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REMARKS BY
HONORABLE G. WILLIAM MILLER,
SECRETARY, U.S. TREASURY DEPARTMENT
BEFORE THE
MORTGAGE BANKERS ASSOCIATION
SEPTEMBER 6, 1979
When I accepted the invitation to be with you today, I
expected to be here as Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.' I was
e i th Chairman of Federal Reserve, and I've been demoted to the 65tl
Secretary of Treasury. It’s an older organization, apparently or has less 30b stability.
y

It was said that I left a very secure job to go to a rather
insecure one, and it probably didn’t dawn on me when the President
asked me to take this job, that it was a very clever way to get me out o
the Fed. But at least I'm here today without any responsibility for
monetary
, .
, ,
y°U want
discuss interest rates, forget it — it’s soretody else s problem, so to speak. But I would like to mention a few
things about your industry and about economic policy, and I would
like to respond to your questions in what limited tire we have, because
y°u
get 155 to the Hl11 and sel1
Administration's procrar
nard. Bo I do want to get you out on time.
The Administration’s program, of course, is very coincident
YOUr
ob2e^t!-ves- Being in tune with mortgage bankers is part
of the process of bewg in the Administration. Let me mention a couple
Ox things about the housing market that may be of interest to you. *
t seems to me that you, more than most, are aware that since 1966
P011^, in responding to business cycles, has used housino as
sort of the whipping boy for the business cycle. The process has been
that each time there was a period of boom and a coincident rising of
interest rates as money supply and demand adjusted themselves — there
was a denial of credit to housing. There was a disintermediation, and
the closing of the credit sources.

And that has meant that, as business cycles have gone alona
12 °r.15 ye^s, housing has disproportionately borne the
burden of those business cycles.
u
,
dn recei}t periods, some changes have been made, of which art
have been innovatious by those who deal in this market, and part new
government policies. In particular, it seemed desirable as a philosophy
SJ!
lnarket SyStem
to let
operate like othe?
Parts of the econcmy and be judged upon people's choice of that
product, that service, compared with their other choices.

And it's for that reason that the money market certificates
ca^ital63^ that allGWed
ho^1^ industry to, in effect, bid for


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2

It has meant that we have seen interest rates for mortgages go up, but
it has meant that, at least, buyers had the choice of electing to
purchase housing, against some other purchasing choice, and have not
been denied that option.

New, this is an inportant change, and I think it's only the
beginning of a fundamental reform that relates to a whole philosophical
attitude through the government: that the control mechanisms of the pas
have worked in prior times, but that in the future we're going to need
more market mechanisms to do the allocating and the choosing, rather
than arbitrary decisions from Washington. And I think this is a aooi
direction.
For the same reason we do not favor the mortgage subsidy
bonds, because allowing these bonds begins to interfere with the^
market system, and selects the housing sector for subsidy. And I do
not knew hew you decide the equities in the economy' and in the society
along those lines, because if you are going to have a subsidy’ for hous­
ing, why not a subsidy for automobiles, for appliances or for tennis
racquets or something else?
And if you really believe in the private enterprise system,
and believe in a market system we ought to do everything we can to
unwind the government interventrous and return to a system where, in
this period of shortages and limitations, the market is allowed to work,
recognizing that the best method of allocation is to let the final
purchasers make their choice, based upon the economics of the result.

And that also means that we are concerned about the possibile
substitution for the present House bill, which would limit and ph^^
out mortgage subsidy bonds, of legislation that would e] ininate
mortgage subsidies, but instead provide a tax exemption on interest
earned on savings. That is the wrong solution at the wrong time.
There may be a time and a place for looking at how we create
incentives for greater savings, and hew we deal with oompensatinc small
savers more appropriately. But a tax exenption is a bad choice,
because it does not really address the fundamental issues. It leaves an
arbitrary system, and it means that those who are in the highest tax
brackets get the greatest benefits — those who are the smallest
savers, and perhaps on Social Security, and have little or no taxes, get
no benefit, — and so it doesn't work in favor of the free market
principle.

hope that, in your thinking about these issues, you will
be with us and will agree with us that the best thing to do is to create
more of the conditions for the market.

•}
Let mo turn if J may, to the broader issue, of our economy
and. tlie problems we face. Obviously, the greatest problem we face is
inflation. It's a clear and present danger. Inflation has built up
over a long period of time and has become a real threat to our well­
being.-. Inflation impairs the growth of real income, reduces real incores
and drives up the cost of job-creating investments. It falls very
heavily on those who are least able to afford it, and it breeds the
kind of recessions that will ultimately destablize our economy and
create great difficulties.
And if one thinks of the kind of inflation rates we have now,
and realizes that if they should continue, that in the working lifetime
of a young American graduating from college this year, the dollar that
we hold today could be worth less than a nickel upon the retirement of
that individual, we realize hew unacceptable it is to submit ourselves
to this level of inflation.

Inflation built up for lots of reasons over about 15 years,
and many of thorn were policies that we could have pursued more intelli­
gently, with greater wisdom. Many of them were external factors that
have to do with events beyond our control — certainly, the weather, ^the
crop yields around tile world, are very hard for us as a nation to
control, and a hungry world does demand food, and it uses up those
resources.
And of course we also have the historic transition in seme of
the raw materials, where the finite nature of our earth Has finally
caught up with us. And we have to deal with sore limitations. But
whatever the reasons for inflation building up, because it's built up
such a long time, it's also become deeply embedded. It's not just a
cyclical phenomenon. We can't respond to it just by holding the econom.
back, letting the inflation wash out, and then st arting over acrain.
It's deeply enbedded in the structure, and that's why we have this
very difficult problem of even high rates of inflation in times of
recession, because of the underlying structural situation.

And in the face of this kind of problem, it's extremely
important that we as a nation develop, understand, support, an integrated
strategy to combat inflation — to wring it out.
And I would like to suggest to you that, over the last year
and a half, two years, this Administration has been putting in place
a series of major policy decisions which, in their cumulative impact,
represent that integrated strategy, represent the marshalling of the
policy weapons that are necessary to wage a total war against inflation.

first of those policy weapons is a new attitude toward
fiscal policy. And as you knew, it was just a short time ago that we
had extremely large Federal deficits and escalating Federal spending.
The new direction that is being pursued is twofold — one is to nove
as rapidly as possible in an adjustment process, without creating
dislocations, teward fiscal discipline and bringing the Federal deficit
dewn to where we get to a balanced budget.


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And we've had a balanced budget only once in the last 20 years. And
it's important that we reestablish the norm of balance in our budget,
when the economy is operating at an optimum level. That's essential.

• Another part of this fiscal discipline has to be a decision
to reduce the relative role of Federal spending in our economy. Over
the years, we've allowed it to creep up until it reached a peak of 23
percent of GNP going through the Federal government. And we've got to
bring that dcwn, as quickly as possible, to 21 percent and below, and
as we do that, it means that we can release tens and tens of billions of
dollars back to the private sector where cumulative effect of
individual decisions on spending and investing will be far more efficient
than if we spend the money through the Federal government.

And these directions are important, and the discipline and
the willingness to stick with them is critical, even in times of

economic downturn.

New, a second important policy has been to engage in a voluntary
program of wage and price restraint, because fundamental policies, such
as fiscal and monetary policies, affect the economy with considerable
lag. And because of the lag, we can't expect, by a new direction, a new
discipline, instantly to bring down inflation. So ve need to hold the
fort, to bridge over the period between the time when we apply these new
policies until they can take effect.
And so a voluntary wage and price program is part of the effort
to have a system that serves everyone's self-interest and offers a fair
sharing of the burden, without the inequities and the unworkability of
government controls, but with a consensus that we all have a stake in
it, and that we will work together and moderate our behavior, so that
we can buy the time for our more fundamental policies to take effect.
And this has worked. There's no question in my mind — the
evidence is strong that wage increases and price increases in the last
12 months have been less than they would have been, had we not had such
a program. And if you take the industrial and service parts of our
economy along, and take out food and energy and housing, you will find
that the inflation rate has behaved extremely well. We've been able to
hold the fort in this period of time, and not had an acceleration of
inflation in areas other than food, energy and housing that has been
important, because we've been impacted so heavily by these three
components.

Another important policy weapon that's put in place is a
determination that we will have a strong and sound dollar. The decline
of the dollar frem September, 1877 until October, 1978 added 1 percent
to inflation last year, because of the higher prices in dollars we


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had to pay for essential inports and because of the competitive effect
of higher foreign prices on domestic prices.
And that 1 percent ratcheted through existing contracts and
programs, and it follows through so that even though we have had a
stable dollar this year, there has been a carryover of 1 percent
inflation from last year. Thus in two years, there has been a price
tag for American consumers of $30 billion, because of the decline of
the dollar through October, 1978.

And that is why we moved so forcefully last November 1, and
that is why today we have a dollar about 4 or 5 percent higher in
value than it was 12 months ago, because we were determined that we'd
better arrest that condition, and that we would ccmmit ours elves in
fundamental policies and in market policies to a stable dollar. And
that will continue to be important policy.

And a part of our international monetary policy is the
ccmmitment to bringing our current account into balance. We must, of
course, accelerate our exports. We must continue to exploit our inter­
national opportunities and we are making enormous progress in bringinc
our international accounts into balance.

We had a current account deficit in the last cal Andar year of
$14 billion. The deficit this year in our current account will be less
than half of that, and next year we will be in surplus. So this policy
of a stable dollar and balancing our international accounts is takinq
hold.
*
Another important policy is monetary policy. The fundamental
weapon of fiscal policy must be coupled with a parallel effort in the
monetary area, to add discipline and to gradually bring down the rate
of growth in money and credit, so that we starve out the inflationary
forces that can come from excess money chasing goods and services.
And this kind of policy was certainly part of the responsibility
that Phil Jacksos and I had at the Federal Reserve, and which crmti hups
to be the policy of the Federal Reserve and certainly the policy of the
Administration.
Now, there are other important policies that are in the course
of being sharpened and improved.

One has to do with productivity, because in the area of
productivity we have been falling woefully behind. For the first 20
years after World War II, our productivity gains ran about three and
a third percent a year, which was the basis for annual increases in
real income.


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In the last 10 years, we have been getting productivity gains of only 2
percent; in the last five, less than 1. And we cannot expect to continue
to have improvements in our national real income, if we do not produce
on a better basis.
And part of the reason for our lagging performance is we
have fallen behind in our investment. The Japanese econcny spends over
20 percent of its gross national product in capital investment, Germany
over 15 percent. The United Sfates, if you take both private and public
capital spending, spends 10 or 11 percent. We cannot, year after ywr,
decade after decade, fail to reinvest in the vitality of our industrial
system and expect to make the productivity gains that are essential if
we are going to be competitive in the world and if we are going to have
lower unit costs and lower energy costs and all of the other productivity
gains we need.
And it's for this reason that we have been trying to begin
using our fiscal and tax policies to create conditions where businesses
will find it more attractive to invest and more likely that they can
make those private investments which will return us to the vital -ity and
the preeminence of American production and productivity that we must
have.

We must also unburden our system of the regulation that has
fallen upon it and raised costs all along the time. This will take
because much of the regulation is embedded institutes, and therefore
requires the Congress to help us in unwinding seme of the effects. And
many, many of the Congressmen are certainly trying and will oontributinq
to this effort.
*
»
Finally, I wanted to speak for a moment about energy, because
that is a policy area that is critical in this whole integrated strategv
to deal with inflation. It is absolutely essential that we reduce our "
dependence upon petroleum as a source of energy, because of its limited
availability in the world new and in the future. It is also essential
that we reduce our dependence on imported petroleum. Those are two
difference points
we’ve got to shift away from petroleum itself, and
we've got to shift away frcm imported petroleum.
$
.
*
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*
And I'm talking about petroleum that is available in pools,, .
that can f*2 sucked up with straws. There are lots of other petroleum '
J?
./
products that are hidden in very expensive formations, that we'il have to
k recover — but all these energy requirements have come to roost on us
x
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it's very critical that we gain your understanding and your sup-

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natural gas through the bill that was passed last year to lift controls
on a phased basis so that it does not create an abrupt shock to the
econcrny; and second, his decision in June to decontrol domestic crude
oil.

New, that raises a series of other issues that are now before
the Congress, and which are high priority if we are to make progress.
The thing that is accomplished by moving to the market system is, nunber
one, we create incentives for conservation because pricing will be related
to uses; and second, we create incentives for production, because the
higher prices that are inevitable from going to a market system, a
world pricing system, will mean that there will be the resources that
will justify the investments to find and develop new sources of energy.
But the very process of going to market level pricing, means
that very large additional revenues will be generated in the sale of
these products. And the question that we need to address as a na Hon,
and are addressing — the House of Representatives has already addressed
the issue and passed a bill — is hew we allocate those revenues among
the highest and best uses for our nation.

There is no question that a great
part of those revenues
should and will go to the producers of petroleum products, who will then
use then in their businesses to develop the additional sources and seek
additional production, and this is important. But those companies and
those firms cannot take on the risk of new technologies with uncertain
outcome and uncertain costs. So it's very important that we also
allocate seme of the funds to develop alternate sources of enerny which
are new unproven and undeveloped, that private corporations cannot take
on, as a matter of their own risk.
.
And therefore, some of these funds, over the period until 1990,
would be allocated through an energy security corporation, for use in
financing private sector projects which would help us develop the alternate
sources of energy, and which would underwrite the risk in what are other­
wise very uncertain ventures. But by spreading the risk among the
projects, and fcy accomplishing the initial breakthrough in technology
and production, this will become a private sector activity as it develops
downstream.
*
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And in addition to using funds for that kind of use, which is
critical, we also need to use seme of the funds in such araag as trans­
portation, where we need more mass transit, more public transportation —
so that lessening our dependence upon the automobile and its high
oonsunption of energy, will make a contribution toward the conservation
of energy that Is essential if we are to meet our goals f Jk

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And there need to be same funds allocated to protecting those

8

Americans who cannot protect themselves — the poor, the ones on low
fixed incomes, who cannot afford the increases of prices of heating oil
and energy, and who need to find seme cushion until the whole system
can adjust itself to the nav structure.

And so I hope that, as you are here in Washington, that you
will be able to become acquainted with these policy areas — that you
become acquainted with the philosophy behind the energy proposals, and
that you will find it helpful and useful to be supportive of the kind
of national decision that needs to be taken on the fair allocation
of additional revenues, to the best common purpose and the best ccrrmon
use.
I must say that if one adds this all up, I can surrmarize
it very simply — inflation is a deadly disease. It's built up over
15 years. It takes a comprehensive strategy and a continuous war to

defeat it. Because it has built up so long, it will not be wound down
quickly. It will take five, six, seven, eight years of constancy of
purpose, steadiness on the policies that go to the fundamental issues if
we are to win the war. There is no quick answer, there's no quick fix
that this is a process that built up a long time and will take a long
time to unwind, will test every American as to our character, our will/
our determination, to work together — to unite, to be willing to share
a degree of austerity fairly, so that we can, by taking less individually
nov, be able to reach the greater bounty of our nation as we solve our
problems, and as we reenerge as the preeminent America, which we are
and will be and shall be.

Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
,
SECRETARY MILLER: I knew you need to go to the Hill, but
I 11 take a couple of questions, perhaps, on areas of mere direct
interest to you. Yes, sir?
QUESTION: I hope this is not in conflict with your original
disclaimer about commenting on the monetary policy, but it's obvious that
(inaudible) recognizing the problems of inflation, has put it straight­
forward — in tlie way that he has inpacted, through discount rates and
through open market operations — I'm curious as to why, vp to this point,
there has not been a conscientious effort to do something about Reserve
requirements, which may have more effect upon the money sipply, and I
would appreciate your comments on it.
. >
• •

SECRETARY MILLER: Well, you knew, the question of reserves
or interest rates, are opposite sides of the sane coin. 'You certainly
can deal with money supply in reserve requirements, but the Federal
Reserve is fairly limited in what it can do in reserve requirements at

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the moment, and therefore it's been left more to open market action
0115 "" that
Reserve structure is statw
and while the Federal Reserve has the pcwer to lower reserves and° ’
increase reserves to a degree, if you wanted to use reseZ^Xl now
to restrain money, you'd be increasing reserves,

, , , And tight new that means that the member banks would be the
only banks burdened by that, and since you have an increasing peroete
of the deposits outside of the Federal Reserve System, and sinoTS^re
f f desire to solve that fundamental problem — and it's in the process
Of legislation - it would be unwise to exacerbate the problem, richT
now and create a confrontation, until that can be resolvedlegislation
do At t-ho
1 ^hink it,s a very clunsy time. What we were trying to
h® Federal Reserve, and which Paul Volcker and his associates
to no^d01n9 nCW that 1
gone' 1S to complete the legislative process
***
uruversal reserve system, so that the whede financial
structure bears it, and with mare flexibility, so that there wSSd be
2edSleto ""
teChniqUeS inStead °f

And we must always be prepared to do that, as an alternative.
Phil?

QUESTION:
inaudible.)

(Too remote from microphone; entire question

is a seriA^ ^f^^-^1^^ Wel1' the Wh°le ProblOT
being discipline-:
,. .
es of conflicts, because you’re always pressed to let op vour
discipline for some good cause.
7
When I came into the Federal Reserve, and you were servina
70th P?L7OU rec?1]- hbab
Congress was considering a budget for FYa
an end in a few weeks, that w^u?d teve inrol^d
a $60 billion deficit. And you will recall that, through discussion
itwas apparent that that was a ted direction to go, because

,
1 think a great deal of credit has to go to the Concress
and to the President, to be willing to quickly see thTdanoer arrfro
iThSs toS30
defi?’t.
was to be $60 billion, win core

for deficit**^? 9°

th8t'

suddenly start opening the door

more“ for TOre spending
more tax relief. So I think we have to weiah the
and particularly accelerated depreciation to encourage investment to rSke
.the productivity gains 1 ^ntioned, against the needV7ff^kte^e


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10
It's been my judgment that we should study and prepare, and becorre
oonvience, of the direct and effective impact of accelerated depreci­
ation on investment, and be ready, so that when the time canes and there
is an opportunity to look at tax adjustments, because we've brought
expenditures under control — then I think we should rove.
But it’s pronature new, because I think even though we need
the investment, we need more than that to oonvience ourselves that we're
just not going to keep running these deficits. Do you realize when we
entered this decade, the Federal debt after nearly 200 years of our historv,
and many major wars — World War II is the biggest expenditure we ever
had — at that time, our Federal debt was $375 billion. And I've got
to go testify next week about a ceiling of $859 billion, and that's
in less than a decade. And if we keep doing that, the interest on the
increased debt in this decade, is more than the deficit by a wide margin,
and if you do that decade after decade, you just can't live.
So I think we have to really make up our mind that this is
important, and we've got to forego things we would like and, as I sav,
accept seme austerity, every one of us, in exchange for the corrnon
purpose we have of getting this nation back on the tract of price
stability, full employment, the kind of growth and progress that has
been our hallmark for all of our lives, I'm sure we can do it
With
your help, it will be done.


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Thank you very much.