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27, 1987

Reflections on the Current International Debt Situation
Remarks by
Manuel H. Johnson
Vice Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the XXIV Meeting of Governors of
Central Banks of the American Continent
Bridgetown, Barbados
April 27, 1987

It is my pleasure to address colleagues from central banks on
the issue of international indebtedness.

This issue has touched on

various responsibilities of central banks of both debtor and creditor
countrie . in ray presentation I would like to suggest several issues
where I believe we have made progress in generating a broad consensus on
international debt.
In ny view there is a broad consensus that we have an
international debt problem because in the main borrowers and lenders
agreed to loans that appeared rational in a world of lew, or negative,
real interest rates and rapidly expanding export markets.

These loans

turned out to be problems when real interest rates shifted sharply upward
at the same time that export revenues to service those international
debts became substantially less than anticipated because of the sharp and
largely unexpected recession in the countries of the OECD region.
Calculations of investment returns that were reasonable under existing
conditions were invalidated by the unanticipated change in the economic
environment.

The changed environment required an adjustment in economic

policies by debtor countries that was recognized sooner by some countries
than others.

It is probably scant comfort to many countries striving to

renegotiate and restructure their external debts, or to their creditors,
that the same economic factors of high real interest rates and declining
output prices also struck several important and highly leveraged sectors
in the U.S. economy, including energy producers, agriculture, and
commercial real estate in certain geographical areas.
A second broad consensus is that resolution of the debt problem
must have both an internal and external component and that actions by
borrowers alone, while necessary, are not sufficient for dealing with the
problem.

The external conditions are of course economic growth and open

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access to major export markets in industrial countries and the level of
world interest rates that affects the size of the payments needed to
service debt.

In 1983 and 1984 economic growth in countries in the OECD

region averaged about 3-3/4 percent per year and the terms of trade
remained constant for the 15 heavily indebted countries identified in
Treasury Secretary Baker's 1985 speech in Korea.

In 1985 and 1986,

however, the recovery in the OECD countries was not sustained as economic
growth declined to about 2-3/4 percent per year, the terms of trade for
these 15 countries declined significantly over these two years, and their
aggregate exports of goods and services declined about $25 billion, or by
about one-sixth, between 1984 and 1986.

Somewhat more than one-half of

this decline in export revenues resulted from reduced export earnings
associated with the decline in the price of oil.
Stagnant growth and rising unemployment in countries in the OECD
region, of course, generate political pressures for protection that
further complicate efforts by indebted countries to resolve their
problems.

In this regard, it is critically important that all industrial

nations strive to keep their markets open to the exports of the
developing nations.

It is also equally important that countries

currently enjoying large current account surpluses, including industrial
countries such as Japan and Germany, adopt appropriate macroeconomic and
trade policies to help absorb more imports from Latin America and the
Caribbean area.

In this respect I am hopeful that the major industrial

nations will implement the economic policy measures agreed upon at the
meeting in Paris on February 22 of this year.

The intention to implement

these measures was reconfirmed by the G-7 nations prior to the
meetings of the Interim and Development Committees in Washington in early
April.

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The internal component to dealing with the debt problem must
also be recognized, and in this area much has been accomplished.

The

combined current account deficits of these 15 countries declined from an
average of $50 billion in 1981 and 1982 to essentially zero in 1984 and
1985, with a small increase estimated for 1986 reflecting primarily the
decline in oil prices.

In 1979 and 1980 these countries imported an

average of about $150 billion per year in goods and services.

In the

three-year period 1984-86 imports of goods and services of these
countries averaged less than $110 billion per year, an extremely
remarkable performance of domestic retrenchment.
The serious and painful adjustment by many of these countries
has led to a third consensus, namely that any meaningful approach to the
indebtedness prctolem must be growth-oriented.

The decline in the

investment to GNP ratio in many Latin American countries was recognized
as a serious cause of concern because investment is the key to future
economic grcwth and the consequent easing of debt service burdens.

To

improve their prospects for growth spurred by increased productive
investment, developing countries will need to maintain some continuing
inflews of foreign capital to supplement their domestic savings.

This

implies some continued current account deficits, albeit smaller deficits
than those that prevailed in the early 1980s.

Productive use of these

capital inflows will justify same increase in total indebtedness at a
time when the existing size of external indebtedness is also presenting a
burden.
The consensus of the need for growth was embodied in the broad
principles of the Baker Initiative.

Under that approach, growth was to

be encouraged by a variety of domestic economic reforms that would
improve incentives to save domestically and create more effective

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utilization of domestic resources, often through private sector
initiatives.

In addition, fiscal and financial incentives were to be

implemented to bring about a retention and repatriation of domestic
savings that had sought higher yields and greater security abroad.
The movement towards greater private sector development in many
countries is certainly encouraging, although it must be noted that when
privatization simply replaces a state-cwned corporation with a private
monopoly, especially if there is access to subsidized credits, the gains
in efficiency are likely to be limited.

While defining, identifying, and

measuring capital flight is clearly more of an art than a precise
science, there does appear to be seme evidence that a number of countries
have had success in reducing or even reversing the outward flight of
capital by their citizens.

The establishment of confidence among local

citizens is a very important development and should lead to increased
confidence by non-resident investors.
The other two parts of the Baker Initiative were increased
lending by both international financial institutions and private
commercial banks.
very constructive.

The international agencies appear to have been
The IMF has demonstrated flexibility in arranging

innovative financing arrangements.

In the early years of the debt

problem, the IMF conditioned some of its lending on precommitments by
commercial banks to provide financing of any remaining gaps.

In several

important cases enhanced IMF surveillance has facilitated agreements
between the borrower and commercial banks for multi-year restructuring
agreements (MYRAs). For Mexico, the IMF has been willing to accept pre­
adjusted performance criteria in new stand-by arrangements that take into
account contingencies about the level of world oil prices and the
performance of the domestic economy.

That particular arrangement, while

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well-suited to Mexico, may not be appropriate in other cases.

In Mexico,

as well as in several other heavily indebted countries, consultations
with the World Bank have led to a credible agenda for restructuring
changes that appear to be both politically feasible and economically
efficient.

Both the debtor countries and the World Bank deserve credit

for these initiatives.

In 1986, the multilateral development banks

disbursed $4-3/4 billion net to the countries identified by Secretary
Baker and such net disbursements are expected to increase further in
1987.
On the other hand, net new lending by commercial banks has been
disappointing, even by the modest standards of the Baker Initiative of 3
percent per year for three years.

The reluctance of many banks,

particularly smaller banks, to lend is of course not surprising.

While

not wishing to appear as an apologist for banks, it is important to note
that there are several technical reasons why flows of new bank credit
estimated from changes in the total stock of outstanding bank claims on
two dates may be underestimating the true flow of new credits.

These

technical reasons include writeoffs of loans, which reduce the reported
stock of outstanding credits when no repayments are made, assumption of
loans by export credit or other guaranteeing agencies, and sales of loans
to nonbank creditors.

When these technical issues are properly taken

into account the lending response of banks may have been somewhat better
than commonly reported.

But, even allowing for these adjustments, the

response by commercial banks has on balance been disappointing.
Continued net new lending by private commercial banks is an
essential part of a cooperative effort to resolve this problem.

As noted

in recent testimony by Chairman Volcker, doubts about the availability of
necessary finance from commercial banks may be undermining the resolve of

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many indebted countries to implement needed economic reforms.

Secretary

Baker, in remarks to the Interim Committee of the International Monetary
Fund, indicated that creativity by banks in developing a menu of new
money options for ’-orrowing countries was a necessary component for
continued implementation of the debt strategy.
A fourth broad consensus is that in the 1970s there simply were
too many banks entering the international lending market that had no real
long-term interest or expertise to remain in that market.

A survey

conducted for the Group of Thirty, an independent grot?) of experts on
international financial issues, indicated that between 1973 and 1980 an
average of 66 new banks per year entered international syndicated
lending.

This vast number of participating institutions, with different

interests and agendas, has complicated and prolonged the process of
restructuring the debts of many countries.
While it is imperative that the market for international bank
lending remain competitive and large enough to provide the capability for
new financing, the shrinkage in the number of participants currently
underway could be a healthy long-term development if achieved in an
orderly and equitable manner.

On the other hand, it clearly does not

seem appropriate for major money center banks whose customer bases
are heavily trade oriented to retreat precipitously from international
lending.

A method needs to be considered where banks that opt out of

participating in new financing packages not receive the same collective
benefits as those banks providing net new lending.
A fifth area of consensus is that the general structure of the
external liabilities of the developing countries became too heavily
weighted towards credit in general and bank credit in particular.
According to an IMF study, between 1973 and 1983 the stock of foreign

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direct investment in developing countries grew at an average annual rate
of 11.6 percent while in the same 10-year period the stock of debt to
private financial institutions increased at an average annual rate of 28
percent.

Consequently, direct investment as a share of total externally

held claims on these countries declined from 36 percent in 1973 to 21
percent in 1983.

The emphasis on debt, at floating rates, made the

borrowing countries highly susceptible to risks of changes in world
interest rates.
Currently we are witnessing important actions that recognize
that the structure of external liabilities has become inappropriate. The
innovative debt-equity swap programs announced by several countries in
Latin America and elsewhere are a useful step in restructuring their
external liabilities to reduce their vulnerability to interest rate
swings. It is, of course, important not to overestimate the impact of
these programs because they are mainly a restructuring of existing
external liabilities with seme reduction in required immediate future
cash flows to service debts.
in any net new money.

Of themselves these programs do not result

Debt-equity swaps may, if large, raise concerns

about monetary management because they increase the net supply of
domestic financial assets and thus require offsetting monetary actions
that are sometimes difficult to implement.
Debt-to-equity conversions, as well as other programs to
encourage foreign investment in the past, have raised concerns about
foreign control over sensitive domestic industries.

As a general matter,

these concerns may be alleviated by programs that encourage non­
controlling portfolio investments rather than outside control through the
traditional mode of direct investment.

Improvements in domestic equity

markets and broadening participation by foreign portfolio investors in

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these markets can be important steps.

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The success of the International

Finance Corporation in promoting closed-end mutual funds for developing
countries such as Mexico and Korea is a helpful development that should
be expanded.
A sixth, and probably most easily agreed upon consensus, is that
the debt problem has gone on for a long time, participants are becoming
increasingly fatigued and frustrated, and everyone wishes there existed a
simple, neat and low-cost resolution to this problem.

While actively

sought, such a resolution appears to have eluded considerable analytic
efforts.

It is a complex, multidimensional problem that is not likely to

yield to simple, single-dimensional solutions.
Having discussed several areas of broad agreement, I would like
to comment on an issue that has been raised in recent months, namely the
linking of the international debt problem and the U.S. trade deficit.
Some commentators have suggested that the increase in the U.S. trade
deficit since 1980, and a concomitant loss in U.S. employment, has been
caused in large part by our deteriorating trade position with heavily
indebted countries that have felt compelled to reduce their imports from
the United States and that have succeeded in increasing their exports to
the United States.
The facts do not appear to justify this simple linkage.

Between

1980 and 1986 the U.S. trade deficit widened by about $120 billion, of
which about $105 billion was accounted for by a declining trade position
with Japan, Canada, and Western Europe.

In this same period, our trade

deficit with Latin America widened by only $12 billion.

Clearly the

decline in the U.S. trade position was broadly based and resulted from a
variety of factors including an overvalued dollar and our higher

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Altering our trade position with Latin America

would not of itself make a great deal of difference in our trade deficit.
Secondly, in a complex economy such as ours, a loss of a
particular export market does not automatically translate into a precise
number of lost jobs by scare mechanical formula.

While there are certain

real costs of adjustment, in a dynamic economy that is consuming at a
very high rate, any resources released from production for exports may
well be absorbed into production for the domestic market.
that the converse is also true.

I might add

As the decline in the foreign exchange

value for the U.S. dollar works through to improve our trading position,
a large proportion of our improved net exports will come frcm resources
bid away from domestic absorption.

The decline in the dollar should

improve the U.S. trade balance with Latin America as U.S. companies
become more competitive and displace other companies in exporting to that
region.

This expected change in the direction of Latin American trade

will not necessarily affect the ability of indebted countries of that
region to service their debts.
Summarizing where we currently stand on the international debt
situation is of course always difficult because events affecting
individual countries or groups of countries evolve so quickly.

The list

of countries whose situations appear to be improving can also change
quickly.

In my view, some clear progress has been made in dealing with

this problem.

While the adjustment process has been painful, many of the

more pessimistic predictions of a breakdown of world trade into economic
autarky, a debtors' cartel, and so forth have failed to materialize.
The recently concluded new financing facility for Mexico is
evidence that the banking industry is still willing to provide new
funding to a major international borrower, although arranging such

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financing has clearly became more difficult and time-consuming.

Hie

resolution of financing packages for Chile and Venezuela and agreement on
terms for the Philippines are also very important developments. The IMF
and World Bank continue to be innovative and dynamic, and hopefully will
remain adequately funded to perform their tasks.

The exposure levels of

U.S. and other banks relative to capital are below 1977 levels, which
improves the stability of the financial system.

World interest rates

have cone down considerably from their previous high levels.

As noted

earlier, current account deficits of the 15 countries identified by
Secretary Baker have been dramatically reduced.
Balanced against these favorable developments are the continuing
high levels of debt and interest service on debt of many countries
relative to their domestic product and exports and the failure of these
ratios to improve significantly since 1982.

Hopefully, faster grcwth of

the domestic economies, expanded exports, and continued low world
interest rates, will result in an improvement in these ratios even if the
absolute levels of external indebtedness continue to increase by modest
amounts to facilitate growth.

However, while progress can be cited, we

must not rest on our laurels.

We must build on the collective effort and

the cooperative approach between borrowing countries, industrial
countries, multilateral institutions, and commercial banks.

The area

where there is a particular need to improve is to speed the process of
mobilizing commercial bank components of financial arrangements for
borrowing countries.
In conclusion, it seems that despite the progress made in recent
years to deal with the debt problem we can expect that it will be with
us for a considerable time.

The search for a universal solution to the

international debt problem that will be demonstrably preferable to the

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flexible case-by-case approach currently being followed is likely to
prove elusive.

However, the current approach has been adaptive and,

therefore, an open mind should be kept for all options that may prove
applicable to specific situations.