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msiftnal F I F T Y - T H I E D C O N G R Silver. SPEECH OF HON. J O H N S. W I L L I A M S , OF IN THE HOUSE MISSISSIPPI, OF EEPRESENTATIYES, Tuesday, August 22, 1893. The Hons© having under consideration the bill (H. R. 1) to repeal a part of an act, approved July 14, 1890, entitled " A n act directing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of Treasury notes thereon, and for other purposes"— Mr. WILLIAMS, of Mississippi, said: Mr. SPEAKER : I feel keenly tho ridiculous attitude in which I am placed of undertaking to speak here and now, and I feel, as other gentlemen have perhaps felt before me upon their first plunge into the political world at Washington, like rising in my seat simply to thank the Speaker sincerely for the magnificent opportunity wliich he has given to me, as sixth upon the night list, to speak to a lot of pages and empty benches. [Laughter.] And I felt, in justice to the dignity of the district I represent, the largest in the State of Mississippi and the most Democratic, inclined to decline with thanks the honor. But, sir, upon second thought, it occurred to me that iill of us were very small people in the city of Washington, and that it was best to he submissive to the will of the House; and besides that there was a duty due to the people X have the honor to represent; that it was due them not alone to publish in the RECORD, but to stand on the floor of this House and to voice the eternal warfare which they now inaugurate and will never end against a policy the ultimate result of which would be to reduce tho free farmers who constitute nine-tenths of the population of that district to the condition of German Bauern, of Scottish crofters, or of Irish tenant farmers. It struck me that I would not be doing my duty to them to allow even the ridiculous situation which surrounds me to prevent me from expressing their voice and views. Therefore, without apology, which will necessarily consume time, and with the modesty which is becoming in one who has had no legislative experience here or elsewhere, who, furthermore, has had no official experience of any sort, never having held or sought aji office in my life, coming here from the people, fresh from the agricultural people of the country, voicing the wishes of the great agricultural Democracy, which, I submit, is as respectable and just as much entitled to weight as are boards of trade or the commercial exchanges in this broad land, having no vantage ground at all, unless it be one (and I hope for the sake of the American people and the honor of Congress that it is not)—unless it be one to occupy the ground of entire sincerity of conviction, and honesty of purpose, I shall undertake tophmgeinto this great debate. The first step that I shall take will be to request the Clerk to read an extract from a paper which I now send up—the Boston Traveller.. The Clerk read as follows: [Special Dispatch to the Traveller.] "WASHINGTON, D. C., AU^. 14—President Cleveland has determined to apply his most heroic influence to bring about the speedy adoption of the silver repeal bill. He has issued instructions to all of his Cabinet officers that there shall be no more appointments made upon the recommendation of men in Congress about whose .vote upon the silver problem therq is any doubt. He has gone even further, and has directed that there shall bo extended no official courtesy whatever to anyone in Congress until it is known how his voto is to be cast upon tho silver question. Two Senators from the far West called upon Secretary Hoke Smith the other day and asked to have enforced certain laws adopted by the last Congress relating to Indian reservations, and they were surprised to be informed by the Secretary of the Interior that the Department would take no action upon the request of men in Congress until after the Sherman law was ropealed. The Senator attempted to explain to Secretary Smith that there was not tho slightest partisanship or personal favor to them in the request made, but the Secretary of the Interior replied that he was carrying out instructions and there would be nothing done except the routine of the Department until after the silver question was disposed of. \ Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have had that article read and I desire to make no comments save to say two things: First, that I do not believe a word of it. I believe that it 133 E S S , F I R S T S E S S I O N . is a base calumny upon the leader of the Democratic party and the President of tho United States. I do not believe and can not believe that an administration headed by a man whom I have reverenced and admired, and taught the people whom I represent to reverence and admire, headed by a man who has made himself dear to the American people not alone by saying that "public office is a public trust" but by acting it; who has carried that principle farther than I would have carried it, so far that he has declined to use official patronage for the purpose of rewarding the men who have carried the cause of sound political jmnciples to a successful issue or of punishing the common enemy, the Republican party; I decline to believe that an administration headed by that man for whom I have demonstrated my respect and reverence now for three Presidential periods, by advocating his causo to the best of my humble ability, not alone after nomination but before it, could change its position and sink to the base and contemptible littleness of using official patronage to disrupt tho Democratic party, for that is the. purpose if it were to be done.. [Applause.] For, Mr. Speaker, men ought to be affected with the natural consequences of their acts. That is one thing that I wanted to say. The other is this, in behalf of the Southern men who sit here: Even if I believed that, it would demonstrate to my mind but one thing, and that would be the woeful lack of knowledge of human nature which must exist in the mind of the author of such a policy. You, a Southern man, Mr. Speakerv just think of the attitude in which this places you, for a moment. For ten long years we, the gentlemen of the South, bore on our lances the cause of local selfgovernment and civil liberty on the American continent, with no aid from any quarter except now and then a random shot from old New York (God bless her; although Bhe is wrong now on this question) and the persistent musketry of little New Jersey. But can it be that any man of common sense believes for a moment that that magnificent cohort of Southern gentlemen, who stood out manfully for self-government, with the charge of treason palsying every norve and oppressing them in every effort, could be controlled and cajoled at this late day by a few pitiful post-offices. [Applause.] During that entire period, amid darkness and clouds, with no break in the monotony of the gloom, save now and then a lightning flash accompanying a thunderbolt hurled from Washington: when legislatures were dissolved at the point of the bayonet ana good men torn from their wives' sides at dead of night and hurried to Sing Sing—without so much as one ray of the gentle sunshine of official favor in nation, State, or county—we fought fiercely on and at the end conquered a peace and renewed position. And I take it, Mr. Speaker, that the men of the West, free born and manly, are as courageous as we are, and are aB firm in their convictions,* and I know that the magnificent race from which we spring, armed with the sense of mastery that it has always been able to exert, with the spirit of domination that has made it master wherever it went, is not to be controlled in that sort of style, whoever else may be. And, Mr. Speaker, if there were a man upon this floor so contemptible as to be induced by such reasons to take a position contrary to his convictions, I would ask of his constituents, if they be a Southern constituency or a Western one, that when he goes home "they may meet him at the border, and kick him in a westerly direction through the northern tier of counties, then in a southerly direction through tlie western tier of counties, then in an easterly direction through the southern tier of counties, then in a northerly direction back to the point of beginning; and then give him one grand boost and land him in the town of Quincy, Massachusetts [applause], where there exist gentlemen who are willing to rise upon this floor and say " Put me down as one of the President's gentleman ushers." [Laughter.] Mr. Speaker, in the old country, where maids of honor, amid the scented perfume of the court, are glad to be prostituted to the pleasure of the executive, and are not ashamed of tho bastards which result, there are men who yet consider it an honor to be gentlemen " flunkeys.7' [Laughter.] In God's name, may the taste not spread in America t Mr. Speaker, I wish in the next place to insert in my remarks m the RECOKD an article from the New York Recorder which expresses so nearly my opinion in certain respects that I shall make it a part of the RECORD, because I believe that a record is now being made, and partially even by as humble an individual as myself, which in 1896 shall be made a part of the war material of the battle, a part of the war material necessary then. The article from the Recorder is as follows: GIVE US FREB SILVER, The Recorder believes that the time has come when the will of the people mast 2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. be enforced alike upon Congress and the President, and tlie mints of the United plete paralysis of all enterprises, the utter collapse of credit, tho completo prostration of trade from Now York to California, and the consignment of myriads of States be thrown open to the freo coinage of silver. . , Thefinancialand business situation is admittedly bad. There is 110 need to " ^ k i n g people in every city and State in the Union to idleness and starvation. The Recorder pleads with all its power that this whirlpool of contraction may exaggerate it. It might bo worse. It will become worse, much worse, unless Congress and President Cleveland can got togethor and relieve the existing com- not be opened. President Cloveland and Congress must get together and prevent it. The people must raise their voices now and demand their own salvation. If mercial congestion by prompt and adequate legislation. The President admits in his recent mossage that the repeal of the silver purchaso silver be not restored quickly to free coinage, the most optimistic man can not look law of 1890 will not fully meet the exigencies of our situation. It is confessed on torward six months without fear. Millions of unemployed, wageloss men, with all hands that to simply repeal tho Shorman act and stop there will not leave our their wives and children crying for bread that can not be earned for them, will bo currency upon a satisfactory basis, or provide for a safe and sufficient circulating hard to reason with. But they will have to bo reasoned with if silver is outlawed from the mints. And it will be idle to tell them that it was thought best to starvo medium. ™ The business of this country can not bo done upon a purely gold basis. J-here them UL order to place the country on the same gold-standard footing as England. Repeal tho act of 1890, readmit silver to freo coinage at a new and reaaonablo is too much business to be done, and too little gold to do it with, to justify the experiment of a currency based wholly on one metal, and that one the scarcer and ratio, and do it quickly. That, and nothing less than that, will put the business dearer of the two. The total disfranchisement of silver as a money metal, which of the countryfirmlyon its feet again, give now heart to capital, now hope to labor, seems to be the aim of tho gold extremists at Washington, means a violent and and restore good times throughout the land. If this be not done and the antisilvcr madness prevail, tho prosperity of the ruinous contraction of values. The mere threat of it has already given the first country can not be recalled, and its peace will soon be in serious peril. sharp twiat to the screws of contraction. To persist in tho total elimination of silver from our currency is madness. The Tliink o f i t ! A f e w years ago there w a s a sort o f nondescript lead of tho gold monometallists has been followed far enough. It is time to call Where a half, and demand that silver shall pe put back in the place it held for eighty k n o w n as a p r o t e c t i o n D e m o c r a t . D o y o u r e m e m b e r h i m ? years, from tho formation of the Government down to 1873, and be made again is h e n o w ? A t h o m e o r o n t h e o t h e r side o f t h i s c h a m b e r . one of the two main pillars of the American system of currency and coinage. A n d I w i l l t e l l y o u , i n t h e n a m e o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l classes a n d i n It is evident that his party in Congress is not fully with the President, and t h e n a m e o f t h e y e o m a n r y o f A m e r i c a , w h o d o n o t l i v e in c i t i e s o f will not act upon his initiative unless he will assent to a provision by which sila h undred thousand population and over, that four years f r o m n o w Ter shall be retained as a partner with gold on a.just and fair ratio in the metallic basis of a nation's money. Congress is not ready and willing to repeal the act t h e y are n o t g o i n g t o etej) o u t a n d b e a t t h o o l d D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y of 1890 until tho President on his side is prepared to give his assent to a new law b e c a u s e a m i n o r i t y h e r e j o i n h a n d s w i t h an a l m o s t s o l i d R e p u b l i c a n based on bimetallic principles restoring silver as a money metal and reestablish- p a r t y a n d d e f e a t t h e w i l l o f t h e p e o p l e , b u t t h e y are g o i n g t o c a p ing tho double standard. This is the perilous feature of the situation at "Washington. If tho President t u r e a n d h o l d t h e m a c h i n e r y o f fche D e m o c r a c y ; a n d t h e " m o n o and Congress can not harmonize their views and act together without long de- m e t a l l i c D e m o c r a t " w i l l b e w h e r e t h o p r o t e c t i o n D e m o c r a t is t o - d a y . bate and delay, tho crisis through which the trade and industry of the country [ A p p l a u s e . ] are passing must and will grow more acuto. Is there any way of bringing them N o w w h a t s t r a n g e p o s t u r e are w e in, g e n t l e m e n , p o l i t i c a l l y s p e a k together? Ouly, as the Recorder thinks, by putting Buch a pressure ofpublic opinion upon them both as will compel them to meet on middle ground and take i n g ? A m a j o r i t y o f t h e D e m o c r a t s i n t h o Senate, n e a r l y a t w o thirds majority, and a majority o f the Democrats in this House decisive action. Tho President is not justified in asking for the unconditional repeal of tlie s t a n d h e r e i n f a v o r o f c a r r y i n g o u t t h a t p l a n k o f t h o p l a t f o r m a t present silver law. To postpone the definite readjustment of our currency laws, C h i c a g o w h i c h s a i d : leaving silver demonetized and its use as a standard money metal wholly pro"We holdhibited, would, in the Recorder's opinion, precipitate a financial and business catastrophe compared with which all past panics would seem to have been mere Mark the language— bugaboos. Absolute gold monometallism spells ruin, universal and unsparing ruin, for to the use— the people of this country. Not the certification— Congress is right in demanding securities for the silver already coined and represented in our paper circulation, and a guaranty for the permanent retention of of both gold and silverboth metals and the historic doublo standard, at a ratio to be fixed with a due reAs w h a t ! not subsidiary coin— gard to tho existing conditions of the currencies and coinages of the world. Congress stands for tho American people in this matter. It is their dearest inter- as tho standard money of the country, and wo believo in tho coinago of both metals ests which it is defending in defending their constitutional currency—gold and without discrimination or charge of mintage. silver. I w a s surprised to hear m y learned friend f r o m Tennessee [Mr. The single gold standard has never been sanctioned or desired by the people of this country. Their will has been over and over again expressed to the contrary PATTERSON] t h o o t h e r d a y l i k e n his p o s i t i o n h e r o as a r e p r e s e n t a at every election and in every Congress for sixteen years past. Their determina- t i v e o f t h e p e o p l e t o t h a t o f a l a w y e r w h o h a d m i s a d v i s e d h i s c l i e n t . tion that silver shall not bo outlawed at the mints tiaa been clearly and forcibly W o o c c u p y n o s u c h a t t i t u d e . I k n o w n o t w h a t h e m a y h a v e s a i d t o shown by overwhelming majorities in both branches of Congress. It never was h i s p e o p l e u p o n t h e s t u m p . I k n o w n o t w h a t y o u m a y h a v e s a i d t o stronger than it is to-day. The clamor of the money-changers, the usurers, and tho stock gamblers, in- y o u r s . Y o u r c o n t r a c t is t h e r e . I h a v e n o c r i t i c i s m t o m a k e o f i t spired by tho English influences that radiate from Lombard street, and which so f a r as t h a t is c o n c e r n e d ; b u t a m a n d o e s n o t o c c u p y t o w a r d h i s represent the organized rapacity of tho world, has not shaken the faith of the c o n s t i t u e n t t h e a t t i t u d e o f a n a d v i s i n g c o u n s e l . H e is a p u b l i c American masses one iota in the honesty, the justice, tliu fairness, and, above all, s e r v a n t , sent h e r e t o o b e y t h e i r m a n d a t e , a s e r v a n t i n t h e t r u e s t the vital necessity of maintaining silver side by side with gold in their national B ense, w h e r e i t is a n h o n o r t o s e r v e , b u t s t i l l a s e r v a n t , a n d h o money system. There may have been a change in the relative measuring values of tho two stands i n t h e a t t i t u d e o f o n e o f t w o c o n t r a c t i n g p a r t i e s w h o h a v e metals. That has often occurred in the course of history. But that change, e n t e r e d i n t o a c o v e n a n t . whatever it may be, can be corrected by a change in the ratio of coinagofromthe I am in f a v o r o f the free coinago o f silver f r o m honest convictions, present 1C to 1 to, say, 19 or oven 20 to 1. It does not justify the total abolition of silver as a standard money metal. England is reported to be at this moment a n d s o t o l d m y p e o p l e ; b u t i f I h a d c h a n g e d m y m i n d n o w I w o u l d exchanging her gold for Indian silver oh tho basis of 22 to 1, showing that even n o t c h a n g e m y v o t e . A s a g e n t l e m a n , I w o u l d n o t u n t i l I h a d first tho leading gold standard country recognizes that silver possesses an exchange- r e s i g n e d a n d g o n o h o m e t o m y p e o p l e a n d g i v e n t h e m t h e p i t i f u l able value with gold at some ratio that can bo fixed. And we may be sure that o p p o r t u n i t y t o a n s w e r t h e q u e s t i o n , " H a v e y o u c h a n g e d y o u r s V' the Bank of England, in fixing it at 22 to 1, has been as unfair to silver and as [ A p p l a u s e . ] I t is a c o v e n a n t , a b a r g a i n , a c o n t r a c t , a n d a n h o n o r partial to gold as it has dared to be. The Recorder earnestly calls for a general expression of the popular will loud a b l e m a n k e e p s i t . I u n d e r s t a n d i n t h o p a r t i c u l a r c a s e o f t h e g e n and clear and general enough to make tho President and Congress understand that t l e m a n f r o m T e n n e s s e e t h a t h e t o l d h i s p e o p l e u p o n t h e s t u m p t h a t tho people demand immediate relief from tlie stifling and stagnating currency con- h e d i d n o t k n o w w h e t h e r h e w a s i n f a v o r o f f r e e c o i n a g e o r n o t , a n d ditions from which tlioy are now' suffering; and that, while they want tho act of 1890 repealed, they also want tho freo coinage of Bilver restored at such new ratio t h e y s e n t h i m h e r e a n y h o w . I w a n t e v e r y b o d y t o u n d e r s t a n d as the wisdom of Congress may see fit to fix. Mr. T R A C E Y . W i l l the gentleman allow m e t o ask h i m a quesThe money power has spoken for gold monometallism, and Mr. Cleveland seems t i o n ? to be its executive echo. Xow let the people be heard and Mr. Cleveland be clearly T h o S P E A K E R pro tempore. D o e s t h e g e n t l e m a n y i e l d t o t h o g e n informed that Congress,- and not he, represents the national will on this matter of tleman from N e w Y o r k ? admitting silver as well as gold to the mints. Gen. Grant oncc said, speaking from the same chair nowfilledbv Mr. Cleleland: M r . W I L L I A M S o f Mississippi. Y e s , I w i l l y i e l d t o t h e g e n t l e m a n " I have nopolicy to enforeo against tho will of the people." ThoKccorderrecom- from. N e w Y o r k mendS Mr. Cleveland to adopftho sam© attitude on this money question, for it is M r . T R A C E Y . W i l l the g e n t l e m a n a l l o w m e t o a s k l i i m a q u e s the only one that is worthy of an American President. Congress is the repository of the people's lawmaking power, and it correctly represents them in resisting the t i o n ? — a n d as h o is t h o l a s t s p e a k e r h e w i l l h a v e t h e t i m e — w h e n t h e single gold standard crusade, at whoso liead Mr. Cleveland has apparently placed g e n t l e m a n f r o m M i s s i s s i p p i r e f e r s t o t h e g e n t l e m a n f r o m T e n n e s s e e himself. He can do the nation no better service at this grave crisis in its financial [ M r . PATTERSON] i s h e n o t a w a r e t h a t t h e g e n t l e n i a n f r o m T e n n e s s e e and business history than to yield gracefully and say with Grant: "Ihavo no policy in the last Congress d i d v o t e against the free coinage o f silver. to enforce against the will of the people." It is of the very first importance that the present state of affairs should not bo Mr. W I L L I A M S o f Mississippi. Just a m o m e n t ago I Btatedthat long continued. Business is benumbed in every branch, currency and coin are I u n d e r s t o o d t h a t o n t h e s t u m p t h o g e n t l e m a n f r o m T e n n e s s e e t o l d alike in hiding, exchange is difficult to effect for want of money to doit with, perh i s people that ho was not i n favor o f tho free coinage o f silver. fectly sound banks aro embarrassed themselves and can not give ordinary accomMr. T R A C E Y . H e voted in this b o d y against tho free coinage of modations to their depositors, trado is clogged and hampered at every turn, mills and workshops are closing in large numbers, and even the most solvent and flour- s i l v e r b e f o r e h e a p p e a r e d o n t h e s t u m p b e f o r o h i s p e o p l e . ishingfirmsfindit hard to draw on their deposited moneys in such forms as to Mr. W I L L I A M S o f Mississippi. I d o n o t care f o r t h a t . I w a s meet their weekly pay-rolls in the usual way. This is the situation, and it is not improving, but growing worse with ©very s i m p l y s t a t i n g t h a t w h a t I h a d s a i d w o u l d a p p l y t o t h e a t t i t u d e which I would occupy i f I changed position, and that the gentleday's delay at Washington. Bad as it is, it would become infinitely worse if Congress wero to yield to the m a n from T e n n e s s e e I u n d e r s t o o d d i d n o t o c c u p y t h e s a m e a t t i t u d e , singlo gold standard movement and surrender tho cause of silver. Such a surren- b e c a u s e h e t o l d h i s p e o p l e b e f o r e h e c a m e h e r o t h a t h o w a s n o t i n der would mean disaster to all classes except tho vultures that alwaysfleshtheir beaks deepest and gorge themselves fullest on afieldthat is strewn with the vic- f a v o r o f t h o f r e e c o i n a g e o f s i l v e r . Mr. T R A C E Y . N o w , y o u d o n o t care whether h e t o l d tho House tims of a vast commercial and industrial calamity. Tho merchant and the manufacturer, the big business man and tho small tradesman, the great mass alike of o r n o t ? employers and employed, the professional man, the brain-worker and tho brawnT h e S P E A K E R pro tempore. Does tho gentleman yield t o the genworker, and, more than all, th© laborer and tho wage-earner in every occupation, will all be drawn down together in the vortex of contraction if silver is outlawed. t l e m a n f r o m N e w Y o r k ? Sir. W I L L I A M S o f M i s s i s s i p p i . Y o u k n o t f I h a v e o n l y t h i r t y To make gold the sole standard and the only currency is to diminish the volume of our*money by one-lialf. That is contraction; and contraction means tho com* minutes* 138 0O^GrEESSIGNAL RECORD. Mr. TRACEY. You are the last speaker and have plenty time. Mr, WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Very well, then. Mr. TRACEY. I wished, in the absence of the gentleman from Tennessee, to call the attention of the gentleman from Mississippi to the fact that in the last Congress the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. PATTERSON) voted against the free coinage of silver, on the floor here, and then went before his people and was sustained. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Now York evidently has not understood me. I have just undertaken to explain that, although that what I have outlined would he the attitude which I would occupy were I to vote against the free coinage of silver, I understand that was not the attitude occupied by the gentleman from Tennessee, because he did tell his people, as I understand, upon the stump, that he was not in favor of the free coinage of silver, and, if so, that is his covenant and contract, with which I have nothing in the world to do. I threw it out generally for fear it might bo thought I was impugning the motives of an old and valued friend. Mr. TRACEY. Well, now, Mr. Speaker Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. He might be, furthermore, justified by his people, and I will admit that as a fact. Mr. TRACEY. Now, the gentleman from Mississippi has spoken about the minority of the Democratic party being in accord with the Republican party on this question, I would like to ask the gentleman from Mississippi whether, in the event of the majority of tho Democratic party voting for the unconditional repeal of the purchasing clause of the so-called Sherman act, that will satisfy him, and if the members of the party on this floor will then be justified in having favored the unconditional repeal, and whether they would be justified before tho people for so voting in case, on Monday next, the majority of the Democratic party vote in favor of unconditional repeal? Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. I will answer that question by saying that if a man said to me, "Suppose the moon was made out of green cheese? " I -would answer by saying, " But it is not made out of green cheese, and never will be." [Laughter and applause.] Mr. TRACEY. I will predict that on next Monday the majority of the Democrats in this House will vote for the unconditional repeal of the^purchasing clause of the Sherman act. [Applause.] Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Never, sir, while the world holds. Mr. TRACEY. You will see. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Now, Mr. Speaker, what else do we see when we take notice of the peculiar posture of things. That nearly 100 votes will bo found on the other—tho Republican—side, which'are looked to by the gentleman from New York and by the President, as necessary to carry this legislation through. But, I find another thing. I find, Mr. Speaker, that the entire Southern and Western delegation here, except a few gentlemen who are the representatives of large metropoles in which strong banking and creditor interests control, are on one side, and I find upon the other side the representatives of the money-lending and creditor interests of the Northeast. The exceptions on our side are gentlemen who represent Memphis, Tenn., New Orleans, La., Vicksburg, Miss., Jacksonville, Ela., etc. Mr. Speaker, I think that things have come to such a point that it is not unparliamentary for mo to give a definition of Congress. Congress, in tho new dictionary which I propose to write, shall be defined thus: " A court of appeal from the decision of the common people, the appeal being always preceded by a motion for a new trial upon the alleged cause of newly discovered evidence." [Laughter and applause.] Now, I will go further in answering the gentleman's question and say, that even if it were possible that a majority of the Democrats on this floor can be cajoled or coerced into voting as he predicts, if the alleged representatives of the great Democratic party of this country should so vote, they would not reflect the will and jvislies of a majority of the Democracy, and I propose to stand by the majority of the Democracy. [Loud applause.] Why, gentlemen, why was it thai; the pressure came to call this House together a month earlier than originally contemplated, do you suppose f Why do you suppose they got up this great pressure all at once? It was for fear tho panic would cease of itself before they could get their work in. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. BRYAN. SO stated by a New York banker. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. It was stated by Mr. Clews, the great banker; and Mr. Yacob Strauss or Isadore Strauss came right along down to see the Chief Executive; and although representatives of the people had been writing time in and time out from April last, trying to get an extra session of Congress in order to stop the infernal robbery of the McKinley tariff bill, and could never get even so much as the courtesy of a reply to their letters, yet when Yacob Strauss came in the game was up and the thing was settled. [Langhter and applause.] In other words, gentlemen, you have reached tho point where you have got the debtor and the farming classes on the one side and the banking and creditor classes on the other. We can carry tho war into Africa but you can not. [Laughter.] You can not come down into Mississippi and get any converts who are interested as you are, because, thank God, I live in a State where there is not a millionaire nor a pauper. [Applause.] We 138 3 have neither tho one nor tho other, and you can not convert any of your class^down there because they do not exiBt there. But, gentlemen, I do not thank God for tho opposite state of affairs which exists where you and your brother banker, the gentleman from New York [Mr. HENDRIX] who first addressed us, lives. By the way, on looking into the Congressional Directory I find that he is not a banker, he is the president of a Trust Company, tho very kind of thing that the Democratic party says it wants to put down. [Laughter.] I repeat, you can not make any converts in our part of the country j but when we get up just within the shadow of your palaces in New York we can, with perfect ease, find the men whose interests lie on our side of this question. [Laughter.] Now, my friends, there are two classes of people who have been discussing this issue. I admire the courage and consistency of the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. SPERRY] who spoke to us tho other day, and who said: " I want for my people the best money, the most valuable money." That means, if it means anything at all, the money which will purchase the most of service or of commodity ; and very relevant indeed was the interruption of the gentleman from Louisiana, [Mr. BOATNER] when he asked him: Bat, sir, you do not desire that your people shall be paid baok in better money than they lent, do you? And, Mr. Speaker, that question was not answered, and it never will be answered satisfactorily to tho people, nor at all until the crack of doom, unless gentlemen on the other side should bo brave and bold enough to come out like that grand old man in England, Mr. Gladstone, who stated the other day that he represented a creditor nation. That is where you really stand and you had better come out and take your position like men. Do not pray "Good Lord; good devil." '[Laughter.] Do not say "Good President/' and in the same speech " Good p e o p l e b u t come right out and tell what the interests of the people on your side are. [Laughter.] And, gentlemen, if your constituents have that interest, I do not blame you a particle for representing their interest. Not at all. On the contrary, I admire Mr. Gladstone, who, when he was interrogated on the floor of the House of Commons the other day as to whether he was going to send tho delegates back to tho monetary conference, replied: « "What is tho use? What do wo want with a bimetallic convention! I am afraid— Said he, to undertake to state what the amount is, but a very largo amount of money is due to people who lire within tho United Kingdom from people who live without the United Kingdom. I should estimate it at not leas than two billions of sterling— ten millions of American dollars. I admire tho philanthropy of gentlemen who would malce a gift to our debtors of that amount, bat I do not see what cause wo would have to congratulate ourselves, though I may perhaps see some reason why thereat of the world should congratulate itself. Now, ,my friends, I have referred to this incidentally, but understand me, I talce no part in these flings at tho mother country. Grand old mother country, who sits there in her islands and rules the world, as she is ruling it to-day financially, and ruling you New York people amongst a good deal of the rest of tho world. Had I stood in Mr. Gladstone's placo 1 would have taken the position that he took, because it was for the interest of his people. It is no reason why we should do a thing because England desires us to do it. Neither is it any reason why we should not do it because she desires us to do it. Her interest may be ours in any given matter, or it may not. To say that England wants a thing is no argument for it or against it; and I believe in my heart than anglophobia is just as stupid as anglomania. I want gentlemen to understand, therefore, that I am taking no Btock in any arguments of that sort. Nor am I taking any stock in another argument that has been used here, the theory that there has been a conspiracy; because I believe that there are a large number of people who are as honest as I am and far more intelligent than I am, who sincerely believe with all their souls that if this country adopts the free coinage of silver it will sink to a monometallic silver basis—people, I say, who are just as honest as I am and among; them chief stands Grover Cleveland. I do, however believe there has been a combination, not a conspiracy, but a combination, and that combination has been formed by those people in their own interests. Nor do I blame them, the world being so full of selfishness, for combining in their own interest. The natural tread of the banking business is in the direction of dearer, or as they call it, "better" money—a money which will buy more when they fret it back than it would have bought when they lent it out. From a purely selfish "business" standpoint, and they do not pretend to be ruled -by other than business motives—they do not assume to be philanthropists—theywould be stupid not to operate to the best of their ability with that end in view. Why should they not want the principal to grow as well as the interest? Why should not their great and intelligent chieftains in England, Germany, France and America cooperate to that end? They would do it unconsciously. And thus there came about "combination "everywhere •without "conspiracy anywhere—without need for "conspiracy.'' Mr Sneaker, gentlemen speak of silver having been demonetized b e c a W o f its overproduction; yet until the year 1881 there never had been a single year since the American and Australian discoveries of eold in which the production of silver measured by weight was sixteen times the production of gold measured by weight; m other words, there never had been a year np to 1881 when the basis CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. 4 of tlie real comparative value of the two metals, which is their comparative rarity, equaled the American ratio of 16 to 1. So that, when gentlemen say that Bilver has been demonetized by the civilized countries because it was getting too cheap and too abundant they either show great ignorance indeed or they assume great ignorance on the part of their auditors. I am not going back to England's initiative in 1816, because England at that time adopted a gold standard for the avowed reason that gold was the cheaper of the two metals, not because it was the dearer. England had come out of a great war with a great amount of debt upon her shoulders; she was not then the great creditor nation of the world that she is to-day; and when after coming out of that war she consummated the resumption of specie payments she did it in gold, because gold was then the cheaper of the two metals at a ratio of 15£ to 1, which was the ratio in England. [Here the hammer fell.] Mr. TRACEY. As I interrupted the gentleman, and as he is the last speaker this evening, I ask unanimous consent that his time be extended so long as may be necessary to enable him to finish his remarks. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York [Mr. TRACEY] asks unanimous consent that the time of the gentleman from Mississippi be extended indefinitely. Is there objection? The Chair hears none. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Now, Mr. Speaker, what I intended to say was this, that the facts in regard to demonetization disprove the theory that the cause was the overproduction of silver. iWatch the dates while I run over them quickly. Germany took the initiative in 1871; Scandinavia followed in 1872; the United States came along in 1873; then there came limited coinage in France and the Latin Union in 1874; then there came an entire cessation of coinage in France in 1876 or 1878. Now, Mr. Speaker, at the time the United States demonetized silver it was worth four mills more than gold in the dollar at our ratio. Germany consummated the demonetization in 1873 by putting her silver coins upon the market (I am not mistaken about the date), but she took the initiative legislation in 1871. At that time the amount of silver in a silver dollar was worth 3 cents more than the amount of gold in a gold dollar. Silver was not demonetized because there was overproduction. In those countries where demonetization took place there were two motives leading to it, one peculiar to Germany, the other common as to Germany and all the other countries. The motive peculiar to Germany was that it was thought demonetization would cripple her old enemy, France. It was a military measure for Germany to go to a gold basis and dump her silver into France. It turned out to be foolish, because France upon her bimetallic basis stood there solid and paid out one billion of gold dollars—five milliards of gold francs—and when she got through with this payment she was in a more prosperous condition than her neighbor who had received the money. Mr. TRACEY. Will the gentleman permit me Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. Certainly. Mr. TRACEY. The gentleman will allow me to suggest that he is inaccurate in the statement he has just made as to the quantity of gold paid by France to Germany. The indemnity paid by France to Germany after the Franco-German war did not include the quantity of gold which the gentleman has stated. A great portion of the payment was made m silver Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. That is not my recollection. Mr. TRACEY. Only a small percentage of the payment was made in gold. A very large j>ercentage was paid in silver and paper. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. My recollection, Mr. Speaker, is that the payment was made entirely in gold and in paper, and that paper was paper for which gold was afterward given; BO that, in fact, the entire payment was made in gold. Mr. TRACEY. I will ask the gentlemen to refer in his published speech to the data in support of his assertion. Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. I understand that the gentleman's recollection of the matter does not accord with mine* I am ftnnft" to say that verjrpossibly he maybe right and that some of this amount was paid in silver; but that is not my recollection. I was in Europe |ibout that time and I heard it constantly said in Germany where I was a student that there was five milliards of gold francs to be paid by France. I do not get my view from any historical account, but from my recolleotion of then current events. The other reasons common to all governments were that such a course was to the interest of the ruling or so-called better classes, and that the people had really nowhere a voice in it. Now, Mr. Speaker, another thing that strikes me as peculiar about this situation (if you will excuse me a moment) is the air and bearing of my friends who take the position that the only sensible thing is a gold monometallic currency. You all heard the first gentleman who spoke from New York [Mr. HEXDRIX] ; you marked his manner; his eyes u i n a fine frenzy rolling" from gallery god to gallery goddess; his brow arched over his eye; his chest thrown out; his head thrown back, overlooking this House as a sot of comtemptible pigmies, whose opinions were not worth consulting. [Laughter and applause.] His ipse dixit comes like a Papal bull-^cx cathedra. Now, Mr. Speaker, I submit that nobody in the world, except an assistant Secretary of State, the negro that stands guard at the Postmaster-General's anteroom, or a sleeping-car porter, have a 138 right to that sort of bearing. [Laughter.] The first two have it by the customs of the city of Washington and the last has it by tho common law of America. [Laughter.] But it struck me, gentlemen, that perhaps this gentleman, coming from the same State, thought ho had fallen heir to the manner and bearing of the late distinguished Roscoe Conkling. If so, I could tell him two things in that connection; first, that the manner was not that of Mr. Conkling, for although Mr. Conkling was a man who spoke his mind, he at all times treated his opponents, both in word and deed, with tho utmost courtesy. He never called his enemies or his opponents in dobate "jibbering idiots." Ho never put them in lunatic asylums. [Laughter.] He never told them that they were afflicted by "midsummer madness " and all that sort of thing. Although lie might have thought that all the rest of the world (in his own mind) were fools, ho nevor allowed them to see that that was his opinion. Another thing: even if it were the manner and bearing of Mr. Conkling, whidi tho gentleman from New York assumes, I can tell him that it would require the superb eloquence and the magnificent intellectuality, the keen, cutting sarcasm, tho wit and the incisive logic of Mr. C'oukliiig to carry it off, here or elsewhere, outside of a couuting house. [Applause.] But, Mr. Speaker, if you will excuse me for a few moments longer, the gentleman from New York made some allusion to the evolution business before he got through with his remarks, and I want to tell you a little about that matter. He said this was a process of evolution, and that we might as well bare our breasts to the avalanche, I believe it was, and try to hold it back as to stand athwart the path of the world's evolution. Now, I take it from what I see of the gentlemen—I find that he was a newspaper editor first and later on the president of a trust company—I take it that it never fell in his way particularly to study the scientific theory of evolution, and that he needs information as to what it really is. I wilLtake the liberty of informing him. Evolution, as I understand it, is the gradual consummation of a natural end by or through a process of the survival of tho fittest and the extinction of the unfit. To illustrate: An acorn drops from an oak tree and a magnificent oak under peculiarly favorable circumstances is grown. It spreads its boughs and its shade in every direction over the adjacent country. Owing to its favorable environment it grows up a better oak than that from which the acorn originally fell. Acorns drop from this second oak and these are better than the acorns from the parent tree, and oaks continue to grow under the new and more favorable environments, and these also continue to improve until we have at the end of a period an improved oak, not much like the parent tree from which the acorn originally fell, and the acorn from that oak is different from the acorn of the parent oak, just as the Irish potato is now superior to and different from the original plant discovered in Peru. But another illustration, Mr. Speaker. It is said that the monkey was the father of the man, and that he lost his appendage because it ceased to be useful. Not being needed it was not used, and therefore an extinction of the unfit followed. You know it takes use to develop the muscles of the arms and the legs, and so, too, a prehensile appendage or attachment of that sort requires use to develop its growth. [Laughter.] But there being no use for it, the monkey under new environments, not having to use this part of his anatomy, it became weaker and weaker and less and less in size and usefulness as a tail, until finally it dropped off and left nothing but a rudimentary appendage. [Laughter.] That is evolution. But if a man had gone and got a monkey out of a menagerie and taken a broadax and cut his tail off little by little, that would not have been evolution. That is just what lias been done with silver. There has been a creditor broadax at work, first in Germany, then Scandinavia, then France, and then the United States, and then tho miserable wielder of the instrument declares that he believes that this broadax is God's principle of evolution. [Laughter and applause.] As the gentleman has evidently never had evolution explained to him 1 thought it best to £ive this information. Now, gentlemen, there is ono argument that has been made in this Congress in the trial of this great cause before the people which I want to notice. Gentlemen say, 0, well! Repeal the "Sherman act now—repeal it now and trust to the common sense of Congress for a future remedy. I am with you. I am a bimetallism I \rill vote for a free-coinage bill later, but not as a condition to repeal the Sherman act. My reply is this: If that magnificent, sturdy, and very honest gentleman who is Chief Executive of this nation will trust the common sense of Congress wc will trust it, and you can repeal the Sherman act, gentlemen on the other side, in an hour, by the watch, whenever you are ready to give us assurance of liis willingness to trust us and approve our future action. If there is any sincerity in that argument, bring us here a pledge from the Executive that ho will not veto a free-coinage bill later on, and then I will bo with you. But you are net going to get the pledge. Why ? Because tho President is too honest a man to pledge himself to do a thing which he is not going to do. And, to be perfectly plain—I do not understand parliamentary usages, but I hope I am not unparliamentary—to be perfectly plain, you will never get from him the approval of a free-coinage bill unless it goes as an adjunct to the repeal of the Sherman law. You may not get it in that way, but you certainly will not get it in any other. 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. And I find it hard to believo in tho sincerity of gentlemen who appeal to me to throw aside the only vantage ground we have. Why, Mr. Speaker, when I was a hoy, if I undertook to run and catch-as-catcli-may with another hoy, and wrestle it out, if I got the underhold I thought it was ridiculous foi; him to turn and say: "Well, here, lot us quit and give me the underhold and then call it a fair wrestle!" [Laughter.] Now, gentlemen, I come to the discussion of this question first by Btating what I favor. I favor the repeal of the Sherman law, the purchasing clause of it or all of it—I do not care which. I favor that, because that bill was never anything and is not now anything except a miserable silver bullion subtreasury scheme, and no more respectable from the standpoint of sound governmental practice than the subtreasury scheme which was advocated by our friend from Kansas here,which was to issue certificates of the Government to pass as money, upon the deposit of cotton, corn, and tobacco. I favor the repeal of the Sherman bill becauso it was a Trojan horse cunningly intruded into our fair city of Bimetallism, from which the enemies were to come, as I thought then and as the event has since shown, to try to overcome the city. I favor the repeal of the Sherman law because I have had love for its enemies and hatred for its friends; but I favor the free coinage of Bilver because I think we have come now to a plain issue, and that there is no use trying to dodge it; that for this House of Representatives the issue is, Shall we have gold monometallism or shall we have bimetallism? And the thing to be argued is, " Is bimetallism practicable or possible ? " Now, Mr. Speaker, in that connection, let me say this: Gentlemen say bimetallism will necessarily bring us to silver monometallism. I do not really believe it, but if I did believe it, and if I were put to the choice and had no other choice, if the sole alternative which faced me was to accept either gold monometallism, a dishonest gold dollar, or silver monometallism, a dishonest silver dollar, the former dishonest to the debtor of the country and the latter dishonest to the creditor of the country, if I could conceive of being placed in the attitude where I had no other possible alternative but to put my hands into the pocket of one or the other and rob him, I would ask heaven's forgiveness for the deed, but I would rob the richer, so help me God. [Applause.] But I do not take it there is any such issue as that. I take it that we have got to come down and get a right money. Now, gentlemen, starting off at that basis, I want to give a definition of money. It is not my definition, or it would not be worth a copper cent. There is nothing new in finance. When you have found anything new it is not worth talking about. It is like religion in that respect. Mr. Edward O. Leech, the last director of the mint, in an article in the North American Review in April, 1891,1 believe, gives a definition of money which he has boiled down from the best authorities, and it is this: Money is an instrument used in the exchange of Bervices or commodities, which is at one and the same time a measure of values and an equivalent of values. It must be both; and all the money fallacies, the two extreme fallacies which have grown up in this country, have come about by the disregard of one or the other necessary attribute of money. The fiat money man totally disregards the equivalency attribute of money, totally disregards the fact that money in order to be right money must be something bey ond human control, beyond the control of politicians to increase or decrease at their sweet will, because, gentlemen, after all, government is a government of politicians. There are three hundred and fifty odd in this House and eighty odd I believe in the other, but it is a government of politicians. The fiat money man loses sight of the fact that money must be made out of something which can not be controlled, infinitely increased, or largely decreased at mere human will; that it must be a something which God has naturallyfittedto act as money, just as God has fitted wheat to be turned into bread, or cotton to be turned into cheap clothing; that in order to possess the attributes which are necessary, it must be a something found within the storehouse ofnatnrc, which even human industry and human invention can not produce at will by increased human exertion, a something which must be found and in limited amount and with tolerable constancy. It must be something which will grow in production pan passu with the growth of population and wealth and transportation, and all the other instrumentalities of civilization. On the opposite extreme is the gold monometallist. He loses sight entirely of the measure of value feature in IIIB sole contemplation of tho equivalency feature. He forgets that it must be sufficient in volume to answer the purpose of a measure; that it must be sufficient to measure things with the assistance of other things redeemable in it, and not too much of the other things to be°cuTrently redeemed in it. He loses sight of the fact that it must be something not too precious, but which can be divided and brought down, BO that it will measure the smallest commodity. Both lose sight of the fact that gold and silver were money many years, not by law, but before there ever was a law, and that they were money because they were precious metals, and became more precious metals because they were money. The question has been frequently asked, "Are gold and Bilver precious metals because they are money, or are they money because theyjiro precious metals?" The question is a stupid one. They 138 became money because they were rare and precious, and they became still more precious because of the increased demand for them in use as money. They were money, as I said, before ever law or statute book made them such, before a mint or coinage existed, and if you were to-day, all over the world to rescind every coinage law upon every statute book in the world they would both remain money. The only difference would be that they would pass by weight and assay instead of by tale. Why ? Because God made them—not legislation, not government, not man's ingenuity fitted them for it. And how did He do it? He gave them the attribute of rarity and preciousness; the attribute of infinite divisibility, and the attribute of comparative indestructibility and that of malleability; the quality of easily taking and permanently retaining stampage; so that men came to use them just as they came to use oats to feed horses with, and wheat to grind for bread, because they were naturally adapted to that purpose. It was a natural use. There is evolution; not the broadax sort of evolution, but the right sort of evolution—nature's Entwickelung. Now, all that the silver men ask you in the world is, to "take the law off of silver;" treat the two natural money metals alike; that is all. They ask me, " But can the United States cure an evil which has been existing, if by demonetization at all, then by the demonetization of other nations besides our own?" I answer them entirely and completely, " N o . " But we can undo our part of the wrong and set the example for other people to undo their part. In proportion as the wrong is undone, the divergence now existing between the two metals, instead of widening, will close up to some extent, but to what extent we can not say. But gentlemen say there is a largo intrinsic-value difference. My reply is,you do not know what intrinsic-value difference there is; and when you use the expression in connection with gold and silver you use a double middle. When you speak of the intrinsic value of gold metal, you mean tho intrinsic value and bullion worth, its use as money considered and accounted for; and when you speak of the intrinsio value of silver you mean its value as bullion, independent of its use and any prospective demand for it for that purpose. Intrinsic value, gentlemen, is value in use. You can not, as the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. HARTER] said, fix the price of things by legislation. You can not pass a law saying that wheat shall be worth 50 cents, or a piece of paper shall be worth a dollar, and then make it so; but you can fix the value of things by any law which increases or decreases either demand or supply. If I believed, as some gentlemen do here, that if there is to be bimetallism it must be had by international agreement and that this is attainable only by our joining western Europe in further demonetization, and thus convincing ourselves and them by a great " object lesson," I still would not be in favor of doing what they wish as the first step. They say that you must convince the world that gold is not to be had in sufficient quantity to carry on the business of the world. That was the argument of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. R A Y N E R ] . How will you convince the world? How will the world receive the demonstration in this way or any object lesson be sufficient to convince the world? What would bring about this demonstration? It would be a knock-down argument indeed! An "object lesson" of universal bankruptcy, suffering, misery, accompanying tumult and riot. As much as I love bimetallism, I do not want to reach it that way. But I furthermore hold that that is not the best way to reach it. I say there exists not upon the face of the globe to-day one single institution or law which came about as the result of international convention unless some great and strong nation first set the example or unless the u convention" came about as the result of war. Gentlemen oil the other side may delve in all the history books and find not one instance. Now, think a moment. Away back yonder, over one hundred years ago, people thought it would be useful to try to get a given point of longitude for universal use. Nobody was concerned in the matter; no vested interests were at stake. You could take the very point on which I stand now your starting point, and it wonld Adj u s t a s w e l l as Washington or Paris or London, and it is a great convenience to science and to mankind that there should be a single point of ^world-wide acceptance. But mere national jealousies and inertia have prevented it, and to-dajr England starts her longitude from Greenwich, America from Washington, Russia from St. Petersbur"- France from Paris, and Germany from Berlin, and the State of Ttfassachusetts would start it from Boston if it was not too small a part of the Union. [Laughter and applause.] Take another matter. There is no man of common sense in this wide world but agrees that a metric system is the best for weights and measures, and ever since Thomas Jefferson undertook to bring it about and had some influence upon the statesmen of the French Republic in bringing it about there—I do not know how m u c h scientific congress after scientific congress have sent out their pron u n c i a m e n t o e s urging it; yet the two most intelligent peoples of tho world the head and front of civilization, the one civilizing the islands of seas and the other civilizing the continents, England and the United States of America, still measure molasses by the gallon Now, my friends, I learned when I was a boy that it has been a CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. 6 truth over since tlie day when the woodman dropped his axe into the stream and prayed to Hercules to recover it, ever since the day when, as we are told in another fable, he prayed to Hercules to lift his wagon out of the rut, and Hercules told him to first put his own shoulder to it, ever since that day it has been true that in national as well as individual undertakings you can never accomplish anything until somebody makes the start. [Applause.] There is no consummation without an initiation. All are not going to complete what each in turn is afraid to begin. You can't inaugurate a great industrial enterprise on the credit of a wish to see it succeed. You must " show your faith by your works/' and first take stock yourself. , And who is better fitted to take the start than we? All the nations now see the bad effects, but each one is standing waiting for the others, as we are. Each one says: " If I throw myself into the breach I must take the risk of not being followed and the responsibility on behalf of the nations of the world must rest on me." Now, Mr. Speaker, I began by saying that I felt the ridiculousness of speaking at all under the circumstances, and I find, to my astonishment, that I have made it still more ridiculous by making a serious speech to a row of still half empty benches. [Cries of " Go on !"] No; I shall stop now, with that degree of forbearance and politeness that has always characterized mo. [Laughter.] If there is anything in tho world that I am, it is a sympathizer with the sufferings of mankind [laughter], and, in deference to that feeling^ I shall stop now and load the people of my district with the remaind e r o f t h i s s p e e c h t h r o u g h t h e CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. SOUTHAMPTON, August 17. Tho Trave, from Bremen, sailed hence for Now York at 4 p.m. to-day. She carries $910,COO in gold for American houses. NEW YORK, August 17, Tho steamer Lahn, which arrived last night, brought $672,055 gold from Southampton and 1,047,500 francs from Paris. Thore is £57,570 consigned to the Canadian Bank of Commerce in transit to tho Bank of Nova Scotia or Chicago. [Now York Press, August 19.] Tho gold stream does not seem to bo interrupted in the least. Tho Spreo made the record for a merchant steamship carrying gold with its cargo of £805,000, which arrived last week. Now tho Fuerst Bismarck comes in with $4,200,000 to fourteen different consignees, and it is evident that some of it will go to Chicago. As thero is no attempt to report with accuracy the shipments from the other side, it will bo noticed that every steamship brings more than is reported. The Etxuria, which is duo to-day, has, it is reported, $1,850,000, which will bring the total for the week perhaps up to $10,000,000, La Touraino also has a considerablo amount. Tho Trave, from Southampton, on Thursday had $010,000; the Columbia, from Southampton, yesterday, $1,440,000; tho Campania, from Liverpool, today, $800,000 that is known of, and the Elbe, from Bremen, to-day, $300,000. In addition to all this, Chicago engaged yesterday $050,000, and Kidder, Peabody & Co., $50,000. Then the Bank of England yesterday paid out 302,000 sovereigns for shipment to this country, and 60,000 more for Toronto, whence they will quickly find their way to Chicago. There is little wonder that this makes the stock market flat abroad. And notwithstanding all this, people have "been wanting silver and needing it so much more than gold that they have been demanding silver in preference to gold at United States subtreasuries in exchange for tho Treasury notes issued under the Sherman hill. In proof whereof listen to this statement of Secretary Carlisle, made officially in response to inquiries of tho Senate: [Laughter and prolonged applause.] I had just said that we must take tho initiative. Are we in a condition to do sof Can we afford to coin more silver? If so, at what rate and for how long a time can we persist in it? The best argument is always an inductive one—one drawn from our own experience or from the experience of others. Our own situation first, then. It is not true that " w o have too much silver," nor that "the people do not want silver," nor that "silver is driving out gold," nor that the certificates under the Sherman bill are driving out gold, nor, in fact, that gold is being driven out at all now. These statements made, or assumed, as the base of arguments are simply false in fact, and that is the long and short of it. A premium is being paid to-day at New York for tho despised silver dollar, and gold is pouring by the millions daily into this country, there having been forty millions to come within twenty days. Listen to the following statement of Watson & Gibson, brokers, of the condition of things in Wall street. It is not the utterance of politicians, but of business men for the guidance of their clients: Tho Clerk read as follows from the St. Louis Republic: [August 18.] Secretary Carlisle sent to tho Senate yesterday tho following communication in reply to a resolution passed by the Senate on "Wednesday requesting certain information as to the redemption of Treasury notes issued under tho bherman act: In response thereto, I have the honor to say that during the present month Treasury notes issued under the act of July 14,1890,amounting to $714,036, havo been redeemed by the Government in silver dollars. While I do not pretend to havo knowledge of the degree of information possessed by the holders of the notes so redeemed, I am of the opinion that they wero fully advised at the timo of such redemption that they could have gold instead of silver if they so desired. I baso this opinion upon the general publicity which has been given to the terms of the act, no less than upon the instructions of this Department to the Treasurer and assistant treasurers of the United States. I am also supported in my belief by the fact that in tho circular of this Department issued to the public for their guidance in their dealings with tho Treasury, and containing the regulations which govern the issue, redemption, and exchango of the paper currency and the gold, silver, and minor coins of tho United States, there is a paragraph which reads as follows: Gold coin is issued in redemption of United States notes in sums less than $50, by tho assistant treasurers in New York and San Francisco, and in redemption of Treasury notes of 1890 in liko sums by the Treasurer and all assistant treasurers. In further response to tho resolution, I havo to say that recently gold coin has been presented at an office of this Department and silver dollars asked in exchango [Special to Tlio Republic.] ^therefor, and that the exchange was not mado for tho reason that all the silver NEW YORK, August 13. dollars in the Treasury at the timo were required under the provisions of the laws Tho following ia a carefully prepared statement of the situation in Wall street relating to the currency to be held in tho Treasury to cover outstanding silver certificates aud Treasury notes issued under tho act of July 14, 1890. At present by Messrs. 'Watson & Gibson, brokers, 55 Broadway, !Now York: " "Where is all that fear of our 65-cent silver dollar? "We were told only a few the Department would not and could not exchango silver dollars for gold coin if requested to do so by holders of gold for tho samo reason; but if the conditions months ago, by the urgent advocates of tho abandonment of silver by this country, that the preference for gold would lead to its hoarding and withdrawal from of tho Treasury were such as to afford a margin of silver dollars in excess of silcirculation, and that everybody would want to pass his silver dollars on quickly ver certificates and Treasury notes outstanding, such exchange would be mado. to his next neighbor, as they used to pass * wild-cat' currency from hand to hand So much for the actual condition; that wo need more silver, or lest it depreciate in the keeping. -Thero is a hoarding of gold, but only by those else something equally good in its stead. who can not get the more convenient form of legal-tender paper money. " Further than this, more gold is now paid into the custom-house and more paid Now how much more can wo usefully absorb, even granting for the out by tho Treasury and the banks than in years. Instead of leaving our shores, sake of argument that tho contention of our opponents is correct in gold is coming this way by every steamer; and, since its loss by export last spring this that free coinage at any given ratio would neither close up nor BO greatly disturbed tho public peace of mind, conversely the return of this gold ought to, and indeed does, encourage the financial community. But why not go materially diminish tho existing difference "between the bullion further and say that, if tho gold critics were right last spring in attributing the value of the two metals? How much silver can we support even as ontward movement of gold to the silver law, they should now ascribe the return flow to the same measure ? Tho silver bill is a nondescript, but it is the neutral 'token money—discredited and virtually redeemable in gold? Tho ground between free coinage and tho introduction into this country of-the sole answer to these questions must he drawn irom tho experience of gold standard, which would have a cramping and contracting influence, and, there- other nations. tore, it is a sort of ark of tho covenant. Let us see how far we can ^o, oven treating silver thus unfairly, * * * * * * * and presuming beforehand lor the sake of argument, that not a * 'JTo man can gauge the probable measure of legislation on silver. Congress was called together to rule silver out by what President Cleveland and the ultra-gold nation on tho globe will join us in tho step we take—how far before num would do namely, to unconditionally repeal tho silver bill* One man's c^ess our silver could or would drive out gold? It will be admitted that may bo as good as another's, bnt that is no reason why we should be so modest no country is on a sounder monetary basis than France. With its as not to guess at all. Our guess is a long struggle, a great many speeches, parliamentary moves and rumors, with the final result of a free-coinage bill on a constant political upheavals—its Wilson and Panama scandals, changed ratio, say 20 or 24 to 1, possibly with a provision for a gradually descend- everything to betoken uncertainty, it seems impervious to panic or ing ratio, if the ojien market price of bullion shall rise. monetary disturbance. " The presentation of such a bill to Mr. Cleveland would be a curious picture of It has not been long since France saved England from crash, and the whirling of sentiment and events. Things do not often come out as they are planned, they "gang aft aglee," and those who are so sure of a repeal of the silver that Gibraltar of financial institutions—the Bank of England—from suspension. The figures which I shall use, as a basis of computabill without substitute may come to realize this very effectually. "On Tuesday everything went down after the President's message appeared, ex- tion, are taken from an article written by Edward O. Leech, late cept silver, which was 74£ bid, but not offered below 75J, as against 73 bid Mon- director of the mint, and published in the April number of the North day. On Jnne 30, tho day Mr. Cleveland issued his call for a special session of Congress, silver sold as low as 67 and as high as 69, and on Thursday it sold at America Review for 1891. They would be, of course, slightly different to-day, but not enough 7sit or l l j cents per ounce higher. This shows the inherently strong position of silver in tho market." so to affect conclusions. Franco had $700,000,000 of silver with a population of 38,000,000, or a per capita allotment of $18.42. It is true, that Franco is now coining no silver. But she did not stop coining until she reached the above figures, and has never had the slightest trouble or ques[Washington Post.] tion even about maintaining parity between her gold and her silver. KOBE GOLD FBOM ETTTLOPE—LAHGE CONSIGNMENTS OF THE YELLOW METAL COMING TO THIS COUNTBY, The United States had, at the date of Mr. Leech's article, $469,262,000 LONDON, August 17. of silver and 64,000,000 of population, making a per capita allotGold to the amount of £314,000 was withdrawn from tho Bank of England to- ment of $7.33. Population and coinago have both increased since day for shipment to tho United States. and about equally. The difference is $11.09 per capita. W e must The Hamburg-American line steamer Columbia, -which sails to-morrow from Southampton for New York, will take consignments of gold valued at $1,440,000. still issue, say, $11 for each man, woman and child in the United These gold shipments are continuing. I will read these extracts from tho commercial reports of 17th and 18th from great metropolitan journals: 138 7 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. States to 1)0 on an equal footing with France, as to silver currency, or a gross additional sum of $704,000,000 silver. But has not all this silver driven gold out of France? Not a whit, for France has, in round numbers, $200,000,000 more of gold than we, and it is increasing, having $900,000,000 as against our $700,000,000, in round numbers. But you say " can we be expected to stand as much silver circulation as Franco can and does?" Answer me frankly, why not? There are, indeed, two reasons why the "danger line" for us would bo farther to seek than for her, first our coinage ratio is 16 to 1, and hers only 15£ to 1, and, second, Franco must make her calculations for virtually stationary figures, she is at a standstill as regards population, and her growth in commerce—in money needs—from decade to decade is very Blight. We grow in population about 25 per cent (or one-fourth) each decade, and industrially, and in opportunities for the use of money, very much more. If we should liappen for awhile to overshoot the danger line, which may be somewhere beyond where Francb stands, we would Boon, like Topsey, "grow lip to it." A coinage of $288,000,000 the decade, or $28,800,000 cach year, or $2,400,000 each month, would barely keep pace with the increase of population at tho rate of $18 per head of increase for the next decade, even if we did not coin the $704,000,000 to establish the French allotment for our present population. How long would it require to coin $700,000,000 of silver, in dollars, quarters, halves, dimes, keeping in mind and coining, each month $2,400,000 to keep up with the increase of population and business? The present full capacity of United States mints, working day and night, and coining nothing but silver, is $5,000,000 (five millions) per month. Working regular hours, $3,500,000. If run day and night, full time, it would require of the $5,000,000 possible monthly coinage tho sum of $2,400,000 to keep pace with population, leaving $2,600,000 to go on the count as part of the proposed $700,000,000. This would require two hundred and sixty-nine months or twentytwo years. If present mint capacity were doubled it would require eleven years. To make the calculation differently—this time leaving tho growth of population and commerce out of the count—to issue $700,000,000 silver would require running the present mints day and night and coining nothing but silver the period of eleven years eight months, by which time the population of the country would have increased 18,000,000 of souls, requiring for them $324,000,000 more of silver to be coined in order to put us on equal footing for the thon existing population as to silver with France, leaving us $200,000,000 behind her in gold. Stating it differently yet—doubling the mint capacity—working day and night, coining only silver, we could coin the $700,000,000 in five years ten months, and the population having increased in that time say eight millions of souls, we would still require $144,000,000 of silver and $200,000,000 o± gold to be on an equal coin basis with our sister Republic. Either of these periods—twenty-two years, eleven years or even the shortest five years ten months—would give them ample time for negotiation with foreign powers. Moreover, it would be an admohition to our Government and an invitation to others to negotiate seriously. Hitherto " negotiation" has been a pretext to sidetrack free coinage. Wo have either not negotiated at all or else with hope of failure, or at best with fear of success on the part of our negotiators* All these calculations are made with a view to the context of the "Bland substitute" for the "Wilson bill," now before the House. The substitute is a coinage act pure and simple—"first come, first served," with no provision for certificates on deposit of bullion. The only certificates provided for in it, or contemplated by it, are certificates on the deposit of coin. There must first be tho actual coinage, before a single certificate can issue. There is not now and there never was any just fear of danger to the monetary system of the United States from too mtroh coin of any sort. There has been in the past, and there is now, impending danger from too much uncovered paper, which is money only in so far as the "measure of value" side of money is concerned, in no sense as an "equivalent." Pure "measure of value" money is worth as much as either gold or silver in times of peace, prosperity, and universal confidence in the giver out of the promises to pay. But in days of gloom, public distrust, or war, an approximation to an "equivalent" money will be needed. It is curious how people howl about an "honest dollar"—"only SO cents" and all that, when they regard complacently a circulation of $500,000,000 of uncovered paper—rich man's money. Where, pray is its value as an "equivalent?" It is merely good as peace and pros- etized, in actual use, and used chiefly for spoons and waiters. Fully one-half of this enormous sum of $o00,000,000 of uncovered paper had best be put into gold or silver, or both. Even then we would have more uncovered paper afloat than any other solve! ; nation, except Belgium and The Netherlands, than any other government on the face of the'globo that pretends to maintain specie payment, except the two named above; for England has only 138 $64,000,000, France but $96,000,000, Germany only $160,000,000, insolvent Italy only $211,000,000, and worse insolvent Austria onlv $260,000,000. But they say paper money is so much more convenient. Convenient to whom? To the man who has to carry it, I suppose. The average citizen is not bothered with over $10 at a time. Tho statistics, which would show how many men had ever handled a $50 bill would bo a miracle of astonishment to most people who have never seriously thought of it. I am no enemy to a sound paper currency. The Government's note is just like anybody else's. Just so long as there are not enough of them out to arouse suspicion of nonpayment with those who have dealings with it, it is good. But need rich men^ who for their own convenience or to prevent the actual circulation of cheap money (for most paper money being in large denominations does not actually circulate at all) bring all their influence to bear to discriminate against silver on the ground that it is worth only 65 cents as an "equivalent" and to favor national bank notes, treasury notes, and other "rich man's money," which possesses no value as an "equivalent" at all, need these men be astonished, when poor ignorant men are deluded by their example into fiat money crazes and into demanding an issuance of "Treasury certificates" on the deposit of cotton, corn,onions, or green peas, as well as on the deposit with the Government of silver bullion? Can you expect them to make the distinction? To be frank about it, do you not find some trouble in making it yourself sometimes when your head is not over clear? So I say we can stand $700,000,000 more oi silver, $2,400,000 per month, on top of that $200,000,000 more of gold on top of that, and $200,000,000 more yet of gold and silver to take the place of fully that much uncovered paper. Before we shall have coined enough to approach the danger line, as historically and inductively demonstrated, coining, if you choose, day and night with double our present capacity of mintage, and 'coining nothing but silver—a ridiculous supposition—wo shall probably have a monetary convention with the states of South and Central America, through Great Britain with India, with France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Italy and Austria-Hungary, and Roumania—all naturally bimetallic countries, and, possibly, even with Germany and Russia—not naturally hostile to bimetallism. But they say we will be the dumping ground for all tho world's silver. What country on tho face of-the globe which has coined silver now floating at par at the ratio of 15£ to 1 (the universal ratio except with us and Mexico) would go through the folly oi recoining at 16 or 20 to 1, at our mints ? Remember, under the substitute tho Government buys no silver; it merely coins it and hands it back to the o Truer. But, even if it came, it would come in exchange for something wo had to sell. The silver would bo worth more to us than tho product or else we " wouldn't trade." If it was worth more, we would trade and would make our profit. There is no very serious danger, I take it, of somebody's giving us their silver. And, if they did, " need a bodycry?" Mr. Leech says that tho entiro value of all tho silver mined in the world's mines, in 1889 was $161,318,000 and estimates that of the product of 1890, not then fully reported, at $168,000,000. This being the case, then, if all the silver from the world's silver mines came to us, it would require us, in order to coin $700,000,000 at the rate of $168,000,000 a year (the world's product), as estimated by him, considerably overfour years. The administration would still have ample time u to negotiate "—four years—before we could possibly bo on the ground that France has demonstrated not to be dangerous. But, of course, such a supposition is absurd. Not over half of the world's pioduct could possibly come to us. All nations, even monometallic ones, uso silver as fractional currency ; much is still required for "limited legal tender" silver in quasi bimetallic countries India andXJhina, the great "silver sinks of tho world/' wottld wrari and got their share, for no English legislation m change tlie hereditary and traditional attachment of tho Hindoo for silver Mexico, Central and South America, which have virtually no coin bat silver, would want and get their sharo. Silver spoons would not ceaso to be used as wedding presents, nor would dudes and dudesses cease to hand around cigars, tooth picks, and green apples on silver waiters. The Connecticut watchmakers would still inclose'the right or wrong time of day behind silver cases, to _ .^ • 1 _ "1 JJ tu a ^ nn ri + ure3 we'could give very nearly six years and with the last considerably more than seven years " t o negotiate," without approaching the danirer line. If there is anything wrong about these figures, it is the fault of Mr. Leech or of the North American Review. Mr. Leech was director of the mint; the North American is, I believe, monometallic and Republican. , ,, I h a v e thus far argued tho question on tho monometallist's ass u m p t i o n that silver is and must remain mere token money, subsidiary'coin relying upon a backing of gold for its value. This is an unwarranted assumption, however. I have a 'little doubt, very little, however, about the power of the United'States, conjointly with the other silver-using and bi- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 8 metallic countries of tlio globe, being able to maintain the bullion parity of tho two metals at a ratio of 16 to 1. I have no doubt whatsoever about our ability to do so at an increased ratio, 20 to 1, that being, if anything, too high. Free coinago will not have so much effect on tho bullion value of silver, because of the present increased demand, though much in that way. as because of the status of silver prospectively. I lay down the proposition that silver answers every end of money as well as gold. As an " equivalent" of values it is the equal of gold. As a " measure of values" it is superior, because more stable and less liable to violent fluctuations of production. Mr. Leech says in the article in tho North American, which I have already referred to: Timo was when silver possessed tho conditions necessary to fit it to serve as such a "measure" and 11 equivalent." It does not possess them to-day. If it docs not, and if, furthermore, its inadaptability to one or the other end has grown out of the nature of things, that is, if it has not been produced or brought about by legislation, by human interference, then the author has made a strong argument against any effort to cure tho defect by repeal of legislation or counter human interference. His own article, however, furnishes proof positive that the so-called depreciation of silver has not been altogether, nor even mainly, the result of natural laws, but, on the contrary, is the direct result of human interference. If the series of total and partial demonetizations which have decreased the demand for and thereby depreciated tho value of silver had taken place in the case of gold, does any one doubt but there would have resulted a great depreciation of gold as an "equivalent?" Does any one doubt, that if all this legislation had had its genesis in Great Britain too long ago for one of my age to remember distinctly, in Germany as far back as 1871, in the United States in 1873, and if such a combination of the creditor nations and creditor classes had been consummated fifteen years ago and was being daily urged further now, does any one doubt that in 1893 the subject of discussion with the American people would be " i s gold tit to serve for money," is it or can it be made (which is the right statement) at once a "measure" and an " equivalent?" Does any one believe that tho demand for gold for plate, jewelry, gilding, etc., could possibly have kept the metal up to its present value, the great demand for it as money, its chief natural use, being thus curtailed? It must be remembered that, if coin is an "equivalent," it is because of its intrinsic value. This intrinsic value is due, as in all things, to its value in tise, its capacity for being used for valuable purposes, its present and prospective use. It is peculiar capacity for use in subserving certain purposes which gives value, " intrinsic value." If gold and silver were not limited in production, indestructible and yet malleable and infinitely divisible, capable of receiving and retaining stampage, not easy to rust, in a word not peculiarly adapted to use as money, neither would have ever been used as money and neither would, for other purposes solely, be so useful and hence wouldnothave tho intrinsic value, as mere metals, of either copper, nickel, or iron. What I have supposed as happening in the case of gold is actually what did happen in the case of silver. The history of the happening, the how and when and the where of it, you all know. We know that in 1873, the year of silver demonetization by the United States, the value of the silver in a silver dollar was one dollar and four mills. This was after England and Germany had done their worst, but before the United States had struck the fatal blow. To answer the purpose of a measure of value, especially with a view to deferred payments, the chief essential is stability of value in tho measure itself. That means—taking a series o£ years—stability of supply, relatively to the supply of other things. The measure must be something which increases approximately at a P a c e with the average of commodities. j Deductively reasoning you would naturally expect leis fluctuation in the production of silver than in that of gold, because silver comas mining, and is somewhat dependent upon industry, gold from surface findings, a matter chiefly o f pure accident; and historically and statistically you find just irhat you might have expected to be a fact. I hand to the Clerk, to be printed in the RECORD, two tables, marked " A " and " B . » Table A is a table of variations or fluctuations from year to year in the production of each metal from 1849 to 1891, inclusive. You will note that the greatest fluctuation in the production of silver from any one year to the year succeeding was in 1861, when it increased 10 per cent. You will find gold decreasing one year 18 per cent, increasing in other years by bounds of 16, 55, 63, even 96 por cent. I have said that a right "measure of value" metal ought to increase gradually from year to year j)ari passu, with population, trade, transportation, etc. Note from Table A that while silver has done just this thing with tolerable uniformity, gold has positively decreased in production during nineteen out of the forty-two years. You will also note that there is being less gold produced yearly now than there was yearly from 1852 to 1860, inclusively— the entire amount of gold produced in all the world's mines in 1891 being 125,000,000, and over half of this, as a matter of fact, being used in the arts. 138 But the monometallists say thero is a new and different order of things now. "There is an unheard-of overproduction of silvor." Examine table 15. From it you will seo that in 1891 there was by weight 23.6 times .— World's yield of gold and silver, with percentage of annual variation in supply. TABLE A Year. 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857, 1858 1859, 1860. 18G1. 1862. 1863. 1864. Gold, in Variation Silver, in Variation from from millions millions of dollars. previous of dollars. previous years. years. 27 44 133 155 127 135 134 134 133 130 127 16 -18 -I- 7 122 - 122 126 + + 126 V 119 119 1865. 1866. 127 127 1867, 1868. 108 97 1887. 106 1889. 1890. 1891. 120 _ 3 + 3 + 6 + 0 + 0 110 120 + + 1601-1620.. 1621-1640.. 1641-1660.. 1661-1680.. 1680-1700.. 1701-1720.. 1721-1740.. 1741-1760.. 1761-1780.. 1781-1800-. 1801-1810., 1811-1820., 18Z1-T38G- • 1831-1840.. 1841-1850., 1851-1855.. 1856-1860., 1861-1865.. 1866-1870.. 1871-1875.. 187 6 187 7 187 8 187 9 188 0 1881 18S2 188 3 1884 188 5 188 6 1887 June, 1893 (average). 4 9 0 + 4 125 1545-1560.. 1561-1580.. 1581-1600.. 4 3 —4 100 106 106 Period. + + — 5 _ 4 100 TABLE B.—World's 3 5 — 5 104 1888. - 114 116 120 1886. 3 3 111 111 111 1883. 1884. 1885. 0 - 1 —1 °0 ° 0 112 1880. 1881. 1882. 2 4 3 zt 125 123 119 113 3869. 1870. 1871. 1872. 1873. 1874. 1875. 1876. 1877. 1878. 1879. 1889.. 1S90 1891 63 55 96 68 39 39 40 41 41 41 41 41 41 41 41 41 45 46 49 52 52 52 54 57 61 64 68 71 75 79 82 88 93 97 99 101 10G 111 115 120 125 130 136 146 159 174 186 production of gold and silver. Mean annual product. Ratio of Ratio of silver to gold to gold silver Gold. Silver. (weight). (value). Kilos. 8,510 6,840 7,380 8,520 8,300 8,770 9,260 10,765 12,820 19,0S0 24,010 20,705 17,790 17, 778 11,445 14,216 20,289 54,759 193,388 201,750 185,057 185,026 173,904 165,956 179,445 185,847 167,307 163,515 153,864 148,475 144,727 153,193 159,289 159,741 159,155 159.809 185,809 181,256 189,824 Kilos. 311,600 299,500 418,900 422,900 393,600 366,300 337,000 341,900 355, 600 431,200 533,145 652,710 879,060 894,150 540,770 <460, £60 596,450 760,415 886,115 904,990 1,101,150 1,339,085 1,969,425 2,323,779 2, 388,612 2,551,364 2, 507,507 2,479,998 2,592,639 2,769,0G5 2,746,123 2, 788,727 2,993,805 2,902,471 2,990,398 3,388,606 3,901,809 4,180,532 4,479,649 [ 36.6 43.8 56.8 49.6 47.4 41.8 36.4 31.8 27.7 22.6 21.7 31.5 49.4 50.3 47.2 29.4 14.3 4.4 4.5 5.9 0.9 11.3 14.0 13.3 13.7 15.0 15.2 16.3 18.6 19.0 18.2 18.8 18.2 18.8 21.2 21.0 23.1 23.6 18.6 11.30 11.50 11.80 12.25 14 14.50 15 14.97 15.21 15.08 14.75 14.73 15.09 15. 61 15.51 15.80 15.75 15.83 15.41 15.29 15.41 15.50 15.98 17.88 17.22 17.94 18.40 18.05 18.16 18.19 18.64 18.57 19.41 30.78 21.13 21.99 22.09 19.76 20.92 30.18 NOTE.—The figures for 1493-1882, both years inclusive, are Soetbcer's; thOBe from 1882-1881 are from the reports of the director of tho Mint. 9 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. a s m u c h s i l v e r as g o l d p r o d u c e d f r o m t h e w o r l d ' s m i n e s ; a n d o u r , friends, t h e enemy, say y o u can n o t h a v e bimetallism w i t h such a huge disproportion of production. T h e i r i g n o r a n c e is o n l y e q u a l e d b y t h e i r a s s u m p t i o n o f w i s d o m . G o b a c k f u r t h e r w i t h y o u r dates o n t h a t t a b l e a n d y o u w i l l see 1 t h a t f o r t h r e e h u n d r e d y e a r s ( f r o m 1545 t o 1840) t h e d i s p r o p o r t i o n w a s greater than n o w . A n d this w a s w h e n so-called " e v o l u t i o n " h a d n o t p r o d u c e d a s i n g l e g o l d b u g . Y o u w i l l n o t e , t h a t in o n e t w e n t y - y e a r s p e r i o d , f r o m 1581 t o 1600, t h e r e w a s o v e r fifty-six t i m e s a s m u c h s i l v e r p r o d u c e d as t h e r e w a s o f g o l d . I n t h e t e n - y e a r p e r i o d , 1801-1810, t h o w e i g h t o f s i l v e r p r o d u c e d w a s o v e r fifty t i m e s that of g o l d : in the next decade over forty-seven t i m e s ; and yet, d u r i n g all t h a t t i m e , w e h a d b i m e t a l l i s m at a less r a t i o t h a n t h e p r e s e n t o n e . N o t e also, t h a t w h e n s i l v e r w a s d e m o n e t i z e d i n 1873 there was no relative overproduction, nor did the production after t h a t y e a r e x c e e d 16 o f s i l v e r t o 1 o f g o l d u n t i l 1881. Note another thing in connection w i t h the n e w proposed ratio o f 20 t o 1, v i z , t h a t t h e a v e r a g e c o m p a r a t i v e p r o d u c t i o n f r o m 1881 t o 1891, i n c l u s i v e , h a s b e e n less t h a n 20 t o 1, h a s b e e n 18.6 o u n c e s o f s i l v e r t o 1 o u n c e o f g o l d . H o w a f e w p l a i n f a c t s a n d figures d i s p o s e o f asinine e x p e r t a s s u m p t i o n s ! I h o l d in m y h a n d a l i t t l e p a m p h l e t c o m p i l e d b y M r . H . E m e r s o n , o f G e r m a n t o w n , P a . , i n w h i c h he h a s c o l l o c a t e d , f r o m M u l h a l l ' s D i c t i o n a r y o f Statistics, t h o E n c y c l o p e d i a Britannica, and the Engineering and Mining Journal, some i n s t r u c t i v e t a b l e s o f c o m p a r a t i v e s t a t i s t i c s . A s f a r as I h a v e b e e n a b l e t o v e r i f y t h e m t h e y are e x a c t in e v e r y p a r t i c u l a x . I shall make a part o f m y remarks the portions of the pamphlet and the tables under the respective headings: F a c t one, fact t w o , fact three, and fact four. FACT ONE. The total production of silver between 1871 and 1892 relatively to gold is little more than half what it was during the thrde hundred years preceding the California gold discoveries. V Period. 1545-1850 1871-1892 1561-1660 1661-1780 1781-1840 1891 . Ratio of weight. Silver. Years. Gold. 306 22 100 * 120 60 1 Kilos. 4,427,900 3,727,966 796,200 1,944,800 1,650,360 190.000 Kilos. 146,347,000 63, 764, 534 38,024,000 53,031,700 67,420,000 4,480,000 33.12 17.14 47.75 27.27 40.86 23.6 FACT TWO. Thefluctuationof silver supply between 1515 and 1892 has been less than that of gold. Annual production of silver. Kilos. Minimum, 1561-1580 300,030 Maximum, 1891 4,500,000 Increase, 15 fold. Annual production of gold. Kilos. Minimum, 1561-1580 6,840 Maximum, 1853 234,000 Increase, 34 fold. Suddenfluctuationsin gold. Kilos. Ten-year interval: 1831-1840 20,289 1851-1860 201,138 Increase, 10 fold. In dollars, increase, $120,000,000. Four-year interval: 1849 1853 $27,000,000 155,500,000 Amount 128,500,000 Increase, 5.8 fold. Suddenfluctuationsin silver have not occurred in the last three hundred years. Ten-year interval: 1801-1810... 1821-1830 Decrease to one-half. In dollars, decrease, $19,117,600. $894,000 460,000 Four-year interval: 1887 1891 $136,000,000 186,000,000 Increase 49,000,000 Increase, 1.4 fold. At a ten years' interval, 1881-1891, the increase of silver was $30,000,000, the increase in gold 1841-50 to 1853, was $122,000,000, or one-half more in dollars. At a four years' interval, 1887-1893, increase of silver $49,000,000, and of gold 1849-1853, $128,000,000, almost three times* as much, and for a one-year interval, 1889-1890, increase of silver is $15,000,000, while 1851-1852 shows a gold increase of $55,000,000. Whether, therefore, we take intervals of time long or short, remote or recent; or whether we consider percentages, or absolute amounts, or value in dollars, tlio. production of silver has ooen incomparably lessfluctuatingthan that ot gold. FACT THREE. The added stock of silver sinco 1872 (twenty years) to tho total world's supply of both metals to tho world's money has been neither absolutely nor proportionately as large as the added stock of gold to the previous world's supply of both metals in the twenty years 1850-1870. Total amount of gold and silver mined, in million dollars. Gold. 1492-1850 1852 1871 3,160 2,573 SUver. Total. 6,000 9,160 Increase through gold to previous supply of gold and silver, 28 per cent. UNPARALLELED FBOSPEBITY. 1492-1872 1873-1892 Gold. Silver. J Total. 5,836 2,362 7,000 | 12,836 2,430 Increase through silver to previous supply of gold and silver, 19 per cent; in* craase through gold and silver to previous supply, 27 per cent. Stock of precious metals in the world* Silver. Gold. $2,535,000,000 6 175,000,000 $4,830,000, 000 6,065,000, COO Percentage of increase: Gold, 142 per cent; silver, 24 per cent. *Mulhall, page 306. FACT FOTJR. The annual increase of gold and silver since 1860 has not been as great as increase of ^ population, of commerce, of railroads, of cotton, of grain, of pig is the annual inci ^ iron in for * * the t h eUnited " • ' States " " the same period. 1840. flnld itnfl BIIMTyimrf^'mmimlfV . . . . Pn-nnlfltioii . Railroad mileage Leading railroads of the United States: Mileage Freight movement ... ....... . ......... .... 1860. - $311,000,000 62,600,000 166,702 31.400,000 30,626 15,501 396,000,000 1,732,000, 000 63,477 4,938,000,000 6,421,000,000 $5,150,000,000 $2,200,000,000 $450,000,000 1,240,000,000 1.836,000,000 821,000 * First period. 1890. 1889. $107, COO. OOA 1 tons - Banking power 1870. 3,454,000,000 ! 3.629,000.000 Increase. Percent. . C { 86 100 444 309 1,147 277 *390 TL34 178 98 1,206 t Second period. T h e t a b l e p u b l i s h e d u n d e r t h e h e a d o f f a c t f o u r is e s p e c i a l l y i m - i t is a f a c t t h a t t h e p r i c e o f a l l c o m m o d i t i e s , as e x p r e s s e d i n t h e S o r t a n t , as s h o w i n g t h e d a n g e r o f r e l y i n g o n o n e m e t a l o n l y w h e n a m o u n t o f s i l v e r b u l l i o n f o r w h i c h t h e y w o u l d at g i v e n t i m e s e x o t h p u t t o g e t h e r d o n o t k e e p p a c e w i t h t h e w o r l d ' s g r o w t h i n c h a n g e h a s v a r i e d less t h a n t h e i r p r i c e , as.expressed i n t h e a m o u n t population, nor transportation, n o r banking power, nor grain, nor o f gold'bullion for which they would exchange. cotton, nor pig iron. Here is a t a b l e c o m p i l e d b y M r . S a u e r b e c k , t h e e m i n e n t s t a t i s t i c i a n , A s s e r t i o n s t h a t s i l v e r fluctuated v i o l e n t l y a n d i s d e p r e c i a t i n g g i v i n g in o n e c o l u m n t h e a v e r a g e p r i c e f o r e a c h y e a r o f f o r t y - f i v e r a p i d l y f r o m n a t u r a l causes g r o w o u t o f t h e f a c t t h a t t h e assertors p r i n c i p a l a r t i c l e s o f c o m m e r c e i n t h e L o n d o n m a r k e t , a n d i n t h e have reference t o the price o f silver in gold, s e c o n d c o l u m n t h e a v e r a g e p r i c e o f s i l v e r f o r e a c h y e a r 1874-1892, B u t in addition t o the fact that necessarily Bilver does not fluc- i n c l u s i v e . tuate any more in term a of gold than gold d o e s in t e r m s o f silver, I t shows that the price of silver as expressed in gold has been 138 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. 10 s t e a d i l y g o i n g d o w n , h u t a l s o t h a t t h o p r i c e s o f t h e f o r t y - f i r e artic l e s , as e x p r e s s e d i n t e r m s o f g o l d , h a v e b e e n s t e a d i l y g o i n g d o w n a l l t h o t i m e , a n d a l m o s t , i f n o t q u i t e , at t h e s a m e p a c e w i t h silver. T h i s s h o w s t h e c o m p a r a t i v e s t a b i l i t y o f v a l u e o f t h o t w o metals as c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e v a l u e o f c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d also demonstrates an appreciation o f g o l d gradual, g r o w i n g , a n d constant, everything b e c o m i n g c h e a p e r a n d c h e a p e r i n t e r m s o f g o l d , w h i c h means t h a t g o l d is b e c o m i n g d e a r e r a n d d e a r e r i n t e r m s o f e v e r y t h i n g , w h i c h m e a n s , i n t u r n , t h a t i t is b e c o m i n g y e a r l y m o r e a n d m o r e difficult t o o b t a i n a g i v e n a m o u n t o f g o l d in return f o r service or products— m o r e and more p r o d u c t s must b e g i v e n t o g e t the given amount o f gold. I f t h o use o f s i l v e r as m o n e y i s s t i l l f u r t h e r c u r t a i l e d a n d tho d e m a n d o n g o l d t o p e r f o r m t h a t f u n c t i o n s t i l l f u r t h e r increased, this movement w i l l o f course b e accelerated and its already grinding effects accentuated. Mr. SatterlccJc's index numbers. Index numbers Index number of 45 principal of silver. commodities. Year. 102 96 95 94 87 83 88 85 84 82 76 72 69 68 70 72 72 72 f 68 1874.. 1875.. 1876.. 1877.. 1878.. 1879.. 1880.. 1881.. 1882.. 1883.. 1884.. 1885.. 1886.. 1887.. 1888.. 1889.., 1890.., 1891.. 1892... 1893*. 95.8 93.3 86.7 90.2 86.4 84.2 85.9 85.0 84.9 83.1 83.3 79.9 74.6 73.3 70.4 70.2 78.4 74.1 J 65.4 •Lowest price of wheat on record; lowest prices of stocks since 1884. f June ana July, lowest price of wool in its history. X Lowest price of silver on record. Between 1850 and 1870 there was a slight rise in the value of commodities, and during the same period silver was at a slight premium compared with gold. T h e still m o r e eminent statistician, Mr. Soetbeer, has published a^ t a b l e o f c o m p a r a t i v e g o l d p r i c e s o f s i l v e r b u l l i o n a n d o f o n e hundred and fourteen articles in the free port of Hamburg, leading i n e v i t a b l y t o t h o s a m e c o n c l u s i o n a n d d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h e same f a c t s . I s h a l l a l s o i n s e r t t h i s t a b l e i n t h e R E C O R D as a p a r t o f m y r e marks ; Tear. 1871.. 1872., 1873. 1874.. 1875.. 1876.. 1877., 1878., 1879.. 1830.. 1881.. 1882.. 1884.. 1885.. 1886.. 1BS7-. 1888.. 1889.. 1890.. Index Price of number silver per of general ounce in prices. gold. 127.03 135.62 138.28 136.20 129.85 128.33 127.70 120.60 117.10 121.89 121.07 122.14 122.24 114.25 10S. 72 103.29 102.20 101.93 106.13 108.13 $1.326 1.322 1.298 1.278 1.246 1.156 1.201 1.152 1.123 1.149 1.138 1.136 1.110 1.113 1.065 .978 .939 .935 1.046 A n d y e t i n t h e f a c e o f f a c t s a n d figures l i k e t h e s e g e n t l e m e n w i l l continue parrot-like to repeat the stereotyped cry t a u g h t them b y the money-lenders, that bimetallism w o u l d lead t o a silver standard a n d the " dishonest silver dollar." I n t h e first p l a c e i t w o u l d n o t l e a d t o t h e s i n g l e s i l v e r s t a n d a r d , and in the second place, i f it did, the dollar reached would n o t be as d i s h o n e s t as t h e g o l d d o l l a r , w h i c h is n o w t h e m e a s u r e o f v a l u e . B u t our opponents say, the general fall i n prices and the universal d e p r e s s i o n w h i c h set i n i n 1873 a n d s t i l l c o n t i n u e s is d u e t o i m p r o v e d processes cheapening production, and n o t to tho appreciation o f gold. T h a t t h i s i s i n m a n y t h i n g s t o a g r e a t e x t e n t , a n d i n all t h i n g s partially, true, I d o not doubt. Listen t o the voice o f the celebrated monetary commission o f Great Britain, twelve illustrious men, one-half g o l d standard a n d one-half d o u b l e standard advocates. T h e y u n a n i m o u s l y report as f o l l o w s : W e are of the opinion that the true explanation of the phenomena which we 138 are directed to investigate is to ho found in a combination of causes and can not he attributed to any one cause alone. Tho action of the Latin Union in ] 873 broke the link between silver and gold, which had kept the price of the former as measured by tho latter constant at about tho legal ratio, and when this link was broken the silver market was open to the influence of all the factors which go to affect tho price of a commodity. These factors happen since 1S73 to havo operatod in the direction of a foil in tho gold price of that metal. A n d f u t h e r o n i n t h e i r final r e p o r t , o n p . 95, I find these w o r d s : In India, in the opinion of nearly all the witnesses whom we have examined, the purchasing powor of the rupee continues unimpaired-and the priccs of commodities measured in silver remain practically the same. "Wo have no evidence to show that silver has undergone any material change in relation to commodities, although it has fallen largely in relation to gold; in other words, the same number of rupees will no longer exchange for tho same amount of gold as formerly, but, so far as we can judge, they will purchase as much of any commodity or commodities in India as they did before. A n d s i x o f t h e m , i n a s e p a r a t e r e p o r t , use t h i s u n a n s w e r a b l e l a n g u a g e , w h i c h I find p u b l i s h e d b y M r . D a v i d A W o l l s i n h i s i n c o m p a r a b l e w o r k , R e c e n t E c o n o m i c C h a n g e s , o n p a g e 190, a t b o t t o m . We are not insensible to the fact that facilities lor production are habitually increasing, and the cost of production is constantly becoming less. "But these factors have always been in operation since the world began; and while we recognizo their tendency to depress the prices of commodities, they aro not, in our opinion, sufficient to account for the abnormal fall in prices, which has been apparent sinco the rupture of the bimetallic par, and only since that time. M y f r i e n d f r o m Mississippi [ M r . CATCHINGS] i n o n o b r e a t h a c c o u n t e d f o r t h e f a l l o f silver b y t h e d i m i n i s h e d d o m a n d f o r i t as m o n e y , c a u s e d b y t h e series o f d e m o n e t i z a t i o n s w h i c h h a v e t a k e n p l a c e , antl i n t h e n e x t b r e a t h d e n i e d t h a t a n y o n e c o u l d s h o w t h a t there h a d been any appreciation o f g o l d ! A g i v e n cause w i l l p r o d u c e a given effect, b u t the reverse cause has n o t e n d e n c y t o p r o d u c e t h e r e v e r s e e f f e c t ! S u c h is t h e a b s u r d a n d i l l o g i c a l p o s i t i o n . J u s t i n p r o p o r t i o n as t h e d e m a n d f o r silver, i n p r e s e n t a n d p r o s p e c t i v e use, h a s b e e n lessened b y legislation, j u st in that proportion has tho d e m a n d o n g o l d f o r p r e s e n t a n d p r o s p e c t i v e u s e t o fill u p t h e v a c u u m b e e n i n c r e a s e d . T h e d e m a n d i n c r e a s e d , t h e s u p p l y r e m a i n i n g t h e s a m e o r less, a n d yet no appreciation of price! T h e g e n t l e m a n f r o m M a r y l a n d [ M r . RAYNEH] w e n t f u r t h e r , a n d in t h e h e a t o f d e b a t e a n d p a u c i t y o f t h o u g h t a b s o l u t e l y d e n i e d t h a t there had been any appreciation of gold. I n this connection I quote f r o m a v e r y v a l u a b l e w o r k , p u b l i s h e d b y t h e A p p l e t o n s i n 1886, w i t h t h e t i t l e " Class I n t e r e s t s , " p . 68 et seq.: :Now, what is the fact in regard to the relative value of the gold and silver dollars for the last eight years ? The production of gold has steadily fallen off, its consumption in,tho arts has steadily increased, its function as money has been weighted by the demonetization of silver, and prices have steadily declined. These facts'conspire to show that the value of the gold dollar has increased—how much, it would be difficult to say. I will quote J. Barr Robertson, in the Economist, February 23,1884: "Mr. Goschen's select committee, all of them gold-standard men, produced a large volume, in which they satisfied themselves that they had shown the causes of the " depreciation in silver," but the Indian government immediately produced incontrovertible evidence to prove that silver had not depreciated in purchasing power, and last spring Mr. Goschen gave a long and able address at the Institute of Bankers to show what the bimetallist shad abundantly shown for the previous seven years, namely, that the disturbance in tho gold price of silver was chiefly due to the appreciation of gold; so that Mr. Goschen, by no means a very courageous investigator, has come over to the bimetallic view, that the monetary troubles of the past ten years have been mainly caused by the rise in the purchasing power of gold, while silver has remained comparatively stationary in purchasing power, and has therefore been during that time far more completely a standard of value than gold." Later, Dr. Giffen, the statistician, has come to the support of the same view. The prevailing opinion is that silver has depreciated because it has been demonetized; but this very act of demonetization of silver has caused a greater demand for gold and raised its value. Mr. W. Westgrath says in the Economist: " A s gold nas been (in the United States especially) so largely substituted for paper as well as for silver, I agree with your correspondent (Robertson) that the rosult has been decidedly more an appreciation of gold than a depreciation of silver, and that the effects upon our trade, and, I may add, upon the incidence of our public debt, have thus far been verysorious indeed." In speaking of the efforts to get silver out of tho way, Mr. ±L B. Greenfell, ex-governor of the Bank of England, says: " B y these processes the states of England, Germany, and Franco have created an artificial demand for ^old, which has upset all prices, enhanced the property of all creditors, and diminished tho means of all debtors. (The Economist, March 1,1884.) . . ... , Now, what is there to show that, since 1877, the divergence m the bullion values of gtAA and^tirer h»* wliuliy or juaijaly duA to AopTcciat.ifm ol silver? I am somewhat conversant with current references to this subject, ana J. know of nothing except the eternal reiteration, "the fall of silver," the " dishonest silver dollar." and "the danger of getting down to the debased silver standard. If the bullion in the silver dollar will buy as much now as it would in 1877-80, while the gold dollar will buy more, which is tho more honest dollar 1 Or, even if silver has depreciated as much as gold has appreciated to make the difference that has taken place between them within the last few years, and the silver dollar is, therefore, dishonest, is not the gold dollar equally dishonest? Herein appears the assumption of these who are shouting so lustily about the dishonest dollar. The trouble with this business is that the creditor class, the monoy-owners, and thefixed-incomeclass, aro the people whose views are mostly voiced in our great journals and it is the bias of these classes to regard the dear dollar, constantly growing dearer, as the truly honest dollar, simply because it is growing heavier in their pockets. A few years ago an eastern journal had a heavy editorial to prove how much more honest the people are in the East than in the West, in this country. We can not censure classes for seeing to their own interests; they have done so from tho beginning, but none the less is it the duty of the great body of the people, whose real interests are thus threatened, to organize for the encouragement ofa higher sort of "honesty" than that which has been so fulsome of late in its own praise. I have no doubt that there are editors, South and West as well as East, who reiterate the catch phrases of the monometallism without having given any careful attention to the real points at issue. Gold appears to befetedin value and central in importance, as the earth appears to the fixed in tho center cf the heavens; and/giving the matter no careful thought, they are altogether sincere in assuming that the gold standard is uniform and silver fluctuating, and they join in the chorus," the dishonest silver dollar!" With them it is as if the earth stood still and the heavens moved. 11 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. I also quote from tho same work, as "bearing on the general effect (who, if the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. PATTERSON] is to bo believed, " d o not understand these things")* against them. of tho monometallic policy, beginning on page 64, as follows: Leading statesmen of " national reputations," also of every party, Tl»e mines are add ing nothing at present to the stock of gold for money purposes. Its consumption, as well as that of silver, in the arts and manufactures is very including Clay, Calhoun, and Webster, and the ' ' Metropolitan press/' "with scarcely an exception, were against them, because forsooth great and rapidly increasing. It is now three times as great as it was twenty years ago, four times as great as it was thirty years ago. On the other hand tho they thought too "surely the experts know." production of gold i3 steadily falling off. From 1856 to 1860, the annual production But the horse sense of " Old Hickory " and the plain common of gold was 137 millions; in 1879,107 millions; in 1888,94 millions. It is estimated that the annual consumption of gold in the arts is steadily increasing; so it is to sense of the "common people" triumphed and to-day there is not he expected that in a short time, taking the last twenty years as a guide, the con* a reader in the United States fool enough to say they did not triumph sumption of gold will be greater every year than its production. This, together deservedly. with the wear and loss of coin, will draw upon the present stock of money gold, Later on when we wanted to reform the tariff all tho " experts " and draw uj»n it largely; and yet, in the face of these facts, known to all who havo given the subject study, we havo classes in tho community who want gold in that line cried out against it. alone to bo tho niea'suro or denominator of values. Again for a season they fooled tho people. If this movement were to be carried out. how would it operate on the various But we are here now with the power and tho will to do just what classes in societv ? In the first place it would increase tho relative wealth of certain cl asses, and diminish tho relative wealth of other classes, with no correspond- the experts don't want done. And the ultimate effect of our doing it will justify its having ing merit in the one class or demerit in tho other. All whose property consists in credits and moneys, all whose incomes arefixedannuities and Government sala- been done. ries, and salaries not readily ad justed to the changed conditions, all these would When Luther came, theological i ( experts " were against him; when gain directly by tho general adoption of gold monometallism. "What they gain others would lose. All prices would fall, all property would be bought and sold Christ came, theological "experts" crucified him. The expert intellect runs now and has always run in grooves; at lower figures; and all who own such property, all producers, would have to do with less than before. All indebtedness would be increased. Enterprising busi- the "present status," whatever it is, having been long studied and ness men who had borrowed a part of the capital they used, would be crippled. being intimately understood by the "expert," and his mind having The farmer still having payments to make on his homo would be weighted. Tho same number of dollars having in all cases to be paid, and those dollars having become molded to the clay he works in, is precious to him. increased in valuo, the debtor would have to pay more, and the creditor would reOf all forms of government, the most ridiculous and unfortunate ceivo more value than he loaned or sold. And yet wo have classes in society that would be " a government of financiers by financiers," which would are laboring in season and out of season to establish monometallism. But this also be a government " f o r financiers." The bourgeoisie underform of insidious and unjust redistribution of wealth is not all wo havo to look out for. Our monometallists are quite concerned for the poor laboring men. They stands its own interest with a view to the immediate future. All say, if wo get too much silver—and we are always right on the ove of getting too history shows that beyond that it is incompetent. much—prices will go up, and wages will not buy aa much, greatly to the disadWhat is the condition confronting us ? First, scarcity of money vantage of laborers. Usually, however, pretty soon after prices go up, wages rise, and laborers are quite sure to havo all the work they can do. A good (leal of un- in actual use. How do gentlemen propose to remedy it? Make it necessary alarm is shown about the high prices work-people may have to pay. scarcer. One would suppose that a little of this alarm might be reserved for the contingency Second. A divergence constantly widening between the two of loss of employment and lower wages under the crushing operation of constantly metals. How do gentlemen propose to remedy it? Make it still increasing scarcity and dearness of the gold dollar. But this is precisely the side greater by increasing the demand for that one whose price is already of tho shield that our Argus-eved monometallists never see. Under advancing monometallism, if the movement can not he arrested, money too high and by lessening the demand for that one whose price is must become constantly dearer and prices constantly lower; with what results 1 too low. With a steady discouragement to business. "When prices are falling business is That is " expert" statesmanship! always dull. Buyers bold off, and the competition of unsuccessful sellers sinks There is no lack of confidence among the people of tho Union in prices even lower than would be indicated by the reduced volume of money. As purchases made on falling prices are always small and consumption economical, any form of its currency. roduction has necessarily to be limited, and there is a constantly diminishing Lack of confidence in currency makes it go out and got about, emand for labor. Workingmen are thrown out of employment or have to work each man getting something in exchange for it as soon as he can. on reduced time or reduced wages, so that, even on falling prices, laborers are People do not hoard things which they fear will become valueworse off than they were before. Under progressive gold monometallism, with the lessening supply of gold all consumed m the arts, with the wastago and loss less. The trouble is lack of confidence in investments. And this has come about because men see nothing in which they in coin going steadily on, and the stock on hand absolutely diminishing, this depression of business is not merely a temporary thing; it must continue from year can put their money which has not been falling in price with moro to year with the effect of casting down the groat middle class relatively lower or less constancy for twenty years and which does not threaten to and lower, and sinking employes to the borders of beggary and slavery. Monometallists never discuss these permanent features of their system; they merely continue indefinitely to fall. Men do not like to buy on a falling refer in a partial way to what can only be immediate and temporary results, re- market. lying, like advocates, on the safe mental inertia of those they mean to influence. And what, in turn, has produced this? The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. RAYNER], wrapped in a cloak For twenty years the world has been madly and uselessly endeavof monometallic self-sufficiency, went further still and positively oring to get on a gold basis, thereby making gold more and more denied that the depreciation of Bilver had been caused b y demoneti- valuable and other things, as expressed in terms of gold—tho only zatiouj denied that demonetization had any effect on the price of metal recognized as real money—cheaper and cheaper. silver, and as an inference from that position denied that remonetiAnd now we are requested not to throw our great power and inzation would have any effect. fluence abreast the current to try to stem and check it, but to accelRefer to tables and prices of silver. erate the movement 1 But no reference to statistics ought to be nec essary. The gentleI will not join the " e x p e r t " movement of still further grinding man is old enough to remember that in 1890 the prospect alone of the masses, robbing the debtors, and depreciating the agricultural a free coinage bill becoming law in the United States sent silver produce of my country. np 20 cents on the London market (from 43.625 pence to 54.625 Coin both gold and silver, or else^deprive both of governmental pence). aid. As I have said, they would both pass as money, only by weight He is also old enough to remember that two months ago, in June and not tale. Of course nobody is seriously in favor of having no last, merely closing the mints of India to private account caused coinage laws. silver to decline in one day nearly 10 cents (from 77 to 68£ cents) Coinage is convenient if all can have access to it, if government and caused a fall before the decline ended of nearly 20 cents. "None will confine itself to its legitimate functions, which are to declare so blind as those who will not see." the weight, the fineness, the ratio, and the device. The greatest curiosity in the way of an argument came from the But when Government goes farther and attempts to restrict the lips of the gentleman from Florida [Mr. COOPER]. He said, " that supply of coin, it takes from money its most desirable quality and as a lawyer he hud-learned the value of expert testimony nnd that attribute its elasticity; and moreover depreciates the intrinsic all the ' experts/ tho * financiers/ were opposed to free coinage and value of the bullion whose coinage is restricted. The gentleman •wanted unconditional repeal." f from Ohio [Mr. HARTER] said that the volume of money makes no l ean tell the gentleman two things; first, that though courts difference—that nations are not prosperous in proportion to their avail themselves of expert testimony, a man is not called to testify volume of money. in his own behalf as an expert; he might be too expert. Second, If he had used the word currency instead of money I should havo that tho world, with its finances, commerce, and religion, would agreed with him. have gone to the " demnition bowwows " long ago, had it been But the proposition as laid down b y him is absurd. Real money, guided by experts and their biases. gold and silver, havo intrinsic value, and a country is richer and Wlieq Adam Smith created the science of political economy he .more prosperous for every ounce of gold and silver it has, as it is found in existence the so-called " mercantile theory " of trade and for every additional pound of iron or bushel of wheat. finance. It was held by all traders, bankers, and experts. Not a Moreover, the richer a nation is the more money it will have. I f merchant belonging to a London guild but laughed at the Scottish it has no mines, it has valuable products and precious energies, and rofessor. They did not answer him, but laughed at and ignored these will draw gold and silver. All that is needful is that Governim. And for many years tho -world imitated them, for surely " the ment should not hamper the operation by preventing coifiage and trade " k n e w " business" better than anyone else. use as coins. When Andrew Jacksen and TKomas H. Benton reformed the The countries which have the most money, real money, are to-day finances of this country and emancipated the people from the 3SfationalBank thralldoin,they foundnot only the United States Bank,but the most prosperous, and those which havo the least are the least successful bankers everywhere and all the commercial classes in all prosperous. In interrogating the gentleman from Ohio the other day, I did the large cities, everybody, in short, except the " common people " not use the word currency, as the R E C O R D makes me do, but money* 138 S E CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.. 12 In support of the drift of my question then and of my assertion of intelligence, nor am I willing to believe that the Congress of the now, X insert th© following names of countries and amounts per United States, to whom he addressed that message, are not a body head of money and paper currently redeemable in money; i. e., on of " intelligent men/' This trouble has been brewing for long. The crash in Argentina, demand at any hour. tho Baring Brothers' failure, the Bank of England on the verge of In the order of greatest volume. temporary suspension, and only saved by $15,000,000 of gold from France $40.56 silver-using France, the widespread wreck of Australian banks Netherlands (Holland) 28.88 and industries, all these things are current history. English capBelgium . — 28.53 italists then found it necessary to draw in their business—to sell Australia 26.75 their securities to get money for liquidation at home and in the United States 25.15 Great Britain , 18.42 colonies—ours among the first, and chiefly for obvious reason. Extensions could not be offered, securities must be protected and I have dwelt upon the monetary prosperity of France. It has long been an axiom among men of information that Holland is the be taken, as they came over by millions, requiring the gold. Unfortunately just at that moment Austria-Hungary was trying country of the world where prosperity among the common people is greatest, distribution of wealth most nearly even (except m to get $75,000,000 of gold for resumption. What condition did this unprecedented coincidence find us in f Franco), and where tho smallest percentage of people either hunger Why, we had been "overdoing it," like our English cousins. Boom or shiver. towns everywhere; inflated " industrials," overcapitalized and someIn the order of least volume. times fictitious, doing business on a basis of 6 per cent money and China $175 currency and 94 per cent credit appliances; boasting of it even as Turkey 2.88 an evidence of civilization, forgetful of the fact that credit and India 3-64 Japan 4.90 credit appliances are only necessary evils of commerce and civilizaMexico - 4.91 tion and not things whose growth requires or should receive Russia 6-63 encouragement. Added to all this, it found us, owing to the operaof the McKinley bill, which had made the cost of imports Comment is needless. The figures are from the World Almanac tion greater and the price of exports less, with a balance of trade for 1893, p. 142. against us, requiring shipments of gold on our own account. The gentleman from New York [Mr. H E N D R I X ] calls it " gibberTo it all and more than it all, add that it found us sharing our ing idiocy," " stark midsummer madness/' to believe what we believe, viz, that the two metals can be maintained as money on a part of the evils accruing from the slow pressure of a twenty-year parity with each other at a ratio to be fixed by law, with due regard effort on the part of Western Europe, and partially on our part too, to do business on a still narrower cash basis by making gold the to intrinsic values. Did this gentleman, who says he was born in the West and left sole standard and measure of value. This had sapped our energies there, and who, in my opinion has been getting further and further and left our financial constitution open to attack. I think the only wonder is that we have stood it so well. But away ever since, until now he thinks the western boundary of the United States is tho Hudson River, did this gentleman believe that we did stand it, until agricultural exports came to draw back our when he consented to run and be elected on a platform which lost wealth. What did the Sherman bill have to do with all this?—a bill under asserted that this very thing could be done and promised that it which 50 millions of paper certificates are issued in a country which should be? collects and spends 500 millions a year? If not, he should be more charitable to us, who but stand where The Sherman bill had but one effect: It enabled the gold exporters he a short while since stood. If he did so believe, however, how can he successfully plead "not guilty" to the charge of obtaining to draw their gold from the Federal Treasury, instead of from the banks. It had to go, and I don't see that it makes much difference a thing of value—to wit—an office, under false pretense f Now to address myself to this absurd proposition that the Sher- to the country whether it was taken from the Treasury or from the man bill, vicious, silly, as it is? is the cause of the present condition banks. But I think the Treasurer ought to be armed with power to proof things. The only undeniable fact and sound utterance in the speech of tect the gold in the Treasury. Give him the power which the Bank of England has, of controlthe gentleman from New York [Mr. HENDRIX], is contained in ling export movements by rate of exchange, or, better still, let him, these words, the italics are mine: like the Bank of France, pay out the metals half and half. My conI do not assert here that the Sherman purchase law is the cause of all the woe stituents want the Sherman bill repealed, but they, do not want its from which this country is suffering at this moment. No intelligent man talking repeal used as a club in the hand of "financiers" to drive us to gold to intelligent men would undertake to make an assertion of thai kiitd. The Sherman silver law was not responsible for the failure of that Federal bank in Aus- monometallism. tralia in January, 1893, nor for the tumble there of fourteen great banks, nor for Its repeal is well enough, but more must be had, ^ llie rebounding force of the distress which has gone round the world since that Bo not listen to the siren voice of international bimetallism. Its time like a bowlder bouncing down a mountain side. No; the wave of distress has encircled the globe. The Anglo-Saxon race has voice is always raised when a free coinage bill iB about to become overdone the business. It has gone on conquering and populating the far distant law. It is the voice of the Lorelei. We will have it in time. But isles. we must first have national bimetallism. The South and West will (See CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, August 13, 1893, page 63.) never rest until we get it. The gentleman "gives away" the whole case now before the Even the East, it seisms to me, might see that the country can court, but he is right. I will not join him in the utterance: "JXo in- never have rest from the agitation of this question until the functelligent man talking to intelligent men would make an assertion tions of money—coequal money—have been restored to silver. It of that kind." The President "makes an assertion of that kind" is the only thing which will prevent a worse panic than this—a in his message, and I am not willing to deprive him of the quality world panic. 138