR. BELL: You never know how a thing is going to

work that is as complicated as this.

H.M.JR: All right.

140
July 30, 1942

12:30 p.m.

INFLATION

Present: Mr. Bell

Mr. White
Mr. Gaston
Mr. Paul

H.M.JR:

(Reading) "We have been considering
in recent conferences in the Treasury Department
further steps necessary to prevent a calamitous

rise in the cost of living, and we have come to

the conclusion that more fundamental measures than

any heretofore publicly proposed are essential.

"Wage and price ceilings alone cannot control

inflation." That word "alone"--

MR. WHITE: I suggested I thought it ought to

be out because I thought if you put it in he might
say, "All right, I don't think wage and price
ceilings are alone enough, but we will get this

out and then we will do the other later.' It looks

as though what you are suggesting is a supplement
to your measure and won't stop him from the Executive

Order.

H.M.JR: "Even if wage rates and farm prices
were frozen at present levels, next year" - when
you say "next year" you mean next calendar year?

MR. WHITE: We thought we would be indefinite

about that. It was the next twelve months, really.
H.M.JR: "Even if wage rates and farm prices
were frozen at present levels, next year would see
a surplus of spending power of $20 to $30 billion.
This excess purchasing power would inevitably break

the price ceilings on a broad front." Is that clear?

141

-2MR. WHITE: That is difficult to understand.
We could say, "The pressure of this excess purchasing power would inevitably break...
H.M.JR: Something, Herbert.
MR. GASTON: All right.

H.M.JR: Yes, I think, "The pressure of this

excess purchasing power would inevitably break

through the price ceilings on a broad front." Do

you think "on a broad front" is necessary?

MR. PAUL: Yes, I think it adds - not just here
and there but all along the line.
H.M.JR: "It would result in empty shelves, in

large scale black market transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism. It would give
rise to queues and to inequitable and wasteful

distribution. It would make the acquisition of the
necessities of life a battle of wits.

"Obviously we have no choice but the adoption
of some proposal" - that would rub him the wrong way.

MR. GASTON: I can change that to make it, "There
seems no choice but the adoption" and so on.

it.

MR. BELL: That is strong the way you have got
H.M.JR: What?

MR. BELL: That is strong the way it is.
H.M.JR: Which way, "obviously"?
MR. BELL: Yes.

H.M.JR: But I mean that is obvious to us but
not to the President.

142

-3MR. PAUL: Why not cut out the word "obviously"?
Just say, "There is no choice
"

MR. BELL: "We feel

MR. WHITE: "We feel there is no choice

"

H.M.JR: I think I would just cut out the word

"obviously.

MR. GASTON: "There is no choice", yes.

H.M.JR: "There is no choice but the adoption
of some proposal, no matter how drastic, that is
capable of preventing the spending for consumer
goods of the $20 to $30 billion of excess purchasing

power." That doesn't make sense. Isn't it just

"excess purchasing"?

MR. GASTON: No, purchasing power.

MR. BELL: Would that read better to put down
at the end "for consumer goods"?

MR. PAUL: No - definitely not.
MR. WHITE: Cut out "purchasing power" and say

"of the $20 to $30 billion excess. If you like,

cut out of excess purchasing purchasing power" and
just put "excess."

H.M.JR: It isn't power; it is money, isn't it?
MR. WHITE: It is the spending of the money.
MR. PAUL: You could just use "excess" because

you have just referred to the power of spending

twenty or thirty billion.

H.M.JR: You have just referred to it.

143
-4--

MR. WHITE: You could cut out "purchasing

power."

MR. BELL: "Capable of spending this

"

MR. WHITE: Or "of this excess of $20 to $30

billions."

MR. GASTON: That would be all right.

H.M.JR: I don't mind repeating, that is all

right.

MR. GASTON: " ... of this excess of $20 to $30

billions."

H.M.JR: All right.
"We have considered several methods for
accomplishing this result and have reached the
decision that the most feasible plan is EXPENDITURE

RATIONING. Of the plans considered it is also the
only one which can be put into effect without

additional legislation."

Instead of saying "reached the decision" say

"have come to the conclusion."
MR. GASTON: All right.

MR. PAUL: Just say "have concluded."

H.M.JR: To say "come to the decision" again
the President will say, "Well, the Treasury has
come to the decision.

"Of the plans considered" - the plans considered

by whom?

MR. PAUL: By us or the plans publiclyproposed.

144

-5- -

H.M.JR: I would put it this way: "This plan has
the additional merit that it can be put into effect
without additional legislation.
MR. PAUL: That is all right.
MR. BELL: You mean strike out "of the plans

considered"?

MR. GASTON: Yes.

H.M.JR: Of course Rosenman said this morning

the President didn't want to do it without going to
Congress; but originally he said, "Give me a plan
that we don't have to go to Congress for." Did I
tell you the President said he liked this? Rosenman
had already talked to him. He liked it very much.
"Expenditure Rationing consists of a limitation
of the aggregate spending power so that it is roughly
equal to the aggregate of available consumers' goods

at present prices. Now, that is new. That is a
good sentence.

MR. PAUL: It is very compact.
MR. WHITE: I think you can get your idea of

flexibility in there by--

MR. PAUL: It is in there now.
H.M. JR: "This is accomplished by limiting
the amount that any individual or family can spend.
Adequately administered it would insure that
effective demand for all consumer goods would not
exceed, but would be measured by, the supply of

goods available. It would not completely replace

specific rationing, which will still be necessary

to supplement in the case of some scarce com-

modities, Expenditure rationing applying to all
commodities.

If

MR. GASTON: "Of the plans we have considered

145

-6MR. WHITE: I would be inclined to say "in the

case of certain commodities."

MR. PAUL: We could simply say, "which will

still be necessary in the case of certain scarce

commodities."
"

MR. GASTON : "Which would still be necessary

in the case of certain scarce commodities"?

MR. PAUL: Yes, then go on to the next

sentence.

H.M.JR: "Specific rationing limits individual
purchases
of certain scarce goods." Can't you fill
that in?
MR. PAUL: We were just trying to contrast the
two. Read the next sentence now.

H.M.JR: "Expenditure rationing would limit

the amount of money whi ch any individual could
spend for all consumer goods."

MR. WHITE: That needs to be one sentence, and

underline "specific" and underline "expenditure" and

I think you will get the contrast that you are seeking.

H.M.JR: Wai t a minute, I am going back. "It
will not completely replace specific rationing, which
will still be necessary to supplement in the case of
scarce commodities." I think you could put in
something like this, "specific rationing, on the one
hand".

MR. PAUL: Yes, that might do it, except we
have space limitations here.
MR. GASTON : I think we could cut out that

sentence.

146
7-

MR. PAUL: That is the way we always think of

rationing, and we are trying to get the idea of
expenditure through by contrast.

MR. WHITE: I think it should be cut out. If

Judge Rosenman has talked to him and explained it

to him, and then this further explanation - he may
not understand why it is in there.

H.M.JR: I think the previous sentence, "It
would not completely replace specific rationing,
which will still be necessary to supplement in the
case of some scarce commodities."

MR. WHITE: Period there.

H.M.JR: I think it is enough.
MR. GASTON: I think so, too.

H.M.JR: "Although variations of income as
well as subsistence needs would be factors in
determining the permissible amount of spending
allowed each individual, the Expenditure Rationing
system would greatly reduce the inequality in
spending that prevails now. For example, a family
of four with an in come of $1,500 might be allowed

to spend it all, while a family with an income

of $50,000 would not be permitted to spend more
than (say) $10,000."

Now, something in there - not "subsistence
needs" - I would say something in relation to good
health.

MR. WHITE:
of

"

as well as the requirements

"

MR. GASTON : as well as individual and

family requirements

147

-8"

and subsistence needs.

as well as health requirements
=

MR. PAUL:

H.M.JR: I am trying to get over - after all,
iftoasee
childthat
needs
quartgets
of milk
the achild
it. a day you are going
MR. PAUL: We can do it that way, "as well as

heal th requirements and subsistence needs."

H.M.JR: "Minimum health requirements."
both.

MR. BELL: "Family needs" covers it; that covers

H.M.JR: No, I am thinking of Harriman with his

minimum health requirements - of good health - a
minimum of good health requirements.

MR. GASTON: The only thing I don't like about

it is it sort of connotes you get them down to the

bare basis of what is going to keep them alive.

H.M.JR: I don't like the word "subsistence."
MR. WHITE: "Although variations of income as

well as size of family.

MR. PAUL: We could say "decent living requirements" instead of "subsistence needs."
MR. GASTON : "Living and health requirements."

H.M.JR: Look, if you don't mention "subsistence

needs" you don't draw the attention to it.

MR. WHITE: It seems to me all you are trying

to get in is that a family of nine will need more

than a family of two. You have already taken care
of variations in income.

148
- -9- -

H.M.JR: It doesn't necessarily mean that. It

might mean the bare subsistence.

MR. WHITE: I mean the thought is there are only

two variations. One is income and the other is size

of family; that is the basis for it, so you would not

introduce the idea of subsistence needs. It should
be "Although variations of income as well as size

of family.

H.M.JR: That would be all right.
MR. WHITE: Your other thought is implicit in

the thought that you are letting a family with fifteen

hundred spend--

MR. PAUL: That is correct.

H.M.JR: That is all right. You get what I

mean about "subsistence needs" - bare subsistence?

MR. GASTON: Yes, "as well as individual and
family needs."

MR. WHITE: Just "as well as size of family."

H.M.JR: That is all right. Where do you get
this thing that you are going to vary it up and

down depending upon--

MR. WHITE: It is in the next paragraph.
H.M.JR: "All persons would receive ration
allowances. The right to spend these allowances

would be represented either by coupons or some

other device." You are throwing that in - that
is all right. "The plan would be made flexible so

that total purchases permitted would be increased
or diminished to correspond with the supply of

goods available. The plan will of course raise

149

- 10 -

serious administrative problems, but this would be
true of any plan adequate to meet the situation."

MR. WHITE: I think that sentence definitely
belongs up in the fifth paragraph, this one, "The
plan would be made flexible so that total purchases

permitted would be increased or diminished to
correspond with the supply of goods available."
It should go where you say, "Adequately administered

it would insure that effective demand for all con-

sumer goods would not exceed, but would be measured

by, the supply of goods available."

MR. GASTON : I think you are right.

H.M.JR: "The O.P.A. could administer" - you
wouldn't put, "The O.P.A. should"?

MR. WHITE: The "could" is justified by the

next phrase.

H.M.JR: "The O.P.A. could administer the

program, probably with little additional personnel

because with Expenditure Rationing the administration

of price ceilings and specific rationing will
diminish in difficulty and importance.

Now, Herbert, what I would like you to do
without interruption from anybody, including myself,

is to read it out. loud.

MR. BELL: I wonder if the two sentences
beginning the last paragraph couldn't be eliminated?
MR. PAUL: I don't see how you could.
MR. BELL: He knows you have got to work out the
administrative end.

H.M.JR: No, no, I disagree with you.
MR. PAUL: I do, too.

150
- 11 -

(Memorandum read aloud by Mr. Gaston.)

H.M.JR: Now, there is just one thought that

I have. I am not interested in the wording. I
don't care for a word here or there. The thing is
good. It is a good job, Herbert - very good. I

want to have it by two o'clock.

This is the thing I was thinking about. In
the introductory sentence I was wondering if you
wanted to get into this: "In view of the fact that

we in the Treasury are making our plans based on a
long war, see, we feel that some such step must be

taken. I don't know whether it is a good thing or
not to put that in there - I mean right at the
beginning.

MR. PAUL: That could go down here where it

says, "We have no choice" - it would fit in there.

That is what makes us have no choice, the fact that
we are in for a long war.
MR. WHITE: You could put it in, that "We have
come to the conclusion, in view of the necessity
for planning for a long war, that more fundamental

measures" and so on.

MR. PAUL: We can fit that in.
H.M.JR: Would you say "long war" or "five-

year war"?

MR. WHITE: I wouldn't say a five-year war.
H.M.JR: Herbert?

MR. GASTON: I would put it right in the first

sentence.

H.M.JR: What is back of it is this thing is
drastic, it is unusual, it is going to upset every-

151
- 12 -

thing. Well, it is the kind of thing you have got
to do if you are planning a long war. If you think

the war is going to be over in a year, maybe we can

get along as we are.

MR. WHITE: It has validity only if the war is
going to be long. If the war isn't going to last
beyond next spring it doesn't matter what you are

going to do. I think it will also give a little

more justification for barging in with something

drastic. Therefore, I think it ought to go in the
first paragraph.

H.M.JR: You like my suggestion?

MR. WHITE: I think so. I think it will make

the subsequent perusal of it by the President less

antagonistic.

H.M. JR: The way I feel, "This is a suggestion,

Mr. President, which you have got to consider, because

we here in the Treasury think this is a long war."

MR. WHITE: Not that we think it is a long war

but we think that we have to prepare for it, that it

has got to be considered.

H.M.JR: Well, if I could have it back at two
o'clock I could glance at it and the five of us can

walk over to Mr. Rosenman.

MR. BELL: How do you want this, Mr. Secretary,

just as a plain memorandum?

H.M.JR: Memorandum to the President.

MR. BELL: To be signed by you?
MR. PAUL: Could you have an accompanying

letter sending it?

152
- 13 -

MR. BELL: It will be difficult to get it on
one page. I think it would look a little better

if you went over to the second page and used the
larger type, or leave it as a memorandum and
accompany it by a short note.

H.M.JR: Just the words up on top, "Memorandum

to the President.

MR. BELL: And then your signature; it is
going to crowd it.

H.M.JR: He wi 11 laugh. He will like it.

He will say, "Henry stretched it but he made it

in one page." I would rather just squeeze it

up to the top.

MR. WHITE: I think that suggests that if you

had more room you could do much more justice to

the problem. It shows you tried to get it on one
page but there is a lot more to be said.

H.M.JR: He will start with a smile. I know
the man. It will put him in a good humor. He is
peculiar - he isn't like me. (Laughter)
MR. GASTON: You mean peculiar in a different
way. (Laughter)

12:30 Meeting Draft

153

We have been considering in recent conferences in the
Treasury Department further steps necessary to prevent a

calamitous rise in the cost of living, and we have come to

the conclusion that more fundamental measures than any here-

tofore publicly proposed are essential.

Sage and price ceilings stum cannot control inflation.

Even if wage rates and farm prices were frosen at present
levels, next year would see a surplus of spending power of
$20 to $80 billion. This excess purchasing power would in-

evitably break the price ceilings on a broad front. It would

result in empty shelves, in large scale black market transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism.
It would give rise to queues and to inequitable and wasteful
distribution. It would make the acquisition of the necessities

of life a battle of wits.
Obviously

We have no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no
matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
for consumer goods of the $20 to $30 billion of excess purchasing
power.

We have considered several methods for accomplishing this
result and have reached the decision that the most feasible plan
is EXPENDITURE RATIONING. of the plans considered it is also

the only one which can be put into effect without additional
legislation.
Expenditure Rationing consists of a limitation of the aggregate spending power so that it is roughly equal to the aggregate
of available consumers' goods at present prices. This is accomplished by limiting the amount that any individual or family
can spend. Adequately administered it would insure that effective

demand for all consumer goods would not exceed, but would be
measured by, the supply of goods available. It would not COM-

pletely replace specific rationing, which will still be neces-

sary to supplement in the case of scarce commodities Expenditure

Rationing applying to all commodities. Specific rationing limits
individual purchases of certain scarce goods. Expenditure rationing would limit the amount of money which any individual could
spend for all consumer goods.

Although variations of income as well as subsistence needs
would be factors in determining the permissible amount of spending
allowed each family, the Expenditure Rationing system would

greatly reduce the inequality in spending that prevails now.
For example, a family of four with an income of $1,500 might
be allowed to spend It all, while a family with an income of

$50,000 would not be permitted to spend morethan (say) $10,000.

All persons would receive ration allowances. The right to

spend these allowances would be represented either by coupons

or some other device. The plan would be made flexible so that
total purchases permitted would be increased or diminished to
correspond with the supply of goods available. The O.P.A. could
administer the program, probably with little additional personnel,
because with Expenditure Rationing the administration of price

ceilings and specific rationing will diminish in difficulty and

importance. Legally, the program would be based upon the powers
vested in the President by section 301 of the Second War Powers

Act, 1942. (The plan will, of course, raise serious administrative
problems, but this would be true of any plan adequate to meet
the situation.)

MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT

154

In the light of the probability of a long war and its

effect on Government financing, we have been considering in
recent conferences in the Treasury Department further steps

necessary to prevent a calamitous rise in the cost of living.

We have come to the conclusion that more fundamental measures

than any heretofore publicly proposed are essential.

Wage and price ceilings cannot control inflation. Even
if wage rates and farm prices were frozen at present levels,

next year would see a surplus of spending power of $20 to $30
billions. The pressure of this excess purchasing power would

inevitably break through the price ceilings on a broad ront.
It would result in empty shelves, in large scale black market

transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism.
It would give rise to queues and to inequitable and wasteful

distribution. It would make the acquisition of the necessities

of life a battle of wits.

There is no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no
matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
for consumer goods of this excess of $20 to $30 billions. We
have considered several methods for accomplishing this result

and have concluded that the most feasible plan is EXPENDITURE

RATIONING. The plan has the additional merit that it can be

put into effect without additional legislation. (Sec. 301,

Second War Powers Act, 1942.)

Expenditure Rationing would consist of a limitation of the

aggregate spending power so that it would be roughly equal to
the aggregate of available consumers' goods at present prices.
This would be accomplished by limiting, through a coupon system
or some equivalent device, the amount that any individual or
family could spend on consumer goods. Adequately administered
it would insure that effective demand for all consumer goods
would not exceed, but would be measured by, the supply of goods
available. The plan would be made flexible SO that purchases
permitted would be increased or diminished as the supply of goods

warranted. It would not completely replace specific rationing,

which would still be necessary in the case of some scarce commodities.

Although variations of income as well as size of family

would be factors in determining the permissible amount of spending allowed each individual, the Expenditure Rationing system

would greatly reduce the inequality in spending that prevails
now. For example, a family of four with an income of $1,500
might be allowed to spend it all, while a family with an income
of
$50,000 would not be permitted to sp end more than (say)
$10,000.

The plan will of course raise serious administrative
problems, but this would be true of any plan adequate to meet
the situation. The O.P.A. could administer the program, pro-

bably with not much greater personnel than now contemplated,
because with Expenditure Rationing the administration of price

ceilings and specific rationing would diminish in difficulty

and importance.

Secretary of the Treasury

155

July 30, 1942

This is a complete set of what we gave Judge

Rosenman today.

Judge Rosenman said, "I do not think the

President will use it as I do not think he is.
prepared to go that far." He said, "I promise
to see that the President gets it before he
leaves, and it is up to you and to me to keep
reminding him of it in case he does not use
it now.

691
MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT

July 30.1942
156

In the light of the probability of a long war and its

effect on Government financing, we have been considering in
recent conferences in the Treasury Department further steps

necessary to prevent a calamitous rise in the cost of living.
We have come to the conclusion that more fundamental measures
than any heretofore publicly proposed are essential.
Wage and price ceilings cannot control inflation. Even
if wage rates and farm prices were frozen at present levels,

next year would see a surplus of spending power of $20 to $30
billions. The pressure of this excess purchasing power would

inevitably break through the price ceilings on a broad front.
It would result in empty shelves, in large scale black market

transactions, and in widespread evasion and dealer favoritism.
It would give rise to queues and to inequitable and wasteful

distribution. It would make the acquisition of the necessities
of
life a battle of wits.
There is no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no
matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
for consumer goods of this excess of $20 to $30 billions. We
have considered several methods for accomplishing this result
and have concluded that the most feasible plan is EXPENDITURE

RATIONING. The plan has the additional merit that it can be

put into effect without additional legislation. (Sec. 301,
Second War Powers Act, 1942.)

Expenditure Rationing would consist of a limitation of the

aggregate spending power so that it would be roughly equal to
the aggregate of available consumers' goods at present prices.
This would be accomplished by limiting, through a coupon system
OF some equivalent device, the amount that any individual or
family could spend on consumer goods. Adequately administered
it would insure that effective demand for all consumer goods
would not exceed, but would be measured by, the supply of goods
available. The plan would be made flexible so that purchases
permitted would be increased or diminished as the supply of goods

warranted. It would not completely replace specific rationing,
which would still be necessary in the case of some scarce com-

modities.

Although variations of income as well as size of family

would be factors in determining the permissible amount of spending allowed each individual, the Expenditure Rationing system

would greatly reduce the inequality in spending that prevails
now. For example, a family of four with an income of $1,500
might be allowed to spend it all, while a family with an income

of
$50,000 would not be permitted to spend more than (say)
$10,000.

The plan will of course raise serious administrative

problems, but this would be true of any plan adequate to meet

the situation. The O.P.A. could administer the program, pro-

bably with not much greater personnel than now contemplated,

because with Expenditure Rationing the administration of price

ceilings and specific rationing would diminish in difficulty

and importance.

Secretary of the Treasury

157

Extract From

Section 301 of the Second War Powers Act, 1942:

"n # # Whenever the President is

satisfied that the fulfillment of re-

quirements for the defense of the United

States will result in a shortage in the
supply of any material or of any facilities

for defense OF for private account or for
export, the President may allocate such
material or facilities in such manner,

upon such conditions and to such extent as
he shall deem necessary or appropriate in
the public interest and to promote the
national defense."

158

My dear Mr. Secretary:

You have requested my opinion concerning the

legality of the plan of so-called Expenditure Rationing
proposed by Dr. White, Director of Monetary Research.
There is attached a copy of a memorandum setting forth

the proposal in broad outline. Under that proposal,
the amount of money which may be expended by any

natural person or family unit for consumers' goods
(with some reasonable exceptions) is limited to a por1

tion of income determined in accordance with

a

2/

classification schedule based on income and dependency

status. Enforcement of the plan is to be accomplished

1

Where a person or family lives by capital depletion,

the amount will be determined by a local board on the

basis of usual capital depletion.
2

The schedule and other details of the plan are not
stated in the memorandum. It is possible that the

classifications, differentiations, and other details

made in the final plan may raise some constitutional

or other legal question, but, obviously, I cannot
pass on their legal validity until they are called to

my attention.

159

-2-

by issuing coupons (or by a similar device) which will
permit the purchase of consumers' goods only to the

extent of the limited amount of money.

It is my opinion that the institution of such
a plan is authorised by the Aet of May 31, 1941, C. 157,
55 Stat. 236, as amended by section 301 of the Second

War Powers Act, 1942, Act of March 27, 1942, C. 199,
56 Stat.

That Act provides, in pertinent part, as
follows:

* * Whenever the President

is satisfied that the fulfillment
of requirements for the defense of
the United States will result in a
shortage in the supply of any

material or of any facilities for

defense OF for private account or
for export, the President may allo-

cate such material or facilities in
such manner, upon such conditions

and to such extent as he shall deen
necessary or appropriate in the
public interest and to promote the
national defense.
"The President may exercise

any power, authority, or discretion

conferred on him by this subsection
(a), through such department, agency,

160

-3or officer of the Government as he
may direct and in conformity with
any rules or regulations which he
may prescribe. "3/

Under that provision, the President, before he may

exercise the authority there granted, must be satisfied

"that the fulfillment of requirements for the defense
of the United States will result in a shortage of the
supply of any material or of any facilities for defense
3

The President's authority to ration under that

statutory provision has been delegated through the
War Production Board to the Office of Price Administration. Executive Order No. 8875, dated August 28,
1941, 6 Fed. Reg. 4483; Executive Order No. 9040,
dated January 24, 1942, 7 Fed. Reg. 527; Executive
Order No. 9125, dated April 7, 1942, 7 Fed. Reg.
2719; War Production Board Directives No. 1 (7 Fed.
Reg. 562), No. 1A (7 Fed. Reg. 698), as amended,
No. 18 (7 Fed. Reg. 925), as amended, No. 10 (7
Fed. Reg. 1669), No. LD (7 Fed. Reg. 1792), No. 1E
(7 Fed. Reg. 2965), No. 1F (7 Fed. Reg. 3362),
No. 10 (7 Fed. Reg. 3546), No. 1H (7 Fed. Reg. 3478),

as amended. Under that authority the Office of Price
Administration has rationed tires (Rationing Order
No. 1, 7 Fed. Reg. 72), automobiles (Rationing Order
No. 2, 7 Fed. Reg. 667, Rationing Order No. 2A, 7
Fed. Reg. 1524), sugar (Rationing Order No. 3, 7
Fed. Reg. 2966), typewriters (Rationing Order No. 4, 7
Fed. Reg. 2317), gasoline (Rationing Order No. 5,
7 Fed. Reg. 3482, Rationing Order No. 5A, 7 Fed. Reg.
5225), and bicycles (Rationing Order No. 7, 7 Fed.

Reg. 3666).

161

or for private account or for export". Thus, to
exercise the authority in the instant case, the President must be satisfied that the materials to be designated "consumers' goods" fall within the requirements

of that condition precedent. I have assumed in this

opinion that there is economic justification for a
finding by the President that the condition precedent
is satisfied.

It will be noted that the President's authority
is to "allocate". In Webster's New International
Dictionary (2d ed.) the word "allocate" is defined as

follows: "To distribute or assign; allot; apportion".
It appears that it was in that sense that the Congress
used the word, for, with reference to the quoted

statutory provision (as it existed in the bill which
became the Act of May 31, 1941), the House of Represen-

tatives Committee report states that the language has
as its purpose:

"To permit control of the distri-

bution of those products and materials
in which shortages appear by reason of
the impact of the defense program and

162

-5to permit the allocation of such

products and materials to defense

and to the most important civilian

needs in preference to less important
uses." (1941) H.R. Rep. No. 460,
77th Cong., 1st Sess. 6.
The identical statement appears in the Senate Committee

report. (1941) Sen. Rep. No. 309, 77th Cong., 1st
Sess. 6.

Further indication of the intention of the
Congress can be found in the following statement by
Representative Vinson:

"Furthermore, the more mention

of an acute shortage implies that
during a national emergency civilian
needs must suffer at the expense of
defense needs. But this does not
mean that civilian needs are to be

disregarded. It is very important,
therefore, that authority exist for
allocating from available supplies,

first, to fill vital defense require-

ments, and secondly, to civilian
needs in the order of their importance.
"As I have said before, we must
assure that the defense program is

geared into civilian economy, so that
their various needs receive the consideration which is due them, and so

that items of private luxury are not
allowed to get out of hand to the
detriment of our national security and
well-being. (1941) 87 Cong. Rec.
3829 D.I.

163

-6-

Representative Vinson reported the bill to the House

of Representatives and was in charge of the bill on the

floor of the House. It is well settled that statements
by the Representative in charge are relevant in inter-

preting a statute if there is any doubt concerning its
meaning. See, for example, Wright V. Vinton Brench,
(1937) 300 U.S. 440, 463-464.

The extent of the President's control of
methods or manner of allocation is evidenced by the

fact that he may allocate under such conditions and to
such extent and in such manner as he shall deem "neces-

sary or appropriate in the public interest or to promote the national defense". The words "necessary or

appropriate" are similar to the words "necessary and

proper" which appear in Art. I, sec. 8, 01. 18, of the
Constitution. The words are there used with reference
to the powers of the Congress. In Juilliard V. Greenman,
(1884) 110 U.S. 421, 440, the Court said, with reference

to the words as they appear in the constitutional clause:

164

.7.
"By the settled construction and
the only reasonable interpretation of
this clause, the words 'necessary and
proper' are not limited to such measures
as are absolutely and indispensably
necessary, without which the powers
granted must fail of execution; but
they include all appropriate means which
are conducive or adapted to the end to
be accomplished, and which in the judg-

ment of Congress will most advantageously

effect it.

It would seem fair to apply the same construction to the
words "necessary or appropriate" as they appear in the
above-quoted statutory provision.

With the foregoing background of interpretation,
we can apply the statute to the proposed program to

determine whether that program falls within the purview
of that law.

If the President were to find that in order
to meet the requirements for defense there would result

a shortage of, for example, shoes, he could, without
question, direct that no person without dependents could
use more than 1/2 of 1 percent of his income to purchase

shoes. It is surely not legally unreasonable or arbitrary

165

-8to distribute shoes with respect to the needs of
dependency and standard of living as evidenced by

income, and so to distribute may certainly be conducive

to the public interest and the national defense.
Obviously, the President could make a similar
direction with respect to each of the various commodi-

ties or articles that will be designated "consumers'
goods". The only difference between such a series of
directions and the proposed program is that the program

does not make an income limitation for each particular

commodity. That is not a material difference. It would
be reasonable for the President to take the position
that flexibility in consumer purchase of the various
commodities is desirable and that, while one person
may expend his entire income on one particular commodity,

the expenditures, viewed as a whole, will be substantially the same as though he had limited income expenditure for each commodity.

s

Flexibility might be

It is understood that, under the program, it is intended to use specific rationing if it should develop that

too much income is being used for one particular commodity.

Furthermore, the present specific rationing of particular
commodities will be retained.

166

-9-

considered to be in the public interest and to promote
the national defense by making the program more likely
to secure the public approval and conformance necessary

to successful distribution.
So far as enforcement is concerned, there can

be no question but that the broad authority given to the

President is sufficient to authorize him to provide for
the use of a coupon or a similar system as a means of

making sure that his directions with respect to distribution are followed.

In view of the foregoing, it is my opinion
that the proposed plan, as broadly outlined in the attached memorandum, is authorized under the Act of May 31,
1941, as amended by section 301 of the Second War Powers
Act, 1942.

Very truly yours,

Acting General Counsel.
The Honorable

The Secretary of the Treasury.
Attachment
ERFirgs

7/30/42

7/30/42
(

167

Draft of material given to HM,Jr.
Revised material was given to Judge
Rosenman also on 7/30.

168

We have been discussing in recent conferences, the wisdom

and mechanics of directly controlling wages and farm prices.

Irrespective of the merits and details of the various proposals
that have been considered in this connection, these measures

reach neither the fundamentals nor the magnitude of the inflation
problem we are facing. Wage and price ceilings cannot prevent

inflation. In this memorandum we would like, therefore, to
submit for your consideration a tentative program which should
deal effectively with the surplus purchasing power problem and
which, if well executed, would make comprehensive wage and price
ceilings unnecessary.

Even if wage rates and farm prices were frozen at present
levels, next year would see a surplus of spending power of $20

to $30 billion. This excess purchasing power will break the

price ceilings on a broad front. It will result in empty
shelves, in large scale black market transactions, and in wide-

spread evasion and dealer favoritism. It will give rise to
queues and to inequitable and wasteful distribution. It will
make the acquisition of the necessities of life a battle of wits.
We have no choice but the adoption of some proposal, no

matter how drastic, that is capable of preventing the spending
of the $20 to $30 billion of excess purchasing power.
For many months the Treasury has been considering and

discussing with other agencies of the Government, a plan for
EXPENDITURE RATIONING. We believe that this program can be put

into effect without additional legislation.
Expenditure Rationing consists of a limitation of the
aggregate spending power so that it is roughly equal to the
aggregate of available consumers' goods at present prices. This
is accomplished by limiting the amount that any individual or
family can spend.

-2-

169

Although variations of income and size of family will be
factors in determining the permissible amount of spending
allowed each family, the Expenditure Rationing system would

greatly reduce the inequality in spending that prevails now.
For example, a family of four with an income of $1,500 might

be allowed to spend it all; a family with an income of $2,500
would be permitted to spend (say) $1,800 on consumer goods;

a family with an income of $10,000 would be permitted to spend
(say) $5,000; a family with an income of $50,000 would be
permitted to spend (say) $10,000.

By explicitly determining the amount that each individual
is to be permitted to spend, expenditure rationing provides a

system for equitably distributing a limited supply of goods
and services among the great mass of our population. Although

their expenditures are limited, individuals will be substantially
assured that goods and services will be available for purchase
with their expenditure allowance.

All persons will receive a ration allowance. The right to
spend this allowance will be represented either by coupons or

some other device. The ration allowances might be distributed
to consumers principally through their employers and also
through other agencies.

All retailers of consumers' goods or services would be
permitted to sell goods only when the surrender of the ration
permit accompanies the purchase payment. An appropriate system

of enforcement will be set up on check up on retailers as well
as consumers.

This system will enormously lessen the need for specific

rationing, but there still will have to be some specific

170

-3rationing for these necessary commodities which are disproportionately scarce.

It would take several months to perfect the plan and pre-

pare the machinery for its administration. Therefore, if it
be desired to put the plan into effect by December 1, it is
necessary to begin the preparatory work soon. The O.P.A. could

administer the program probably with little additional personnel
because with Expenditure Rationing the administration of price

ceilings and specific rationing will diminish in difficulty
and importance.

In addition to the above proposal, there are two other
comprehensive plans that we are studying. These are, first,
a proposal for compulsory saving large enough to mop up the
surplus purchasing power; second, a spendings tax with
exemptions which imposes a tax penalty on additional spending,
a penalty that becomes more and more severe as spendings`

increase, eventually reaching prohibitive levels. Both these
latter plans would require legislation.

171
July 30, 1942
3:40 p. m.
FINANCING

Present:

Mr. Bell

Mr. Viner

Mr. Smith

Mr. Stewart
Mr. Burgess

Mr. Harrison
Mr. Edwards

H.M.JR: May I apologize, but I have been unexpectedly busy today, so I had to concentrate.
MR. BURGESS: We heard you had some other things

to do besides this.

H.M.JR: Well, it was something - we had a timetable on the thing, and it was just that I couldn't
leave it.
How much has Bell told you people about the
various-MR. BURGESS: He came in and gave us the agenda

which the Executive Committee considered. We talked
with him for a while, and then we sat down by ourselves
and talked about those points at some length. However,
Stewart and Viner weren't with us so we haven't had a
chance to interchange views with them.

H.M.JR: Anyone have a train to meet - the St.

Louis Flyer?

MR. SMITH: No, it leaves Tuesday mornings only.

(Laughter)

H.M.JR: I see - it leaves Tuesday mornings. I
can get a lot of advice.
Well, do you gentlemen want to tell me what you

172

-2think, or do you want to ask me questions, or how would
you like to proceed?
MR. HARRISON: Go ahead, Randy.

MR. BURGESS: We might tell you what our tentative
thoughts were on these points without having heard your

point of view on the thing. I understand that the proper
order
to the
last.is to leave the change in reserve requirements
MR. BELL: I told him they could if they wanted to

do that.

MR. BURGESS: On the August financing we, of course,

agree that the thing to do is to reopen the registered
two and a half percent bond, '62-'67, and there was the
suggestion of opening on Monday, which is all right.

That is the thing to do. We think you will get at least
six hundred million dollars of subscriptions on it.
As far as change in the form goes, the only change

we talked about seriously was leaving out this sixtyday clause about trading in. We think you could leave

that off without incurring any risk.

With respect to B, the cash offering of one and a

half billion of certificates, we think that is a good

thing to do in August. We think it would be wise to
wait a few days after you open the tap issue before you
offer the certificate because there will be some turning
in the open market.

H.M.JR: Say that again.
MR. BURGESS: If you open the tap issue on Monday it

might be well to wait until the end of the week, if not
until the following Monday.
H.M.JR: Before-MR. BURGESS: Before offering a certificate issue,

but we think if you open the certificate issue on

173

-3Thursday or Friday, that would be all right.

On the maturity of the certificate, you could do
either a nine months or a year. We lean toward the year,
at seven-eighths, on the ground that out-of-town people,
country banks, and so forth, who have the larger excess

reserves, would be a little more apt to take that, so
that you get a better distribution of buyers. Your
other two issues have been pretty short, too.

We sort of think the thing to work toward is quarterly issues of certificates with nine months for
maturity - somewhere around there, leaving the short
market for the bills.

I think that covers the points on that item.
With respect to C, the Treasury bill program, which
is now three hundred and fifty million a week, we would

be inclined to leave that where it is for the time being.
You have stepped it up pretty rapidly. It is a good
thing to have a few extra shots in the locker whenever
you need more money, and while you can sell more bills,

we didn't feel terribly strongly about it. We think it
might be just as well, if you don't have to have the

money, to leave the bills at that present amount for
the time being.

MR. HARRISON: That is particularly true in view
of the fact that you are now issuing certificates which
helps fill up the short market for you.
MR. BURGESS: On the long-term program, we favor an

increase in the Series A tax note from twelve hundred to

five thousand or ten thousand. I think - we certainly
think it ought to be increased to five. There is a
little difference of view as to whether it should be
increased to ten. I think we lean a little towards ten,

with the idea that you get in more money in that way,
and that the people who went up to ten will be paying

back a large part of it in taxes, so it wouldn't really
cost you anything. I think there is some substantial
block of tax reserves that is not now being pulled in

174

-4-

that could be drawn in - but only if there is a real

incentive. The present rates and arrangement don't

offer
an incentive
for individual tax reserves, to
draw them
in.

On 3-B, it is the old short-term tap issue in a

new dress.

H.M.JR: I know 5-B, but not 3-B.
MR. BELL: Three-B is the tax note.
MR. HARRISON: The Series B note.

MR. BURGESS: It is an other fancy scheme for a

stepped-up rate. We can't get enthusiastic about it.
We don't really think that that fancy rigging gets anywhere at all. We don't think it would get you in any
substantial amount of new money. We think the thing
to do is to take the B tax note and raise the rate on
that in conformity with the increase in short money
rates since that was put out.
H.M.JR: You mean you don't like the stepping-up?

MR. BURGESS: No. It is a lot of fancy rigging
that is going to scare off buyers just as much as it
gets them, and it, again, is one of these redéemable

issues that gives you a demand obligation that you can-

not anticipate. It isn't definite maturity. I think

the Treasury is much better off with maturities that it

knows about. It already has a very heavy demand obli-

gation in the savings bonds. I don't think it is sound
financing. I don't think it gets you anywhere to increase
the demand obligation in this form. I think we are all

agreed on that. We do think that the tax note, tax anticipation note, that was designed for corporations ought
to be reconsidered at the time you establish that, and

it has been a very successful instrument, money rates
were substantially lower and tax rates were substantially

lower, corporate tax rates; so that the present instru-

ment which pays just under half of one percent has, at
present, much less attraction for a corporate tax payer

175

-5than it had when it was established, both by reason of
the change in money rates, and the change in tax rates,
so what a corporation gets out of it now is very small.
We think it would be a proper adjustment to the market
to raise that rate to, say, seventy-two, which would be

six cents a month instead of forty-eight. I think it

would attract some more money if you did that.

MR. BELL: Don't you think there is money there

that could be pulled out with a little persuasion on

the part of the Victory Fund Committee from corporations

and other short-term investors that will not now go into
Treasury bills or Treasury certificates?
MR. BURGESS: You mean by this fancy--

MR. BELL: By this device, yes.

MR. BURGESS: I think there is very little.
MR. SMITH: Dan, I made a study of the Middle West

and the Rocky Mountain district in the past month. We
couldn't find any money of any consequence except the

funds of railroads that are in the Federal Court. Now,
many of these people say they will buy it if you offer
it, but they are already increasing their money, and it

wouldn't attract their money as new money, but you might
get some railroad funds.
MR. BELL: It would take that investment away from

Treasury bills and certificates.

MR. SMITH: Which they are buying in the market, if
necessary. I have asked everybody I met connected with
a large corporation or the western banks, as far west as
Salt Lake, and that is what they all say. You ask them,
"Would there be a market for this security?" and they
would say, "Yes". "Would it provide new money?" "I
don't think so.
MR. HARRISON: I think you are right to the extent
that money went into this tax B note as an investment.
It would probably be money that would otherwise go into,

say, the one year certificate of seven-eighths. I can't

176
6

see the competitive advantage of this on the certifi-

cate at seven-eighths, which in all likelihood will

have very little fluctuation, and which a man can always
get out of sometime in the short money market at a
seven-eighths. Now, that takes care of the period for
one year; query, whether a corporation would rather go

into this kind an obligation which would earn him
only three-quarters of one percent for three years. I
don't think that has got it. Furthermore, I suspect that

it would just confuse what has now become to be understood

as a pretty good tax anticipation note which everybody
understands, and it is available only for the payment
of taxes; and I wouldn't scatter your goods so that you
would open this up as an investment security when you
have got much better investment securities, really, for

the type of funds that you are trying to attract.

H.M.JR: That doesn't take care of Mr. Eccles.
MR. SMITH: I think Mr. Eccles is wrong.
H.M.JR: He has been after us to do something on

this two to three-year field.

MR. SMITH: All the Federal Reserve banks are push-

ing it out. They did in our district, and I asked them,
"What did you find, aside from the railroad funds?" and

they said they didn't find anything.

H.M.JR: You can't convince Eccles of that.

MR. SMITH: I suspect that is true.
MR. HARRISON: I think that sometime later on in

the year, especially if you indulge in a big program,
that you will have to offer a variety of goods, and I
have been hopeful all along that, in addition to a oneyear certificate, at some point you will put out a two
or three-year note, which I think is going to be a real
test of the corporate funds of the type that Mr. Eccles
wants to get. You have a chance to get those funds if
they are not already out, for the certificate does not
attract them. I think you will have a chance to get
them later.

177

-7H.M.JR: This has nothing to do with this discussion, but why was Eccles called as a witness by Pelley?

MR. BELL: He wanted to find out the financial
condition of the country, as to whether or not it is
bankrupt.

H.M.JR: Is that what he wants to do?
MR. BELL: Whether the Treasury is bankrupt.
MR. VINER: The Federal Government is bankrupt.

H.M.JR: That is what he is calling Eccles for?
MR. HARRISON: That is what the noon paper said.

H.M.JR: I wonder why he didn't call me.
MR. BURGESS: You might be prejudiced. (Laughter)

MR. VINER: I think he thinks he has a speech of
Eccles to build on.

H.M.JR: I guess the difficulty is he can't subpoena

me, and he can subpoena Eccles. I mean, I don't have to
accept his subpoena as Secretary of the Treasury.

MR. BILL: In a civil suit of that kind, I guess

you don't.

H.M.JR: I don't have to accept it under any-MR. HARRISON: That is one real help to your job.
MR. BELL: Except on United States cases.

H.M.JR: Personally, no.
MR. BELL: No, but somebody representing you - your

General Counsel.

178

-8H.M.JR: I don't have to accept it, as I under-

stand it. I don't think so.

Well, anyway, I was just curious.
MR. HARRISON: I don't believe you do except in a
criminal case.
H.M.JR: You are former counsel for Federal Reserve.
MR. HARRISON: In criminal cases you might have to.
Supposing you witnessed the murder and you were supposed
to appear as a witness.
suit?
the--

H.M.JR: Isn't this suit against Pelley a Federal

MR. BURGESS: I think it is. It is being tried by
H.M.JR: You think in a criminal suit I would have

to accept?

MR. HARRISON: It has been a long time since I

familiarized myself with it so I withdraw my statement,

but I think that is a fact.

H.M.JR: On the tax anticipation you would leave
them alone. or raise the rate?
MR. SMITH: Raise the rate.
MR. HARRISON: No trimmings.

H.M.JR: I thought you fellows liked things sugar-

coated.

MR. BURGESS: We like them simple, Mr. Secretary.
H.M.JR: Since when?
MR. BURGESS: For a long time.

MR. HARRISON : I can't claim that the tax notes are

179

-9so simple in themselves, but we have finally understood
them. They are an attractive investment, and are bringing in two or three hundred million dollars a month.
H.M.JR: You wouldn't open them up for other than-MR. HARRISON: Payment of taxes, because otherwise

all you have done is to put on a three-year obligation
that yields three-quarters of one percent on a sliding
scale down, and have obligated yourself to redeem them
at any time within the three-year period.
MR. SMITH: Thereby increasing the demand obliga-

tion of the Government for the purpose of attracting
something that we don't think exists, to the extent

that would justify it.

MR. HARRISON: And your own investigation which you

told us about at your last meeting indicated that you
agreed with our impression that there isn't much of
that money lying around.

H.M.JR: There is nothing that has been brought to

my attention to make me change my opinion other than

Mr. Eccles' desire. Is that right?
MR. BELL: Yes.

H.M.JR: I mean, Dan - has anything come to you

to show--

MR. BELL: No. A few people have come in - a small

utility company said they had funds to invest in this
short tap, but volume-H.M.JR: Doesn't amount to anything.

MR. BELL: We haven't heard of it. We would like
to test that market and see if there are funds there.
MR. SMITH: When you put out a security of that
kind of demand obligation, you will draw from the other

field.

180
- 10 H.M.JR: What field?
MR. SMITH: From people who are buying certificates.

H.M.JR: Perfectly frankly, we thought of an innocuous way of testing the position Eccles holds, and if he
is wrong, then he is wrong. We just thought of an easy
way to do it, and maybe it is too easy.
MR. HARRISON: But you won't be able to prove it
for three years, because you won't know whether a man
is buying for investment or paying taxes.

MR. BURGESS: I really do think it is innocuous
when you pile up the demand liabilities on the Treasury.
MR. HARRISON: I suppose Mr. Sproul may have told

you, but at the meeting of the Victory Loan Committee in
New York when we considered the various possible things

that you might do, with the exception of Mr. Sproul,
who didn't reiterate his own view which we know, there
was unanimous objection to the three year or two and a
half year so-called tap issue - redeemable issue. There
was only one man who said it was a good idea. He said,
"I think a two year issue - two and a half year issue would be fine. He said there are certain funds - he
is from Buffalo - - that would go into that, but I don't
see there is any point in making it redeemable.
In other words, what he was arguing for was just a
straight note for two or two and a half years, without
subjecting yourself to the redeemable liability.
MR. BELL: It wasn't mentioned in the Victory Fund
Committee report that came from New York.

MR. HARRISON: It was purely negative.

MR. BELL: I presume so - nothing to report on it.
H.M.JR: Were there any other arguments for this
streamlining this note other than what I have said?

181
- 11 MR. HAAS: There was one that Broughton brought up

that hadn't occurred to me. He thought that having it

redeemable for cash would make a better tax note for
certain people, that the corporations would cash them
and pay their taxes by check and that would be more convenient.

MR. BELL: Rather than bothering the collectors
with them, the mechanical-MR. HAAS: Yes.

MR. BELL: That is what happened during the last

war. We had tax notes during the last war, but they
were regular issues. The banks and everybody bought

them, and instead of a corporation turning them in to
the collector they just turned them in to the Federal
and
got their check and turned in the proceeds to the
collector.
MR. BURGESS: I think some corporations will use

the regular certificate of indebtedness that way.

MR. VINER: Of course, you could compromise there.
You could have them turn them in to the Federal Reserve

and get a special check payable for taxes.
MR. SMITH: That would be just as much trouble as

turning them in to the collector.

MR. VINER: No, the point is the collectors aren't
familiar with handling these.

MR. SMITH: It is just the trouble. It probably

requires an adjustment.
ment.

H.M.JR: I think that that isn't a very heavy arguMR. BELL: No, we have it pretty well simplified for

the collectors.

H.M.JR: Let's get on to the next thing.

182
- 12 MR. BURGESS: The next is the possibility of an

offering later in September of four to six billion in

Treasury securities to consist of two or three different
maturities. We think there is a good deal to be said

for a large offering, larger than up to this time, with

a variety, with at least two issues, where you can

generate enthusiasm and get your sale s force busy and

try to interest the people who haven't heretofore been
interested. That is the outstanding problem of the

Treasury - still is - to sell bonds to people outside
of banks and we think a large issue, open two weeks,

perhaps, where you really make a drive on selling it,

may be a means of selling additional amounts outside the
banks. Some people perhaps haven't been buying war bonds,

perhaps don't like some feature of them, or others just

haven't been sold enough - some that want larger amounts

than the savings bonds, and I think there is still a
considerably unexploited field for this larger issue
than heretofore might reach.

Now, as to the date, the end of September or the

first of October is a little unfortunate because that

is the date of most of the community drives, the Community Chests, and this Joint War Agency drive I think
is schedule d. So the time needs to be explored a little

with a view to expiration of other drives, but we think
there is. a good deal, whether it should be four to six

billion - six is a lot of money, and it might be better
to start with four and go up to the bigger one as you
perfect your methods and get your staff organized.

MR. SMITH: Henry, I think there is a little more
on the satter of dating of the drive. The setup in the
country now - these Community Chests and War Chests are
allocated to September and October, and the Red Cross
refused to go in with the War Chests and announced a
campaign for next March.

H.M.JR: Joseph Davies has something to say about

this, now, hasn't he, on this executive order?

MR. BELL: On coordinating all of it.

183
- 13 H.M.JR: I am going to have something to say about
it, too.

MR. SMITH: Well, his campaigns will--

H.M.JR: I mean I just had his executive order on
my desk somewhere waiting to call him up. I expect to
have something to say on this thing. I am not going to
have these people going at this thing continuously. It
is perfectly ridiculous. I mean, some of these drives,
I mean they are at it, and at it in the amount of a
couple of million dollars, and they take up the people's
time and everything else, and they get in my way.

too.

MR. SMITH: They are going to get in your way more,
H.M.JR: No, they are not.
MR. SMITH: Unless you do what you say.

H.M.JR: No they are not. I have been just waiting

to call up Mr. Davies and have him come over here because

they are not going to, and he brought it to my attention
because he asked me would I please say something to him

when I felt they were getting in my way.

MR. SMITH: Let me give you this story, then. The
setup in the country, now, since the President came out
and said he didn't want-H.M.JR: It is Joseph Davies - Joseph E.?
MR. SMITH: D-a-v-i-e-s.
MR. HARRISON: Just so you get the record straight.
I don't know whether you know about it or whether Randy

and I both voted for the separate drive or not, but the
President wrote Norman Davis a letter saying he hoped
the Red Cross would not commit itself with the other
funds and that it should have a separate drive, being
an entirely different type of organization and depending

for individual membership on the whole background of the--

184

- 14 H.M.JR: USSO.
MR. SMITH: USO.
ing.

MR. VINER: It is campaigning now - just finish-

MR. SMITH: The setup is this, and this is what
will eventually happen. In most of the communities
the local charities and the funds which Mr. Davis will
corral will join up in a War Chest, and that campaign
will take place in the fall unless you change it, and
of course they will be out of funds unle SS it takes
place in the fall because it has been done for a great

many years.

Now then, the Red Cross has declined to go in, and

that forces another campaign which they have announced
for March, and the people who run these campaigns - take

St. Louis, for instance, we have organized a War Chest,
and everything except the Red Cross will be in the War
Chest - I mean our local charities and the ones that
Mr. Davis approves.

H.M.JR: And the President wrote a letter to
Norman Davis?

MR. SMITH: Norman Davis persuaded him to write a

letter saying the Red Cross should not go into these
campaigns.

H.M.JR: Maybe he is wrong.

MR. SMITH: Well, he did it.

H.M.JR: Well, it could still be changed.
MR. SMITH: And that means instead at St. Louis we

could put the whole thing over and get it out of the

way in October. We have to have another campaign in
March for the Red Cross and the same men do the whole -

do your campaign. It is all the same fellows.

185

- 15 H.M.JR:
Don't you think there should be one War
Chest?
The drive--

MR. SMITH: I have been yelling about it for two

years.

MR. BURGESS: A lot of fellows feel the same way.
MR. SMITH: Most of the fellows feel the same way
except the fellows over at the Red Cross office. I
talked to you-MR. BELL: I understand the chapters, and there
are three thousand of them throughout the country,

are definitely against it.

MR. SMITH: Against what? The chapters are not the instructions came from the office here.

MR. BELL: They took a vote on it. The governors

and the chapters are definitely against it.

MR. SMITH: They didn't take any vote in St. Louis.

MR. BELL: I think there are two sides to it, and

I would get both sides because I think Davies has given

quite a lot of thought to it.

MR. SMITH: He started with a preconceived idea.
For instance, in Boston--

H.M.JR: Listen, now - look, your community drive St. Louis made a great success. Don't let's get off on
this. You are here until Tuesday, aren't you?
MR. HARRISON: If he is going to stay around until
Tuesday, I will have to.
H.M.JR: On the Red Cross?

MR. HARRISON: I have great sympathy with that point

of view.

186
- 16 H.M.JR: Of whom - Smith?

MR. HARRISON: Smith, yes, but I do think that,

very definitely, there are two sides, and I don't think

you are getting the other side from Tom Smith.

MR. SMITH: You are not going to get it either.
H.M.JR: The only one who has preconceived notions
is Norman Davis. (Laughter)
work.

MR. SMITH: We out in the country have to do the

H M.JR: Let's stick to my little problem. I
read of a meeting - going to raise eighty-five million
dollars in New York. I am going to get in on it. Joe
Davies invited me in on it; I didn't inject myself.

He couldn't understand why I hadn't got in on it a long

while ago.

MR. BELL: I have a question whether there doesn't
come under your capital control-H.M.JR: You have got an executive order. "Joseph
E. Davies, Chairman of the President's Committee on

Mar Relief _" so forth and so on. I have had it here.
I have been waiting for somebody to needle me to go

after it.

MR. HARRISON: Which way did he decide?

H.M.JR: This is the new executive order setting
the thing up.

MR. SMITH: That is a fine thing he is dong. I
haven't read the order but the intention of that is to
limit the number of campaigns and combine them, which is
a good thing.
MR. BELL: Eliminate some?
MR. SMITH: Eliminate some, combine them.

187
- 17 H.M.JR: I don't want to mention any names, but some
of them - I mean the amount of money that they get in

terms of the Treasury financing is totally insignificant,

and they turn a town like New York upside down to get
the money.

MR. HARRISON: Here, here--

MR. SMITH: They do it in the entire country.
H.M.JR: They turn the place just inside out, take
up the papers, and the radio, and the theaters, and Madison Square Garden, and anything else, and if some of
these foreign countries which are overrun by Hitler need

a couple of million dollars - God, we have got this

money for Lend-Lease, why not take care of them?

MR. BELL: They get it both ways.

H.M.JR: Why not take care of them, but this constant

drive for these overrun countries, I just - I mean it

amounts, at the most, to a couple of million dollars, any
one of these drives.

MR. BURGESS: The combining of all of those in one

shot is a very great forward step. I think there is.an

advantage in having a private appeal, but they ought
to be combined.

MR. SMITH: As far as the argument here is concerned,

it will interfere with war bond campaigns.

H.M.JR: No question of it. All right, we all seem

to be in accord - one War Chest. The drive--

MR. SMITH: And I mustn't say anything more. (Laughter)
MR. HARRISON: I just file a caveat because I am not
so certain that the Red Cross can't make a very good case

for a separate drive, but I agree with you that this is
not the time to go into it.
H.M.JR: I think the fellow to hear both sides is
Joe Davies - I mean that is his job, isn't it?

188
- 18 from MR.
that SMITH:
order. No, no, because the Red Cross is exempt
H.M.JR: Are they?
that. MR. SMITH: Yes, he makes a specific exemption from
H.M.JR: Well, we have had executive orders amended.
We had one amended on Foreign Funds after four months.

Now, we got as far as tax notes; then we got onto
St. Louis.
MR. SMITH: This has broadened out in the country

at large. I was going to tell you about Boston - you
didn't let me. (Laughter)
H.M.JR: What comes next?

MR. BURGESS: We mentioned this having a big bond

issue with the help of a couple of issues, trying to get

up enthusiasm and trying to sell people regular coupon
bonds as well as savings bonds. We think there is a

good deal of merit in that. Whether it ought to be
four or six, that is another question, and just what the
time ought to be, that has to be worked out. It is a
thing that can't just be left until thirty days ahead
of time, because it takes a long time to work up and get
set for.

H.M.JR: Well, I just told them to push that off.

I am not making any commitments of any kind.

MR. BURGESS: You don't have to until you get done
with this financing, anyway.
MR. SMITH: Except that the commitment you must

carry in mind - it would take three months to get ready
for such a campaign - in any event, it would take three

months.

MR. BELL: That long?

189
- 19 MR. SMITH: Yes, to make it successful. You have
got to organize down to counties, Dan, and these committees are getting organized, but a lot more organization
is re cessary.
MR. HARRISON: Mr. Secretary, may I interpolate a

word about the matter I spoke to you about, seeking the
voluntary services of the insurance agent s throughout
the country? I have had three meetings, now, with repre -

sentatives of all the outstanding groups in the life
insurance industry - in fact, they are probably voting
on it right now in New York, and I couldn't attend that

meeting - to consider whether we couldn't skim the cream
off of the insurance agents force throughout the country.
There are some hundred and thirty-five thousand full-time
insurance agents; get them to volunteer a certain number

of hours a week, and to set up a regular staff within
the insurance force itself, who would be available to,

and report to, and work only under the War Savings Staff
in each community.

I have talked with the one in New York, for instance,

and they said they could use a thousand agents tomorrow

to cover ten thousand families they have got if we have
them available. The insurance people are enthusiastic

about it. It is just a question of organization, how

best to pick the best man, and we will have something
concrete to give you, perhaps, early next week on that.
H.M.JR: Good.

MR. HARRISON: I think you will find that there will
be a great influence in the over-all coverage because,
unlike the bond end, the bond salesmen, they cover all
areas down to the county lines, farmers, everybody, and

in every county in the country. So I think that is the

mechanism which will be very helpful when you come to

consider the possibility of a big drive, whether it is
in October or November, or some other time.

H.M.JR: Good. It sounds good.
MR. HARRISON: And for the time being, I just wanted

190
- 20 -

to be sure it is agreeable to you that the only people
that I am consulting - because they happen to be there -

are the Victory Loan Committee and the New York State

Administrator and his staff, and the War Savings Staff.
H.M.JR: On a national basis?
MR. HARRISON: No, I am not discussing it with them
at all, except the mechanism of how we would make the
men available; and then having done that, when we get a

plan on paper I would like to bring it down and go over
it with you or Mr. Graves or whoever you say.
H.M.JR: I wish you would.

MR. HARRISON: That would be the next step. We
just wanted to make sure we weren't making some stupid
mistakes in the drive before we came down here.

H.M.JR: You couldn't.

Now, having raised four billion dollars, what is

the next step?

MR. BURGESS: Now we turn the memorandum about and

go up to point number one.

MR. HARRISON: You failed to cover one point in the
question of the two and a half percent tap issue as to
how long you are going to leave it open. We heard the

recommendation was perhaps three or four weeks. Some of
us felt perhaps two weeks would be enough.

MR. BURGESS: We think if these things have impetus

and you do it in a rush, you get people to work at it;
but if you try to drag it along it is a dead weight on
the market and it gets sour, and that the two-week job
is probably better than the four.
H.M.JR: Two weeks?

MR. BURGESS: Plus or minus.

191

- 21 MR. BELL: Before you go to that other point,

this morning something was said about changing the ma-

turity date of the certificates. In other words, to

get them closer to a tax date. Did you discuss that
any more?

MR. BURGESS: Yes, I think our feeling was that
there would be some advantage in having the maturity

date of the certificate nearer to a tax date than six

weeks. You see, the present certificates are November
first and February first, which are six weeks before
the tax date.
Now, there are some corporations and others that

would prefer buying certificates for tax purposes
rather than tax anticipation notes, or other things.

For various reasons, some of them like to have something

they can melt down in the market instantly, at any time,
and some of them like to pay their taxes with their own
check. We think, therefore, it would be an advantage to

place the certificate maturity nearer to the tax date,
either September first, August 15 - something rather

nearer.

There is nothing to be lost by it and something

to be gained.

H.M.JR: It sounds all right to me.
MR. BELL: We did it on the other dates because
it was right between. It was removed from the time when
the market would be disturbed by financing, plus big
tax payments. Of course, next March the tax payments

will be really la rge. We will have a disturbed market
around that time, but I don't know as it makes much
difference.

We probably will be refinancing those a week before
the first, say the August 1 would be done the 25th of

July, or the first of September be done the 25th of
August, and be out of the way by the time your tax
business came in, so I guess it is not important.

192

- 22 H.M.JR: What else?
MR. BURGESS: Now we come back to the question of

change in reserve requirements, with which might be
bracketed the subjects discussed with the question of

the rate on Treasury bills. I think we all feel that a
change in reserve requirements will be desirable some
time within the next two to three months. Now when
it comes down to the more specifically suggesting it,

I think we had different shades of view.

The New York situation is getting a little close.
On the other hand, I think it is quite extraordinary
that we have gone as far as we have with using up re-

serves as easily as we have with as little difficulty,

and I think you can certainly go through the tap issue

without more reserves, although that will make some
drain on New York.

About the certificate issue, it is a little hard

to say. Some feel that it would be wise to have a change
in reserves, at least announced before the certificate
issue. I think our views weren't quite congealed or
unanimous on that. Some felt if you get through the

certificate all right, you wouldn't have to change the
reserves until you put out a bond issue. It is one of
those things that nobody can predict very well, but we

are sailing a little close.

H.M.JR: Have you expressed that to the Fed in

New York?

MR. BURGESS: Yes.

H.M.JR: What do they say?

MR. BURGESS: Well, I think - I talked with Allan
Tuesday and I think his feeling was also that we were
pretty close on it, and the thing we talked about a
little tentatively - one way it could be done would be
that the time the certificate issue was announced, to
announce that reserves in New York and Chicago would

be reduced two percent a month for the next three

193

- 23 months, and at the same time, to announce an increase

in the buying rate of the bills from three-eighths to
a half, with the thought that that might facilitate a
wider distribution of bills.

sure
a
three
I to make a little change
Now, thinking that over afterwards, I am not so

think about it making might be better commitment just months ahead.

and not say what you are going to do the following

month.

H.M.JR: You mean two percent?
MR. BURGESS: Yes.

H.M.JR: And that is all?
MR. BURGESS: Yes.

MR. HARRISON: I wouldn't agree with you. I think
if you are going to make a change I would do more.
MR. VINER: If you know you are going to make it,

I think there is everything to giving us as full notice

as you can. It is when you are in doubt as to whether
you want to go on--

MR. HARRISON: I, personally, wouldn't do anything

until after this financing is over, because I think

you will get by with it and not with too close a squeeze.
I do think, however, that especially if you contemplate

a change in your program and issues, make a big issue of

four or five billion dollars, that you will then have to
change reserve requirements, and, while my views are

not very crystallized, I am not so certain but what, if
I did that, I would consider acting with respect to the
whole country, but with a bigger reduction in New York
than the rest of the country. I am in a complete
minority of one on that, however, as to the rest of the
country.

MR. SMITH: There is a very divided opinion among
the group.

194
- 24 -

H.M.JR: I am going to have to stop at four-thirty.
MR. SMITH: I would like to say I think you are overestimating
in New York. the effect on the country of change in rates
H.M.JR: What way, Tom?

MR. SMITH: The country expects the New York reserve

rate to be reduced, and whether it is two, four, or six
it won't create any excitement throughout the country,
and it will all be forgotten in a day ot two.
H.M.JR: Nobody that I have listened to said it

would create any excitement.

MR. SMITH: That is the basis of this cautious
approach - that it will create excitement. For instance,

you say two, and two, and two--

MR. BURGESS: I am not convinced about the two. The

point I was hitting at particularly was that if you are
going to do something, do it.

it.

MR. SMITH: You are a bit cautious about approaching
MR. BURGESS: I am cautious about making commitments

of what you are going to do in the next month and the

month after.

MR. SMITH: You ought to do what you are going to

do for the area that needs it. That would be a mistake-MR. BURGESS: Maybe go all the way for New York and
Chicago and reduce them on the same basis as the reserve

cities.

H.M.JR: One crack?
MR. BURGESS: Yes.

MR. SMITH: You remember when Ned Brown said it

195
- 25 would be a catastrophy if they reduced New York and

Chicago and didn't reduce the rest of the country, and

I think he is certainly mistaken. I have talked to

people--

H.M.JR: Well, there has been enough talk about it

in the papers.

MR. SMITH: It is talked about wherever you go the reduction of rates in New York.
MR. BELL: They expect it now.
MR. SMITH: It is a common subject.

H.M.JR: If the Fed doesn't do it, they will be kind

of on the spot.

MR. HARRISON: My suggestion on over-all action, the
different degrees of reduction, was not predicated upon

any fear about misunderstanding in New York. I do think
there would be misunderstanding if they reduced New York
and not Chicago. That is what concerned Ned Brown.
MR. SMITH: You have to do both of them.
MR. HARRISON: You don't have to. You could desig-

nate New York a reserve city if you wanted to, but I
think that was the thing that we all thought there might
be some concern about.

My suggestion that if you act at all I would do it

all at once, whatever you anticipate is reasonable and

necessary, is predicated upon the fact that, after all,

you are expecting the rest of the country to do a good
part of the financing because. they are the ones that

are getting the funds. The query in my mind is - just

a query - that if you only reduce Chicago and New York,
whether you aren't then giving notice that you expect
those two communities to do the better part of the

financing again, and you are giving the funds to do it.

196

- 26 -

I don't think it would hurt if you are going to act
at all - and that is one reason I would wait past this
financing - to give a moderate reduction throughout the
rest of the country, and as much as you anticipate is a

substantial ly necessary reduction in New York and Chicago.

I don't think there is anything to fool about.

H.M.JR: There is only one other thing you haven't
mentioned, and that is this bill rate, or don't you want
to talk about that?
MR. BURGESS: I think there is some advantage in

getting the bill rate up to a half. And there again,

we weren't completely in accordance as to the importance

of it.

I think it would make it somewhat more attractive
for some out-of-town buyers of the bills, and would help

the distribution of bills. I don't want to over-stress
that, but I think there is some merit in doing that at

the same time that the reserve requirements are changed.

MR. BELL: How far out would that affect the market?

MR. BURGESS: I think relatively little.
MR. BELL: What would it do to your year's certificate?

MR. BURGESS: I don't think it would have to affect

it at all. I think if you did it at the same time you
changed reserves--

MR. BELL: Still keep the certificate at seveneighths?

MR. BURGESS: I think so.

H.M.JR: B.M., you are very quiet. What are you
thinking about?
MR. EDWARDS: I'm not in accord with the entire program,

Mr. Morgenthau; particularly am I opposed to that scheme

197
- 27 -

of
painting
that
mule
stripes and calling him a
zebra
- about
those
taxwith
notes.
H.M.JR: You don't like that?
MR. EDWARDS: No, sir. He is still a mule, and

you can't fool me about painting stripes on him. I

also am very much in favor of increasing the rate on

that particular type of a tax note. The reason I am in
favor of it is not with the idea of giving your money

away, because you won't be giving it.

The first thing you are certainly going to do - if

anybody makes any money you are going to take forty-five

percent of it back, at least, for taxes. I mean, if you
pay him a dollar and forty-five cents you will take back
right away forty-five cents, and the rate of return on
that tax note right now is very very unattractive. I

have tried to sell those notes and I have sold a few of
them, but, honestly, the folks that I have sold them to
have bought them more or less just from a patriotic stand-

point. The return on it is so little they really - they

aren't worth fooling with, and even if you raise that rate,

as Dr. Burgess has suggested, you - I may as well just be

frank about it - you are not doing anything but letting

the fellow fool himself because you are going to give him
seventy-two and then take it back away from him, so what

is the difference.

I believe it would help sell the note, but if you
raise the note, I still say don't put stripes on it and

do what these fellows want to do with it, because it is
going to upset some of the financing, in my opinion. I
don't subscribe to the idea of giving Eccles a chance
to prove that his theory is wrong.

MR. BURGESS: He can have lots of chances before he
gets through.

H.M.JR: Well, at least your frankness is refresh-

ing. Have you got any other feelings, Ed?

MR. EDWARDS: That is all. I think your issues

198
- 28 -

that you are proposing now are going to go over all right.
I think reopening of this two and a half percent tap
issue is going to be well received. I know some people
down our way - of course, we don't have barrels of money
down our way, but we have some people that understand
that issue
now that did not understand it when it was
offered
before.

I left a man last night, the president of a small
insurance company in South Carolina that didn't buy a

dollar's worth of those bonds last time, but he told me
that I might tell you today that he would take six hundred thousand of them this time.
H.M.JR: Nice.
MR. EDWARDS: They understand them now. They did

not altogether understand them before.

MR. BELL: I think that is pretty general in the

smaller organizations. We may get some money out of

there we couldn't have gotten before.

MR. EDWARDS: I think you will get more of the small
money this time than you got before.
MR. SMITH: Your committees are commencing to get

results, too.

H.M.JR: In your talk you didn't mention the billion
and a half certificate, did you?
MR. BURGESS: Yes. I didn't have any violently

different opinion from anyone else. I think it is all

right. And we tend to the longer one, the seven-eighths,
for a year, rather than nine months, or you can do either
one.

H.M.JR: Well, now, except for this immediate
financing, because I am not ready to talk beyond the
month of August, has anybody got anything on his chest
as far as August goes?

199

- 29 MR. BURGESS: We assume that the two and a half

bond - the new two and a half - that you are trying to

work
some argument so they will be payable for
estateout
taxes.
H.M.JR: Yes, that has been done.
MR. BURGESS: That will be very helpful.
MR. HARRISON: That will help.

H.M.JR: What else? As I understand from Bell,

all of you want to return tonight. Is that right?

MR. BELL: Some of them want to. Most of them,
I think.
H.M.JR: Except Tom, who wants to stay around here
and sell me the Red Cross. (Laughter)

MR. SMITH: I didn't say anything.
H.M.JR: Who paid for the lunch today?

MR. SMITH: B.M. He didn't do it voluntarily.
MR. VINER: He paid for Dan's lunch, too.

MR. SMITH: He didn't send you a bill?
H.M.JR: What do you do, match?

MR. BURGESS: Mr. Secretary, neither Walter Stewart
nor Viner was in our discussion this morning, so we are
not speaking for them.

MR. VINER: That is pretty difficult.
MR. BELL: Mr. Secretary, you know Ned Brown - he
was in Mexico City.
H.M.JR: Then he said he was coming.

200
- 30 MR. BELL: He wired he would love to come and if
we could get him priorities he would be here. We sent

wires trying to get priorities, and thought we had
them, but he didn't show up. We don't know what

happened.

H.M.JR: You are not worried?
MR. BELL: I think we would have heard something

if there had been any accident or anything. He wanted
to come so badly he was willing to take a plane all the
way from Mexico City, which I thought was nice.
H.M.JR: You remind me - I would like to write him

a little note.

MR. BELL: He wasn't due back at his office until
Monday.

H.M.JR: Will you remind me? I am sorry I didn't
have as much time as you do, but I did have a job for
the White House.

MR. BURGESS: It is a pleasure to have this chance

to see you.

H.M.JR: The other way around. So if you haven't
got anything else-MR. SMITH: Get out, huh? (Laughter)
H.M.JR: I want to see Stewart and Viner.

From a sproul
COMMENTS ON EXCESS RESERVES AND THE NEW YORK MONEY MARKET

Since March 1942 excess reserves of New York City banks have declined

from nearly $1 billion to $250 million. There has been no disturbance in the market
during this period and no failure of the banks to support the Treasury's financing
program.

It is true however, that the principal cause of the decline in excess reserves at New York has been the net loss of funds to the market on Treasury account.
The Treasury has taken more funds out of the New York market through borrowing and

taxation than it has put in through Treasury expenditures of various kinds, even
though the latter are now running at the rate of about $250 million a week.

It might be argued, therefore, that at some point the decline in excess
reserves in New York will represent a danger to the Treasury's financing program,

in that purchases of new issues by New York City banks will have to be curtailed.
This would be a danger, however, only if the decline in purchases by New York City
banks was not offset by an increase in purchases by the banks outside New York City.

One of the objectives of fiscal and monetary policy has been and still should be to

tap the funds which continue in excess supply in the rest of the country. So long
as reserve funds are pumped into the New York market, and subsequently drained off

to the rest of the country, this problem will remain unsolved.
It is this situation which gives point to our recommendation that the
System posted buying rate for Treasury bills be increased to 1/2 of 1% and that

other short term rates be permitted to firm up in relation to this buying rate. Our
experience with the increase in short rates which has already taken place confirms
the commonsense judgment that a somewhat higher rate would further increase the non-

bank market, and, especially, the non-New York bank market for short term government

securities. The second question to be considered is the method by which reserve
funds are to be put into the New York market to the extent that this is deemed

necessary in support of the Treasury's financing program. Our view is that all three
of the available methods will have to be used, open market operations, rediscounts,

and reducing reserve requirements, but that they should be used in such a way as to

indicate that we are not planning to rely mainly upon the latter method. We would
postpone reducing reserve requirements, even in New York, until there is less like-

11hood that it would be interpreted as an indication that this is to be the chief
method of providing reserves. In the existing circumstances, this will mean the
continuance of open market operations to prevent any possibility of stringency here
while present financing methods are being followed and present short term rates are

being maintained. This is preferable to a reduction in reserve requirements because

of its greater flexibility, as well as because of avoidance of the implications which
a reduction in reserve requirements now would carry with it.
During the period of the August Treasury financing, open market purchases

in New York will probably have to be fairly heavy. The type of financing which is
in prospect is the kind which affects the reserves of the New York City banks most

substantially. A large proportion of the 2% registered bonds of 1962-67 will probably be taken by insurance companies in this district. This will mean a transfer of
deposits first to the Treasury, and

subsequently

on Treasury call, to banks in other

parts of the country. If the second step in the financing program is an offering

of certificates of indebtedness, a substantial part of the offering is likely to be
taken in New York. This amount will be reduced, first, if the certificate is for
one year and the coupon, therefore, more attractive to banks outside New York, and,
second, if we do not unnecessarily put funds into the New York market.
Our present estimate is that we may have to purchase from $100 to $150

million of government securities drring the next two weeks if we are to maintain

about the present level of excess reserves.* We think that this will give all

the

protection necessary to the government's financing and that it is preferable to continue to provide reserve funds by this method rather than by reducing reserve requirements at this stage of development of the Treasury's financing program and related
credit policies.

*He do not subscribe to the idea that we may have already reached a minimum in excess reserves.
$200far,
or is
$250
forreserves
New York,
and greatly
$2 billion
for the with
country.
What such
know,asthus
thatmillion
excess
have
declined

3.

very

little disturbance. How much farther they can be reduced we can only

find out by trying. We think it is particularly desirable to make this trial

and eventually to get the banks to borrow. It is not the amount of borrowing
but the fact of borrowing that would count, because our problem is that of
dispelling the false idea that safety requires some amount of excess reserves.
If the banks were adjusting their individual positions by borrowing, the idea
of a safety point in excess reserves would quickly be dispelled.

July 30, 1942.

Table I

204
Price and Yield Changes of United States Securities
July 23, 1942 to July 30, 1942
(Based on mean of closing bid and asked quotations)
Prices
Security

Yields

July 23, 1942
July 30, 1942
Change
(Decimals are thirty-seconds) 1

July 23, 1942

July 30, 1942

Change

(Percent)

TAXABLE SECURITIES

II/1/42
2/1/43

-

-

Average rate last issue
tificates

2-1/2

6/15/49-51
9/15/49-51
12/15/49-51
12/15/51-55
3/15/52-54

2-1/4

2-1/2
2-1/2
2-1/2

3/15/56-58
1/15/62-67

9/15/67-72

Tax-exempt Notes
9/15/42
12/15/42
1-1/8
6/15/43
1-1/8

3/15/44
6/15/44
9/15/44
3/15/45
Tax-exempt

3-1/8
4-1/4

2-3/4

2-1/2

3-1/8
2-1/2
2-1/2

2-3/4

10/15/43-45
4/15/44-46
12/15/44-54
9/15/45-47
12/15/45
3/15/46-56
6/15/46-48
6/15/46-49
10/15/47-52
12/15/47
3/15/48-51
9/15/48
12/15/48-50
12/15/49-52
12/15/49-53
9/15/50-52
6/15/51-54

9/15/51-55
2-1/4
2-7/8
2-3/4
2-3/4
2-3/4

12/15/60-65

.37

.37

+.001

.41
.60

.41

.00

.59

-.01

.00

.56

.55

-.01

.88

.91

.98

1.00

+.03
+.02
+.02
+.01

100.024
100.014

100.024
100.015

100.04
99.23

<02

100.05

100.04
99.21
99.06
99.09
100.04

-.02
-.01

1.18
1.46

1.20
1.47

101.04
100.10
100.08
100.06
100.02
103.31
101.06
103.04
100.12
101.05

101.02
100.09
100.06
100.04
100.01
103.26
101.04
103.03
100.08
101.02

-.02
-.01
-.02
-.02
-.01
-.05
-.02
-.01
-.04
-.03

1.79
1.95
1.96

1.80
1.96

1.97

1.98
2.00
2.06
2.12
2.24

99.08
99.11
1-1/2

-

.000

-.02

1.99
2.04
2.12
2.23
2.48

1.97

.00

+.01
+.01
+.01
+.01
+.01
+.02
.00

+.01

2.44

2.48
2.44

.00

.00

TAX-EXEMPT SECURITIES

100.09
100.19
100.22
100.23
101.00
100.28
100.15
101.03
100.18

100.08
100.18
100.20
100.21
100.29
100.26
100.14
101.01
100.16

-.01
-.01
-.02
-.02
-.03
-.02
-.01
-.02
-.02

102.16
103.02
104.06
107.07
105.14
105.04
109.02
106.31
107.12
115.01
104.15
107.16
106.28
104.16
110.18
106.16
106.28
108.22
110.20
105.07
103.18
105.15
110.14
109.21
109.30
110.14

102.14
102.31
104.03
107.04
105.12
105.01
109.00
106.30
107.12
115.00
104.13
107.14
106.26
104.13
110.16
106.15
106.26
108.20
110.18
105.03
103.15
105.13
110.11
109.18
109.26
110.11

-.02
-.03
-.03
-.03
-.02
-.03
-.02
-.01

.05

.00

-.05

.24
.35

.25
.41
.41

+.06
+.04

.40
.47
.50

.46

+.06

.50
.52

+.03
+.02

.49

.51

+.02

.54

.56

+.02

.57

.58

.80
.94

+.01
+.04
+.03

.96

.99

1.00

.96

.98

+.02

1.20
1,16
1.18

1.20
1.16
1.17
1.26
1.15
1.37

.00
.00

Bonds

Treasury Department, Division of Research and Statistics.

Decimals in prices of certificates are cents.

.00

-.01
-.02
-.02
-.02
-.03
-.02
-.01
-.02
-.02
=.02

-.04
-.03
-.02
-.03
-.03
-.04
-.03

+.01

...

1.27
1.14

1.36
1.33
1.27
1.60
1.57
1.60
1.69

.78
.83

+.02
+.01

-.01
-.01
+.01

+.01

1.34
1.28

+.01

1.61
1.57
1.60

+.01

1.70

+.01

+.01
.00

.00

1.74

.00

1.66
1.65

+.01
+.01
.00
+.01

2.02

1.74
1.95
1.97
2.02

2.07

2.07

1.74

1.65
1.64
1.74
1.94
1.97

.00

.00
.00

July 30, 1942.

Table II
205
Price and Yield Changes of United States Securities
March 19, 1942 to July 30, 1942
(Based on mean of closing bid and asked quotations)
Prices
Security

Yields

March 19, 1942

July 30, 1942
Change
(Decimals are thirty-seconds) 1

March 19, 1942

July 30, 1942

Change

(Percent)

TAXABLE SECURITIES

Bills

-

.20

-

Certificates

100.024
100.015

-

3/4

1-1/2

100.12
99.31
99.21
99.29
-

.59

100.04
99.21
99.06
99.09
100.04

-.08
-.10

101.02
100.09
100.06
100.04
100.01
103.26
101.04
103.03
100.08
101.02

-.26
-.27

-.15
-.20

.37
.76
.84

1.02

-

2

2-1/2

-

2-1/2

100.27

.55

+.18

.91

+.15
+.16
+.18

1.00

1.20
-

1.67
1.83
-

-

2-1/2

100.12
103.23
101.06
103.05

-

-

-

2-1/4

-

-

-

--

2-1/2

101.28
101.04

.41

-

-

Taxable Bonds

3/15/48-50
6/15/49-51
9/15/49-51
12/15/49-51
12/15/51-55
3/15/52-54
6/15/52-55
3/15/56-58
6/15/62-67
9/15/67-72

+.17

-

Taxable Notes

3/15/43
9/15/44
12/15/45
3/15/46
12/15/46

.37

-.11
+.03

-.02
-.02

1.96
2.09
2.12

2.24

1.80

+.13

1.96
1.97
1.98
2.00
2.06
2.12

+.13

+.04

-.03
.00

2.46

2.24
2.48
2.44

5/32*
2/32*

.00
.25

-5/32*
-5/32°

.41

+.19
+.15

-

+.07

1.47

-

-

5/8

11/1/42
2/1/43

-

-

-

Average rate last issue

.00

-.02

TAX-EXEMPT SECURITIES

Wholly-Tax-exempt Notes
9/15/42
1-3/4
12/15/42
1-1/8
6/15/43
9/15/43
1-1/8
12/15/43
3/15/44
6/15/44
9/15/44
3/15/45
Tax-exempt Bonds
6/15/43-47
10/15/43-45
3-1/4

2-3/4
2-1/2

3-3/4
3-1/8

4-1/4
2

2-3/4
2-1/2
3-1/8
2-1/2
2-1/2
2-3/4
2-1/4

2-1/4
2-7/8
2-3/4
2-3/4
2-3/4

4/15/44-46
12/15/44-54
9/15/45-47
12/15/45
3/15/46-56
6/15/46-48
6/15/46-49
10/15/47-52
12/15/47
3/15/48-51
9/15/48
12/15/48-50
12/15/49-52
12/15/49-53

9/15/50-5

6/15/51-54
9/15/51-55
12/15/51-53

6/15/53-55
6/15/54-56

3/15/55-60
9/15/56-59
6/15/58-68
12/15/60-65

101.04
101.11
101.04
101.03
101.16
101.10
100.27
101.16
101.00

100.08
100.18
100.20
100.21
100.29
100.26
100.14
101.01
100.16

-.28
-.25
-.16
-.14
-.19
-.16
-.13
-.15
-.16

103.21
104.06
105.06
108.11
106.06
105.28
110.08
107.28
108.08
115.20
104.23
107.28
107.07

102.14
102.31
104.03
107.04
105.12
105.01
109.00
106.30
107.12
115.00
104.13
107.14
106.26
104.13
110.16
106.15
106.26
108.20
110.18
105.03
103.15
105.13
110.11
109.18
109.26
110.11

-1.07
-1.07
-1.03
-1.07
-.26
-.27
-1.08
-.30
-.28
-.20
-.10
-.14
-.13
-.08
-.06
-.01

104.21
110.22
106.16
106.20

108.18
110.20
104.29
103.10
104.28
110.00
109.10
109.12
110.00

Treasury Department, Division of Research and Statistics.

Decimals in prices of certificates are cents.

Excess of price over zero yield.

22
.26
.26

.34

.41
.46
.50

.37
.39
.41

.51
.56

.41
.57
.72

.58
.78
.83

.91

.96

.94
.90

1.00

1.11
1.09

1,20

1.13
1.33
1,15
1.38
1.33
1.28
1.65
1.60

+.06
+.02

1.66

-.02

1.78

+.06
+.05
+.17

1.70
1.68

+.11

+.08

+.14
+.11

.52

1.74

1.80
2.00
2.01

.98

1.16
1.17
1,26

+.20

+.16
+.15
+.12
+.15

+.17
+.21
+.11
+.05
+.06

+.08
+.09
+.07

+.04

1.15

-.07
.00

1.37

-.01

1.34
1.28
1.61
1.57
1.60
1.70
1.74
1.66
1.65
1.74
1.95

+.01
.00

1.97

2.07

2.02

2.10

2.07

-.04
-.03
-.06
-.04
-.04
4.04

-.03
-.06
-.05
-.04
-.05
-.03

July 30, 1942.

1

206
July 30, 1942.
5:20 p.m.

HMJr:

Now that we're going to open this tap issue,

most likely on Monday

Dan

Bell:

Yeah.

HMJr:

before there's any release goes out, I want
Harold Graves to have a chance to see it.

B:

All right.

HMJr:

In connection with the Victory Fund.

B:

Yeah.

HMJr:

B:

So that there's no conflict, 80 you might pass
that word along to Buffington.
All right. You mean of the opening of the
issue or

HMJr:

Well, you know, that....

B:

.... work of the Victory Fund?

HMJr:

big release that he wanted me to send out,

and I - and I wouldn't let it go a week or ten
days ago.

B:

HMJr:

Well, I'm holding that for your approval.
Well, supposing you send it in to Harold's

office, and let him take a look at it.

B:

Okay.

HMJr:

How about it?

B:

Sure.

HMJr:

Because - all right - well, anyway, send that
release in.

B:

All right.

HMJr:

Thanks.

B:

Goodbye.

207 Farm
TREASURY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON
XXXXXX

SAVINGS STAFF

July 30, 1942

TO: The Secretary of the Treasury
FROM: James L. Houghteling

Yesterday in Detroit Mr. Isbey and I had a 2-hour conference
with Mr. H. W. Anderson, Vice-President of the General Motors Corporation
in charge of Personnel, Mr. John Jerpe, Publicity Manager, Mr. Coen and
Mr. Seaton.

At the beginning of our interview Mr. Anderson made the statement that during his conference with you on April 16 he had not promised
you any form of cooperation with Organised Labor in the "General Motors
Employees War Bond Drive". I took direct issue with him on this point and
reminded him that you had told him that in your opinion the most effective
program for the drive was a complete three-cornered partnership and cooperation between Government, Management and Labor and that you were only

interested in presenting the General Motors publicity material to the Ways

and Means Committee of the House of Representatives on the condition that
there should thereafter be complete cooperation between Management and

Labor in this drive. He had agreed to this and had said at that time that

he would consult with Mr. Reuther as soon as he returned to Detroit.

I then told Mr. Anderson that I had been instructed by you to
request him to form a Management-Labor committee at the "company level".

Mr. Anderson replied that he was unwilling to do so. He stated that the
General Motors Company was a decentralised organisation which conducted as

such of its business as possible through its various subsidiary companies.
He assured me that in each one of the Company's production plants there is
at present in operation a Management-Labor War Bond Committee and that it
has not been the policy of the General Motors Corporation to carry this
program any higher up than the individual plants. He stated that the War
Production Board had asked General Motors to form a Central Management-

Labor Production Committee, but that the Corporation had refused, although

it had agreed to set up such committees in all of its subsidiary plants.

The letters from plant managers which Mr. Anderson recently sent
to you do not fully substantiate his statement that there are ManagementLabor War Bond Committees actually functioning in every one of the subsidiary

companies and plants. In fact, in their desperate fight against granting

REFENSE

BUY
UNITED
STATES
SAVINGS

BONDS

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what the Treasury has asked, Mr. Anderson and Mr. Jerpe in several cases
were inaccurate in their statement of facts.
Mr. Isbey and I were able to get admissions from Mr. Anderson
that the publicity of the General Motors Employee Mar Bond Drive had not

given due credit to the fine cooperation of the labor unions. They in-

cluded in that admission the General Motors pamphlet which was sent out to
30,000 business concerns at the expense of the Treasury, but they indicated
that the Treasury itself had been given a chance to read proof on said
pamphlet and was at liberty to make changes if it desired. They agreed

that hereafter it would be helpful to the Drive if full credit were given
to the cooperation of Organised Labor.

Mr. Anderson kept reiterating two questions: (1) Was the Secretary
of the Treasury dissatisfied with the General Motors Pay Roll Savings
Campaign? (2) What could be accomplished by a central labor-management

committee? In answer to the first question I stated that the average

allotment of General Motors employees of slightly over 7% was not satis-

factory to the Secretary of the Treasury and that he felt that getting
this average allotment to 10%, or to the goal of the United Automobile

Workers of 20%, was being hampered by the short-sighted unwillingness of

General Motors to work on really cordial terms with the various powerful

labor unions. My reply to his second question was somewhat hampered by
his inaccurate claim as to the completeness of the success of labor-manage-

ment committees in the subsidiary plants. I did not think it good policy
to contradict him too flatly en this point. He has agreed, at my request,

to furnish me with a complete list of the management-labor committees in all
of the General Motors plants and a report on how they are functioning. When
I have this material I think I can show him that a central labor-management
committee can do a great deal to strengthen the weak points of the Drive.

After this meeting Mr. Isbey and I talked with Walter Reuther. He
was leaving last night for the annual convention of the United Automobile

Workers at Chicago. He promised to send me from Chicago his ideas as to
what a central committee could do to improve the situation. He seemed
greatly pleased that I had come to Detroit and had this discussion with the

General Motors officials. He was not surprised that our request for a central
management-labor committee had been refused by Mr. Anderson and his associates,

as such a committee could not be set up unless authorised by President Wilson
or Chairman Sloan. Mr. Anderson has undoubtedly had this instructions from
the policy-making heads of General Motors and does not have the authority to
agree to your proposal.
In the background of the above negotiation, and making it much more

difficult, is the fact that the United Automobile Workers are negotiating
with the General Motors Corporation for a substantial pay raise. A panel of
the War Labor Board is just completing hearings in Detroit. At such a time
the cordiality between Management and Labor is at a minimum. It is possible

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that, on Labor's own initiative, this negotiation may be settled by a
stabilisation agreement rather than a horisontal increase in pay. If

so, the relationship between Management and Labor will be Vastly inproved immediately. Because of this factor, and because I wish to work
out a more definite plan for our next step in this matter, based on information to be provided me by Mr. Anderson and Mr. Auther, I doubt
whether it will be possible to have this matter ready to discuss with
either Chairman Sloan or President Wilson of the General Motors Corporation
before August 7th. Walter Reuther is decidedly of the opinion that our
negotiations would be much easier after the wage issue is settled.

James ams J. Hayther