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For release on delivery
3:30 p.m. EDT [12:30 p.m. PDT]
April 12, 2012

Downturns and Recoveries:
What the Economies in Los Angeles and the United States Tell Us

Remarks by
Sarah Bloom Raskin
Member
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
Luncheon for Los Angeles Business and Community Leaders
Los Angeles Branch of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco

April 12, 2012

Good afternoon. I appreciate this opportunity to speak with you today.
I’m not sure when you last found yourself in a planetarium. At the start of my
most recent visit, I was handed a brochure that said “Sit anywhere. All seats provide
equal viewing of the universe.” I took the brochure but instead of contemplating the
stars, I contemplated my job as a governor on the Federal Reserve Board. And it
occurred to me that the brochure was wrong. Completely wrong. All seats do not
provide equal viewing of the universe. Some seats are better than others. It’s not just
that the Big Dipper is clearer than Ursa Minor from certain seats. If you want, for
example, to see the economy, you don’t necessarily want to always be sitting in
Washington. That is not a seat that tells you everything you need to know about the
economy. You have to break out, set free, and hightail it out of the Beltway to Los
Angeles. It’s critical to appropriate policymaking that we get a multidimensional view of
the so-called economic universe.
From that perspective, it is an understatement to say that these are profoundly
challenging times for millions of Americans. Many families have suffered significant
declines in their net worth over the past several years, especially as the value of their
homes and other assets has plummeted. Many households have faced job losses or large
reductions in the number of hours worked, events that have reduced family income and
well-being. While I’m not happy to bear witness to households trying to navigate these
difficulties, we would be poor policymakers if we consistently avoided the seats that give
us this view.
In short, I’m very pleased to be here, but I’m here on a mission. It’s a quest to
understand what the seat from Los Angeles tells us about the economy, and more

-2generally, how the path of the economy in a recovery may depend on the path of the
economy in a recession.
To rewind and review: The U.S. economy recently endured a financial crisis
rivaling the one that triggered the Great Depression, and a severe recession ensued. The
effects of the recent recession were pronounced in Los Angeles. Although the recession
was declared to have ended nearly three years ago, the recovery--both at the national
level and here in Los Angeles--has been extraordinarily slow compared with other
recoveries. Should we be surprised by this sluggish pace of recovery? Let’s compare the
view of the recent national economic downturn with a view of the economic downturn in
Los Angeles. And then, moving from recession to recovery, let’s ask how the contours of
this recovery differ from the contours of other recoveries. More generally, does the path
of a recovery depend on the path of a downturn? Let’s see what the experience of Los
Angeles can teach us. Of course, I note that this perspective is my own perspective and
not necessarily that of others in the Federal Reserve System.
The Economy in the United States and in Los Angeles
The overall U.S. economy had started to contract by the beginning of 2008 and
entered the severe phase of the recession during the late summer of that year with the
near-collapse of the financial system. By any measure, the cumulative decline in
economic activity was large. Nationally, employment decreased by nearly 9 million,
while the unemployment rate climbed from roughly 5 percent to 10 percent. As
measured by real gross domestic product (GDP), aggregate economic output contracted 5
percent during the recession, and the purchasing power of household after-tax income
declined by about the same amount. This recession was the most severe economic

-3downturn since the Great Depression, when the unemployment rate is estimated to have
soared to above 20 percent and real GDP is measured to have plummeted by more than
25 percent. For comparison, the only other time since then when the national
unemployment rate rose above 10 percent was the “double-dip” recession of the early
1980s. But even in that episode, real GDP contracted less than 3 percent and cumulative
job losses were less than 3 million.
The recent contraction in the housing sector has also been the most severe episode
since the Great Depression. National house prices have fallen 33 percent in nominal
terms since their peak in 2006. In contrast, home prices dipped only 2 percent in the
early 1990s downturn, and they did not decline at all in the early 1980s recession. The
recent drop in housing market activity also has been dramatic. Home sales plunged more
than 50 percent from peak to trough, while housing starts plummeted more than 75
percent. Indeed, the decline in housing starts associated with the recent recession was
nearly as large as that which occurred during the Great Depression.
Here in Los Angeles, the recent recession was even deeper than for the nation as a
whole. The unemployment rate, which was about the same as the national average prior
to the recession, rose to a peak of nearly 13 percent. Moreover, the number of jobs in
Los Angeles fell by a cumulative 9 percent, nearly half again as much as the decrease in
national employment. Those of you with a longstanding connection to the local economy
certainly recall the prolonged downturn of the early 1990s, which followed a real estate
crash, cuts in federal military spending in the region, and a sharp contraction in local
industries such as aerospace manufacturing.

However, the increase in the

unemployment rate was even larger during the recent recession than in the 1990s episode.

-4In fact, Los Angeles’s peak unemployment rate in 2010 was the highest ever recorded in
this city in the almost four decades during which local-area statistics have been
published. In the Los Angeles metropolitan area, the contraction in the housing sector
has been even more extreme than for the nation as a whole. Home prices have fallen
nearly 40 percent from their peak, while the issuance of building permits for the
construction of new homes dropped nearly 90 percent.
At the national level, the economy has been recovering for more than two and a
half years. But the pace of this recovery has been slower than the pace of prior
recoveries. Over the past 50 years in the United States, real GDP has typically expanded
10 percent cumulatively during the 10 quarters immediately following the trough of a
recession. By contrast, real GDP has only risen 6 percent over the 10-quarter period
since the bottom of the most recent recession. Indeed, it was only in the third quarter of
last year that real GDP finally returned to the level that it had attained prior to the
recession. However, measured on a per capita basis, households’ real disposable
personal income still was below its pre-recession peak at the end of last year. Moreover,
as of March of this year, employment at the national level had risen by only 3-1/2 million
jobs, less than half of the number of jobs lost during the recession, and the unemployment
rate was still significantly elevated at 8.2 percent.
Even though general economic activity and labor market conditions have
improved modestly in the past two and a half years or so, house prices have continued to
trend down, albeit at a slower pace than in 2007 and 2008. And single-family housing
starts have shown no noticeable increase since their low point in the middle of 2009,
although multifamily construction has been rising with the expanding demand for rental

-5apartments. The general stagnation in housing activity during the current recovery is
very unusual since previous recoveries typically have been accompanied by a sharp
increase in residential construction.
The pace of economic recovery has also been sluggish for small businesses.
These firms continue to report weak sales, although some recent indications suggest that
sales have finally started to improve lately. Nevertheless, small business owners
generally report that they remain cautious about overall economic prospects.
The Los Angeles economy has had farther to climb than the nation as a whole in
order to achieve a full recovery, and it also has been slow-going here. The
unemployment rate in the Los Angeles area has been declining, but, still at almost 12
percent, it remains well above the national average. The housing market in Los Angeles
has remained depressed, similar to conditions nationwide. House prices in the Los
Angeles area have continued to decline, and single-family construction has been flat,
although multifamily construction has picked up.
Nationally, some economic news has been encouraging and may be suggesting
that the pace of the recovery is picking up. In the past six months, the national
unemployment rate has come down about 3/4 percentage point and employment has
increased by about 1 million. In Los Angeles, employment expanded by 1 percent over
the six months ending in February (the latest available data), and the local-area
unemployment rate also declined about 3/4 percentage point.
However, the national economic recovery clearly has a long way to go. The share
of unemployed workers who have been without a job for more than six months is still
more than 40 percent nationwide, a level well above that seen in earlier recessions.

-6Being unemployed for such a long time can have negative effects on workers’ skills and
their attachment to the labor force, thereby possibly reducing the productive capacity of
our economy. Here in Los Angeles, the issue of workforce skills is all the more
concerning because 13 percent of the city’s residents are reported to have less than a
ninth-grade education, a share of low-education workers that is about twice the national
average.
How surprising is the texture and pace of this economic recovery? Perhaps it’s
not so surprising given the nature of the downturn that preceded it. Economic studies
have found that the aftermath of a financial crisis is usually associated with substantial
declines in output and employment and that it takes much longer to return to pre-crisis
levels of economic activity.1 Recent research by staff at the Federal Reserve has shown
that the current recovery from the financial crisis has been even slower than would have
been expected.2 This unusually weak recovery can be at least partly explained by the
large drop in house prices and severe slump in housing activity that played such a major
role in the recent recession. Even though, technically speaking, the housing market
contraction preceded the financial crisis, the financial crisis undoubtedly magnified the
depth of the housing bust as the erosion in the net worth of households and the severely

1

For examples, see Valerie Cerra and Sweta Chaman Saxena (2008), “Global Dynamics: The Myth of
Economic Recovery,” American Economic Review, vol. 98 (March), pp. 439-57,
www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.98.1.439; Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff
(2009), This Time Is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly (Princeton: Princeton University Press);
and Oscar Jorda, Moritz HP. Schularick, and Alan M. Taylor (2011), “When Credit Bites Back: Leverage,
Business Cycles, and Crises,” NBER Working Paper Series 17621 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of
Economic Research, November), www.nber.org/papers/w17621.
2

See Greg Howard, Robert Martin, and Beth Anne Wilson (2011), “Are Recoveries from Banking and
Financial Crises Really So Different?” International Finance Discussion Papers 1037 (Washington: Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, November),
www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/ifdp/2011/1037/ifdp1037.pdf.

-7strained balance sheets of financial institutions led to a sharp tightening of mortgage
credit.
The drop in national house prices erased $7 trillion in household wealth. Home
equity was a large share of the total assets of low- and moderate-income families prior to
the recession, so the drop in housing wealth has hit many families particularly hard.
Because wealth is one of the key factors that households consider when deciding how
much to spend, the drop in housing wealth is expected to reduce household expenditures-the so-called wealth effect. This restraint on consumer spending is especially severe for
households who owe more on their mortgage than their house is worth because such
“underwater” households have been unable to take advantage of low mortgage rates by
refinancing. With more than one out of every five mortgages nationwide estimated to be
underwater in 2011, the resulting restraint on consumer spending and its effect on slower
economic growth is appreciable.
The heavy load of housing-related debt that many households are still carrying
may be affecting consumer spending even more powerfully than would be suggested by
the drop in house values alone. For example, recent academic research has found that
highly indebted households cut their spending on goods and services more severely in
response to a drop in home values than do less-indebted households hit with the same
reduction in home values.3 This result suggests that consumer spending may not act
powerfully to revive the economy until Americans’ financial situations have improved.
3

See, for example, Atif R. Mian, Kamalesh Rao, and Amir Sufi (2011), “Household Balance Sheets,
Consumption, and the Economic Slump,” working paper (Chicago: University of Chicago Booth School of
Business, November),
http://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/amir.sufi/MianRaoSufi_EconomicSlump_Nov2011.pdf ; and Karen Dynan
(2012), “Is a Household Debt Overhang Holding Back Consumption?” working paper (Washington:
Brookings Institution, March),
www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/Programs/ES/BPEA/2012_spring_bpea_papers/2012_spring_BPEA_dy
nan.pdf.

-8Alternatively understood, this research finding suggests that monetary policy alone may
be insufficient to promote a more robust and sustainable improvement in household net
worth.
Besides the substantial direct losses in the wealth of households through losses in
home equity, other housing-related issues have likely been holding back the economic
recovery. The collapse of house prices coincided with a sharp increase in mortgage
defaults and foreclosures, leaving financial institutions with large holdings of residential
real estate, or REO. As these properties were put up for sale on the market, they
contributed to the already-bloated supply of vacant homes available for sale and put
further downward pressure on house prices. In Los Angeles, for example, more than one
out of every four homes sold in 2011 were REO properties. And the inventory of
mortgages that are more than 90 days delinquent or somewhere in the foreclosure process
amounts to more than five times the current stock of REO, illustrating the large “shadow
inventory” of properties that might be put up for sale sometime in the future.
Concerns about future defaults and foreclosures have caused lenders to tighten
their lending standards considerably--raising down-payment requirements, requiring
extensive documentation, and charging substantial fees to all but those with the highest
credit scores. This marked change in mortgage credit standards has restricted access to
mortgage credit for many potential borrowers, limiting both home purchases and
refinancing. In addition, it doesn’t take extensive forays into many neighborhoods here
to see that the foreclosure process imposes less quantifiable but heavy costs on
homeowners and communities.

-9Monetary Policy and other Federal Reserve Actions
How should the Federal Reserve respond to a recession with these contours?
The Fed’s accommodative monetary policy response has been intended to ease the effects
of the recession and support a recovery in the context of its dual mandate to foster
maximum employment and stable prices. As the economy descended into recession, the
Federal Reserve promptly and aggressively pushed the federal funds rate down to near
zero. The Fed then substantially expanded its holdings of longer-term securities and
more recently moved to lengthen the average maturity of its holdings to put downward
pressure on longer-term interest rates.
These actions were intended to help bring down both short-term and longer-term
interest rates, thereby reducing borrowing costs for households and firms. Reductions in
interest rates usually expand credit and encourage firms to invest and households to
borrow for durable goods purchases, thereby stimulating aggregate demand. A more
accommodative stance of monetary policy also boosts the economy by raising the prices
of equities and other assets, and therefore supporting household spending through the
wealth effect that I mentioned earlier. In addition, a more accommodative stance of
monetary policy can also help by contributing to a somewhat lower foreign exchange
value of the dollar, thus promoting the competitiveness of our goods and services in
overseas markets.
The Federal Reserve’s policy actions have indeed contributed to lower interest
rates. For example, the yield on 10-year nominal Treasury securities has come down
from more than 4-1/2 percent prior to the recession to around 2 percent recently--a
historically low level. As we had hoped, the influence of these policy actions has been

- 10 felt quite broadly throughout financial markets. For example, the rate on a 30-year fixed
mortgage has declined from more than 6 percent in 2006 to its current level of below 4
percent, also a historic low. Moreover, interest rates on consumer auto loans have
decreased. And corporate borrowing rates have also come down. The 10-year bond
yields paid by investment-grade nonfinancial companies have decreased from roughly 6
percent prior to the recession to below 5 percent currently, again a historic low. Riskier
firms have also found the climate for borrowing to be hospitable. Yields for high-yield
corporate bonds have fallen from between 8 and 9 percent prior to the recession to near 7
percent, contributing to the robust pace of issuance of these securities over the past few
years.
Partly as a result of these actions, business spending for investment in equipment
and software has been relatively robust in the past several years. In addition, real
spending on consumer durables such as motor vehicles has begun to pick up. Moreover,
foreign trade has been an important factor contributing to demand for U.S. products.
Here in Los Angeles, net container flows through the ports of Los Angeles and Long
Beach rose 16 percent in 2010 and continued to rise last year, though at a slower pace. In
contrast to the upturns in business equipment investment, consumer durable purchases,
and foreign trade, other sectors of the economy have not fared as well. Despite
historically low mortgage rates, purchases of new and existing homes have not risen
much above their lows seen several years ago. One reason for the absence of a
significant pickup in home purchases has been the substantial tightening of underwriting
standards for mortgages. In addition, households’ concerns about their future prospects

- 11 for employment and income have likely deterred many potential homebuyers from
committing to mortgage payments that might be difficult to make if they lose their jobs.
Housing has played a central role in magnifying the recession and delaying the
recovery. In Los Angeles, there is huge demand for information on foreclosure recovery
from organizations that serve families going through the process of losing their homes.
Residents here want financial institutions and recipients of grants from the Neighborhood
Stabilization Program to understand the most effective ways to use funds from that
program to acquire, rehabilitate, and repurpose real estate owned by financial institutions
and vacant properties. We have seen much interest by financial institutions, nonprofit
housing providers and advocates, local government, and academics in understanding new
approaches to REO disposition and financing mechanisms.
Turning to the business sector, credit conditions for many small firms have not
improved in this recovery. In 2010, the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
organized a statewide small business task force that meets twice per year to assess
barriers and opportunities for credit-worthy small businesses in California. Last year, it
held a conference to help identify ways that the Community Development Financial
Institutions (CDFI) Fund can work with community banks to serve the needs of small
businesses that may not qualify for bank loans and to identify additional bank sources of
capital for small business borrowers that have needs that exceed CDFI lending capacity.
The San Francisco Fed also served as a technical resource for an initiative to help street
vendors--which comprise 30 percent of the small businesses in the central city area and
East Los Angeles--to access business development services, city certification, and
microfinance capital.

- 12 Conclusion
In summary, the contours of how this recovery is proceeding seem related to the
factors that characterized the downturn. The financial crisis was unprecedented since the
Great Depression, and the recession was extraordinarily deep, even compared with other
severe recessions in the postwar period. Consequently, we have had much more ground
to make up relative to other economic downturns. The recent recession also lasted longer
than most, and long recessions tend to be followed by slow recoveries. However, the
current recovery has been even slower than would be expected given its characteristics.
An important factor explaining this slowness has likely been the severe contraction in the
housing market, which has been the largest since the Great Depression. Not only have
the enormous loss of housing wealth, heavy debt burdens, and tight credit conditions
restrained household spending, but the accompanying wave of mortgage defaults has also
had considerable repercussions for homeowners, lenders, communities, and the pace of
this economic recovery.
Here in Los Angeles, the housing market contraction and economic downturn
were even deeper than those experienced nationwide. As a result, Los Angeles--like the
rest of the United States--also is suffering through the slow pace of recovery typically
associated with a long recession, a financial crisis, and an extraordinary contraction in
housing activity. In light of the economic hardships that have been endured in Los
Angeles and nationwide, the Federal Reserve remains fully committed to doing
everything it can to promote maximum employment in the context of price stability.
Thank you again for the opportunity to speak with you today.