View original document

The full text on this page is automatically extracted from the file linked above and may contain errors and inconsistencies.

THE FED'S ROLE IN THE NINTH DISTRICT A FIRST LOOK
Bruce K. MacLaury, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis

I'm delighted to have this opportunity to meet with you today.
I very much appreciate your having taken the time to come over so that we
can begin to get better acquainted.

So far as I'm concerned, that's what

this trip is all about - getting to know some of the bankers of South Dakota,
and through them, some of the problems and concerns of the state and its
people.
I'm sure that every one of you will do his best to help me become
more familiar with the vast region that comprises the Ninth District - and
this is presumably one of the reasons you are here.

But I suppose that

you're also here to find out just what kind of bird it is that has been
plucked out of its natural habitat on the East Coast and set to roost in the
Fed of Minneapolis.

All I can say is that if we play our cards right, both

of us ought to be able to get some answers to our questions!
Let me say at the outset that I've already become acquainted with
two very fine South Dakotans through their association with the Federal
Reserve:

Tom Reardon, Chairman of the Board of the Western Bank in Sioux

Falls, who is serving this year as the District's representative on the
Federal Advisory Council; and Dale Andersen, President of the Mitchell
Packing Company, who is currently a director of the Minneapolis Bank.

Both

these gentlemen are doing a fine job as representatives of this state and
this region in bringing their long experience to bear on the important
decision-making processes that cumulatively result in the formulation of
monetary policy.




And both of them have been most helpful to me personally -

-

2

-

I am already the wiser for their counsel, and I know I shall be turning to
them many times in the future for information and advice.
While I am anxious to get to know the Ninth District just because
it is a new area of the country for me, I also need to become familiar with
it as an economic region if I am to be able to help plan intelligently for
the role that the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis can most usefully play
in furthering the interests of the region, within the broader context of the
System's national concerns.
No one comes to a job such as the presidency of the Minneapolis Fed
without bringing his own heritage of views of the world, and without in turn
inheriting a concept of the way the regional Federal Reserve Banks ought to
fit into the scheme of things.

In this latter connection, I am particularly

fortunate in having had predecessors in this job who were both farsighted and
imaginative, and who left me a legacy of good will and respect that I hope to
be able to pass on in turn to my successor.
If there is a single word that I have heard used to describe the
role that the Minneapolis Fed has played in recent years, that word is
"catalyst".

There are clearly limits to what the Fed as a public institution

responsible to Congress can do by way of expenditures on projects within
the District.

But there is no similar limit on the mental resources that can

be focused on the problems of the day, or on trying to foresee what will
be the problems of tomorrow.

Because Hugh Galusha came from the District,

he had an intimate familiarity with the region that I can hope only gradually
to acquire.

But in so many ways, he set out markers along the path that serve

as guides to the directions he felt should be followed.

And I find myself

more than content to be following in his footsteps as I develop, with your




-

3

-

help, my own ideas of how best to proceed in the months and years ahead.
But before I can legitimately ask for your help, I think it's only
fair to let you know a bit about the point from which I begin.

For this

reason, I'd like to spend a few minutes outlining the profiles of South
Dakota, its people, its economy, and - closer to home - its banks, that
constitute the landscape as I see it.

I know that most of what I will have

to say will be well known to you - even if you don't have the statistics on
the tip of your tongue, you will know the facts and their implications because
they are part of your life.

But for me at this stage, they are a conception -

and I would hope that you will correct me where you think they add up to a
misconception.
In the first place, I am well aware of the importance of agriculture
to the economy of South Dakota.

This is evident whether one looks at the

figures on population, on employment, or on income.

For example, nearly

30 percent of the workforce is employed in the agricultural sector in this state,
compared with a national average of only 4.6

percent.

The other side of

this same coin, of course, is that only a little over 6 percent of the workforce
is engaged in manufacuring.

This is no surprise.

But what may surprise you a

little - as it did me - is that next to agriculture, the largest "employer"
in the state is government, including within this term federal, as well as
state and local jurisdictions.

Whether this is good or bad depends, I suppose,

on one's views as to the value of the services provided by these various levels
of government.

And certainly, the verdict will vary depending on whether one

views the matter primarily as a taxpayer, or as one who benefits from the
income generated.




The next point that struck me in connection with a first look at the

-

4

-

figures was that while agriculture accounted for nearly 30 percent of the
employment, it accounted for only about 17 percent of the state's personal
income.

I question whether the disparity can be as large as that comparison

would imply, but I have little doubt that the widely recognized problem of
low farm incomes is a major factor explaining why per capita income in South
Dakota is only about 80 percent of the average for the nation as a whole.
I am also aware of the very substantial population shifts that have
been taking place within the state over recent years, shifts that are related
in a quite direct fashion to the changing profile of agriculture.

One

striking indication of this change is the fact that the number of farms in the
state has declined from 72,000 in 1940 to only about 46,000 today.

Moreover,

the rapidity of this decline has accelerated in each of the three decades
within that 30-year span.
Paralleling this shift away from the small farm has been the sub­
stantial movement within the state from rural to urban areas (i.e., areas
having at least 2,500 inhabitants).

While the majority of the state's

population - some 55 percent - is still located outside urban areas, the
proportion living in towns and cities has nearly doubled over the same 30-year
span - from 25 percent in 1940 to 45 percent today.
I am fully aware that there is probably no quicker way to lose an
audience than to spew forth an endless list of dull statistics.

I have been

on the opposite side of just such a torrent on enough occasions to know that
the impact fades quickly, and only the monotony remains.

But you know far

better than I that behind these numbers lie sharp - and unsettling - changes
in the pattern of life in the state and in the region.




It is

commonplace to say that change can be painful, perhaps all the

-

5

-

more painful if there seems to be an inevitability about it that the individual
is not able to do much about.

But while it may not do very much to alleviate

the problems of adjustment, there is nevertheless a need for a clear recogni­
tion of the patterns of change that are going on around us, whether we like
them or not.

Thus I hope you will correct me if I am wrong, but I start out

with the impression that the rapid pace of technological changes in agriculture
are causing shifts in population, income, and economic opportunities, and
that these changes are mainly responsible for the decline in population in
rural communities, and in the state itself.

This is not a very profound

conclusion, I'm afraid, but it is a fundamental one.
Let me now turn for a moment to a quick look at the profile of
banking in the state.

Again, I hope you will accept these comments for what

they are - a first impression which inevitably must be superficial and
subject to correction.
As one would expect, the structure of banking reflects quite faith­
fully the economic environment in which it developed, and in which it operates
today.

Small banks were formed to serve the needs of the rural, and largely

isolated, communities scattered across the state.

Today, despite the rapid

developments in transportation and communication, and despite the growing
urbanization to which I referred earlier, the impression one gets is of a
large number of relatively small sized banks.

I should underline the word

"relatively", since the basis on which I arrive at this impression is the
fact that 60 percent of the deposits in South Dakota are found in banks with
total deposits of less than $5 million.

By the same measure, other states in

the Ninth District range between 40 and 53 percent, while for the nation as
a whole, only about 35 percent of the deposits are held in banks of less than
$5 million.




-

6

-

One other characteristic that seems to me to provide an insight
into the structure of banking in South Dakota is the heavy concentration again in relation to the rest of the Ninth District and the nation - on
farm loans.

In fact, farm loans constitute more than 40 percent of the total

bank loans in South Dakota, a number that is more than double the average for
the District as a whole, and eight times the national average.

In a very

real sense, of course, this concentration on agricultural credit can be read
as just what the doctor ordered, since it conforms closely to the profile of
economic activity in the state.

But it probably also implies that banks as

a group are having to face up to the same kinds of stresses that are created
by the persistent changes that are taking place in the South Dakota economy
that they serve.

And quite apart from the problems associated with changing

structure, I am sure that there must be special problems for banks serving
agricultural communities of which I am only vaguely aware.
These comments will give you some idea, I hope, of the basic facts
and impressions with which I start.

Perhaps the next thing to make clear is

that I have no illusions that I personally, nor for that matter the Minneapolis
Fed as an institution, will greatly change the course of events.

But we do

have an obligation to try to understand the major elements in the changing
picture, and to try to find constructive ways of reacting to change.
In the past, for some reason, the relationship between developments
in the financial sector and the larger question of regional development was
not given a great deal of attention.

But beginning in the early 1960's, the

Minneapolis Fed began to expand its commitment to serve a catalytic role in the
economy of the Ninth Federal Reserve District, and to increase our research
efforts in the general area of regional development.




-

7

-

This has been a continuing process that is still going on.

For

example, only last year, our research department was reorganized partly with
a view to setting up a separate regional research section to upgrade the
analysis of current economic developments within the region and to expand
our efforts in the area of basic research.
At the same time that we have been increasing our own efforts within
the Bank, we have been cooperating with other groups with similar interests
in order to pool resources and avoid overlapping efforts.

For example, the

Bank has been an active supporter of the Upper Midwest Research and Develop­
ment Council over the past decade as it sought to develop a statistical
framework on which to base regional economic analysis and policy recommendations.
Similarly, the Bank has played an active role in sponsoring the Upper Midwest
Agricultural Credit Council.

As many of you undoubtedly know, the seventeenth

annual convention of this council took place in June, once again providing a
forum for the discussion of new ideas and mutual problems in serving the credit
needs of rural communities in the Upper Midwest.

And I should also mention

that the Bank has undertaken a research program, in conjunction with the
Department of Agricultural Economics of the University of Minnesota, in the
area of agricultural capital markets.
Since I have been on the job only about one month now, I am only
beginning to become familiar with the many ways in which the Bank has tried
in the past to play a constructive role in the common effort to seek solutions
to regional problems.

But I can tell you that I have every intention of carry­

ing on the tradition that has been established in this area.

Naturally, the

nature of the Bank's response to the needs of the day must change as the
nature of the problems change.




-

8

-

And here is perhaps the most important point - if we are to remain
relevant and responsive to those needs, we must rely on candid and constructive
comments from people such as yourselves.

I hope you will find that I have an

open mind, and that I am not easy to offend.

By the same token, I hope that

I can always feel free to speak my mind, and that my comments will be taken in
the only spirit in which they are intended:
solutions to common problems.

as an effort to seek useful

But that is still some time ahead - I first need

to find out where I am before I can possibly know the direction in which I may
want to go.
In closing, let me mention a few of the directions in which I think
the Fed ought to be looking in its effort to continue to play a constructive
role.

Perhaps closest to home, in terms of the original mandate of the Federal

Reserve System, is the need to move further in the development of an efficient
payments mechanism.

This may sound rather prosaic as a goal, and yet our

preducessors knew the value of tying the nation together through the links of
speedy transfers of funds.

This is as true today as it was in 1914, and I am

pleased at the progress that has recently been made in this area in the Ninth
District.

Most of you are familiar, I'm sure, with the mandate the System

has taken upon itself to proceed on a shortened time schedule toward expanded
same-day clearings within metropolitan centers, toward experimentation with
regional clearing centers, and toward greater use of electronic transfer
of funds nationally.
It seems to me that the Fed should also continue to concern itself
with the balance among credit flows to various elements within the region.
recognize that this subject can quickly lead to difficult and unresolved
questions concerning the allocation of credit during periods of stringency,




I

-

9

-

and the extent to which policy-determined incentives ought to be substituted
for market forces.

But the difficulty of the question in no way diminishes its

importance, and I think it is significant that the Federal Reserve will soon
be reporting the conclusions of its own study of the impact of tight credit
on the availability of mortgage financing.
There is also a role for the Fed to play in assessing the quality
of financial services provided to the consumer.

The Congress has already

assigned to the Federal Reserve responsibilities in the area of so-called
truth in lending, and in fair credit reporting - about which you heard earlier
today.

But apart from the regulatory aspects of the matter, and without

assuming an interventionist stance, I think we might usefully explore areas
in which services could be provided to consumers that may have been overlooked,
or not fully developed.
Finally, there is the area of economic research on matters of concern
to the region.

I have already said enough on this point to give you an idea

of what we are trying to do, and for now I leave this as a matter of unfinished
business.