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dkmgrnsianal Hmrd FIFTY-FIE8T CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION. United States, through its official representatives, have urged upon the people were correct, this bill would be more objectionable to the Secre tary of the Treasury and to the gold men in that respect than any bill which has ever been presented, because it is measurably and partially SPEECH a bill simply for the purchase and hoarding away of silver bullion. OP It has been argued in Congress through successive years and in every that could attract the ear, that the Treasury of the United States H O N . J O H N W. D A N I E L , phrase should not be burdened as a storage place of useless silver bullion or OF V I R G I N I A , money; and now, in order, as we may well presume, to place Congress in affiliation with the executive powers that be, it is proposed to buy I n t h e S e n a t e o f t h e U n it e d S t a t e s , and to hoard bullion without permitting its use to a degree as money Wednesday, Jvly 9, 1890. in any form. Why do I say this, Mr. President? It is because of the provision in The Senate having: under consideration the conference report on the bill (H. R. 5381) directing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of Treasury notes the second section of this bill. After providing that Treasury notes thereon, and for other purposes— shall be issned to pay for the bullion that is purchased, instead of pro viding that that bullion so purchased sha1! be turned into money or Mr. DANIEL said: Mr. P resid e N'T: I shall endeavor to look at this compromise meas shall be emitted by the paper legal-tender representative, it says: ure jnst as it is, without attempting to exaggerate the interpretation But no greater or less amount of such notes shall be outstanding at any time ot it or to regard it in anything but the light of a common-sense inter than the cost of the silver bullion and the standard silver dollars coined there from then held in the Treasury purchased by.such notes. pretation. I do not concur to the full extent with some of the criticisms which So that While in the first section of the bill he who reads it would have been pronounced npon its language. When this bill says— be led to presume that by this immense purchase of silver our volume The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby directed to purchase from time to of currency would be correspondingly enlarged, we find in the second time silver bullion to the aggregate amount of 4,500,000 ounces, or so much section that it is immediately restrained and that it is to be measured, thereof as may be offered, in each month, at the market price thereof, not ex not by the amount of the bullion but by the commodity price of silver. ceeding 81 for 371.25 grains of pure silver— In consenting to this provision, as I humbly conceive, those who be I take that only to signify what it strikes the mind at first blush to lieve that silver ought to be coined and used as money upon a parity signify, that the Secretary of the Treasury is to buy that much silver with gold have conceded too much and have to an extent given away if that silver is offered upon the market at the market price. It does the force and strength of the position which they have heretofore as not say that it shall be offered to the Secretary of the Treasury. It sumed and which has already won the judgment of the country. means, as I understand it and as the plain significance of the words Mr. President, it is to be observed, and it can hardly be denied by would seem to me to import, that he is to buy upon the market at the any one, that in all the forums of free debate in this country where market offering, and as the Senator from Ohio [Mr. S h e r m a n ] is in his miml is licensed to combat with mind, and argument to oppose argu seat I beg leave to inquire of him if that is not the intent and purpose ment with unrestrained intercourse, silver money has won this battle. of this bill. Never before in the history of this country, did silver occupy so high Mr. SHERMAN. I stated yesterday in my statement as to the con a vantage ground in public opinion as that which it holds here and ference report that that was my view of it, that the Secretary of the now; and if it be shorn of its fair proportions, if the logic which has Treasury was bound to buy 4,500,000 ounces, whatever may be his won to the silver standard the judgment of the men of intellect and opinion, and he is bound to pay the market price of silver each month, the men of patriotism in this land be followed, there is no more doubt and that his failure to do so would not only be a breach of public duty that this Congress would not adjourn without leaving a free-coinage bill but would be an impeachable offense. upon the statute-books than there is that the hand would continue to Mr. DANIEL. That, then, is the plain English of this provision. turn npon the clock, and that one day should bring forth another. While the language is a little different from what has been used in There is no better indication or demonstration of the truth of my as other bills, it is not different in its significance. There might be the sertion than the enunciation of the Republican party at Chicago in criticism that it is capable of being perverted and tortured, as it has 1888 when it nominated Benjamin Harrison as President of the United been by some newspaper reports, into a different significance, but I do States. not think that a sound lawyer or any one who will study and weigh We all know, and it is a matter of public history and of universal the language that is here employed would fairly or justly construe understanding that the Republican party has reluctantly come into ac these -words as meaning any other or different thing than that. quiescence with silver money. It has come to the silver standard like While, therefore, I would say that it might have been better that this the “ whining school-boy with his shining morning face unwillingly to bill should have followed the language contained in others without any school.” Bnt East and West, and, North and South assembled in addition thereto, I do not think that this language should be sufficient Chicago, and there are no bodies of more astuteness than the great to lead os in our judgment to vote against the measure were it other political conventions which nominate our Presidents. They are not wise responsive to the demand* oftim eoantryand tp the exigemrife of Within the ™hinh +hny the times. occupy wtae»>£hey become Senators and Representatives in Congress. I go further and say in speaking about this bill that I am ready to They bavea freer range for the expression of opinion, and when this concede to those who advocate its provisions that it would be much great body of representative Republicans assembled at Chicago two better that this bill should pass than that Congress should fail in legis years ago, they declared to this nation, and they invited support for lating upon this subject. their candidate by criticism upon the propositions which have been The one great point which can be truly urged in advocacy of this embodied ill this bill, and by saying that they were in favor of the use bill—we shall gain nothing in looking at it otherwise than as it is—is of both silver and gold, not as currency, not as a circulating medium, that this bill will greatly increase the volume of currency of the people not as a subsidiary coinage, not as an adjunct to the Treasury, bnt of the United States. It is true that it does not so greatly increase “ a s moment. ” that volnme of currency as one might at first conceive. When the Twice theDemocraticSecretary of the Treasury had recommended some Secretary of the Treasury is directed to purchase 4,500*000 ounces of such provision as this. The Republican party in mass convention silver per month, and when the argument is made that that much assembled criticised him for doing it and denounced him; and “ silver more will be turned into money, it is not entirely correct, for this bill as money ” was the shibboleth which it inscribed upon its banner, does not require the 4,500,000 ounces of silver either to be coined into and that sUbboleth won the victory. money or to swell the volnme of our currency by a corresponding Mr* President, furthermore I can not concur in all the criticisms volnme of paper money. which have been made here npon the language which has been put in In other words, a portion of this large volume of silver which is thus the body of this bill. The principle enunciated in that language I directed to be purchased is simply bought and hoarded in the Treasury concur witfc. In the second section it is provided: and does not reappear from the Treasury either in the form of silver Thai apcmrfemand of tite holder of any of the Treasury notes herein provided dollars or in the form of legal-tender paper representatives. And if for, the fleeratwy of the Treasury dwlL under such regulations as he may pre the arguments which the gold-standard men and the Treasury of the scribe, redofjHtefc notes in gold or silver coin, at his discretion, it being the The Paper-Money Bill Demonetizing: Silver. 2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. established policy of the United States to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law. I would much dislike, Mr. President, to see any advocate of the double standard or any one who seeks now to make silver equal before the law in all respects with gold oppose the principle which is enun ciated there. The great object, as I understand, and so understanding it, I have followed it, ol those who seek to reverse the policy which has been practiced about silver is that the two precious metals shall everywhere maintain their parity with each other, and that those usages of the Treasury Department, those acts of legislation, those practices in the banking world which have tended to separate the two metals should be reversed and that they should be recognized and used with impar tial hand as the legal equals in the making of money. But, Mr. President, the historical recital in that insertion in this bill I object to. The silver men havesonght that itshould become the established policy of the United States to maintain the tw* metals on a parity with each other. What I object to about the language is that it is a misrecital of past history, for that policy is not yet established; and second, it is a contradiction of the terms of the bill. When did it become the established policy of the United States to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law ? It was not the established policy of the United States in 1867, when distinguished gentlemen were advocating the single gold standard. It was not the established policy of the United States in 1873, when silver was abso lutely dismissed from circalation. It was not the established policy in 1878, when even the partial restoration of silver was denounced by the same gentlemen who, on both sides of this Bouse, both: Democrats and Republicans, reiterated their prophesies that anything ^? the ben efit of silver was going to injure the country. It is not the established policy now, and this bill will not establish it; and that is the reason why I can not vote for i t If it Vere the es tablished policy of the United States to maintain the two Ineta^ at a parity, that policy would find its expression in acts tending to build up that portion of silver which had departed in valne fromk&UL But the policy practiced by the United States Government during thelast fifteen or twenty years in everything that has beendone hi its Execu tive has been to make the gapwfder between the two metals. it was not the established policy of this Government in 1884»-’8S$ when Mr. Cleveland undertook to extinguish the Democratic sentiment of the House of Representatives. It was not the established policy when that House failed to vote for the free coinage of silver, and it is not the es tablished policy now amongst those who yet hold tbedomi&antband, although they have not the corresponding forces of popular sentiment at their back to sanction it, if silver would deploy its fbreee and main tain its front position with a firm and equal and unconcedfng hand. Mr. President, it is a delicate thing in one department of this Gov ernment to refer to those who have the responsibility of administering another. I share with those who have so much respect fbr the office of the President of the United States and for its occupant that I am loath to make any criticism upon that departmentof our Government, but I do not transcend the limits of parliamentary oouttesy or the comity which should exist between all departments of frur Govern ment, to whatever political organization he may belong; When I ad vert to the fact that the shadow of the White House hasftllen across the Congress Hall and that the executive extinguisher is at work, just as it has been for the last fifteen or twenty years, to put o*t theflame of silver money as fast as it bums up, fed irom the very hearts o f the people by all that they can give to maintain and make ifcfiame. Mr. President* we have been told over and over again in recent years that the executive department of the Government was impeding acts? of legislation and, that the reto had appeared too often ink>urlegisla tive history. Ithavcome tothi* now that th# very shad#w of a veto caa revenge a triumphant majority, est parliamentary body, as I conceive, in. the world—tb££ this great body of free debate should surrender at the very vague intimation brought by the birds of the air that a veto is peodbie* Sir, I would not c^sjure my associates in this body to snystepwhichj would not myself talcs if I were in the- situation which they occupy, ner can l with justice to pelitical history very bitterly reproach tfexa i f they recede too quickly before the apprehension of executive Interference. My observation of public men and o f public affitfjrs in the last few years, while not as extensive as that of other gentlemen w&oare here, has induced me to feel and knowwhat is the great peweraMadinfluence of the executive administration o f our Government. Mfea who have personal independence of character* men who have strength o f intel lectual conviction, men who stand up before the pabHeaad advocate their views careless of their political fortunes if they may only subserve the principles which they seek to establish, when they become allied in political organizations and under the infitiemwwhich are broughtabout the greatCapitoland under the petsuasfee^oieeof oom* radeship and under the apprehension of pechaps pelitioal vantage ground of their chief m executive office thevbevrand bend and surrenderand the peoples cause iabrokendowa> hrr ^teir canceeskms. Wehaveseea itin the’Demoeratie party, forintfreltorgamza- tion and political movements parties do not greatly differ with each other. It is in the doctrines and principles which parties stand for that con stitute their great difference. Their practices are likely sooner or later much to resemble each other. And if I ask the silver men here, with out regard to whether they be Democrats or Republicans, to stand to their guns, I only ask them to do what I have myself done under the same circumstances, and what the silver men have got to resolve to do if they ever carry their standard to complete victoiy. I am willing to die with them in the last ditch if we have got to bedriven into it. But I do not want to die, on a triumphant march, of executive sunstroke. Let us die, if need be, when our time comes, but do not let us run out and meet our time half way and invito it to come. This silver question is a great deal bigger than the President of the United States, whether his name be Benjamin Harrison or Grover Cleve land, and it is never going to be won as it ought to be by the triumph ant and complete vindication of those policies which the silver men stand for until the Senate of the United States is as great as the ques tion. The question is greater than the Senate and greater than the President, and unless the Senate and the House of Representatives are smaller than either they will never give up the vantage ground that has been gained, but will reply to those who oppose that policy, which is the best for this whole nation, like a gallant officer, who, when chal lenged to surrender, answered, ‘ 1Come and take me. ’ 9 Mr. president, the language which is used in the discussion of this question is language which has the flavor of the Treasury Department in it. There is a great deal of difference in the way that a case is stated. I have heard good lawyers, criticising the members of their profession, say that they regarded as in the foremost ranks the men who could make the clearest and best statement of the case. A good case clearly stated is more than half won. The gentlemen who want to see the single gold standard in this country generally know how to state their case. I bow in admiration to them, although I must say that they do not always state it in strict conformity to tbe facts. I hear, for instance, the Senator from New Jersey say, and T hear gentlemen upon the other side say now and then that we most preserve the gold standard. Well, that sounds very well, for we do not want to see the two metals parted; but we are not now upon any gold standard. I utterly c&ny and dispute the premises that the United States is to-day a gold-standard nation, and if the Senator from New Jersey can show me or if any gentleman can point me to a fact that makes this a gold-standard nation, that does not belong to the realm of that discretion which sometimes in the Secretaiy of the Treasury over rides and disappoints the law, he would ba giving me information of which I am at present devoid. Why will you speak of preserving a standard that does not exist ? I know that I may be told that in 1873 when silver was demonetized, it was declared in a statute that the gold dollar should be the unit of value, and at that time we did move toward a single gold standard, but that legislation has been reversed. In 1878 when you remonetized silver you renewed the double standard, and whether the old lines graven upon the statute-book at a time, when yon were coming to a single gold standard, remain there or not, you have practically and le gally under your Constitution and laws abandoned the gold standard. The Senator from New Jersey this morning asked a good many questions, and answered a good many, but he did not anywhere tell us where in the laws ot this nation he derived the opinion that we are now upon any gold standard* Mr. President,.these words “ standards’ 7and “ units of value ” are sometimes u*ed without the mind going with them into any precise meaning. What do you mean by a unit or standard of value? You mean the medium of payment. There is not an appropriation bill that has passed this body this year that does not recognize the fact that gold is not our standard of valne. The appropriations to your Tigftra ftnd harbors, the appropriations to yonr armies and naviea* the appropriations to your pensioners, and for your own salaries which you put into vour pockcts, remind yon every time you receive them that this is not a gold-standard country. The standard ot valuation is that money in which credits may be discharged; your legal-tender money is your standard of value. The whole volume of your currency, not the paper that is in a greenback, not the silver that is in a silver dollar, not the gold that is in a gold dollar, but your whole volume of currency is your standard ofrvalua tion of your whole property and your whole obligation. Tbe mass is a homogeneous mass o f motley, the property is a homogeneous mass o f property, the obligationsof the country are a homogeneous mass of debt, but yonr standard of valuation is yonr whole volume of currency and" its units aie ideal tbi&gr for the purpose of subdivision, called dollars; jour greenback dollar or your silver dollar and your gold dol lar are ia their combined valne separated by units of dollars and not by units of paper or metal of either of your standards of value. It is what you can pay tbe debt in that measures the value of the credit. I ohjectrto this bill because it has a tendency—not the effect, hut a tendency—not to preserve a gold standard of value, hut to create one. It places vast power in the hands of those who, being astute in the use of words, use them according to the Talleyrand idea of concealing CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. thought. Your silver here is purchased at commodity value, and your silver bullion by this act is never given a money value—that is, the value which attaches to metal which can become money. When the Senator from New Jersey was speaking he said that the history of the world disclosed the fact and proved it. He announced it in quite an ex mtlmtra fashion as if he was disposing of' history by the declaration that the history of the world disclosed the fact that the cheap money always drives out the dearer. Mr. President, not only does history fail to disclose any such fact, but the Senator from New Jersey has illustrated in hi3 assumption the truth of the maxim of the French philosopher who tells us that we seldom notice what occurs under our own eyes daiiy; we see the mountains in the distance and we stand upon the shore and look upon the playing of the waves, of history, and then we announce very dogmatically and conclusively and exactly what those distant things are; but we seldom notice what oc curs under our own eyes and ears. If the Senator who made that declaration would only observe his own daily transactions he would see his history refuted. You have $346,000,000 of the cheapest money in this world in circulation in the United States, the greenbacks. They cost nothing but printer’s ink and paper. Have they driven away your gold ? Have they driven away your silver? Have they not now power to get hold of 4,500,000 ounces of silver per month and pull it to us? Furthermore, there is an illustration under the Senator’s eyes that occurred in this House a year or two ago, when, as if to refute the doc trines and declarations of those who were speaking, the dearer money came crawling up to the Hails of Congress in forma pauperihat in hand, upon its knee* craving and begging that 420 grains of silver— the dearer money—came and gathered around the lobby and begged and besought to be admitted to be redeemed in cheap silver of 412.} grains legal tender. Mr. McPHERSON. If the Senator will allow me----Mr. DANIEL. Certainly. Mr. McPHERSON. Prior to the passage of the resumption act what was then the market value, so to speak* of the so-called green back ? It will be remembered that prior to the passage of the resump tion act the greenbacks, or the national currency, were selling payable in gold something like, I think at one timer about 260 per cent. dis~ count. After the passage of the resumption act, when the green backs were ma le payable in gold after a certain date, the greenbacks appreciated up to par with gold. As they are madfe redeemable in gold, and all that have been offered have been redeemed, the Senator can hardly say that the simple fact of making them redeemable and payable in gold had no effect as to their value. Mr. DANIEL. I have not made any declaration of that sort. I have not alluded to that question. I have merely stated that the Sen ator has got history wrong and that the cheaper money does not al ways drive out the dearer. Mr. McPHERSON. The Senator cited as an illustration the greenback*. I should like to ask the Senator now to put the question in a different form, Where were the gold and silver of which the Senator speaks before the passage of the resumption act ? Was any of it found in the country ? Mr. DANIEL. I will tell the Senator what was the matter with the greenbacks. 1 da not like to allude to the war or anything of that sort, having been a Confederate soldier, but the uncertainty of the is sue had a good deal to do with weakening their value, for how the war was going to turn out people; did mvtknow. Mr. McPH E KSON. The war haddosed, if the Senator will permit me, in 1865. There was not a singleConfederate soldier, mounted or on foot, within the whole confines of the Confederacy from 1865 to 1873 or 1874; and the greenbacks then, as the Senator knows, were very mnch depreciated in value. When you undertook to purchase property with them you found the property was very much increased in vnlue. Hut the verv inom«*r»t fiovornment proposed a mode-iiau whi/h it agreed to redeem those greenbacks in gold, in coin, that very moment they appreciated. Therefor%the Senator can hardly say that this cheap money of which he has spoken to-day, the greenbacks, alter they were made payableingpid, wereany longer cheap money. li the Senator or myself had a quantity of greenbacks we could take them to the Treasury to-day and demand gotafartbeiu* I presume gold would bepaid to us. Therefore the greenbacksare as good as gold, and they can not be said to be depreciated. Mr. DANIEL. Now I will with pleasure endeavor to answer the Senator’s question. Does he mean to say that the greenbacks are re deemable in gold or in coin ? I ask him that question. Mr. McPHERSON. In the first place I will answer the Senator’s question and I will answer it very frankly. Mr. DANIEL. I do not care to have another argument now. I want to know if the Senator means to say that greenbacks are redeem able in coin ? Mr. McPHERSON. It has been the practice of the Government. Mr. DANIEL. I know what has been the practice. Mr. McPHERSON. As the Senator knows, it has been the practice to redeem them in gold; and it is the pxacticeof the Government now 3 to maintain silver on a standing as good as gold. Therefore it is that silver has been maintained to-day. Mr. DANIEL. I want to answer the Senator seriatim. In the first place, he lias repeated here upon the floor the very legislative practice which I consider as pernicious to truth as some of the practices ot the Treasury. He has stated that the greenbacks are redeemable in gold. It is a happy faculty of the monometallists and gold men of this coun try to state things, as I said before, to suit themselves. Mr. McPHERSON. The Senator will permit me----Mr. DANIEL. Not just now. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. P a d d o c k in the chair). Does the Senator from Virginia yield? Mr. DANIEL. I will directly. I do not mean any discourtesy. The gr^nbacks are payable in silver, and why do you not say they are payable in silver, and that is what has made them valuable? It is because it suits the lingo and the style of monometallists to put gold everywhere foremost; and you are in your very practice of stating the case making one of those discriminations of which the silver men com plain. TJie Senator discloses where this whole trouble comes in. It is the effort to divide this country into two classes and to legislate for class benefit and not for popular benefit. “ It is the practice to pay the creditor in gold. ’ ’ You are much mistaken, sir. It is not the prac tice of this Government to pay its creditors in gold. It is only the practice of this country to pay one class of its preferred creditors in gold—me> who have no more right to gold than any other class; and it is the studied effort of this bill to so rank and range the classes and to so rank and range your silver and gold money as to force what is gold into the pockets of gold men and to let other than bondholders get the*scraps from the table. That is the argument. Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. President----The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Virginia yield to the Senator from Ohio? Mr. SHERMAN. If the Senator will allow me a moment, I did not intend to disturb him, but when he says that one class of debt is pay able in gold I will have state to him that no portion of the public debt except probably the infinitesimal fraction of 2 per cent, is payable in gold. No discrimination is made in the payment between gold and silver or other forms of money. The bonded debt and the interest on the bonded debt is paid almost exclusively in checks or drafts, and those are paid almost exclusively in some form of paper money, United States notes, silver certificates, and all other forms of paper money. Therefore the common observation that has been made here within a day or two that the Government pays gold on certain contracts and not on othersls an error, because of all the payments made by the Gov ernment of the United States 98 per cent is indrafts and in currency. So of the customs dues that are now paid. The Senator has sent to him every month, I. suppose, a statement showing that of all those customs dues that are paid, less than 2 per cent, are paid in either gold or silver. Silver is used as well as gold, but they are usually paid in ordinary currency, current money, such as yon and I and all of us take in payment of our salaries. Gold and silver are not discriminated against therefore by the Government of the United States. They are regarded as the precise equivalent to each other, and their substitutes are used for the payment of almost all transactions of the Government with the people oif'the United States. Mr. DA&IItX. Mr. President, it is a little curious that our friend, the Senator from New Jersey, should say that it was the practice of the Government to pay the creditors in gold and that the Senator from Ohio should say that it was not. If I mistake not—I have not the document before me now, but I think the Secretary of the Treasury points, outin h& last report the practice of the Government to pay the creditors it gold, and apprehends as one of the results of too great coin age of silVer that he wonld not be able to do it Mr. McRHERSON. If the Senator will yield to me a moment, I do not think there Is very much difference between the statement made by tiie Senate? from Ohio ftfifl'TIIfc' off# that"-1 have tried to make. Mr. DANIEL; I have the floor, it you please. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia declines to yield. ___ Mr. McPHEBSON. I ask the Senator to yield. The PHJ5SID1NG OFFICER. The Chair understands the Senator from Virgixx£fc to decline to yield. Mr. DANIEL. I will take pleasure in yielding as soon as I get through a paragraph* I should like to answer one idea after another, and then £wiU cheerfully yield to the Senator from New Jersey. Not onl£does the Secretary of the Treasury advert to this fact in his last report but I think it has been adverted to in nearly every re port of the Seeretary of the Treasury, the importance of providing gold to pay the creditor with, the bond creditor, and that the great apprehension of gold leaving the country was that there would not be any gold b^re to pay him. Mr. SHERMAN. I shall be glad to show the Senator----TheFRfirtlDING OFFICER Does the Senator from Virginia yield. Mr. DAfflEL. Of course. Mr.SHERMAN. I have sent fora statement, I think the last one, made only a few days ago, showing the exact modes of payment of all 4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. the customs duties, and the other statements I can furnish with a little more time. Mr. DANIEL. I doubt not that a warrant or check, or something of that sort, always intervenes, but the gold is always saved atid hoarded up for the bond creditor, and he is not required to accept it payment a silver dollar or a greenback or anything else but gold. Thp frequent statement of the Secretary of the Treasury has been entirely ip conso nance with what the Senator from New Jersey said this morning, that they always wish to have the gold there so the creditor should have the option of taking any sort of money he wanted. Mr. SHERMAN. That is true, Mr. President, if the Senator will allow me. I think that the United States has always practiced upon that idea, and every bank that is properly conducted practices upon the same idea, that the person who presents a check if he *ants gold is allowed to take it. Very few take it. But what I wish show by the statement I will try to furnish (I think I have one in committee-room) is that in fact in the payment of all these drafts and war rants upon the Treasury not more than from 2 to 3 per cent* is paid in either silver or gold, about one-fourth less in silver than gold; but nearly all of them are paid in paper money, United States nates, silver certificates, and every form of paper money. Mr. TELLER. Mr. President----Mr. DANIEL. Just there, if I may finish this idea in o*e minute, I will show exactly where the present bill so manipulates ^the silver and its representative as to relegate silver into retirement iq the shape of bullion, and so to provide that it would be almost impossible to pay the creditor in anything but gold. Mr. SHERMAN. Now----Mr. DANIEL. One moment, if yon please. Mr. SHERMAN. If the Senator will allow me a moment, I will give him the etatement to which I referred, the official statement, made by the United States Treasury Department, which I now h&fe. I find in 1890 the percentage was 1 per cent, in gold coin, a fractional per cent in silver coin, 94 per cent, in gold certificates, 2.7 p^r cent, in silver certificates and 2,7 per cent, in United States notes. Mr. TELLER. Are those the import duties? Mr. SHERMAN. This is a statement showing the monthly receipts from customs in New York, and you find it given there month by month. Sometimes the paper currency payments amount to 17 per cent.; but this extends during a period of two or three years. The Senator will see it the same way. There is a very small fraction of gold and silver paid, but it is paid in gold certificates and silver certifi cates and United States notes. Mr. DANIEL. That is a statement of receipts from customs and not of payments to creditors. Mr. SHERMAN. I can not give the prepared statements I could furnish the other statements, but this I happened to remember I had on hand. Those are the payments of customs which in fonner times were paid exclusively in gold. Mr. DANIEL. Ninety-four per cent, are paid in gold certificates, I understood the Senator to say. Mr. SHERMAN. I think so, in one month. You will see the state ments are made from month to month. Mr. DANIEL. While this statement does not exactly corroborate the Senator’s statement as to payments to creditors, being astatement of the receipt of customs, it yet, as far as it goes, substantially cor roborates my own statement, for 94 per cent, in gold is pretty near all gold. Mr. SHERMAN. They use gold certificates, as a matte* of course. Mr. DAN IEL. When the Senator speaks of using paper hi is merely, it seems to me, evading rather than stating the true issue, Jor it is the paper that represents gold. Ninety-fonr per cent, of gold {certificates are paid. Of course, whether you pay a man in gold or silver or what not yon pay him in the form of a check or use some sort of taper as the executive agent of imvment, hirfr th* nf other side of the paper, and here 94 per cent, of it, if I understand the Senator from Ohio, is gold. Mr. SHERMAN. Certainly, because the gold is not used at all. They use the silver certificate, and any form of paper moaey Is now used as legal tender for the payment of all debts, public aid private. The Government of the United States, in the payment of Jtotife, and in paying its interest, or in the receipt of its customs, receives and pays out all forms of paper money, and there is not more than &om 1 to 2 per cent, of coin used in the great transactions of the United States. I have sent for another statement which will give the Senator the amount which is used by the national banks.. Mr. DANIEL. However these statements may be differentiated in their details, I state the broad fact, which I am sure the Senator from Ohio and none other can contradict, that the declared policy o f this Government through all of its representatives, from the tfoe when be had the honor to be Secretary of the Treasury to the preadbt day, was that we were in some way bound to pay these bond creditors in gold and to provide the gold and not silver to do it The Senftor will re member that when the debate took place in thia body year* ago upon the resolution of his colleague from Ohio, Mr. Matthews, that the bonds were payable in coin, that although it paased f t M y it was resisted to the uttermost upon the ground that the bonds were pay able in gold. We all know, as a matter of general public history and universal knowledge, that the whole financial system of this country has been twisted, and shaped, and tortured, and so made as to always bring the gold dollar to pay the bondholder unless he preferred some thing else. Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. President----The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Virginia yield to the Senator from Ohio ? Mr. DANIEL. Let me go on. Mr. SHERMAN. I have now the other statement before me to which I referred, if the Senator will allow me. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia declines to yield. Mr. DANIEL. I verify now the statement which I made from rec ollection a few moments ago, by reading from the last report of the Secretaiy of the Treasury: Oar bank currency ia baaed upon United States bonds, the principal and in terest of which are payable in gold. Our gold certificates are expressly made redeemable in gold coin. Mr. President, I set the Secretary of the Treasury and the Senator from Ohio to settle their difficulties between them. Mr. SHERMAN. Now I think I can settle it in about a minute. I will Say, to correct the statement made awhile ago by the Senator from Virginia, if he will show me that in any act of mine when Secretary of the Treasury I ever made a discrimination between gold and silver and paper money, I shall be very much obliged to him. But he can not do it. I never did. On the other hand, I have a statement be fore me “ showing the total amount of the classified receipts and dis bursements on account of the transfers, revenues, redemptions,and ex changes by Treasury offices, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886.” This is the annual report of the Treasurer of the United States for that year, and it shows the amount of receipts of national-bank notes to have been $37,000,000—1 will only give round numbers—United States notes, $366,000,000; gold coin, $84,000,000; gold certificates, $158,000,000; silver certificates, $110,000,000; standard silver dollars, $82,000,000; fractional silver and mixed, $22,000,000; total receipts, $898,000,000. The disbursements were as follows: National-bank notes, $71,000,000; United States notes, $372,000,000; gold coin, $78,000,000; gold certificates, $118,000,000; silver certificates, $121,000,000; standard sil ver dollars, $54,000,000; fractional silver and mixed, $25,000,000; to tal, $S42,000,000. Either of these kinds of money or any of them was received and paid out without discrimination, mainly at the conven ience of the person who deposited the money or received the money, the Bilver certificates being several times the amount of the whole gold and silver paid out. So the Senator is mistaken. When the Secretary of the Treasury speaks about the bonds being payable in gold it means that anybody might ask for gold and receive gold; but in actual fact and practice it is shown by these tabular state ments, and all of them are furnished, and by the common knowledge and practice of every one who deals with the Government of the United States, that the great transactions of the Government are in paper money, and that no discrimination whatever is made in the receipts or disbursements of its money. If the Senator has a draft upon the Treasurer here he will usually take it in paper money, or it will be paid to him in either form of money he desires. Mr. DANIEL. Now, will the Senator permit me a moment? Mr. President, I know the Treasury language generally runs along the line of what the Senator says in a speech which he has just inter polated into mine, but I tested that very thing afew years ago. I was told that there was gold in the Treasury for everybody who wanted it, ahd so I requested the Sergeant-at-Arms to please bring me my pay in gold__ I irnftw i fcjgnq hftlri there for th^ bondholders and that so small a person as a legislative representative a peofrle was not oae of Tboee creditors for whom was provided any special entertainment So I said to the Sergeant-at-Arms, “ I want my pay in gold.” He came back and said that there was not any there for that purpose; that greenbacks were legal tender, which I received thankfully. Mr. SHERMAN. I suppose the Senator applied to the proper place? Mr. DANIEL. I only wish to show the fallacy ot the statement which the Senator from Ohio is now reiterating, and which has been reiterated year after year, as I conceive, in opposition to the actual state of facts. Mr. SHERMAN. Let me ask the Senator if this demand was made of the Secretary of the Senate ? Mr. DANIEL. I requested the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives to pay me in gold, and he said it was not there. Mr. SHERM AN. I presume that the Treasurer of the United States did not suppose there was either a Member or Senator who wanted gold, for he would just as lief send the gold to the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House as any other kind of money. He probahly did not conceive that anybody there was eager for gold, and therefore did not prepare geld for that particular place. Mr. DANIEL* I haveno doubt he was very much surprised at any CONGRESSIONAL RECORD body bnt a bondholder being so impndent as to ask for gold. I have no donbt he would be surprised at it. Mr. ALLISON. May I interrupt the Senator? Mr. DANIEL. I did not want the gold and was very glad to get the greenbacks; bnt it shows that yon can not always have the option of getting what you want unless the burden is put upon you of going to hunt for it, while it is always provided for the other class of credi tors. That is the difference, Mr. ALLISON. Mr. President----The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Virginia yield to the Senator from Iowa ? Mr. DANIEL. Yes, sir. Mr. ALLISON. I had occasion not long since to inquire of the Secre tary of the Senate what portion of the compensation to Senators and officers of the Senate was paid in gold or silver and what portion in paper money, and I was informed by him that since 1883, with an occasional exception when a Senator desired a small amount of gold for a particu lar purpose, no Senator had ever requested payment in anything else than paper. Then I supplemented it with the question which seems now uppermost in the mind of the Senator, whether there was any occasion, when gold was required, for a refusal, and he answered me, “ No.” Now, I want to say one word to the Senator os my belief. I believe that no public creditor has ever applied to the Treasury of the United States demanding gold but what he has received it, no matter what the nature of the obligation of the Government may have been in that respect, whether for compensation or whether for any d$bt that the Government was owing to a private citizen or to a creditor. Mr. SPOONER. The Senator does not mean that there was never a time. He does not mean during the war. Mr. SHERMAN. Since 1879. Mr. ALLISON. I do not mean, of course, during the war. We all recollect the situation then. I mean practically since the resumption of specie payments in 1879. If the Senator from Virginia will just allow me one moment more, all our paper money, as I understand, and all the obligations of the Government are redeemed practically in paper money or coin that is equivalent to gold. In other words, everything we have to-day in the shape of paper money is equivalent to gold in every part of the United States, as I understand it; and if any Senator knows that that is not so, I should be glad to be informed where it is that that difference exists. Mr. DANIEL. Mr. President, I return to the statement of the Sec retary of the Treasury. The distinguished Senators who have just suggested that there is no discrimination between silver and gold ought to join me in paying especial attention to this peculiar misstatement of the Secretary of the Treasury if they are correct: Our bank currency is based upon United States bonds, the principal and in terest of which are payable in gold. That is the enunciation fresh from the other end of the avenue. The Senator from Iowa denies it. Mr. ALLISON. Oh, no. On the contrary, I say that not only that but every other obligation is practically paid in gold. Mr. DANIEL. Oh, practically.’ 9 Mr. ALLISON. On demand. Mr. DANIEL. “ Practically? ” Mr. ALLISON. Yes; practically. Mr. DANIEL. Practically; and practically payable in silver also. Then why does not he say silver, and why does he always say gold. It is a part of the lingo of the monometallists. t£Practically ” yon are going to your equations. Why does the Secretary of the Treasury use a plain English term to state a fact in Buch a way that an honest, truthful man would conceive a different thing from the actuality in existence ? Why does he advertise to the civilized world that pur bonds are payable, principal and interest, “ in goM,” wfteiftfcos* who are his champions here say they are practically payable in silver ? And how is it that this language which indoctrinates even so intelligent a gen* tleman as the Senator from New Jersey with the idea that this is a gold standard nation, and publishes to the whole world a different phase from the truth, shall go uncriticised and unchallenged by those who differ with him? There is a great deal of difference, as I remarked awhile ago, in the way you state a thing. Those who are subtle and astute to deceive can so posture the truth as to make a false impression. Here is the chief financial officer of this nation publishing to Europe, publishing to creditors all over the world, that the principal and interest of our ob ligations are payable in gold, specifically and solely, without qualifi cation, and without the modification and explanation which the Sen ator gives when probed for his own interpretation ? What sort of way is that to manage the finances of a great nation for the purpose of de ceiving the people ? I will not say for the purpose, but with the effect to deceive the people, and to deceive all who deal with ns, and then to base a claim upon our own self-deception, to go out and say that we told them so, and we allowed oar agents to tell them so, and now good faith requires that we should do i t JKow, Hr. President, to come down to the question in this act, the 5 Senator from Ohio challenges any one to show where he ever discrim inated between gold and silver and greenbacks. Mr. SHERMAN. Since January 1, 1879, as a matter of course. Mr. DANIEL. Since January 1, 1879. Well, I thought the Sena tor would put a statute of limitations on his declaration. Mr. SHERMAN. I obeyed the law always; but after that time the law made no discrimination, and therefore I had no right to make any discrimination. Mr. DANIEL. Did the Senator from Ohio ever state before the Coinage Committee of the House of Representatives that he would never pay out silver unless he could do it at its gold value ? Mr. SHERMAN. ' I do not think I ever did. I do not think I ever did pay out silver except at its gold value. Mr. DANIEL. Did not the Senator state that he never would pay it out except at its gold value? Mr. SHERMAN. I can not recall what I said. I generally answer for what I did; but I do not know what I said at all times. I may have said to the committee of the House that I would not like to do it, or perhaps that I would not do it if I could help it; but I never paid out silver of any kind except as the equivalent of gold, and I trust the law will never compel me to do so. Mr. DANIEL. In other words, the Senator from Ohio challenges any one to show where he ever discriminated between the two metals. He now modifies it by a statute of limitations which brings us down to 1879. With my limited information as to the finances of the country I did not suppose that there had been a day between 1879 and 1890 when the Senator from Ohio had not discriminated against silver in favor of gold. Mr. SHERMAN. I never did at any time since 1879. Mr. DANIEL. I think his record is completely unbroken from that time to this, and if I lacked that evidence of my assertion which all the financial libraries of this country would furnish until cumulative evidence was piled mountain high, I would want no better evidence than this bill which has just come from his hands, in which he dis criminates between silver and gold in a most marked and decisive manner. Why, Mr. President, these Halls are yet ringing with the tones of the voice of the Senator from Ohio when a week or two ago he discrim inated between silver and gold in doing his utmost to prevent the free coinage of silver on a parity with the coinage of gold; and when the Senate with 17 majority treated theifi both alike, declaring that both should be the unit of value and both freely coined, silver fared well until it ffiU-ia with the Senator from Ohio again upon its pathway, and here Is the result. I say, Mr. President, and the Senator from Ohio can not say to the contrary, that from the very first line in yonr statutes which refers to silver and gold to the latest, the Senator from Ohio has discriminated against silver and for gold. I will ask him this question. Will you vote to declare that the unit of value shall be both silver and gold, the dollar ? Mr. SHERMAN. Whenever the market value of silver is equal to the market value of geld, then they are equal with each other. As to this pretense about saying silver is discriminated against, why does the Senator discriminate against silver by demanding 16 ounces of silver for 1 ounce of gold ? Mr. D ANIEL. That is not a discrimination. That is its fixed status from our anterior coinage. Mr. SHERMAN. But suppose its market value should fall above or below ? Now, what I have always sought to maintain is that the pur chasing power of both silver and gold should be always the same. I can see very well how the law can provide in view of the market value being up and down within a certain scale, yet I think the silver dollar ought always to be maintained and held and used and paid out and re ceived as the equivalent of gold coin. If the Senator, notwithstand ing the w h$ w-efTtiqTientty makes, will Jtist point out where I have discriminated against the law in respect to sil ver and gold, I should be very glad to hear him, but I think he will find it impossible to do so. As a matter of course, before resumption we discriminated against both silyer and gold or in favor of both sil ver and goW. Mr. DANIEL. Mr. President, the Senator can always make a good speech, and he never makes a better one than when he is asked a ques tion and takes some collateral subject as hi* text for answer. There is one maxim of the law which the Senator has well illustrated, *‘ Great is the mystery of judicial interpretation.’ ’ He has never discriminated against silver, he says, under the law; but then the Senator has always sat with those who could interpret the law, and it has generally been interpreted and carried out in such a way as to result in a discrimina tion and depreciation of silver. Now. upon the broad fact that he has not discriminated against sil ver is that statute which says that the gold dollar shall be the unit of value, and is ft discrimination against sliver. In this very bill, which does not allow msingle silver dollar to be coined after a year hence, there is * discrimination against silver. In hoarding silver in the Treasury and not allowing it to circulate either as money or by ita paper representative, there is another discrimination against silver. 6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. While tho Senator nays that ho wants to make the silver metal the equal in value of the gold metal, a doctrine which is entirely righteous and correct, due* not the Senator know that you can not make two things the equal in value unless you impart to those things the same legal attributes, rights, ami privileges? it you hold a quantity of gold in the right hand you can go to the Treasury and you can turn it into gold dollars, no matter what the Secretary wants to do. You may hold any amount of silver in }'our lel't hand and there is no mau in this country who can get a single dol lar of that dollar’s worth of it coined into a silver dollar. Is it not a discrimination against the oue metal to say, “ Gold, go freely and ti rn yourself iuto a dollar,” aud against the other when there is no particle of silver in the United States to-day or anywhere that has aself*a<sertivo right to turn itself into a dollar? While it may do to say that you do not discriminate, how is it possible that the wit or imagination of man cuu conceive of a greater discrimination? I shall have to ask the Senator *rom Ohio what he means by discrim ination. 1 do not know. He has gone off into the region of Treasury interpretation, flow the Treasury Department of this country will interpret, anything is beyond the conception oi any one who either writes or construes the laws which are laid down before it as its guide. What does the Senator trom Ohio think of a Secretary of the Treasury who adveitises to the world that our bonds, principal and interest, are pay able in gold? Where does tho Secretary of the Treasury get that idea from ? What right has he as a representative of the American people to state that as a fact ? Does the Senator from Ohio indorse that state ment? Mr. SHKRMAX. I say the bonds are payable in gold orsilver, and the silver dollar is just as good as gold, and the Senator is talking about equivalents. Mr. DANIEL. As the foreman of the jury speaks now so say we all; but that is an absolute contradiction of what the Secretary of the Treas ury bus said. 1 am glad to hear the honorable Senator from Ohio say tiiat. Mr. SHERMAN. I do not think the Senator is exactly just to a gentleman who is not present, that is, the Secretary of the Treasury. Tho remark that our bonds are payable in gold is true. It is equally true to say that the bonds are payable in silver. Either silver dollars or gold dollars can be presented in payment of bonds. So literally it is true either way. Probably if the Secretary had known that his lan guage was going to be commented upon by a very narrow construction, he would have said “ silver or gold,” because in fact both gold and silver are used exactly nt a parity with each other in all the transactions of the Government of the United States. There is no cose that I can conceive of now under the laws of the United States* except as to gold certificates, where the silver dollar can not be paid just as well as the gold dollar; and because the Secretary did not put in both gold and silver in that statement, I do not think is a very grave crime, and I think the Senator is magnifying a very small matter. Mr. DA XI EL. Mr. President, if that was the only matter, it might be by itself not a great crime, I confess, not a very great one, if it had been done casually; but that offense against the American people has teen committed by successive Secretaries of the Treasury, and as the Senator well knows it has crcated a false public impression. The Sen ator says it is true that the bonds are payable in gold, and it is also true that they are payable in silver. The truth is that they are pay able in coin, and so declared; but when the Secretary of the Treasury uses that language here he does not mean that they are payable in either gold or silver. tie is arguing this question for the purpose of showing what is our standard of value, what is our obligation to provide gold to meet the bonds. He goes on to say, quoting from the statute, that “ the gold coins of the United States shall be a one-dollar piece, which at the 3,+audard weight of 25.8 grains shall be the unit of value. ” He is using tizts iangmqce-m-tittkB tJUu purpoao of dprfijffag p y y n * ment that we are bound to pay gold to our bondholders. Mr. President, X shall not go further in answering the questions which have been suggested, but confining myself to the text of this bill I proceed to point out now what I conceive to be an objectionable feature. The 4,500,000 ounces of silver which are to be purchased per month are to be stored away in the Treasury of the United States. Treasury notes of the United States are to be issued in payment for them; “ and such Treasury notes shall be a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, except where otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract.” Now, in respect to tho bonded debt of the United States, it is not “ otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract,” and by the conces sion made here to day by the Senator from Ohio, which I was glad to hear, these bonds are not only payable in gold, as stated by the Secre tary of the Treasury, but are payable also in silver equally. It is so provided in this bill that neither the 4,500,000 ounces of silver which you putin the Treasury nor that portion of these ounces which are per mitted to become money—that not one single dollar can be manufact ured out of that enormous bulk of bullion which is to consume the American product can be so handled under the mechanism of this bill as to be tendered in payment of a public obligation of the United States. In other words, there is a capacity in this bill of producing $(i9,6fi0,000 of silver per year. Onr Americau product of silver is something over $50,000,000; but though under this bill you can take and store in tho Treasury nearly seventy millions of silver, and not only absorb your own product but take up the surplus existing product or a portion or the product of other nations, yet out of sill that enormous bulk of sil ver bullion which is to be bought up and put into tho Treasury of the United States not so much as one dollar thereof can ever be tendered to a public creditor of the United States in payment of the debt we owe him. Such an enormous discrimination against silver as that has never before existed in our legislation, except when it was completely demon etized, and was almost inconceivable to the wit of men until this bill emanated from the deft hands which prepared it. Now, sir, I make that assertion in regard to this bill, that not one single dollar of the seventy millions of silver that may be carried to the Treasury under it per year in all these successive years through which that silver stream can flow there—that not one single dollar can ever be taken out of the Treasury under this law to discharge a dol lars worth of the public obligations of the United States. Why do I say this ? Because the bonds of the United States are payable in coin, and if this enormous bulk of silver which is to be introduced iuto our financial system could become coined, then high and low, rich and poor, wage-earner and bondholder, soldier and civilian, would all stand upon the same plane as to silver, and would receive a silver dollar as he would receive a gold dollar in discharge of his debt. But it- is also to be remembered that we have declared these bonds of ours to be payable in coin; it has ceased to be regarded as in good faith on the part of this nation to tender a greenback or a Treasury note in payment of them. So when the greenback or Treasury note is emitted, and your silver is buried in the vaults of the Treasury, you have by that statute which declares that your bonds shall be payable in coin, and by this statute which declares that not a dollar of your silver product shall be coined, so parted the great bondholding, wealthpossessing people of this country from silver that you imprison the one where it can never escape into the light of a bondholding day, and elevate the other upon a plane ofgold where it looks down derisively and turns up its nose at the poor incarcerated silver. Here, then, w-hile you are making a market for your silver to a cer tain degree and at a belittled price by giving authority to purchase 4,500,000 ounces a month, you are still depreciating the value of that silver bullion, yon are still denying to it the royal right to become money, yon are still treating it as a commodity in every way, shape, and form, both in its own material metallic substance, and also in the amount of paper which you permit to represent it. If finance were the mere matter of a day I would give my adhesion to this bill. It is better, in my judgment, that this bill should become a law, than that no bill should become a law, and will be better for two, three, or four years to come in this respect, that it will increase the volumeof your circulating medium and will to that degree, fora while, relieve to a certain extent the people of the country and do that much good. But this bill is a mere makeshift, it is a mere expedient for the nonce. It is a lawyer’s plea put in to get the continuance of n case, and when the witnesses are ready and the jury are about to give a verdict against his client, it is fancied that if you make this experi ment with silver and put it there as bullion, and then put out some paper money, yon will throw a sop to Cerberus; that you will quiet to some degree the anxieties and respond to the demands of the people for more money. Bnt, Mr. President, there is a day of judgment not far off that will sit upon this bill. On the one hand it will soon be contended that this had been a mighty effort to restore silver and that it had failed; that paper money was being emitted instead of hard money, and the first administration that wdlfl gist tlW puwei ui du it Wualii wflik mild (iiiantriict thnf rurrency and draw in the greenbacks, copying the unhappy experience which this nation went through just after our civil war. Mr. President, I would invoke on behalf of those true friends of sil ver coinage who believe in the doctrines which they have preac hed here, a firm and a steady hand. If they can conceive that the President would veto this bill, I would give that President the opportunity to do it. We do not know that he would or that he would not. We do not know, indeed, but that he may veto this bill. It is not our busi ness to attend to his business. Let him do as he sees fit, according to the manner in which he may read his duty. But if the friends of free coinage here should abandon the field now to accept the substitute, then they are victors who give away more of their spoils thau any vic tors who ever won a field of military or civic strife. A large majority, as I believe, of the people of this country are be hind their backs. You hear it from the wheat and corn fields of the West in tones that can not be mistaken. You hear it from the new Territories of the Union where enterprise and energy are busy develop ing new farms and new mines and building up new cities. You hear it in the cotton and tobacco fields ot the new South, and you see that even in the commercial centers of this country there are accessions day CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 7 by day and week by week to those who advocate the doctrine of free as I read them in the record, are such as to warrant me in saying that a prophet is seldom without honor save in his own country. I silver money. Many of the most eminent men of this country who live in the great can not venture to say anything about what will happen in 1892. I commercial centers, aud amongst them the distinguished Edwards can not tell here what will happen in a week [laughter], and sometimes Pierrepoint, oi New York, who wasonce the minister of our country to the we are very much disappointed in what happens in a night. A prophet court of tit. James, the quiet thinkers who are not immediately engaged can only shoot at very short range in political affairs. But one thing I in shaving paper aud buying bonds, all over this country are swelling think I may venture to say; it is a mere belief, scarcely a prophecy; and recruiting the silver ranks every day. The distinguished Senator and that is, that in 1892 somebody will have to talk silver remarkably from New York [Mr. E v a i i t s ] , if he represented any other State in well or he will not be elected. What he may do afterwards no prophet this Union but New York, would have wound up the great silver speech can ventum to say. Observance of political platforms is not a virtue which has been re which he made upon this floor by a peroration befitting its body in favor of tree silver. Well did he say upon one occasion, and the figure of markable in any of our public servants in recent times, and the polit rhetoric was worthy of the lact, that the commerce and credit of the ical platform has come to be almost a useless piece of political iurniworld was a great globe, and that gold and silver metals were the Atlas ture. The people a little later, I think, will look more at the man and his reeord than at his declarations. When the honorable Senator which had to bear that burden > All of his speeches and essays and doctrines have been in favor of from Ohio [Mr. S h e r m a n ] can announce as his platform that he silver. Almost he has been persuaded to give his voice and vote in never has discriminated against silver, and can now appear in the front favor of tree silver. And with the voice of the people of this country ranks of the so-called silver men, there are obvious divergencies be at the back of the silver men North, South, East, and West, we stand tween the common acceptation of history and records and platforms up in this Congress noting every year of our experience such great ac which areas irreconcilable as the terms of this bill with its professions. I am reminded in looking at this bill of what Macaulay remarked on cessions to our ranks that he must read the future with short-sighted eyes who can not see that victory is in the air and soon will be regis one occasion about compromises. He observed that compromises are tered if those who carry its banners cling to them firmly at the pitch very illogical and seldom satisfactory, and as an illustration he observed' that if two gentlemen of good character were to get into a dispute, and of the game. Who would have thought ten or twelve or fifteen years ago that one were to insist that two and two made lour, and the other that two the Senate of the United States by seventeen majority could declare and two made six, and were to submit the question to the arbitrament for free silver ? It has been done, and it is the greatest intellectual of mutual friends, the inevitable verdict rendered by the arbitrators triumph of a theory of finance which in my judgment has ever would be about this: That having considered all the peculiar circum been witnessed in the world’s history. Why, sir, but a few years ago stances in this case, and while there was much in favor of the propo when silver was introduced upon this floor it was scorned and derided. sition of the one gentleman that two and two made four, arid they The man who dared to advocate the free silver dollar was called a could well understand how the other had derived a conviction that lunatic. But now from all parts of this country so has that question two and two made six, yet under the peculiar circumstances of the case been developed in argument and by experience, and so has it entered they reached the conclusion that two and two made five. [Laughter. ] Arbitrators always divide and in all arbitraments in which men wfco into the minds of men, that seventeen majority in this body has reg think in opposite directions are trying to get upon the same platform istered its decree in Javor of it. I am told that it is not decorous to speak of what is going on in the an inevitable result is a heterogenous and unsatisfactory product. other side ol the Capitol. I will therefore give my remarks upon that When the Senator from Ohio, a believer in the single gold standard, a subject no personality or location, but simply refer in general terms to fighter against silver for a quarter of a century, a prophet who declared the lact that the breeze is blowing silverward wherever you come in that $50,000,000 of silver would deluge and ruin the country, and the contact in this country with the people or their Representatives. honorable Senator from Nevada, who believes that the very atmosphere Sooner or later Congress and the Executive have got to come in of the world would be improved by a little silver ingredient in it— collision on this subject. Either in the next Presidential campaign when these two gentlemen pool their issues and the Senate is given the somebody has got to be elected President of the United States who will composite results; you will fiud that in every section of the bill two and stand up boldly and fearlessly for the money of the people and will not two nwAflrflv& [Laughter.] conceive that the sun rises and sets within the purlieus of banking The theory upon which our worthy silver friends have acted is that houses in great cities; or sooner or later Congress and the Executive in o.rder to restore silver to its parity with gold you have to give it the have got to come in collision on this subject. If this collision has same functions and attributes which you attach to gold. I have read got to come, why not let it come now? their speeches, and I have got so indoctrinated with their philosophy There is no man who loves peace of all kinds more than I love it. I that I can no longer recognize it in this legislative expression, and I bate quarreling and I hate fighting; but if I have got to fight and must can not educate it out of me upon such short notice. quarrel, here and now is the place where I always like to have it out. Now, gentlemen, if you will stand up to this fight you can win it, If a Democratic President was in the White House and was against and if you run away~ from it you will lose it A man is always go silver, I should like to have the opportunity, as far as lies within ing to stand up to the thing that he loves most. Whenever there be my humble resources, to teach him a little true Democracy. two men in the field and one is to be taken and the other left, you will I am tired, heartily tired, ofseeing the peopieof this countiy thwartedalways stand by the one you love most and let the other one that you at every turn they take for greater freedom in the management of their do not like most be left. If you believe in the free coiuage of silver finances. We have not bad a representative man of the full free thought as you have induced the people of this country to believe—and I am of the American people in the White House for lo, these many years; one of your humble disciples—if it has all the good in it that you have and as long as parties are so shaped and opinions are so warped by old said it hadj if the degradation of it has the evil in it which you have issues and old quarrels that the mind of this country can not have fair said it bad) If you love that principle of finance more than you do a plky, we are not going to have any. You put a gold man on a silver little shorty evanescent political adjustment of difficulties which in their platform and he will welcome the committee and will say that he in nature aie irreconcilable, yon will stand by free silver and let the dorses it every line and stands on every plank; but if he i» elected President *f the United States take care of himself. President then comes in the interpretation. [Laughter] Good Lord, Mr. President, I am so devoted to the Democratic party that it seems deliver us from the interpreters and the interpretation 1 *'Silverm money ” was the Republican platform; silver asa prison commodity is me part ooihpany with It, It has passed from iny mind to my heart, the practice. into the region of affection, because it was my friend and my people’s Mr. MITCHELL. While the Senator is on the subject of interpre friend when friends were lew and much wanted! But as muchas I tation, let me ask why did the Democratic party put nothing in their love that party, as deeply as I am attached to it by the traditions of platform respecting silver? [Xaughter.] its bistoiy and ray own, t had almost rather see a Republican Presi Mr. DANIEL. The Democratic party at the last convention was in dent of this country with a financial system which would come to the tfca same hole that the Senator from Oregon is now. [Laughter. ] I relief of our whole people, than to see a Democratic President treading would have expected his sympathy. He has only emphasized his own out andcrnshing down as our Presidents have done those great aspi unhappy condition* He has his whole body in the hole, and if I had rations of tfae American heart which have asked for a freer atmosphere been in his place I would not have poked my head out to point people and for fhHer play to their energies and their hopes and their enter to my unfortnnate condition. [Laughter.] prises and their ambition. So far as silver was co ncerned we had the elephant when the Dem I believe that the two old parties are enough for this country, for ocratic convention met at Chicago, and so far as silver is concerned yon, when you come to build up new political organizations you are pntgentlemen, have the elephant now. The elephant trod on silver in tingoutnpcm an unknown sea. But it would be better to have a new 1888, and he is treading on it now. political party in this country than to have both of these old ones Mr. ALDRICH. Do yon mean President Cleveland? perpetually cringing—I perhaps ought not to use a term that might Mr. DANIEL. Yes, sir; of course I mean President Cleveland. seem oflbnifcre, for offense I do not intend—hat the two old political [Laughter.] But there was just a little more independence amongst parties per|^tDally bowin^ and giving up their opinions and the opin the Democrats than I see now----ions of 3ie neopie whom they represent to those who* for the nonoe, are Mr. ALDRICH. How will it he in 1692? in the Presidential chair. Mr. DANIEL. Mr. President, the prophecies upon gold and silver, Sir, there is a danger to republican institutions of this country lurk CONGRESSIONAL KECOKD. 8 ing in the too great deference of Congress to Executive thought and action. While this Republic is scarce yet a hundred years old, there is no one who has studied the course of public opinion and has wit nessed how it is perpetually foiled and set aside by the mechanism of legislation and Executive administration, who has not been convinced that in this country it is more difficult for public opinion to find its expression in legislative action than in almost any of the enlightened civilizations of the world. In France with her Corps Legislatif, in England with her Parliament, when the great body of those people have solemnly and deliberately made up their minds upon any public question there is nd cabinet, there is no crowned head or chief executive, there is no premier, there is no power, that can possibly resist that enlightened public judgment. But if you have a coterie of sharp, astute men in this country who are attached to either one of the political organizations, and wko possess elements, in a degree, of popularity and power, and if perchance the idea gets imbedded in their brain that they are wiser than their'day and generation, and that it is their duty to indoctrinate the organizations which have made them their heads and spokesmen with differ ent views and different notions from those which have welled up trom the great depths of the popular heart, such is the mechanism of our Government, and so does its balances of power play against that vol ume of public sentiment that it is almost next to an impossibility to get the will of the people registered upon the statute-books and carried into a law. Four or five years ago, when the President-elect of the United States, Mr. Cleveland, sent to Congress his message about silver, which had been preceded by his letter urging cessation from its coinage, if this had been in reality, as it is in theory, a representative government, his Cabinet would have resigned in a little while after his administration came in. That great Democratic voice which was ready to burst forth in its legitimate expression would have recorded itself then as it is try ing to record itself now, in favor of a freer and more liberal treatment of our silver money. Mr. President, if you wish political badinage, if you propose to treat this subject as we might do upon the stump when you attack one speaker by showing that he is bad and you think you cover the whole case when you show he is worse, we might have “ tit for tat” between our political opponents and ourselves, and at the end of the battle both of us would be worsted. But if there is to be a concession here, a reason able concession ought always to be to a certain degree in order, but it ought not to be until you have exhausted your iorces and until you have thrown the responsibilty exactly where it belongs. Refuse this conference report, ask for a new conference, get this bill passed if you can, and send it to the President; if he vetoes it try to pass it over his veto. Why should you hesitate to give him an opportunity to veto it ? If I were President of the United States I should like to have the opportunity to veto a bill which I thought was wrong and injurious to the people. The popular mind attaches great dignity to the office of President If this bill ought to be vetoed aud he should veto it, he would be in a commanding position before the American people. He would say, ‘ ‘ I was urged to do this thing; I thought it was wrong, and I vetoed it.7’ You are not putting him into any bad position by giv ing him an opportunity to express his view and his conviction upon this subject. You would be putting him in the position which a wise and a brave man would crave the possession of. If he has the courage to veto it, he would rejoice in the opportunity to exhibit that courage. If he has the wisdom to say that you are wrong and that the gold monopolists are right, he ought to rejoice in the opportunity of pointing out the errors of your ways aid turning you into the right path. Therefore you can have no j ust, sensible, stable political motive for trying to adjust this issue between irreconcilable doctrines. Sooner or later it has got to be fought out. The people are not going to be content with a makeshift, an expedient, ft postpones *** n a w t, afew in w a w rh fn t. * a n tin f n n p l i f n n f t i a w n t Free coinage, if it is destroyed to-day, will come in to-morrow. You have gained nothing in putting this question off from one Congress to another. Four years ago it was almost ripe for action. It was post poned. It came up the next year, and then again and again and again, and now it is here, and it is on the very edge of victory if the leaders in the battle will stand up to those who have followed them. I do not feel, neither shall I speak towards any of them with any sense of bit ter reproach. I appreciate their difficulties, and I think £ understand their feelings. It is natural to them, it is proper that they should de sire to compromise, if compromise will effect the resale That is al ways the disposition of a just man. But it does seem to me that they have given away too much in this compromise, and they have re ceived too little. There can be but little inflation of our currency, even if this bill be carried out with eood will and with a disposition to advance it to all intents and purposes. If yon will read the last report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will see the statement of the retirement of the national-bank notes. In this very year, 1889, with all your coinage of silver, counting the twelve months back there has been, if I may rely upon reports that X see in the newspapers, a net contraction of the caneiwy of the itm people of the United States. However that particular fact may be, in the last six years there has been an actual average contraction of your national-bank currency of $30,000,000 per annum or $2,500,000 per month. You have inflated your currency scarce ly a dollar with all the silver that you are coining under the Bland act. A silver dollar has merely taken the place of another or paper dollar which was going out of circulation just as it came in. If you were to give the most liberal scope and play to this measure with its continuous and perhaps increasing retirement of your nationalbank circulation, it is almost doubtlul whether you will have any in crease of your circulating medium, and certainly you will have but a very moderate increase when you contrast the demands of this great and growing and prosperous country with the financial resources which they rely upon. Now, Mr. President, in conclusion, if I had the honor to occupy a position amongst the true friends of free silver that could give to my voice or advice any force or weight, I would say to them this: I do not seek extreme measures or factious opposition to any of the powers of our Government; but we represent here a great idea of the American people which has shown its dignity, its force, by an almost unexampled majority in this great body. There is not a thing disrespectful to our colleagues in the other House of Congress; there is nothing inconsiderate to our colleagues here in saying to them in respectful terms: “ We can not consent to this com promise; we will ask another conference, we will ask yon to recon sider this upon the lines which we have presented in the Senate bill; we will do our duty to the uttermost to advocate and to enforce the idea which we believe to be best and most judicious for this nation; we will let responsibity go to whomsoever may assume to take it, and if we be beaten after we have fought our battle game to the finish, then, and only then, will it be for us to consider the policy next to be pur sued.” * For two or three years, for a little while, this will in some degree please the people by the declaration that they have more money and by actually giving it to them, but silver is not going to rise to par un der this bill. New difficulties are going to beset and thicken upon our pathway. In the mean time it will be contended, jost as we see the gold men undertaking to contend here now, in the face of law, in the face of precedent, in the face of the plain truth, that we have adopted the single standard. The Secretary of the Treasury, instead of correcting his ill-conceived and misused language, will go along and declare again that our bonds are payable in gold. The world will be deceived by our action. The mystery of interpretation will evolve out of the smoke and cloud of this statute ideas not contained in it. The New York papers and the financiers of the world will so iterate and reiterate their views of it; it will be twisted and tortured and turned in this direction and that; and meantime Bilver will be degraded as a mere commodity to be ware housed, not a dollar of it being coined, not one dollar of it more being sent out in its paper representative according to its dollar capacity. Have our friends upon the other side, who stand here for the silver dollar, thought about that ? Do they know the doctrine they are com mitting their votes to when they say, “ We support this measure?” Not only are they submitting to the degradation of silver in its own proper substantial metal form, but they are submitting to its degrada tion in the documentary evidence which shall go forth to the world to represent it. You do not permit that silver to be coined into as many dollars as it would make at the fixed ratio of 15.98 to 1, but the paper dollar which you sent forth as a silver representative is represented by only so many silver dollars in bullion as was the cost of that bullion. What this oracular language means in this bill when it refers to a ratio of silver I do not know, but there is a beckoning hand for an interpreter in this danse of this new measure. It being ike establishes policy 61 tins TTntied'EHalcwtv tfcatwo on a parity with each other upon the present legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law. In other words, there is an established policy with reference to some unknown and unstated ratio. It is very difficult to establish a policy with reference to an unknown quantity. A straight line is said to be the shortest way between two points, but you can not locate the line until you first locate the points. How can you establish a policy about a ratio which is unexpressed and which, so far as this committee is con cerned, is inexpressible? That ratio, which may be provided by law, it may be, is a larger ratio of silver in the silver dollar; and if we are to divine the thoughts of men from the mechanical structure of the statute which has come forth from their minds it would seem to be indicated by the strnctnre of this statute, not that its projectors had their faces turned to the French ratio, but rather that they had their faces turned to some ratio that would put more silver, and not less, in the dollar. Why ? Because the paper representative of your silverbullion does not go forth into the world to represent as many dollarsas that bullion could be manfactored into, andas jou are boarding up in your Treaa* CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. ury a bulk of ballion in ounces not to be imparted dollarhood in paper or coin, the circumstantial evidence, if you were to look only to the body of the act, would lead to the deduction that you were keeping that in order to put more silver into your dollar at such a time as it might please you to coin those dollars. Therefore this bill, with all the speculations and conjectures and di verse interpretations which are already pat upon it (and many more may be evolved out of it), is not the solution of a question which ought to find its solution at this session of Congress; and while I am reluct ant to vote against any measure which puts more money in circula tion, and while, ii I had fought this battle to its last expression, I am candid enough to say and to admit that I should rather have this bill, with all its objectionable features, than none, I can not bring my mind to assent to so awkward and incongruous a resolvent of a proposition which should be scientifically and justly treated instead of jumbled up with inconsistent provisions. Mr. CAMERON. May I ask the Senator if be has finished? The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Does the Senator from Virginia yield to the Senator from Pennsylvania? DA------ 2 9 Mr. DANIEL. I will let the Senator know. I have not quite fin ished. Mr. CAMERON. I did not know whether the Senator had finished or not If he has, I should like to have the vote taken on this ques tion now. Mr. DANIEL. I am sorry I can not accommodate the Senator. I am nearly thiough, though. I shall be through in a moment. I might have answered the Senator that I had finished, but I was not quite through. Mr. CAMERON. I thought the Senator had finished. Mr. DANIEL. I had about finished, but I am not quite through. I shall be through in a moment. Concluding my observations, while I dislike to vote against any bill which would produce more money even for the time, I shall feel obliged to vote against this one, unless those gentlemen who have been the advocates of free silver will first carry their logic to its ultimate conelusion and pursue it to the last ditch. When we get there, I shall be glad to do whatever may seem to be best under the circumstances; but we are not there yet, unless by their action. O