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F O R Release on Delivery
Friday. April 19« 1974
12:00 Noon« CDT




THE FEDERAL RESERVE AMD INFLATION

Remarks of

JOHN E. SHEEHAN

Member
Board of Governors
of the
Federal Reserve System

before the
Chamber of Commerce
Lexington, Kentucky

April 19, 1974

THE FEDERAL RESERVE AND INFLATION

I want to talk to you today about the primary problem before
the country and before the world — inflation.

It is of primary concern

because, more than any other economic consideration, it is a force that
can permanently warp the life of each of us — the poor even more than the
rich.

And, more surely than anything else I know of, it can alter the

destiny of nations, the great no less than the small.
I want to emphasize my feeling that inflation is the enemy we must
currently deal with, and my determination to deal with it, because unless
we do so, every other battle will be lost.

That includes the battle for

high employment, for a higher general standard of living, and for a healthy
and growing world economy that has resources to spend on assisting dis­
advantaged nations to a higher economic level.
Consequently, the fight against inflation is a problem on which
the Federal Reserve is hard at work, and I want today to give you what I
hope will be a better sense of the nature and dimensions of the problem.
Before I do so, however, let me mention a little known aspect of our role
in trying to bring inflation under control.

This is the fact that one of

our functions — and we are well aware of it — is to serve as a résiliant
flipping post.

In the relatively brief time that I have been a Member of

the Federal Reserve Board, I have learned that we are not only the object of
some people's criticism some of the time, but that we are also the object of
almost all the people's criticism some times.

Recognizing ourselves,

therefore, as performing the important social function of repository of
last resort for the anger and frustrations of the nation over the fact that




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everything never goes right for everyone, and sometimes nothing seems to go
right for anyone, it is our policy to be patient, to look ahead as far as
we feel we can trust the data, and do our pragmatic best, as we are given
to see it, for the economy as a whole.

We examine all criticism and try

to make use of all the constructive parts.

The rest we absorb, as an in­

stitutional duty.
One of the greatest difficulties of monetary policy making is
that it takes effect with lags that vary from a few months to many months.
That would, of course, be no problem at all if we only had a cloudless
crystal ball, but such is not a part of the equipment of our board room.
Even so, the problem of the long drawn out effects of monetary policy de­
cisions would not be as troublesome as it sometimes is if we, in fact, had
the precise degree of control over the economic climate that is often
attributed to us.

The fact is that we have neither the informational base,

nor an exclusive ability to influence the economy.

Thus, things often do not

work out as we hope, and looking back over the long term, it is clear that
we must share in the blame, even if we cannot accept the full responsibility
some of our critics would heap upon us, for inflationary trends.
But one of the things I want to emphasize — not in a spirit of
exculpation or of shifting responsibility, but as a contribution to realistic
dialogue on this subject —

is that there are fundamental factors affecting

the inflation equation which are controlling and about which the Federal
Reserve can do little.




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There is no
Free Lunch
One of the most important of these factors is the tendency of wage
rates continually and generally to exceed overall productivity gains.

The

net is inflation.
Since we have not undertaken an effective national program to
upgrade productivity, the result of excessive wage increases has been
a built-in inflationary cost-push bias.

The desire on the part of workers

for more income comes not only from the union worker but also non-union
employees in both the public and private sector.

Furthermore, many wage

contracts, and even our retirement programs, are beginning to include costof-living escalators.

Take, for example, the Civil Service plan,

Hiat plan

carries a cost-of-living escalator and a similar notion will be added to
social security benefits beginning in 1974.
If private and public policies are such as to lead to increases
in wage rates faster, over time, than we increase productivity, there is
no practical alternative but an inflationary trend.

If the central bank

were to refuse to finance pressures on prices resulting from rising costs
there would inevitably be a slow down in economic activity, and a rising
level of unemployment.
The most recent inflationary wave has, of course, been due
primarily to sharply rising food and energy prices.

The ramifications

of the recent energy price rise are pervasive throughout the American
economy and are showing up in the cost of plastics, electric power and
the like.

These two elements account for perhaps 75 per cent of the

inflation of the past twelve months.




Should the central bank control

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the growth of money so tightly that as these prices go up other prices
go down?
Perhaps the question can best be posed this way:

If every city,

village and town in this country were to raise a sales tax of 3 per cent
effective immediately, should the central bank move to offset the price
increases resulting from that tax increase?

No Quick
Cure
The inflation we are suffering has had a relatively long history —
statisticians trace it to about 1963 when the wholesale price index began
rising.

It is thus a deep rooted problem which cannot be quickly cured.
To quickly cure the current inflation, the central bank could

shrink the money supply dramatically.

But we would have to take substantial

responsibility for what would shortly result — heavy unemployment.
The path to reduction, perhaps eventual elimination, of inflationary
pressures is a long one.
sponsible monetary policy.

It is certainly bordered on one side by re­
But on the other side there must be containing

forces of equal strength made up of responsible private wage and price
behavior, and responsible spending and taxing behavior by all governments,
from townships to the Federal Government.

The Emphasis on
Unemployment
The question is not whether we should accept unemployment or
inflation.

The question is «hat policies yield the least unemployment and

the best price stability.




Further, the question includes the fact that

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high continued inflation leads to high levels of unemployment, and to
price rises that impose a regressive tax.
In recent years policymakers and Congressmen have given much more
attention to problems of unemployment than to the problem of stable prices.
The Employment Act of 1946 has been a compelling piece of legislation.

It

is recognized that extended unemployment means that the economy will be
producing below its potential and that, consequently, long-run growth
will be reduced.

Thus, in the past decade or more inflationary restraint

has invariably been given second billing to Che overriding goal of high
employment.
However, the costs of inflation are also quite high.

Rising prices

reduce the purchasing power of people on fixed incomes or whose incomes are
slow to adjust to price changes.

This reduction in real income hits par­

ticularly on those who are living on saved money. It is easy to overlook
the fact that consumers are the nation's creditors while governments and
corporations are the debtors.

Holdings of liquid assets, combined with

equity in life insurance policies and retirement funds exceed the in­
debtedness of every income group of our population.

The same is true of

every occupational group and every age group except the newly marrieds.
Increases in the price level, therefore, robs the great masses of our
people and tends to impoverish those who lack the knowledge or the means
for a proper defense against inflation.
There is another and even more severe consequence of inflation.
It undermines confidence in our system.
claims against dollars.

Our vast economy is built on paper

Ihere Is a clear danger that people will avoid

paper claims and move toward 'real' things such as gold at $170 an ounce.




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If prosperity is to flourish, people must have confidence in their own
economic future and that of their country.
Thus, there is a pressing need in the country to revise the
Employment Act of 1946 to emphasize that while full employment is — and
remains, let me stress —

a national objective, it is an objective that

fulfills its promise only at reasonably stable prices.

Or perhaps better,

we need at this jtincture a separate and simple piece of national legislation.
At the least, we need a national declaration of purpose with regard to the
level of prices, a declaration intended by Congress to have the moral force
such as the Employment Act of 1946 exercises with regard to the level of
employment.
As the economy has turned down in recent times, the Congressional
Committees began hearings on «hat action should be taken to stimulate
economic activity so as to preclude higher levels of unemployment.

Indeed,

the majority on a key Congressional Committee recently reported the need
for an additional fiscal stimulus this year of some $10 billion.
Policies to reduce unemployment generally include stimulating
aggregate demand — an increase in deficit spending has been a primary tool
of fiscal policy.

In the past five years there has been an expenditure at

the Federal Government level of some $60 billion more than the Government
has received in tax revenue.
in the unified budget.

But the foregoing figure is merely that included

When all spending at the Federal level is included,

the figure is closer to $120 billion of deficit financing by the Federal
Government in recent years.

Once again, let me remind you that it is not

within the power — and certainly not within the moral right, as I see it —
of the Federal Reserve to set itself up to defeat Congressional intent.




We

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can, as Chairman Burns does constantly, implore the Congress to move to a
non-inflationary spending basis.

The Bleak History
of Government Spending
In 1929, expenditures by all Government, at all levels in our
country, totaled about 11 per cent of our Gross National Product.

In

recent years, this total has been about 1/3 so that Government expenditures
as a percentage of our GNP have about tripled since 1929.
At the Federal level in recent years, growth in expenditures has
been startling.

For example, the fiscal 1975 budget proposed by the

Administration is an increase of 12 per cent over fiscal 1974 which was
an 8 per cent increase over 1973.

With the real economy growing at about

4 per cent per year on average in recent years, and the dramatic size of
Government spending totals, we must question the inevitable annual dramatic
increases in Government spending.
One of the primary fuels to the inflation fire, then is excessive
Government spending financed with Government deficits*

If taxes cannot be

increased so that receipts equal expenditures, then expenditures must be
cut.

There are many, many worthy projects of pressing priority.

But all

worthy projects cannot be done now. Some of them must be put off for
later years.
Our Government just like our families must set spending priorities.
And it is heartening that the U. S. Congress is currently in the process of
enacting a landmark piece of legislation which will create a joint committee
on the budget.

This piece of legislation is no doubt one of the two or three

most important pieces of legislation in our lifetimes.
salute the Congress for this achievement.




And we should

The Role of
Private Power
Thus, it is clear to me that despite the assertions by some that
you may have heard — that only the central bank creates inflation ~
Governmental spending and taxation policies play a major role.
large corporations and large labor unions.

So also do

There is no gainsaying the

active competition of major corporations in the marketplace.

But today

it more often takes the form of services performed or quality of products.
Price competition is much less popular.
There are obvious elements of monopoly in labor markets, which
tends to make for large wage increases bearing no relation to productivity
gains.
When it is suggested that the old economic rules have not been
working as they should, one need look no further than American steel
production for an explanation.

Employers accede to union demands because

they feel helpless, and also because they know that their American competitors
must foot the same wage bill and partly because they are able to pass the
wage increase along in the form of price increases to their customers.
So there you have it.

Some, if not many, suggest the following:

Workmen throughout the country can demand and get wage increases that bear
no relation to productivity gains.
than it receives in five years.

Government can spend $120 billion more

Corporations can escalate their prices.

Oil producing countries can create a cartel, limit production at will
and triple or quadruple the price of oil.

There can be a five year

drought in West Africa and the world food supply can be seriously affected




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by such events as the disappearance for a time of the anchovy crop off the
coast of Peru.

À11 this may be made worse by the fact that the Russians

simultaneously experience poor crops.

Soybeans can rise from $3.50 a

bushel to a peak of $12.00 and hold there for a time.

None of this

according to some critics of the Federal Reserve — will basically affect
inflation.

Just let the Federal Reserve Board have the courage to put

the economy through the wringer and inflation will evaporate.
Of course, we cannot put the economy through a wringer.
such a simple notion overstates the central bank's role.

To me,

Inflation, our key

problem, is everyone's problem, and each must share the burden of working
out a solution.




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